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Dogs in Graves - A Question of Symbolism? - Anne-Sofie Gräslund
Dogs in Graves - A Question of Symbolism? - Anne-Sofie Gräslund
by
Anne-Soe Grslund
Abstract:
A 9th century female boat-grave is the starting point for a discussion
about dogs in Scandinavian graves from c. 500-1100 AD.
Some Scandinavian prehistoric material is presented: Mesolithic
dog graves, Bronze Age rock carvings, canine bones from cremation graves and from sacricial nds, from the Neolithic to Roman
Iron Age. From c. 500-1100 AD there is a large corpus of dog bones
from graves, cremations as well as inhumations. In the high status
graves, the dog bones have been regarded as an element of aristocratic
horseback hunting. In ordinary cremation graves dog bones occur
frequently.
Turning to the history of religions it is quite clear that the dog is an
important animal. In Old Iranian as well as in Celtic culture the dog
had high status both mythically and in reality, in contrast to Semitic
cultures, where the idea of the dog was more negative. Concerning Old
Scandinavian mythology, evidence from Old Norse literature and also
from Adam of Bremen, Thietmar of Merseburg and Ibn Fadlan clearly
demonstrates the connection between dog and death. The mythical dog
seems to be a medium on the border between the living and the dead,
and in all likelihood the archaeological material reects this important
symbolic-mythological meaning in the transformation from life to
death.
PECUS. Man and animal in antiquity. Proceedings of the conference at the Swedish Institute in Rome, September 9-12, 2002.
Ed. Barbro Santillo Frizell (The Swedish Institute in Rome. Projects and Seminars, 1), Rome 2004.
www.svenska-institutet-rom.org/pecus
168
Anne-Soe Grslund
Fig. 1a. Plan of boat grave 36, the Vicarage, Old Uppsala, Uppland,
dated to the 9th century (detail). After Nordahl 2001.
169
170
Anne-Soe Grslund
Fig. 3. Reconstruction of a Vendel Period chieftains funeral. Following the example of a grave in Rickeby, Vallentuna, Uppland,
which contained the undisturbed remains of the pyre, it was possible
to reconstruct the position of the body and the animals. After Sten &
Vretemark 1988.
Fig. 4. Rune stone U 855, Bksta, Balingsta, Uppland with an aristocratic hunting scene (falconry), or perhaps a mythological scene. After
Upplands runinskrifter.
171
172
Anne-Soe Grslund
Fig. 5a. Spiked collar from boat grave 10, Valsgrde, Old Uppsala, Uppland, dated to the end of the 10th century. After hman 1983.
counted 72 bodies hanging there.55 Thietmar of Merseburg describes the cult in the Danish cult-place Lejre on
Zealand in a very similar way: they sacrice 99 men and
the same number of horses, dogs and cocks.56
In this connection the so-called Vlse tattre in Holy
Olavs Saga in the Icelandic Flateyabook comes to ones
mind, with the description of a pre-Christian domestic
cult. A horse phallus, wrapped up in linen cloth, together
with onion and herbs, was circulated by the housewife
to all members of the household, and each one told an
incantation. The disguised Christian king, who visited
the house, threw it in disgust to the dog, who ate it. The
housewife became very upset and asked the men of
the house to lift her up over the door hinges and over
door-lintels to see if I can retrieve the holy sacrice.57
This shows that the phallus eaten by the dog was seen as
a sacrice and that the woman tried to get it back from
the other world, to where it has passed with the help of
the dog. The same interpretation of the role of the dog
is most likely the case when the Arab Ibn Fadlan (920s
AD) describes how merchants of Norse origin behaved
on their arrival to a marketplace on the Volga.58 They
worshipped a tall wooden pillar with a human-like face
and other pillars and posts and laid meat, bread and
drinks there as offerings. If their trade was successful,
they returned with a thank-offering, a sheep that was
killed and the meat was laid at the pillars and posts. Ibn
Fadlan adds that the dogs ate this meat by night, but
that the stupid Rus merchants were content to think that
the gods had accepted the sacrice. In both these cases
the role of the dog may, in my view, be regarded as
symbolic, the one who is responsible for the transformation to the divine. In his account of the funeral of a Rus
chieftain, to which he was an eyewitness, Ibn Fadlan
notes also that a dog is killed and thrown into the ship
where the dead was laid.59
In the Eddic poem Balders dreams we get to know
that, on his ride to Hel, Odin meets a bloody and whining dog, coming from Hel, the realm of the dead.60 This
dog has been regarded as the guardian of Hel and has
been connected to the dog Garm in Voluspa the dog
who whines at the Gnipahlan, the cave that has to be
passed to reach Hel.61 In another connection, the importance of caves as liminal places has been stressed
by Robin Skeates. He states that caves are often con-
Fig 5b. Spiked collar from central Sweden, used in the middle or end
of the 19th century. After Hundsport.
173
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Abbreviations
UMF = Uppsala Universitets Museum fr Nordiska Fornsaker (Uppsala University, Museum of Scandinavian Antiquities)