Age Related Distributive Justice and Claims on Resources

Author(s): Sarah Irwin

Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 68-92
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science
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SarahIrwin

Age relateddistributivejusticeand claimson

resources
ABS1 RACI
The ageing population structure, and claims on resources by non-working
groups, are seen by manyto be contributingto a growingwelfarecrisis.In their
arguments, relations between age groups and generations will become
increasingly fraught, and welfare arrangements will be undermined, as
'unacceptable' levels of taxation blight the experience of a contracting
workforce,requiredto resourcea growingwelfarepopulation.However,more
seems to be known about researchers'views on distributivejustice than is
known about the perceptions of their subject populations. It has not been
demonstratedthat Inembersof age groups shareinterestswhichare consonant
with their cohort experience, or perceive their intereststo be in conflictwith
those of members of other age groups or generations.This paper analyses
empiricalevidenceon people'sperceptionsof who should get, and do, what,in
developing an argument that standard processesdo not place age groups or
generations in an antagonistic relationship. Understanding the relations
between age groups and generations is essential to explaining change in
patternsof inequality,but the interdependenceof these relationssuggeststhat
they are partof a coherentsocialstructure,and not likelyto give riseto crisisin
the wayspredicted.
IN l RODU(:l lON

A number of writers have argued that age related processesare

increasinglyimportantto the shapingof socialinequality(e.g. Foner
1974,1988;Kohli1988;Riley1988;Turner,1988,1989;Johnson1989).
Some,in identifyingthe variationin resourceavailability
and political
power acrossdifferent age groups, have emphasizeddimensionsof
injustice,and a growingpotentialfor socialconflict,alongage related
lines(e.g.Preston1984;Johnson1989;Turner1989).Writershereshare
the assumptionthatcontemporary
changesin the age structureof the
population,andthe organization
of resourceredistribution
betweenthe
employedpopulationand the non-employed,'dependent'population,
arealteringthebalanceof relativewealthandpovertyacrossdifferentage
cohorts.They pointto aggregatelevelchangesin the relativewelfareof
differentage groups,and arguethatsuchchangeswillbe perceivedas
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Age relateddistributive
justiceand claimson resources

69

unjustby the generalpopulation,and thatconflictwillensue,jeopardizing the stabilityof a welfare projectwhich requiresa contractof
reciprocityacrossgenerations.In short,it appearsthatage relatedsocial
claims and conflict will underlie a new dynamicof social change.
However,authorsof the age stratification
frameworkhavenot demonstratedthatmembersof age cohortsshareinterestswhichareconsonant
withtheircohortexperience,or perceivetheirintereststo be atoddswith
thoseof membersof otheragecohortsor generations.As it is, we appear
to knowmoreaboutthesewriters'viewson distributive
justicethanwedo
aboutthe viewsof theirsubjectpopulations.The literatureoffers little
evidenceon socialactors'perceptionsof inequalityoverthelifecoursenor
on theirevaluations
ofjustclaimsbydifferentage groups.
As we will see, the age stratificationapproachdescribesthe social
structurein termsof distinctiveworkand welfarespheres.Conflictover
welfareentitlementsis seen to operate around the perimeterof the
former,'productive',
sphere.Excludedgroupsappearto be at oddswith
one anotherand withthe workingpopulation,as they maketheirown
claimsoverwelfareresources,claimswhichin the caseof the elderlyare
arguedby someto be successfullyachievedto the detrimentof otherage
groups,particularlythe young. A welfarecrisiswill followfrom these
conflictsof interestwhicharisefrom the combinedeffect of economic
retrenchment
andtheageingpopulationstructure.The divisionbetween
the workingpopulationanda dependent'welfare'populationis starkin
thisargument,wherethe latterstruggleover theirshareof the welfare
pie. It is an argumentof thispaperthatthedistinctionbetweenworkand
welfareis not as straightforward
as it appearsin the literature.In the
writingsof age stratification
theorists,the claimsof particular(welfare)
groupsappearasproblematic
whileotheraspectsof resourcedistribution
(rewardsto employment)do not. Their approachdescribesworkand
welfarespheresasif theyentailedquitedistinctsetsof socialrelationships.
In consequence,the potentialfor conflictover scarceresourcesseems
great,wherea contractingfull-timeworkforceis requiredto resourcea
growing'dependent'
population.However,theapproachundertheorizes
the coherenceof workand welfareprocessesand, in consequence,may
misleadas to the natureof socialchange.
Drawingon attitudinaldatacollectedin a surveyaddressingissuesof
changein the transitionfromyouthto adulthood,lit is an argumentof
thispaperthatperceptionsof fairnessoverthelifecoursereflecttheways
in whichage relatedinequalitiesare an aspectof stabilityin the social
structure.Suchinequalitiesarenotlikelyto engenderconflictin theways
predictedby the age stratification
theorists.Age is a proxyfor a more
fundamentalset of socialrelationships,
importantlyfor life coursestage
anddomesticcircumstances.
The surveyincludeda numberof questions
designed to elicit attitudestowardsthe appropriatedistributionof
economicrewardsin relationto domesticcircumstances.
In respondents'
perceptions,claimsto resourcesare boundup withthe organizationof

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Sarahlrwin

70

household resourcing, and the associateddivision of household labour,

between men and women and across generations. Evaluationsof claims
reflectthe salienceof life course stage and domesticcircumstanceto perceptions of distributivejustice. The structureof perceptionsof distributivejustice indicatesthat age inequalitiesare a stable aspect of social relationships. The complexity and coherence of these relationships are
occluded by models which assume that such inequalities straightforwardlyengender conflict.
ACJE S l RA rlFICA

I^ION ANL)

I^HEQUESI ION OF GENERArlONAL

CONFLICI

The debate on age stratificationhas grownover the lastdecade, reflecting

increasingconcerns about the social problemsexpected to ensue from a
growing non-employed population. The relative position of the young
and the elderly has been particularlyimportantin discussionsabout the
changing age profileof well-being.Some writersmaintainthatchanges in
the circumstancesof different age groups are directly linked, and that
conflict will ensue as a result of historicalchanges in their relativesocial
position (e.g. Turner 1989; Thomson 1989). This section commences
witha discussionof the argumentsof two writers,Turner and Foner,who
have made this issue centralto their descriptionsof age related processes
and socialchange (Turner 1989; Foner 1974, 1988).
Turner pointsto the absenceof a coherentsociologicaltheoryof ageing
and age groups as aspectsof social stratification.In developing an argument of the significanceof age related processes to the organizationof
inequality,he proposesan alternativeapproachwhichrelieson a model of
conflictbetween age groups
Giventhe currentrecessionwhichcharacterisesthe worldeconomy,the
ageing of the human populationposes not only seriouseconomicimplications for economic growth, but also raises the spectre of significant
politicalconflictbetween age groups . . . we can refer to such struggles
as a politicsof resentmentbetween welfare clients.(Turner 1989:603)
The politicsof ageing is conceptualizedhere as a seriesof conflictsaround
economic class, politicalinequalityand culturallifestyles (Turner 1989).
The stigmatizationof the elderly, a state of affairswhich he takesas axiomatic,is to be understoodin termsof an age relatedmodel of varyingreciprocityand socialexchange over the life course. In this argument,stigmatization is a consequence of a lack of social reciprocityand long term
dependence of the aged. Turner's initial assumptionof age as a meaningful dimension of socialand welfareantagonismis reified in a model of
direct conflictbetween the young and the old
Becausecompulsoryretirementcreatesa conditionof extended and in
principleprobablyunlimiteddependence on welfare,the aged become

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Agerelated
dzstrzbutive
justiceantlclaims
onresources

71

stigmatisedas parasiticrecipientsof social benefits in a situationwhere

they are forced to compete for scarce resources with unemployed
youth. (Turner 1989:600)
Turner argues that the problems of ageing cannot be analysed
independently of their economic context, but he argues simultaneously
that age groups cannot be assimilatedto economic class analysis. In his
argument, status is increasingly important as a dimension of social
inequality, and class analysis based on relations to the sphere of
production is increasingly limited for elucidating the structure of
inequality (Turner 1988). It is the division between the sphere of paid
employmentand the sphere of welfare which counts in Turner's analysis
of age related inequality. It is within the welfare sphere that there is a
growing potential for conflict between the elderly and the young
unemployed. Turner's argument of stigmatizationof the elderly may
speak more of the evidence of poverty amongst this group than of a
politicsof resentment.The argument of stigmatizationas a consequence
of 'lowreciprocity'is merelypostulatedby Turner, and is at odds with the
arguments of others writing on age and inequality (e.g. Taylor Gooby
1985; Preston 1984; Minkler 1986). These studies suggest that claimsby
the elderly achieve a high level of popular support, for a variety of
reasons,and will be addressedlater on.
Others also maintain that age inequalitieswill engender conflict over
the societaldistributionof resources (e.g. Johnson 1989). This model, of
latent antagonism,or overt conflict between age groups, appears to stem
from an analogybetween age inequalityand classinequality
Age inequalitiesoccur because age is used as a criterion for assigning
people to roles that are differentiallyrewarded.'Age strata'are formed
as people of similarages fill similarsets of age related roles.... In this
sense, age forms the basisof a stratificationsystem. (Foner 1988: 178)
I will return to the age conflict literature shortly, but it is pertinent to
pause a moment longer with the relationship between age and class
inequalities. Like Turner, Foner argues that conventional theories of
inequalitypay insufficient attention to age related processes. She maintains that
. . . age inequalitiescannot be understood solely in class terms because
dynamicprocessesrelated to age contributedirectlyto age inequalities;
and, therefore, understanding how these age processes operate is
importantfor graspingthe roots of inequality.(Foner 1988: 176)
Class analysis, Foner argues, is inadequate for dealing with the
structuringof inequality outside the occupational sphere. She suggests
that scholarsinterestedin age and classstratificationhave tended to focus
on the impactof classon age stratification,and on classdifferences within
age strata,but not on the impact of age stratificationon the class system.
This argument is important,yet it has not been developed very far in the

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72

SarahIrwin

literature. Foner poses two questions: do age inequalitieslead to age

conflicts and, if so, how do they affect the relationshipbetween classes?
Partof the significanceof a theoryof age stratificationis seen, by Foner,to
lie in its emphasis on a structuralpotential for politicalconflict between
the young and the old. However, whilst such age groupings may be
important to conflict over 'idealistic'issues, she argues, politicalconflict
over the distributionof materialresources,implicitin the structureof age
inequality,is defused by 'age conflict reducing mechanisms',specifically
'age mobility' (ageing) and socioeconomic heterogeneity within age
groups (Foner 1974), both somewhat begging the question of whether
conflict is an appropriatemodel with which to approachthese issues. In
her more recent paper, Foner returns to the question of why age is not a
standarddimensionof socialconflict.However,she attemptsto reclaimthe
argument that age stratificationaffects class relationshipsby pointing to
specific examples of age related behaviour or conflict which she sees as
undermining class cohesion, such as youth subcultures diverting
working-classyouth from class related activities,or age related disputes
withinthe workplacereducing classsolidarity(Foner 1988).
Kohlisuggeststhat the relationshipof the age stratificationapproachto
the question of classis mostlymetaphorical(Kohli 1988).I would suggest
further that the age stratificationmodel rests on an analogy with class
divisions,an analogywhichis overdrawn.'Age mobility',for example, is a
cumbersome term for ageing. Why should it be presented as a 'conflict
reducing mechanism' given its uniformity and inevitability? Foner
recognizes that career trajectoriesare bound up with class, but sees the
latteras constrainingthe wayin which socialbenefitschange over the life
course rather than seeing this ordering of resources and opportunities
over the life course as part of the substanceof class related experience.
Her general argument fails to demonstrate, indeed points to evidence
against, a systematic patterning of age based conflicts over material
resources. By adhering to a theory of age based conflict despite her
difficulty in demonstratingits validityin practice,class takes on a static
quality.
Age related processes may be as much an aspect of confirming class
identity as undermining it, but more importantis the possibilitythat age
related processes influence patterns of socioeconomic inequality, with
ensuing consequences for class relationships. Such processes do not
necessarily operate through overt conflict however. An alternative
perspectivesuggeststhat life course relatedclaimsand obligations,which
are subject to historicalchange, contribute to shaping the structure of
employmentrewardsand opportunity.In consequence,age or life course
related processes do not 'add on', as a distinct dimension of inequality
neglected by production based theories of class and stratification,but
should be central to understanding more fully the social bases of
'production'based inequality. Before returning to this issue it will be
useful to consider further how issues of resource distribution and

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justiceand claimson resources

distributive
related
Age
73
been
have
structures
in societies with ageing population conflict.
inequality
as a problemof age, and generational,of ageing' in the USA
constructed
the 'problem
great deal has been written on a backlash against the perceived
A
of
something
there has been
where
have been voiced in Britain,
of the grey lobby.Similararguments
success
by the welfare state in
suggesting an unfair redistributionargued that the relative
however,
Preston
of the elderly. In the USA,
favour
have diverged over recent
elderly
the
and
young
of the
well-being
populationto the elderly are, in
Transfersfrom the workingage
decades.
and youth (Preston 1984). Preston
transfers away from children
effect,
of, for example, the rise in
the significance to this pattern
maintains
and cutbacks in federal
of lone mother headed households, young, for example in
numbers
on welfare which benefits the
expenditure
Children(AFDC),and he
to Aid to Familieswith Dependent havedramaticallyaltered
entitlements
choices
thata seriesof publicand private
of
argues
1984). In 1970 the incidence
(Preston
by
age profile of well-being
but
the
level,
national
was twicethe
among the elderly in the USA
poverty
in poverty had fallen below the
living
the proportion of elderly
1982
incidence of poverty amongst
average. Over the same years the per cent below that of the
national
37
aged under 14 increased from The successof the elderly in
children
1984).
(Preston
to 56 per cent above
elderly
to have underminedthe
welfareclaimsappears,in his argument, support or leverage.
pressing
political
of the young, a group with little relativelyweakas a political
position
are
is a suggestion here that the young but the structural relation
There
strong,
relatively
group,and the elderly
to be more complex, and less
the
betweenthese groups is acknowledged
(1989). In Preston'sargument
direct,than that posited by Turner numbers and consequent political
of the elderly is born of their
success
of support, comprisingthe
and further by a wide constituency
public
influence,
working age population favouring and
elderlythemselves and the
support,
otherwise need family
welfarefor the elderly who might
when they reach old age
voting on behalf of themselves
simultaneously
The
(Preston1984).
of Preston, then President of
The publicationof the argument and a report by the US President's
PopulationAssociationof America, that the elderly were financially
stating
Councilof Economic Advisors
and the accompanying media
population,
to the
betteroff than the general
cited as part of the background an
attentionin the USA have been
Equity,
Generational
Americans for
situation
development of 'AGE', or
US government for creating a
the
organizationwhich attacked
resources
the
for
competing
are unfairly
in which'today'saffluent seniors quoted in Minkler 1986:541). This
(Hewitt,
youth is
of the future elderly'
poverty amongst children and
statementassumesthat increased the relativeeconomic standingof the
in
directlyrelated to improvements
elderly population.'9
on New Zealand but claims his
According to Thomson, who focuses

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74

SarahIrwin

arguments to have a much wider salience, '. . . a prevalentimage of the

elderly is still of impoverishment,but in the 1980s this no longer accords
with the facts'(Thomson 1989:52). He argues that there will be a change
in perceptionsof the affluence of the elderly, as the membersof the first
welfare generation, now approaching retirement, reach old age. This
generation have been the prime beneficiariesof the welfarestatethrough
their adult lives. As they have aged the welfarestateshifted from one that
wasoriented to programmesbenefittingthe young to one thatfavoursthe
elderly. By cutting welfare expenditures to the young in the 1970s and
1980s, the state has, he suggests, undermined the incentive to maintain
the implicit social contract between generations on which the welfare
system largely depends, since welfare insurance is underwrittenby an
intergenerational contract in which current pensions are financed by
current employee taxes. Why, Thomson asks, should today's young
people honour a welfarecontractthat has not benefittedthem and which
will require them increasinglyto subsidisethe 'welfaregeneration'in its
old age? (Thomson 1989).
The generational equity framework, and the theory of competition
between generations from which it derives, have been stronglycriticized
for presenting a new form of victimblaming, and for advocatingcuts in
support to the elderly to restore justice between generations. Minkler
outlines her objectionsto the generationalequity argumentsin terms of
the implied homogeneity of 'the elderly', in terms of the measures of
poverty used and through survey evidence which suggests cross-generational consensus rather than conflict in attitudes towards government
spending.$ However, the latter point, criticalof arguments for reduced
expenditure for the elderly, appears to sidestep Preston'spoint that this
consensus is part of the problem in so far as it is not matchedby support
for the young. Minklerdoes not directlyaddressthe possibilitythata large
cohort with a broad constituency of support and political power may
detract attention from the extent of poverty elsewhere. Most authors
appear to concur that the elderly are well placed with respect to popular
affirmationof state expenditure and pension maintenance,achieving a
level of support not attained by some other 'dependency' groups.
However, this situationis simultaneouslydescribedas unjustbecauseof a
public failure to acknowledge the legitimate claims of the young. This
raises questions concerning the structuring of evaluations of justice.
There is evidence that the processesunderlyingsuchjudgments are more
complex than suggested by argumentsof age relatedself interest.
Writerson age stratificationhave argued that inequalitiesacross age
groups present a challenge to class theory, and have substantiveconsequences for social change. By extending this analogy between age and
classthey suggest thatage divisions,in conjunctionwitha growingwelfare
burden, also entail age relatedconflict.In turn this is seen as significantto
class theory. In Foner's model age related conflict undermines the
potential for conflict between classes; in Turner's model age conflict

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Agerekzted
distributive
justiceandclaimsonresources

75

appearsto be foughtoutaroundtheperimetersof theproductivesphere.

Claimsin the latterare not treatedas problematic,
but'problemgroups',
dependent on state or family, struggle over their rights to welfare
resources.Questionsabout distributivejustice then, appearas claims
aboutwelfaredistribution,but not aboutthe distributionof well-being
more generally,and not aboutthe relationbetweenthe experienceof
'dependency'
groupsandthesocialunderpinnings
of'independence'asit
is constructedthroughclaimsto employmentby differentgroups,and
throughthe orderingof 'adequate'rewards.In the next sectionsomeof
the problemswhicharisefromseparatingclaimsby the 'dependent',or
non-employedpopulationfrom claimsto rewardsin employmentare
discussed.
AGE, COHOR I AN D I NEQUALI I Y

Employmentprocessesdo not operateindependentlyof more general

socialrelationships.
The gendercritiqueof the conventionalviewof class
and inequalitymaintainsthat the labour'market'is not neutralwith
respect to the claims of different social groups (cf. Garnsey 1982;
Humphriesand Rubery1984;Goldthorpe1983, 1984;Stanworth1984;
Heathand Britten1984).Rather,the divisionof labourin the familyis
centralto understandingthe structureof inequalityin employment.
Rainwaterandhis colleaguessimilarlycriticizethe autonomyof 'market'
processes in explanationsof inequality,and develop a conceptual
frameworkaro.undclaiming,partlyin order
. . . to rejectthe placingof claimsfrom work('earnings')in a special
statusgivenby nationaleconomicprocesses,but ratherto developa
languagewithinwhich'earnings'maybe seenasquiteas institutionally
determinedasclaimson consumptionarisingoutof kinshiprelationsor
throughthe welfaresystem.(Rainwater
et al. 1986:12;see alsoPeattie
andRein 1983)
The followingconsiderssomeproblemswhicharisefromtheoriesof age
stratification
and conflictwhichseparatethe claimsof welfaregroupsin
the 'political'arenaof redistribution
fromclaimsto rewardsin employment. The examplespoint to the joint natureof life courseand class
relatedprocessesin orderingresourcedistributionand in the reproductionof inequality.
The intersectionof biographyand historyis frequentlydocumented
andhasbeenthe subjectof researchintothelifechancesandexperiences
of broadlyadjacentbirthcohorts(e.g. Elder 1974;Hogan 1981;Riley
1988).The convergenceof severeeconomicrecessionin the early1980s
and entranceinto the labourforceby cohortsbornin the 1960shad not
only dramaticage relatedconsequences,manifestin the level of youth
unemploymentand in related governmentpolicy, but may leave a

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SarahIrwin

76

substantialproportionof peoplein affectedcohortsdisadvantaged

over
theirlifetimes,relativeto previousand subsequentcohorts.The experienceof the 1980s suggeststhatsucha convergenceisinseparable
fromthe
incidenceof long termunemploymentand socioeconomic
polarization.
The intersectionof life course stage and economic slump, where
employmentstructuresheightenthe vulnerability
of youth,is an aspect
notsimplyof ageinequalitybutof lifetimeopportunityandconstraint.
The representationof unemployedyouth as a group locatedin a
structurallydeterminedantagonismwith the elderly (Turner 1989)
appearsto be a consequenceof their competingover a finite level of
welfareresources.This is a peculiarargumentgiventhat the issuefor
unemployedyouth is more fundamentallyan issue of employment.
Claims to securityamongst young unemployedadults and retired
workersarequitedistinctelementsof the welfareproject.Socialsecurity
amongstthe unemployedis aboutunderwriting
the riskof insecurityin
the labour force. The Britishobsessionwith scroungingand work
disincentives,seen as particularlyproblematicfor young unemployed
adults,is significantin settingbenefitlevelsand rightsof entitlement.
Manyargumentsabout restructuringthe social securitysystemare
principallyconcernedwith the issue of work incentivesamongstunemployedpeople (e.g. Cooke 1987; McLaughlin1989). In contrast
pensionsto retiredpeopleareorganizedpreciselyto be a disincentiveto
employment.It is thereforenot clearhowclaimsamongstthesegroups
canbe construedasantagonistic.
Age inequalitieshold contrastingmeaningsover differing, class
related, life course trajectories.Greaterincome inequalityover an
individual's
lifecourseis a standardaspectof white-collar
careers,where
expectationsturnonjob security,promotionanda risingearningsprofile
overthe life course.A flatter,and possiblyinterrupted,earningsprofile
attachesmore clearlyto male manualwork and female employment
trajectories.In the context of individuallife course trajectories,age
equalityis an aspectof relativedisadvantage
andage inequalityan aspect
of relativeadvantage.In sucha context,it wouldseemextraordinary
if
ageinequalities
weretoengenderconflictbetweenyoungadultsandolder
workers.
The separationof claims to welfare from employmentprocesses
further neglects the ways in which inequalitiesamongst the nonemployedarestructuredin relationto claimsto rewardsin employment.
The claimsof childrenareentailedin adultclaimsto a familywage,andin
genderinequalities
inearnings.In turntheserelationships
areessentialto
understandingpatternsof poverty and inequalityin old age. The
descriptionof structureddependencyof the elderlyhas been criticized
for suggestingan unwarrantednotion of independenceduring their
workingyears.The elderlywiththe lowestpensionsare typicallythose
who held low paid and precariousemploymentcareers.Retirement
meansmorecontrolover theirincomesthansuchindividualsmayhave

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Agerelateddistributive
justiceandclaimsonresources
I ABLE:I:

Percentageof childrenandelderlyin poverty*byfamilytypeand

country(197942)
Children

li:lderly

Single parent I wo parents

family
family
Britain
Germany
USA
Sweden

77

39
35
51
9

10
5
9
5

Maleliving Femaleliving
alone
alone
55
19
26
7

70
24
31
3

Married
couple
24
9
8
0

Note: * Poverty defined in terms of the official US poverty line converted to other
currencies using Oli:CDpurchasing power parities and adjusted for family si7.e.From
Heidenheimer 1990 (adaptedfrom Palmeret a1.1988).

experiencedfor large partsof their economicallyactiveyears (Kohli

1988). To this can be added the gendered patternof employment
rewards,economicdependencywithinthe 'economicallyactive'years,
and differencesin pension rights and in life expectancy.These are
fundamentalto thegenderedpatterningof povertyin oldage(Arberand
Ginn 1991;Ginn and Arber 1991).A pensionerwho lives alone is at
higherriskof povertythan pensionercouples,and is morelikelyto be
femalethanmale(cf.MillarandGlendinning1987).
Heidenheimerpresentsdata describingthe riskof povertyamongst
differenthouseholdtypesovera numberof countries.Examplesof some
of these internationaldifferencesare shownin Table I. All countries
except Sweden show a higher risk of povertyamongstlone elderly
women.Suchwomenin Britainareat a particularly
highriskof poverty,
althoughBritainisalsounusualfor theextentof povertyamongstelderly
marriedcouples, a circumstancewhich Heidenheimerexplainsas a
consequenceof minimum,uniformlevelsof incomesecurityin Britain
(Heidenheimer1990;see alsoHedstromandRingen1987).
The genderedpatterningof povertyin old age hasseveralcauses:the
longer life expectancyof women, diminishingsavingsover the post
retirementyears,andthe greaterprobability
thata femalepensionerwill
be livingalonethan her malecounterpart,in a situationwhererisksof
povertyamongstthesingleelderlyaremuchhigherthanamongstelderly
couples.Pensionercouplescomprise9.7 per cent of all householdsand
14.7percentof allpoorhouseholds,singlemalepensionerscomprise2.7
per cent of all households,and 4.9 per centof all poorhouseholds,and
singlefemalepensionerscomprise10.9 per cent of all householdsand
23.6 per cent of poor households(Millarand Glendinning1987;their
povertylineis setat 140percentof supplementary
benefitlevels).
The patterningof povertyamongstthe elderlyis partlyrootedin their
employmentexperience.Whilstthis continuityin inequalityis broadly

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SarahIrwin

78

recognized(e.g.PampelandWilliamson1989;Kohli1988)it doesnotsit
comfortablywith a model of conflictbetweenwelfare'dependency'
groups(e.g. Turner 1989;Johnson1989).Ratherit illustratescontinuities betweenthe (genderand class related)patterningof rewardsin
employmentandthe patterningof povertyin old age.
TableI alsoshowsthe riskof povertyamongstsingleand two parent
families.Heidenheimerarguesthatthedifferencesillustratedin thetable
areconsistentwiththe structureof incomemaintenance
programmes.It
isthehighminimumbenefitsandbroadentitlementapproachof Sweden,
for example,which is consistentwith the low povertyrates amongst
childrenand the elderlythere. Presumably
this can only be the case if
employmentpolicyis consideredto be an aspectof incomemaintenance
policy.In Swedenthelabourforceparticipation
rateof lonemothersis 85
percentin contrastto 67 per centin the USAand 39 percentin Britain
(Lewis 1989). Lewis suggests that the high rate in the USA is a
consequenceof manystatestreatinglonemothersasworkersundertheir
workfareprogrammes.In Britain,changing patternsof household
dissolutionhavecontributedto the significantrisein the numberof lone
parentfamilies,from570,000in 1971to 940,000in 1984(Lewis1989).
The historyof policydebateand formulationhasbeencharacterized
by
uncertaintyover the treatmentof women heading such familiesas
workersor mothers(Lewis1989;see alsoLewis1980).The comparison
betweenBritainand Swedenillustratesthe constructednatureof the
divisionbetweenworkandwelfarestatuses,andthe rangeof experience
whichcharacterizes
'dependency'
statusesas theserelateto structuresof
claimsto, andwithin,paidwork.
Anotherproblemfor the age conflictmodelsis the failureto takeon
issuesconcerningthe changingemploymentcompositionof the populationaged 1644, withrespectto levelsof unemployment
andto changes
in femalelabourforce participation,
especiallythe extensionof labour
force continuityover the female life course.These changesare not
addressedin any detail in accountsof the impending'demographic
timebomb'.The dependencyratiohasbeenwidelyquotedin relationto
this problem, and used in guiding pension policy formulation.It
measuresthe ratio of the populationof non-workingage to the
populationof workingage and does not takeinto accountchangesin
levelsof unemploymentand non-employment
amongstthe latter,nor
doesit considertherelativevalueof socialactivitywhichis notaccordeda
marketvalue,nor the level or structureof privatetransfersacrossthe
population(Falkingham1989, Arberand Ginn 1991).Changesin the
patterningof femaleemploymenthavebeendiscountedas unimportant
for the dependencyratiobecausethey are equatedwiththe growthof
part-timework,a situationseen to havenegligibleconsequencesfor the
systemof tax accountingand social transfers(e.g. Thomson 1989).
However,changesin the lifetimeemploymentparticipationrates of
women(MartinandRoberts1984;McRae1994)mustbe significant
to the

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Agerekzted
distributive
justiceandclaimsonresources

79

balance of the dependency ratio. Such changes appear significantto the

contemporaryprolonging of the period of partialdependence amongst
young people (Irwin 1995a,b). Furthermore, they may be important to
the resources that families accrue and carry into old age. The lifetime
experience of different cohorts is essential to understanding the resourcing of those outside paid employment, and changes in living standards
amongst the elderly, children, youth and the unemployed.
The age conflict approaches focus attention on distributivejustice, yet
their emphasis on the circumstances of age groups and 'welfare' or
'dependency' status neglects the historical structuring of claims in the
'productive'sphere, and the relationshipof the successof failure of such
claims to people's circumstances as they move between work and
'dependent' statuses. In consequence, the arguments or the conflict
theorists tend to understate the significance of inequality within age
cohorts and overstatethe extent of shared interestson the basisof cohort
experience (cf. Ryder 1965). The attempt by Foner to move beyond this
aggregation of cohort experience by considering the articulationof age
and class presents the related processes in terms of distinct dynamics.
Class-factors 'constrain'the way in which benefits vary with age (Foner
1988). This position maintains some autonomous basis for age related
rewards,yet offers no independent explanationof their dynamic.Yet age
has limited meaning outside its social context. The age stratification
approach distinguishes the experience of dependency groups from the
structures of access to, and rewards from employment, and from the
structuring of dependency itself. The division reifies the tendency to
present issues of distributivejustice around the fringes of employment.
Questions are raised about where the boundary should be drawn and
'whatcounts'as socialparticipation(e.g. Turner 1989; Minkler 1986) but
they are still framed in a way which encourages a view of welfare, and
processesof secondaryredistributionas political,in the realmof claiming
and distinctfrom processesof 'primaryallocation'seen to reside within a
distincteconomic sphere (cf. Holmwood 1991).
A rl I I UDES I O DEPENDENCE,INDEPENDENCEAND I HE
RESOURCING OF HOUSEHOLDS

i. LifeCourseStructure
andClaimstoEmployment
This section explores empirical evidence concerning obligations in the
resourcing of dependence, the attainment of independence, and gendered responsibilitiesin household income maintenance and childcare.
Whilst empirical evidence is short on these questions of distributive
justice, and much of the literatureon age relatedconflicthas turned more
on speculation than on empirical analysis, some questions, relating to
transitions from youth to adult status, can be explored through data

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80

SarahIrwin

I ABLE:II: Inequalitybwhouseholdstructure
Householdtype

Ratioof mean householdincometo national

mean income

Singlemen
Singlewomen:
No children
Children
Marriedcouples:
No children
Children

0.804

Source:

0.650
0.50 1
1.123
1.007

Rainwateretal. 1986;from 1973GeneralHouseholdSurvey.

collectedin my survey.In orderto locatethesequestionsit is usefulto

addressempiricalevidencefromother,secondary,sources.
justicein the USA,Jassoand
In a studyof perceptionsof distributive
rules,whichreferto 'what
Rossimakea distinctionbetweendistribution
or
is',or thecurrentstructureof resourceallocation,andtheirlegitimacy,
perceptionsof 'whatoughtto be'.Theyquestionwhetherjudgmentsof
of resourcesor someutopianreferent.
justicerelatetoactualdistributions
In theirsurveythe authorsrequiredrespondentsto rank,on a scaleof
a seriesof individualswithvariousattributes:
over-or under-payment,
level,
sex,maritalstatus,numberof children,educationandoccupational
andearnings,as describedin a seriesof vignettes.The authorsconclude
the salience of both need and merit to their respondents'justice
evaluations(Jassoand Rossi1979).In a similar,butlargerscale,survey,
AlvesandRossirevisetheearlierargumentof theexistenceof a consensus
overjust distributionrules.In the modifiedargumentneed and merit
aspectsare againdemonstratedto underlieevaluationsof just earnings,
butrespondents'ownsociallocationinfluencedtheirrelativeimportance
(Alves and Rossi 1978; cf. Stewartand Blackburn1975). Higher
statusgroupsplacedgreateremphasison merit,proposing
occupational
higher earningsfor those with higher qualificationsor occupational
position,and lower status groups placed greateremphasison need
considerations,proposingmore earningsfor householdswith more
children(Alvesand Rossi1978).Evidencefrommysurveysuggeststhat
there is a patterningalso of attitudestowardsclaimswhichrelatesto
ownlifecoursestage.Beforelookingat thisevidenceit is of
respondents'
interestto examinethe patterningof inequalitybyhouseholdtype.Table
II comparesthe averagetotalincomeof differenttypesof household
(afterRainwateret al. 1986),and Table III reproducesan analysisby
Millarand Glendinning(1987) on the relationbetween household
andriskof poverty.
circumstance
The data presentedby Rainwater,reproducedin Table II, is aggregated and it is therefore not possible to distinguishin detail the

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Agerelateddistributive
justiceandclaimsonresources
81

I ABL}i:III:

Extentandriskofpovert* byhousehold
tpe (Britain,1983)
All households
%

Poorhouseholds
So

Riskof poverty
(percentin each
group in poverty)

9.7
10.9
2.7

14.7
23.6
4.9

42%
61%
51So

3.9
5.1
17.2
28.2
3.6
0.4

4.6
5.5
7.3
20.7
7.7
0.6

33%
30%
12%
20%
61%
43%

Pexsioners

Couple
Woman
Man
Non-perLsioners

Singlewomen
Single men
Couple, nochildren
Couple, children
Lone mother
Lone father

Note: * Povertyis measuredas net weeklyincome minus net housing costs below 140%of
ordinaryratesof supplementarybenefit;Family}:xpenditureSurveydata.After Millarand
Glendinning 1987.

contributionof different household members,or familylife course stage.

'No children', for example, includes young couples prior to family
formation and older couples in the 'empty nest' stage of the family life
course. Marriedcouples withoutchildren presumablycomprisetwo wage
earners, whereas those with children are probablymore reliant on male
earnings. Rainwaterpoints out that in families with children, husbands
contributea higher proportionof aggregatehousehold income than is the
case for couples without children. The median reliance on husbands'
earnings for couples with children in Britain in 85 per cent.4 However
such families still have an average income slightly above the national
mean. This pattern reflects not only the particularsignificanceof male
earnings to such families but also a structureof earnings which rewards
men with dependent children more highly than other groups. This
pattern of earnings over household types is reflected also in the data
presented in Table III, which demonstrates a similar structure of
inequality, with respect to risk of poverty. Married couples without
children, in both sets of evidence, are the best placed in respect of
household income, followed by couples with children, and lone female
parents are the worst placed (MillarxandGlendinning 1987).
The patterning of varying needs and claims over the life course is
broadly reflected in responses to two questions in my survey where
respondents were asked to assess claims to resources by people in
different household circumstances.In a question concerning access to
employment,respondentsprioritizedthe claimsof adultswithdependent
children over the claims of young single adults without similar obligations. Respondentswere askedto imagine that there is ajob vacancyfor

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SarahInlJin
82
rABLE:
IV:

Rankingof claimstoworkamongstindividualsin differing

household
circumstances5
fi 7
_

Individualdescribedin vignette

Youngsingle man, livingat home

Youngsingle man, livingawayfrom
home
Youngsingle woman,livingaway
from home
Marriedman, young, withchildretl,
wife not working
Marriedwomen, no childrenat
home, husbandnot working
Womenwith no husband,young
children

Rankingsgiven to vignetteindividuals
Youngadults
Parents
1st
2nd
1st
2nd
5

48

28

29

21

33

23

13

whichsix differentpeople apply,to assumethat they are all equally

qualified,andto ranktheirpreferencesof whotheywouldmostliketo get
thejob. The potentialworker'types'weredefinedin termsof household
circumstance,and are shownin Table IV. The questionassumesthe
legitimacyof need and the salienceof circumstances
of dependencyand
obligationin orderingclaimsto employment,and describesindividuals
onlyin termsof domesticcircumstance.
The respondentswereaskedto
rankall six individualsdescribed.The questionwasdesignedin partto
examinethehypothesisthatyouthwouldbe moreinclinedto favourtheir
age peers. Withinthe confinesof a fixed choicequestionthis was the
minorityresponseandmostgavepriorityto thosewithfamilyobligations.
The majorityof respondentsrankedfirsteitherthe marriedmanwith
dependentchildrenor the single mother.Only 9 out of 92 young
respondentsrankedfirstanyof theyoungsingleadultsasdescribedin the
exercise.The incidenceof firstand secondplacerankingis shownin
TableIV.
The lowerpreferencegivento youngsinglepeoplein the responses
suggeststhe salienceof householdobligationsto perceptionsof thevalue
of differing claims to resources.The low number of respondents
prioritizing
youthoverandaboveadultswithdependentchildrenmayin
partattachto the voluntarynatureof residencein, or departurefrom,
parentalhomes amongst the majorityof respondents.It is clearly
inon-standard'
householdtransitionswhichare the most problematic,
transitionswhichare not wellrepresentedin the data,andwhichmight
encouragea higher level of preferencefor young, single adults.Age
conflictmodelspositself-interested
claimsmadeon the basisof age, but
this sort of age relatedidentificationof interestis not evidentin the
structureof responses.Their patternis consistentwiththe findingsof

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Agerelateddistributive
justiceandclaimsonresources
rABL}i:V:

83

ownstatusS
Highestrankingof claimstoemployment
byrespondent's

Individualdescribedin vignette

Respondentsto mainsurvey
Men
Dependent Married

Marriedman
Lonemother
Youth

18
18
4

12
4
3

Women
Dependent Married
7
6
2

11
5
0

those studies reported above which suggest that perceptions of earnings

justice involve judgments about relative need. The ranking, by respondents, of the relativeclaimsto thejob by the individualsdescribedin
the 'vignette'suggests the significanceof social obligationsand responsibilitiestowardsdependents in perceptionsof distributivejustice.
There is some evidence of a relationship between responses and
individuals' own household circumstances. Amongst the older generation, of parents to the youth sample, there is a strong majority
preference for the marriedman with a young family.The limited priority
for single mothers amongst the older generation is not necessarily
evidence of an historicalchange in preference for positivediscrimination
for this group however, since amongst the youth sample those who were
themselvescohabiting or married favoured the married man more than
the sample as a whole. The divisionbetween dependent young adultsand
those who are independent and cohabitingis stronglyassociatedwith the
division of preference for the lone mother and the married man, a
divisionwhich is quite clearcutamongst the male sample.
Table V shows the patterning of first preferences for the individuals
described by respondents' own household circumstance.'Youth'groups
the three young and single individuals described because of the small
number of respondentsgiving them top priority.Where the relative ranking of the single mother and the marriedman are considered, regardless
of their relationship to the other individuals described, the ratio of the
former to the latteris 18: 22 amongst dependent men and 4: 15 amongst
family men. Amongst women the equivalent ratios are 6:9 and 5: 11.
That is, and especiallyamongst men, their own life course stage appears
to be quite strongly associatedwith their responses. There is no similar
relationshipapparentover employment sectoror qualificationlevel. This
pattern of responses is associated,not directly with age, but with household status,an importantdistinctionwhich is often conflatedin age stratificationtheories. Forexample, 47 male respondentsare aged 25 or below,
of whom 7 are independent and living with a partner. Whilstthose who
are young and single are evenly divided in their giving priority to the
single mother or married man, all 7 of those aged 25 and under who live
independentlywitha partnerfavourthe marriedman. The questionnaire

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84
I ABLE:Vl:

SarahInlJin
Preferencefor
careerandfamilydecisions,
as described
in vignette,
amongstresporldents
tothemainsunvey
Preferredsoltltionto problem

Respondentscircumstances
l)ependent
Married

Newjob and quit

Oldjob

Delay

7
6

18
19

30
6

did not ask respondentsthe reasonsfor their preferences,although some

explicitlystated that 'positivediscrimination'lay behind their prioritizing
the lone mother. Across the sample, those who are themselvesindependent and living with a partnerare more likelyto favour the marriedman
over the single mother. Relativelyhigh levelsof need, or anticipatedneed,
characterizethe familyformationperiod as households face higher costs,
and the probabilityof losing much if not all, female earnings contributions, at least in the early years of childbearing.The significanceof
male earnings to family living standardsat this stage in the life course is
reflected in the stronger preference by similarlyplaced respondents for
the 'malebreadwinner'claim to employment.
The majorityof cohabiting men and women, like the parent sample,
prioritizethe claims of married men over those of single mothers. The
samplesize is very smallhere, but it is worthnoting thata more substantial
minority of young adults favour the claims of single mothers than do
respondents amongst the parental generation. It is an interesting
question whether in later years,in a more affluent stage of the familylife
course, members of the younger generation would reveal a different
structureot prlorltles.
The significanceof respondents'own life course stage is associatednot
only with claims to work amongst different groups, but also with stated
preferences for organizing family formation decisions around earnings
and careeropportunities.Respondentswere read the followingvignette:
'John and Maggie are a young married couple, and are both working.
Maggie is offered anotherjob which pays less than the one she has now,
but it has better prospects.However, they hope to have children over the
next few years. Whatshould she do?' Of the 92 young adult respondents
37 replied 'she should stay in the old job'; 36 that she should 'take
advantage of the potential career prospects and delay having children',
and 13 that she should 'takethe newjob and quit when she gets pregnant'.
Amongst the 36 respondents to the parents'survey, the corresponding
responses were 9, 15 and 8. The other respondents suggested some
alternativecourse of action. Again, amongst the youth sample, domestic
circumstanceis strongly associatedwith the pattern of responses, which
are shown in Table VI.
The different salience of the question to young adults in different

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justiceandclaimsonresources
Agerelateddistributive

85

circumstancesmay be important to the pattern of responses. However,

the greater preference for the woman describedin the vignette to remain
with her old job, amongst married and cohabitingrespondents, appears
to reflect the importance of earnings in a period of relative need. A
substantialproportion, over one third of the sample of those who are
married/cohabiting,suggest she should take the newjob. That a minority
advocates delay does not contradict the demographic evidence that
contemporarycohorts of young adults are deferring parenthood relative
to previouscohorts.Such delay is not necessarilya consciouslyformulated
social relationdecision, but rather it is embedded within contemporary
ships. Amongst parents it is notable that a higher percentage advocate
moving to the newjob than stayingin the old, and as in the youth sample
around half advocate delaying the start of child-bearing.This relatively
high sympathyto female claims to careers cannot be separated from the
older generation's perceptions of better employment opportunities for
contemporarycohorts of young women.
To summarize, the evidence presented in this section suggests the
significanceof life course related circumstances,specificallyrelations to
household resourcing,are reflectedin respondents'attitudestowardsthe
relativestrengthsof employmentclaimsby different groups. Further,the
perceived salience of particular needs itself varies in relation to respondents'own household circumstance.
andthePatterningof SocialObligation
ii. ClaimstoIndependence
The interviewsurveyof young adults included a set of questionsin which
respondentswere asked to describethe attributesof a typicalemployee in
a seriesof job grades, withintheir own employmentsector,and to indicate
the earnings they thought to be typicalof each grade. Respondentswere
also asked whether or not they would choose to reward any job grade
more highly (even though it would mean rewardinganother one less), or
whether they would reward any grades less. Considering here only the
lowest grade, that is the ones associatedwith the youngest employees, the
majorityof respondentssaid they would keep the earningslevel the same,
that is not rewardit more highlyat the expense of higher paidjobs further
up the career ladder. This result was the same across all (insuranceand
retailing)companies.9Female employees were more inclined to increase
the earningsof the lowestjob grades than were male employees. Thirteen
women suggested the lowest grade should be paid more highly, whilst 15
said they would leave it the same; amongst men the respective figures
were 8 and 18. There is no clearassociationof responseswithqualification
level, employment sector, company or respondents'age, or expectations
concerning their own employment circumstance,including promotion,
five years hence. Men were less inclined than women to alter the age
structure of earnings in their sector. The higher level of dissension
amongst female respondents may reflect the lower salience to them of an

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86

SarahInlJin

age gradedearningsprofilewhichis a standardaspectof malewhitecollar career structures.However,it is worth underliningthat the

majorityof respondents,andovertwothirdsof malerespondents,
didnot
rearrangethe age structureof earnings,whichwereuniformlyseen to
havean agegradedprofile.
Harris,in hisdiscussionof thedependencyassumptions
builtintosocial
securitypolicy,suggeststhatfamiliesnowdesireandexpectyoungpeople
to have more independencethan they did in the past (Harris1988).
Responsesto the attitudestatementsin the surveysuggesthoweverthat
whilst the abilityto achieve independenceis viewed positively,the
expectationof parentalobligationsto youthis alsohigh.Ritesof passage
to adulthoodare partlystructuredby the expectationthat the underwritingof continueddependencyis morea familyaffairthana public
responsibility.
The statement'it shouldbe easierthan it is for young
peopleto get theirownplaceandliveindependently'
revealeda highand
almostidenticalpatternof agreementamongstparentsandyouth:52/69
young adult respondentsagreed, 22/28 parentsagreed (21/28 young
adultchildrenof interviewedparentsagreed).However,in responseto
the statement'youngpeopleshouldbe contentto staywiththeirparents
until they are earningenough to supportthemselvesfinancially',the
majorityalsoagreed(60/79youngadults;24/34parentsand23/34young
adultchildrenof interviewedparents)."'
Mostof theyoungadultsin thesurveywereeitherlivingathomeor had
left voluntarily.The majorityof parentswith young adultchildrenat
homeindicatedthatthe financialcontributiontheyreceivedfromtheir
childrenat most covered costs and was rarelyseen as a significant
contributionto householdresources.Mostparentsacceptedtheirrolein
supportingtheiryoungadultchildrenasa 'natural'
thingto do.Againthis
may in part be a consequenceof the relativeadvantageof those
parent-childpairsinterviewed,but it is consistentwithother evidence,
includingthe experienceof manyunemployedyouth(see Hutsonand
Jenkins 1989).Both of these examples,whereparentssupportyoung
adultswho are workingbut livingat home,and whereparentshelp to
carrythecostsof unemployment
eventhoughtheymaybe poorlyplaced
to do so, suggestthatthe structuralrelationshipbetweengenerationsis
one of mutualityandnotone of conflict.
Another set of cross generationalcomparisonsrevealsinteresting
differencesin attitudestowardsgendereddivisionsof responsibility
in
householdincome maintenance.Responsesto a series of statements
relatingto suchdivisionsareshownin TableVII.The tableincludesonly
independent,married/cohabiting
youngadultssincethe statementsmay
havea different,andmoreabstracted,
meaningto youthwhoaresingleor
livingwith their parents.The majorityof youngrespondentsdisagree
that 'a husbandworksto supporthis familyand a wife worksfor the
extras'.These responsessuggest the salienceof female earningsto

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Agereluted
distributive
justiceandclaimsonresources
I ABL}:VII:

Attitudestoobligationsfor
household
incomemaintenance

A husbandworksto supporthis
familyand a wife worksfor the
extras
A husbandand wife both need to
workto keep up with the cost of
.

87

Young
adults

Parents

Young
adults
(paired)*

disagree
agree

21
10

11
23

2
10

disagree
agree

12
16

13
19

4
7

disagree
agree

7
25

13
19

3
8

Ilvlng

A motherof young childrenshould

workif the familyneeds the
money

Note: * Youngadults(paired)refersto respondentsto the mainsurveywhose parentswere

.

Intervlewect.

household income maintenance and contrast with the responses of the

generation. These differences are consistentboth with a life course effect
and with structural changes through the postwar decades in female
contributions to household resourcing. The majority of respondents
believe that both partnersneed to work to keep up with the cost of living.
The higher level of disagreement that 'a wife works for the extras'
suggests that more respondents see a woman's wages as significant to
maintaining living standards rather than as an optional extra. The
similarityof responses over the generations with respect to employment
and the cost of living, and the generationaldifference in responses to the
statementconcerning whether or not a wife worksfor extras is consistent
with a life course interpretation.'Extras'amongst the older generation
may contributeto the abilityto sustaina particularlifestyle.Young adults,
most of whom are in, or entering, the family building stage, are likely to
interpret female financial contributions as more basic to household
resourcingthan to describethem as 'extras'.The structureof responsesis
suggestiveof the greater value to young adultsof female contributionsto
household income maintenance(Irwin 1995a,b).
The availableempiricalevidence points to the significanceof both life
course and period effects in structuringattitudes.There is no evidence,
however, that standard processes place different age groups or generations in an antagonisticrelationshipto one another, or that age related
claims engender conflict. Relationshipsover the life course and between
age groups and generations are essential to explanationsof structuresof
inequality,but the organizationof such relationshipsis not a precursorto
crisis,rather it is an aspectof a coherent socialstructure.

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88

SarahInlJin

CONCLUSION

This paperhasdescribedsomeof the processeswhichgivecoherenceto

the relationshipsbetweenage groupsand betweengenerations.These
processespoint to problemswhich ensue from supposingthat the
relationshipbetweenthose in paid work and those who are not so
employedis one of structuralantagonism.One such problemwhichis
embedded within age stratificationand conflict approachesis the
conceptualdistinctionbetweenclaimsamongstdifferentage groups,or
betweenthe claimsof work and 'welfare'groups. It is as if thought
becomestrappedin the particularity
of theexperienceof differentsocial
groups."
The organizationof social claimsis centralto understandingthe
mutualityof relationships
between'dependency'
groupsandthosein paid
employment.Forexample,the claimsof childrenand dependentyouth
cannotbe separatedfromthe highrewardsof adultmenrelativeto other
groups of workers,nor from gendered inequalitiesin rewardsto
employmentandensuingpatternsof inequalityin old age.The extentto
whichfinancialrewardsarestructuredin relationto economicandsocial
obligations,as theseare standardlycarriedby certaingroups,underlies
the materialproblemswhich characterizethe experienceof 'nonstandard'circumstances,
for exampleamongstlone mothersand their
children,and amongstdependent youth with unemployedparents.
Eitherwaythestructuring
of rewardsto differentgroupsareinseparable
from the relationshipsthroughwhichthese groupsare linked in the
resourcingof individualandhouseholdreproduction.
The stabilityof 'horizontal'inequality,that is intra-classinequalities
overthelifecourseandacrossdifferenthouseholdstructures,
is reflected
in perceptionsof distributive
justice.The empiricalevidenceon attitudes
to thisinequalitysuggeststhatpeopleperceiveit to bejust,partlybecause
it reflectsdifferinglevelsof needoverthe life course.Mostrespondents
prioritizedthe claimto workamongstindividualswithdependentsover
the claimsof individualswithoutsimilarobligations.The majorityof
youngadultspreferrednotto rearrangethe agehierarchyof earningsin
their employmentsector. These responsessuggest that a profile of
earningsgradedin relationto ageanddomesticresponsibilities
isseenasa
legitimateorderingof claimsto economicresources.Evaluations
of claims
amongstdifferentage groupsappear,then,to incorporateunderstandingsof horizontalequity,wheresomecontinuityinlivingstandardsisseen
as appropriate,yetwherethe burdenof householdincomemaintenance
is spreadunevenlyoverthe life course.These evaluative
judgmentsare
madein relationto a structurewhichrewardscertaingroupsmorehighly
andregardsothersas,at leastpartially,dependent.In thissensefairness
judgments,or evaluationsof claims,arestructuredin relationto 'whatis',
to an actualratherthan a utopianreferent(cf. Stewartand Blackburn
1975; Alves and Rossi 1978). Age related inequalitiescohere with

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Age relateddistributive
justiceand claimson resources

89

expectationsof varying economic obligationsover the life course.

Changesin the structureof inequalitiesbetweenage groupsare seen in
age stratification
and age conflictmodelsto engendera restructuring
of
socialclaims.Theseclaimsaresimultaneously
assumedto resultinconflict
betweendifferentwelfaregroupsor betweenwelfaregroupsand the
workingpopulation.However,theclaimsof 'dependency'
groupsarenot
separablefromthe experienceof, andrewardsto, thosewhoareactivein
paid employment.Perceptionsof fairnessreflectthe stabilityof these
processes,andthecoherenceof agerelatedprocessesandsocialstructure.
Stability,however,is of coursecommensurate
withsocialchange.The
reorganizationof life course processesreflectschangesin the relative
positionof differentgroupsin the resourcingof socialreproduction.In
this way, the processesshaping 'horizontal'inequalityand 'vertical'
inequalityare not distinct.For example, the incidenceof economic
vulnerability,such as unemploymentamongst youth and amongst
workersapproachingretirement,and amongst single mothers, has
significantimplicationsfor generalstructuresof inequality.The underminingof claimsbyyouthto an adultwage,andto independenceatearly
ages,mayexacerbatethe risksof povertyamongstthosewhoare poorly
placedto makeclaimson otherfamilymembers.The convergenceof life
courserelatedvulnerabilitywith economicinsecurityand recessionary
and structuraleconomic change may result in some groups being
permanentlydisadvantagedrelativeto others,and relativeto theirage
peersin othercohorts.Locationwithrespectto theorganization
of social
reproduction,then,is of centralimportancein the distribution
of risksof
poverty,andin the structuring
of inequality.Changein thewaysin which
reproductionis organized,and the position of different groups in
relationto theseprocesses,isessentialforunderstanding
theorganization
of inequality.Proponentsof the age stratification
frameworkclaimto
challengeeconomicallybasedstratification
theoriesby pointingto their
partiality,specificallytheirfailureto takeon issuesof inequalityoutside
the 'economic'sphere.However,a moreconvincingchallengeto stratiElcationtheorylies in recognizingthe waysin whichage, and gender,
related processeshold general importancein the structuringand
reproduction
of socioeconomic
inequality.
(Dateaccepted:January1995)

SarahIrtin
SchoolofSociology
andSocialPolicy
University
ofLeeds

NO I }:S
1. The survey was conducted in
Edinburgh and (,lasgow in 1988. It
comprised a survey of 92 young people,
aged between 16 and 34, although the age

structure is secondary to the objective of

achieving a sample of people in a range of
household circumstances, covering dependence at, and independence from,

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SarahIrwin

9o

the parentalhome,maritalandparenting
statuses.The surveywas principallyemployer based (some youth on training
schemeswereincludedinthesample),and
locatedin the insurance,constructionand
retailingindustries.A linked survey,of
parentsto 36 of the originalrespondents
was conducted,as part of an analysisof
generationalchange in the organization
of transitionsfromyouthto adulthood.In
the surveyof youngpeople,information
was collected on their socio-economic
circumstances,
labourforcehistoriesand
employmentexpectations;and domestic
or 'demographic'histories and expectations, focusing in particularon the
timingof lifecycleevents;andon attitudes
towards'appropriate'
formsof household
resourcingandemploymentparticipation
(see Irwin1995a).
2. In the USA, whilstit appearsthat
the elderlyhavedefendedtheir position
moreeffectivelythanotherwelfareclaimants,it is not clearthat theirclaimshave
underminedthe positionof those other
groups.Pampeland Williamson,in their
studyof thedeterminants
of socialwelfare
spending across 18 advancedindustrial
nations,arguethatpopulationage structurehasbeen largelyneglectedin studies
of welfare state development,yet, they
suggest,thestrongestinfluenceon therise
inspendingfrom195s1980 hasbeenthe
size of the elderly population, whose
politicalefficacyhasresultedin increased
expenditure per head of the elderly
population.However,the authors also
arguethatthepercentageof elderlyin the
populationhasno effecton age standardized spending for programmesnot directedto the aged, such as publicassistance,
family
allowance and
unemployment benefits (Pampel and
Williamson1989).
3. Two separatepovertylines were
used in the USA for those aged 65 and
over and those under 65. The 1984
povertyline for the lattergroupwas 8.5
per cent higher than that used for the
elderly If the same povertycut off had
beenused for bothgroups,15.4per cent
of theelderlywouldhavefallenbelowthe
line,givingtheageda higherpovertyrate
than any other group except children
(Minkler1986).

4. The summary measure hides

sourcesof variation.Rainwaternotesthat
around one quarter of their sample
familieshave non-headearners,and in
Britainsuch earnerscontribute28 per
centof theirfamily'sincome.The analysis
is based on 1973 data. However,subsequentchangesin structuresof household income maintenancesuggest that
relianceon husbands'earningshas declined, particularlyat some periodsof a
households' lifetime (Irwin 1995a,b).
Suchreliance,however,remainsparticularlyhighwherethe arrivalof childrenis
accompaniedbylossof femaleearnings.
5. The term 'parents'refers to the
oldergeneration,of parentsto the young
adults interviewed,unless otherwiseindicated.The sameappliesin the text.
6. I am gratefulto SandyStewartfor
providingme with a questionnairedesigned by him and his colleaguesat the
Cambridge School of Applied Economics, and from which I adapted the
questionson claimsto workbyindividuals
in differenthouseholdcircumstances
and
onjudgmentsof relativeearningsjustice
amongstoccupationalincumbents.
7. Two respondents in the main
surveymade a joint first rankingwhich
are included,so the firstcolumnsumsto
94, not92.
8. The definitionof young adultsas
dependentincludesthosewho are living
with their parents and those who are
independent,butsingle.The description
of youngadultsas marriedrefersto those
whohavelefttheirparentalhomeandare
livingwitha partner.
9. Unfortunately,for those men interviewedwho are perhaps the worst
placed in respect of potentialemployment chances,on the CommunityProgramme and Special Measures YTS,
there is no questionon earningswhich
relatesdirectlyto their own experience,
rather than apprentice based career
routes.In generalsuchmenkeptthelevel
of apprenticeearningsthe same in this
exercise.

10. The denominatorin these figures

is the total numberof respondentswho
agreedor disagreed.Thosewhosaidthey
neither agreed nor disagreed,or who
responded 'don't know',are excluded

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Age relateddistributive
justiceand claimson resources
here. These latter two options were
grouped together in the questionnaire,
although it would be better to provide for
these responses separately, given their
differing meanings.
11. A similar process appears to
characterize recent discussions of an
underclass in Britain (e.g. Runciman
1990). The problems of understanding
the experience of the unemployed
through conventional class theory leads
not to a challenge to the latter but rather
to defining those outside as beyond the
proper remit of class theory, literally
under-class.

91

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