Buddha in Theravada Buddhism

BUDDHA
THERAVADA BUDDHISM
A Study of the Concept of Buddha
in the Pali Commentaries
First Edition
Second Edition
1997
2002
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CONTENTS
FOREWORD
PREFACE
ABBREVLATIONS
CHAPTER I : THE BACKGROUND: ..................................... 1 4 7
The Spiritual & Physical Attahnenrs of the Buddha
in lhe Precoinmentrlrial Pali Literature............................1
1. Gotarna Buddha and His Biography............................... 1
2.Thc Person of Gotama Buddha ...................................... 4
3. The Beginnings of the Buddha's Apotheosis.................11

4 . Spiritual Attahnlents of the Buddha......................... -...
4. a. The EarIy Canonical Texts (the Four Nikiyas) ....15
4.b . The Late Canonical Texts (the Khuddaka Niiya)
and the Abhidhamma ............................................ 25

4.c.The Post Canonical Texts...................................... 36
5 Physical Endowments of the Buddha ............................44
THE BUDDHA-CONCEPT
IN TH[e COMMENTARIES
CHAPTER Il : BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL ATTAINMENTS ....5 1-133
1. Buddha's Knowledge (Gpa) in General,........................51
2. Sabbfiuta-fiea (OmniscientKnowledge).................... 58
3 . Dasabala OF Taagatabala (Ten Powers or
Tathbata Powers) ................r......................................

79
4. Iddhi (Psychic Power).............
.....
............................ 85
5 .Mah&aq%amipatti-iiwa (Knowledge of the
Attainment of Great Compassion)
.,
89
6 Cakkhu (Eye)
97
7 Catuvesirajja pour Confidences)
100
8 Khetta {Field)................................................1 0 \1
.
.
.
9 . Kiiya
............... ..................
..................................................................
...........................
(Body)...................................................
107
t O.VDanii (Habit)..............................................................
11. At@rasabuddbadhamma
(Eighteen Qualities
110
.
.
.
............. 113
of a Buddha)...................................
CHAPTER ITI : BUDDHA'S PHYSICAL ENDOWMENTS.. 135-165
1 Mah2purisalakkhaqa (Characteristics of
a Great Man) .................................................. :.......... 138
2. Asihnuvyaiijana .(Eighty Minor Marks)...................
I42
3 . Pabha (Halo) and R-si (Rays) ...............................
146
.4. Satapuiiiialakkhaqa (Marks of a Hundred
Merits) ..........................................................., ;....... 156
......
. . . .....................
5 .Euddhapiida ( F o o t p ~ t )
.i
......... 163
CHAPTER N : THE NINE VIRTUES OR TITLES

( N A V A G W........................................
1 67-194
CHAPTER V : THE DEFINITIONS OF T A T ~ G A T A...... l"5-206
CHAPTER Vl : THE GENERAL NATURE @HAMMAT&

AND THE DIFFERENCES (VEMATTA)
AMONG BUDDHAS .................................. 207-216
THE BODHZSA'rTA-CONCEPT
INTHE C O ~ N T A F t E S
1. Bodhisanas in the Pre-cummeahrial Literature ...........220
2. Rodhisattas in the Cnrnrnentaries .......... ..,................ -227
CHAPTER VJII : THE CAREER OF A BODKISATTA......... 243-266
CHAPTER IX :THE DOCTRINE OF PWTA

.............. 267-299
MAPTER X : CONCLUSION ..........................
.. ...........301.308
NOTES ................................... - .
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................
95
.
.
.
..............A 9 7 4 11
INDEX..............
.
.
.
...........................................................
413-42 1
FOREWORD
The Pali Commentaria1 literature as an independent source

material is still a much neglected area of study. Its use is more towards
the supplementary nature for the exegesis and clarification of words
and phrases found in the Tripipka as may have been the case
throughout its history because of its literary nature. Taken
independently, however, it also provides a vast stare of information
to know the development of Theravada Buddhism reflected in the
Tripitaka. Here lies another area of importance in the study of the
Pali Affhakaw literature.
'
A pioneering work was made more than 50 years ago by

Dr.E.W .Adikaramwho examined the P C A f w a t h a in their original
sources and thenature of their contents. More recently, some scholars
have taken to the study of the Pdi Afthakatk extensiveIy and
comprehensively. Among them are Dr. Friedgard Lottermoser of
Germany (1982) and Dr. Sodo Mori of Japan (1984) who have
expanded the scope of the At$akathI study by examining not only
the original sources of the cmmentaries, but also their contents from
different angles. Along these fruitful studies, time seems to be ripe
for schoIars to pay attention now to the contents of the PsiATfhakathI
literature more closely. Dr.T.Endo's work presented here will
certalinly fill a desideratum.
Dr. Endo's primary task, as he states, is to present the data
and information embodied in the Pili Afthakathii concerning the
Buddha-concept as much and as systematically as possible. He begins
with a brief examination of the Buddha-concept found in the precommentaria1 literature as a prelude to his main themes both of the
Buddha-conceptand the Bodhisattaconcept from Chapter I1 onwards.
Findings presented in his work clearly indicate that the Buddha-
concept in the Affhakathaliterature forms in itself an important and

dynamic force to reckon with for the establishment of what we later
regard as Theravada Buddhism reflected in the commentaria1 and
subsequent literature. He discusses in the second chapter some ideas
and notions introduced within the comentarial literature for the first
time in the Pali tradition. Special mention must be made in this
connection o f the Eighteen Qualities of a Buddha
(a,@iirasabud&adhamma3, a classification af the omniscient ones
(sabb&-i. and the explanations of compassion (k-a
in the
commentaries.The author has skilfully demonstrated a well-balanced
approach to the development of the Buddha-concept in these areas
with the maximum data possible without becoming apologetic, but
with sympathy. Pursuing further the development of the Buddhaconcept in the commentaries, he next deals with the physical attributes
of Buddha in the third chapter. Here again he shows that the
commentators attempted to portray the Buddha or Buddhas in a more
superhuman form with the increased number of physical attributes.
The chapters four to s i x deal with commenmial exegeses ofthe Nine
Virtues of a Buddha (Chapter IV),definitions of Tathiigata (Chapter
V) and what cornmon features and differences all Buddhas have
among them (Chapter VI). The author examines the doctrine of
Bodhisatla in diiferent aspects in the last three chapters. He brings to
our notice that the commentaries,particularly those of Dhammapiilila,
give three types of bodhisattas; namely mabdbodhisa~a,
paccekabodhisatta and dvaka'bodhisatta, This classification of
bodhisattas plays a vital role even in the doctrine of perfections
@&mi@. The general thinking that the term ' bodhisatla' exclusively
denotes a being destined to attain Buddhahood is thus denied in
Dhammapiila's commentaries. The perfections @&amit& are
practised not only by Buddhas-to-be (mahabodhisattas),but also by
anyone who can be designated as 'siivakabodhisatta'.The author has
also brought to our attention that DhammapSiIa occupies a special
place in the commentaria1 literature as he seems to have been much
influenced by other non-Theravada sources. The author, however,

believes that Dharnmap'ala did not merely introduce them into
TheravadaBnddhism,but he first digested them and then incorporated
into it so that his comments fall well within the framework of the
Theravada tradition in the end.
Dr.Endo's work has set an example of how the Al@akathii

literature can be studied in its entirety as a source material even for a
single topic like the Buddha-concept. His wark becomes all the more
useful in that he has made a comprehensive study of secondary
Japanese sources not available to the average student and has made a
synthesis of material scattered in various primary sources and has
tmed the historical development of the concept systematically.The
strength of his study is his thoroughness and scientific approach in
presenting the data and information embodied in the A f w t h 2 .
Contribution made by Dr. Endo towards the understanding of
Theravada Buddhism will certainly be appreciated by many.
N.A.Jayawickrama
September 1997
PREFACE
This book is a revised and slightly expanded version of my

doctoral thesis submitted to the Postgraduate Institute of Pali and
Buddhist Studies, University of Kelaniya ,Sri Lanka in 1995.
Researches on the Buddha in the Theravada tradition have so far been
confined mostly to the materials available in the Pili Tripiwa. They
are mainly centred around the Buddha's biography. In t.hk connection
two main streams of thought have emerged to date. One school of
thought has attempted to dismantle supposedly late elements
associated with the Iife of the Buddha in the Pai Canon and
endeavoured to arrive at a me picture of the historical Buddha without
the garb of myths surrounding hi!!personality. Researches have shown
that the Buddha was a human par excellence and superhuman qualities
that later sources often ascribe to hirn are rninimat in the ealy portions
of the Canon. The second school of thought takes the PaLi Canon in
its entirety and compile a life of the Buddha accordingly. A merit af
this approach lies in that the Buddha could emerge as actually
portrayed by the Buddllists themselves who were responsible not only
for maintaining the unbroken transmission of scriptures, but also for
spreading Buddhis~nas a living religion. In this sense this method
can certainly yield results which generate more religious sentiments
and ethical values. Buddhism has exercised its influence upon the
people of Theravtda countries, perhaps, much greater than of
Mahayma countries as an ethical and spiritual foundation in its long
history. It has been a dynamic religion with numerous historical developments adapting itself to changing environments from time to
time. The image of the founder of Buddhism, Gotma Buddha, also
changed in space and time. It is here where a desideratum of pursuing
Buddhology in subsequent literary periods in Theravada Buddhism
is felt. The Venerable ~ . f i @ a v i i s a attempted to streamline the
developinent of the concept of Buddha in Pdi literature beginning
from the Nikayas up to about the
in his doctoral tlzesis in 1964.
Owing to the nature of his research, however, some of his comments
and conclusions are too hasty and untenable.
The present work is therefore aimed at filling this vacuum.

Its main focus is on the task of presenting data and infomation
concerning the Buddha-concept embodied in the Pirli commentaries
as much and as systemalically as possible md the work must be
viewed as a sequence to the canonical concept of Buddha. Major
sources on which the work is based are the entire Pfi commentaries
and the Visuddhagga d Buddhaghosa. The guiding principle of
thin work is a classificationthe commentaries often have with regard
to the personality of Buddha: he is said to be endowed with two
kinds of power (Ma)
representing both spiritual and physicals aspects
of Buddhahood. They are '6qa-b&' (knowledgepower) and 'kay*
bala' (physical power). In addition, some important epithets are
discussed. Further, the Bodhisatta-concept is included in this book as
an integral part of the Buddha-concept in the commentaries.
Limitations of the present work are that the questions of 'How' and
'Why' the Buddha-concept further developed in the conunentaries
are left unanswered for the most part, because they constitute another
study involving a much wider approach to the problem with an
extensivepreparation and comparison. It is therefore hoped that future
studies will be undertaken to assess possible interactions and
influences between the Tl~eravZidaand non-Theraviida schools in
forming the commentarial development of the Buddha-concept.
I would like to extend my appreciation and thanks to several
people whose constant encouragement and he$ sustained me in completing the present work. First, my heartfelt gratitude goes to Dr.
Mahinda Palihawadana, Professor Emeritus, University of S n
Jay awardhanapura and Prof. W.S.Karunatiiake of the University of
Kelaniya, under whose supervision this work was undertaken and
completed. They were generous with their time and encouraged me
throughout. They offered many valuable suggestions and
improvements for which I am ever grateful to them. Thanks are also
due to Professor Y.hunadasa, Director of the Postgraduate Institu'te
of Pali and Buddhist Studies, University of Kelaniya, for his guidance. I am indebteed to Mr.K.Narampanawa who helped me collect
much needed dataparticularly at the initial stage of my study. I must
also thank Professors Chandra Wikramagamage, L.de Silva and
Ven.Dr.K.Dhammajoti,the examiners of my dissertation, and membkrs on the interview board for the oral examination.
1 am indebted to Professor Hajime Nakamura, Professor
Emeritus, University of Tokyo, and Founder Director of the Eastern
Institute in Japaa. It was some twenty odd years ago that I had the
privilege of meeting him and sought the first lessons in Buddhist and
Indian studies at his feet. Since then, he has been a source of
inspiration to me. He was so kind and caring for those who sought
his advice and guidance. I recall with great appreciation that he never
failed in answering queries, however trifling they may be. I wac also
fortunate that my study in Sri Lanka was sponsored by the Eastern
Instilute for five long years through his good offices. 1 offer my
sincere gratitude to him.
Professor Sodo Mori uf Aichigakuin University, Japan is

another scholar who inspired me tsemendously through his profound
knowledge of the mi commentaries. Without his monumental work
on the Psi AfihakathB, this book would not have seen rhe Light of
day. He was ever kind to spare his time whenever I needed his advice.
I offer him my most sincere thanks.
A special word of thanks goes to ProfessorN.A.Jayawickrama

for writing the foreword. I am greatly indebted to him for his kindness.
My appreciation also goes to numerous people who extended their
help and guidance to me during my long stay in Sri Lanka. Among
them are: Ven.Dr.Mapalagama Wipulasara, Vihikiidhipati of the
RatmalanaPirivma,who was kind enough rn giveme all the assistance
neededparticularly at the initial stage of my stay in Sri Lanka. Since
my acquaintance with him in 1975, he has been so generous with his
caring and kindness. Special words of thanks and appreciation must
go to Ven.Dr.K.Anuruddhawho spent his time ungrudgingly to
teach us Pdi; to Prof.W.S.Kmnatil1ake who with his thoroughness
of the subject and pleasant personality benefited me most in reading
some of the Sinhala classics with him. It is my great pleasure to be
associated with him both academically and personally; to my teachers
xhe University of Kelaniya where I studied Buddhism as an

undergraduate; to Professor J.Dhirasekera, now the Venerable
Dhammavihari and the late Professor L.P,N.Perera, both former
directors of the Postgraduate Institute of PaIi and Buddlust Studies;
and to many other people whose names are too numerous to mention
at
here.
Last but not the least, I offer my gratitude to Mr-Hionaga

Suzuki who gave me much encouragement with his generosity to
pursue my studies in Sri Lanka. To my beloved parents, I dedicate
this work. My wife Prema deserves a word of praise for her patience
and understanding. 1 also thank Ven' Wimalajothi of the Buddhist
CulruraI Center, Nedimala, Dehiwala, Sri Laaka forthe excellent manner in which the printing of this book was carried out.
Toshiichi Endo
98/32 Wewahena Road,
Wickramasinghepura,
BattaramuUa,
Sri Lanka
Atignttara Nikgya
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ApadZina-ataalcathii (Visuddhajanavil~sinr)
Buddhavaqsa
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CuIla-Niddesa
CarEyiipitaka
Cariygpitaka-arfhakathC
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Dhammas~gqi-atWathH(Atthasdini)
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M i w Milinda-fikl
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PTS Piili Text Society
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CHAPTER I
THE BACKGROUND
The Spiritual and Physical Attributes of the Buddha
in the Pre-comrnentarial Psi Literature
1. Gotama Buddha and His Biography
Gotarna Siddhatthawas born a S w a n prince to Suddhodana

as his father and MahnByii as the mother. He led a luxurious life as
a child. Not satisfied with the material comfort, he renounced the
world at the age of twenty-ninein quest of an answer to the human
suffering. He practised severe austerities for six years. But realising
their futility and adopting instead the Middle Way, he finally attained
Buddhahood at the age of thirty-five. Since tl~en,he continued
propagating his doctrines for the next forty-five years until his death
at the age of eighty.' During this period as Buddha, he not only
exemplified his teachings, but also endeavoured to show people the
way leading to the emancipation from the cycle of births and to the
attainment of the supreme bliss of Nibbina. The life af the Buddha
is therefore the exemplar of the Dhamma he preached. he Bnddha
once said "One who sees the Dhamma sees me. One who sees me
sees the Dhamma." ( Yo &-am
passati so mam passati. Yomam
passati so dhammam pa~sati).~
The canonical texts, unfortunately, do not present a systematic biography of the Buddha. The disciples during and immediately
after the time of the Buddha did not apparently feel a need of compiling the Master's biography, perhaps because everyone at that time
was familiar with it and was admonished repeatedly by the Buddha
himself that the Dhamma be first emulated. The Buddha in the course
BUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ A
BUDDHISM
of giving discourses or prescribing disciplinary ruIes for b W u s ,

however,refers occasionallyto his personallife. Thuugh the process
of gleaning such scattered references in the Canon his Iife became
known to us, though to a limited extent.3 F.Masotani thinks that the
Buddhish had a separate but unofficial tradition of collecting events
and anecdotes associated with the life of Ihe Buddha from the earliest
times, fbr instance, in verses &a'&@. But this tradition (he calls it the
hypothesis of a third collection besides tbe Sutta and the Vhaya)
was never recited at the First Buddhist Coun~il.~
Literary evidence
shows that attempts were made o d y several centuries after the demise of the Buddha to compile a systematic and consistent biography of the Buddh including the genealogy of the S&ya clan5 based
on scattered data found in the canonical texts as well as on the
materials, perhaps, copied from other sources with the interactiou
among Buddhists and non-Buddhists. Such attempts appear to have
envisaged two results: to familiarise the life of the Teacher, Gotama
Budto those who h e w little or nothing about him in person; and
toexalt the Master by way of adding extraordinary happenings supposedly associated with his life. Its culmination can be seenin works
like the NidFmakathB of the J~taka-aaakaths,"a text long considered as the standard biography of the Buddha in Theriivada Buddhism.
The Buddhavqsa, one of the late canonical texts, is unique

in the study of the biography of the Buddha for three reasons. First, it
contains probes into the past existences of Gotama Buddha from the
time of Dipaiikara Buddha from whom the ascetic Sumedhareceived
adeffite assurance(niyata-vivarapa).He made a resolve ( a b M & a )
in front of him to become a Bodhisatta. Since then, by fuIfilIing the
perfections (piirami) for an immeasurable length of time; he finally
attained Buddhahood; second, the number of past Buddhas is twentyfour7 as against the six previous Buddhas mentioned in the Canon;8
and third, it gives a list of ten perfections (p2mn.i.ithat must be fulfilIed
by G o t m Bodhisatta for the attainment of Buddhah~od.~
All these
concepts associated with the career of Gotama Bodhisatta never find
their mention in the Canon before the Buddhavqsa except for the
fact that the Buddha sometimes refers to himself as Bodtrisatta befors
THE BACKGROUND
his enlightenmentloand the JBtaka gives his former existences. Later
canonical kxts such as the Buddhavarpsa,the Cariyapipka in which
some pedwtions @&am3 are detailed, etc., seem therefore to have
been meant to unravel a long career oiGotarna Bodhjsatta. This is a
markedly late development in the Canon, which is suggestive of a
direction to which the Buddhological development steered its course
in subsequent times. Then the question arises as to where they came
from ? .This is the puzzle many scholars have tried to disentangb.
E.J.Thomas is inclined to believe that the Bodhisattva doctrine in
Theravada was introduced from another school. He further comments: "The Buddhavqsa existed in a Sanskrit f m , and it is
probable that the doctrine in this developed form was introduced along
with this work."ll After comparing the stories of Maigala' Buddha
depicted in the Buddhavamsa and the Mahiivastu, the
~ene~able&@Ziviisa
points out a striking resemblance in phraseology between the two versions.12 These circumstantial findings may
suggest a possibility that there existed a common source from which
both traditions, mli and Sanskrit, derived tfie materials. In this context,
Masutmi's hypothesis referred to above may be a possibility worth
exploring.
Gleaning data concerning the life of the Buddha scattered in
the early Piili texts requires a careful approach. It ie particularly true
as scholarship has not yet reached a consensus with regard to the
stratification of the P2Ii Canon considered to be the earliest avaiMle
source material as awhole. In other wards, the study of the Buddha's
biography even within the Pdi tradition involves the ascertainment
of the philological development of texts from which material is
Two types of methodology have emerged up to date concerning the study of the Buddha's biography. One is a group of scholars, including some Japanese, who have made attempts to constnict a
life of the Buddha based on the earliest available sources. They
employ the methodology of carefully examining the sources in the
light of comparative studies and other external material, such as
relevant epigraphical,archaeolagicd and other data which may shed

light on the formation and development of the Buddhist texts.'&These
are in fact preconditiofis for a study of the life of Gotma Buddha.
Such a methodologywill certainly bring out thepersonality of Gdarna
Buddha portrayed in the earliest available sources. The underlying
purpose of this approach is no doubt to discard and dismantle
imaginary elements as much as possible, so that Gotama Buddha
would emerge as essentially a human being closer to Iris times without
any garb of myths.
On the other hand, some attempts have also been made to

construct a We of the Buddha from the fragments scattered in various sources without regard to their textual stratification. Scholars
are aware that this methodology, even if dealing with the Nikiiyas,
will invariably involve myths surrounding the life of Gotama Buddha.15 This approach, however, is significant in that findkgs possess
more religious and ethical value.
2. The Person of Gotarna Buddha
Through a comparative study, it has been convincingly

brought out that the Buddha in early sources is depicted simply as
one of reIigious mendicants. He was a mere colleague to those who
too carried out the same daunting task of practices along with him in
order to lead a higher religious life. He was addressed '&sa'
by a
brahrnin youth and some mendicants,lb or was simply called
'G~rama','~the term used even by the Buddha's own di~ciples.'~
Epithets given to the Bidtiha provide a good glimpse into
the historical development of his personality. Prof.Nakamura says
that such epithets as isi, muni, nag&yakkba, kevalin,gar&, mahiivira
or vka, cafrkhummt,etc., are equally applicable to other mendicants
and there is no distinction between the Buddha and others as far as
these epithets are concerned. H e further states that the githain which
they are included would have been composed not later than the time
of the king Asaka. He concludes by saying that the Buddha would
THE BACKGROUND
have been respected as the founder of a religion, but faith in miracles
or supernaturalpowen was not particiilarly emphasized in the oldest
stratum of the Buddhist texts.Ig
In early strata of the canonical texts, the ideal man who has
accomplished his lrainimg or religious life is often referred to as a
true brilhmqa.20 Commenting on the significance of the term
employed in earIy Buddhism, Prof-Nakamurawrites that in the earliest phase of the establishment of Buddhism, the brahmins were
extremdy respected and the Buddhists were compelled to employ its
terminology (for their own sake) as they also accepted its social
reality.21
The religious life in ancient India rested upon austere practices and pure conduct. The Buddha emphasized their importance to
his followers. For instance, 'One becomes a brahmin as a result of
self-resrra.int (rapena),whoIesome living (brahmacdyena), control
of ser~ses(sqyamena) and self-control (damena).This is the essence
of Brahmin'.22 'Patience is forbearance and is the highest austerity'
(khantiparam@ capo titikkhS?i.u These show that religious austerity
(tapas) was praised in early Buddhism. While giving some parallels
between Buddhism and Upanisad and other Indian traditions before
the time of Buddhism, Prof.Nakamura says that the practice of
austerities was given prominence in ancient Indian.society and
Buddhism too in early times placed emphasis on itsz4 However, the
Buddhist practice of austerities was not so rigid and severe as in
Jainism." Subsequently, this concept of austerities in Buddhism
came to be negated and replaced by the idea of the Middle Way in
Monastic Buddhism. In short, the very idea af austerities, once
regarded as the way to the true brmqaship, which Gotama also
followed to extremes,%came to be thought:as something ~xnwarmted
in Buddhism. Prof.Nakamurabelieves that other religions such as
Jainism and the Ajivikas accused the Buddhists of such lenient
austerities (as compared with theirs) as a sign of negligence, and as a
result, there arose a necessity for the Buddhists to defend themselves.
This would have led to the intentional preaching of the Middle Way,
BUDDHISM
and the legend that the Buddha abandoned and denaunced austerities
was positively adva~ated.~
LB Homer also remarksthat until Gotam
begm to teach the doctrine of the Middle Way, in which he fienounces
austerities, public opinion had been much swayed and influenced by
the exhibition of self-inflicted torture done in the name of holiness.28
It appem, nevertheless,that the question of austerities became a centre
of focus oneenagainby the time of the compilationof the Milindapa5ha
as the thera Niigasena too stresses the importance of their practice
~peatedly.2~
The above exampIes demonstrate the extent of some Buddhist ideas undergoing several developmentalstages even within the
Canon. They are not without relation to the expansion of the Sahgha.
The Buddha-concept is no exception. In the earliest phase of
Buddhism, the Buddha exemplified by leading a virtuous and austere
life to other mendicants who merely thought him to be one of them.
They could see and listen to the Buddha in person. When the
community of such mendicants became larger, the Satigha came to
be physically divided into small groups for the convenience of
movement and the leader of such a group would have been chosen
from among eminent persons in that group. The Buddhist monastic
development began to provide opportunities for non-Buddhists to
form the opinion that the leader of the Sahgha was not the Buddha
but someone else. One instanceof this misrepresentation can be seen
in the IsibhOiySrp, a Jaina source, which claims Szputta to be the
leader of the Buddhist community.30
Early Buddhist sources persistently depict Gotama Buddha
as an ided human being. He was a lover of silence ( r n ~ n i ) ~and
' led
a simple life uncharacteristic of any sopernormal being. He was
respected by all who followed him not only because he was the teacher,
but also because he was a humm being par aceUence. This sentiment
is shared by many as can be gathered from such epithets and attributes
given only to the Buddha as puris~ttama,3~
isi~att;lma?~
sabbasaE&wp
~ t h m aappaplpuggala,"
,~
devmanussa seflYla,% sadevakassa l u b s a
agga,"
ek.
THE BACKGROUND
Such was the early concept of a sage and the Buddha was
also regarded as one of them. This is well brought out in a study of
the development of the notion of "buddhd' (as a term) by Prof.Nakamura who classifies it into six phases, which can be used as a yardstick for our present
(1) In early J d s m as reflected in the Isibhbiyiiq, all sages krespcctivc of thekfaiths were called 'buddhas'. Udaaka, YBjiiavalkya,
MahSvira, SZhiputta, etc., are all buddhas.
(2) Emphasis is laid on the fact that Siriputta was the only buddba
(in the eyes of the Jains).
(3) In the old gS&B of the Pmyapa vagga of the Suttanipata, no
mention of the word 'buddha' is found. That is to say, the Buddha's
disciples at this time did not specially think of Sfikytmunias a buddha.
Neither did they aspire to be called buddhas.
(4)The next phase was thk time when those who should be respected
in general were called buddbas, Isi (sages) or brllhrnapas.
(5) As time went on, however, 'buddha' came to be thought as a
specially eminent person and was used as an epithet for such a person.
(6) Finally, 'buddha' was used for no one but SBkyarnuni {or anyone
equal to him). This tendency persists prominently in the new strata
of gSthIis of the Suttanipiita and is more decisive in its prose parts.
Ristory reveals that the portrayal of tl1e Master gathered momentum mare towards docetism as time advanced. We must therefore
keep this general tendency hmind when discussing the concept of
Buddha in our present study.
Another field of study with regard to the concept of Buddha,

obviously based on the above two broad streams of thought, is the
question whether the Buddha is the equivalent of or exceeds an
arahant. The development of the concept of Buddha plays a decisive
role in this as well. In the earliest sources, the Buddha is presented
morecloseIy to the a r h t in t e r n of attainments.The sole difference
between them Is often described hat the Buddha is the discoverer/

while disciples are the
shower of the ancient path (maggakkhi~yi),~~
followers of that path. Due, perhaps, to such a broad generalization
of the personality of the Buddha depicted in early sources in the Canon,
some scholars in recent years have tried lo show so-called "indisting~ishable"~~
nature between the Buddha and the arahant in their
attainments through the methodoIogy of examining the language of
expressions.41 Nathan Katz says in the introduction to his work that
his study is, "an analysis of the Language of talking about the
arahant.'M242-Namikawain his study has also shown that some of
the expressions used for the Buddha are equally applicabie to the
arahants such as Sibiputta, etc., but some are not. He paints out that
words I ike cakkhumant, lokanatha, sugara, appalipuggala,
iTdiccahdhu, etc., are used only for the Buddha even in the giWs
of texts like the Suttanipiita, SagZithavagga of the S-yutta NMya,
Dhammapada, TheragiitG and Therigathawhich are considered to
belong to the old stratum of the CanonP3 On the above grounds,
however, can it be said that the Buddha and arahants are the same in
their attainments ? If the question is raised on the premise of what is
said of an arahant, then both have qualities and attainments required
for an mahant. For the Buddha too was an arafiant. But, if the question is whether or not any arahant has the same depth of knowledge
of ihe world as the Buddha is supposed to possess, then the answer is
in the negative.
While struggling to find a solution to the problem of human

suffering, Gotama Siddhattha took to the then available training of
varied nature. We cannot adequately imagine Ihe mental struggle
and physical strain he had to undergo during the six years of austerities. Hallucination of varied degree would have captured weak
moments of Siddhattha. It is therefore not difficult to imagine, and
cannot indeed be far from the truth either, that the knowledge
Siddhattha acquired though the practice of austerities would have
been much deeper and more extensive than the knowledge that was
required for the attainment of arahantship by anyone. He came to
possess the knowledge to distinguish what was necessary From what
THE BACKGROUND
was not for the attainment of Nibbma. The sixty-two views (dighi)
elaborated in the Brahmajala s ~ t t a n t a for
, ~ ~example, are clear
testimony to his profound knowledge (fiiiya) outside the Nibbank
experience. Why did the Buddha express no opinion on the well
known avyaata questions ?45 Because, he realized and understood
that they do not constitute the requirements for the attainment of
Nibbka. The Buddha further illustrates vastness of his knowledge
in the following manner: One day, he picks up a hmdful of leaves in
a wood of siqsapa trees and tells bhikhhus that things the Buddha
has known by direct knowledge are like simsapa trees in the forest,
whereas what he has taught to bhikkhus is Iike the leaves in his
hands.% Thii episode tells us in no uncertain term that the Buddha
revealed only a fraction of his knowledge to others, because he knew
that that much was sufficient for anyone to attain Nibbaa. De Silva
also makes this point that the Buddha is fix superior tcl other'arahants
regarding knowledge about extra-nibbwa oriented matters.47 The
first four NWyas taken as a whale are in fact full of such distinction
between the Buddha and the arahant. The oft4ited example of this
sort is the nine virtues or attributes of the Buddha as a set. 'Sabb&-u'
is another epithet attributed only to the Buddha. Another attempt to
distinguish the Buddha from other arahants is the classification of
arahants into various types with different levels of attainment. The
V&gisathera Sqyutta, for instance, shows that of a groupf of five
hundred arahants, sixty are with 'cbaJabhiiin" (six highre
know!edges); another sixty with ' tevijja" (three knowledges); still
another sixty with 'ubhatobh~gavimutfi'
(liberation in both); and the
rest are ardants with 'pW-vimuth"(liberation t h u g h wisdom)Ps
The last two types of arahants are referred to in the Kiggiri sutta as
well.49 The Vinaya Cullavagga also classifies saints into six categories and the last three refer to arahti, tev;ii~and cha!abma who are
completely emancipated ones.% Such a categorization is aimed at
the differentiationin the levels of attainment among arahants and the
Buddhais undoubtedly at the apex of them. When the arahantconcept
came to the fore as the most impartant and formidable teaching of
early Monastic Buddhism,this is one way of showing the difference
between the Buddha and other arahants. The Buddhists or mendi-
BUDDHA IN THERAVADA BUDDHISM
can@ in early phases of development, according to a study by

Prof.Nakamura,appear to have conceived only three ranks of persons
according to their spiritual advancement: (1) beings (sat&); (2) those
who do not return to the domain of d~sire(mijg&nin);
and (3) those
who are gone beyond @&~ijgata).~'This suggests that Buddhism
had a somewhat unsophisticated beginning concerning the religious
ideal of a man. As time went on, however, disciples began to attribute more qualities to the Buddha to characterize him to be a unique
person. This is far from arrogance or self-conceit on the part of the
disciples to dare to attribute additional qualities to their Master, but
they considered it to be the most effective method and sincere gesture
to pay respect and homage to him. Such a senment of the disciples
is one of the reasons, perhaps the most compelhg one, why the
Buddha became more apotheosised and exalted along the passage of
time.
It must be admitted that most of the data (which constitute in

fact the major portions of the Canon), on which we attempt to analyse the Buddha-concept, belong to the last phase of its development
according to Prof.Nakamura's classification (i.e. N0.6). This can be
understood since, by the time the Canon was put to writing, Buddhism
had already undergoneseveral phases of development. What we have
today in the Canon is a mixture of old and new materials. A strict
and clear methodology of the stratification of sources is therefore
indispensable to be first formulated before coming to any conclusion
with regard to a study of the development of the Buddha-concept or
Buddhology in general. If one does not follow this and the sources
quoted for any conclusion are mixed up haphazardly, then such a
conclusion would not be convincing but more likely be misleading.
One does not isolate a few phrases in the major portions of the Canon
simply because one assumes without any reservation that they
represent the old strata within the Canon as done by some scholars."
Importantly, sources one quotes must be clearly demarcated as to
whether they belong to old strata or new ones. However, methods ol
the stratification of canonical texts themselves as done by some scholars in the past must be re-examined for their validity with caution.
THE BACKGROUND
Since it constitutes a separate study,we leave it for future investigation. In our study we use the terminology 'the canonical concept of
the Buddha' to basically mean what is said of the Buddhain Therav*
Buddhism of the PdiCanon as a whole for the following two'reasons:
(1) Scholarshipup to date has not yet reached a consensus regarding
the philological development of the canonical texts, except far a few
instances where some texts or sections of texts are conaidered to be
oldw than others, such as the Affhaka and PBByea vaggas of the
SuttanipBta, the Dhammapada, the Theragatha and Therigiithfi,the
Sagfitl~a-vaggaof the Seyutta Nikaya, etc., being regarded as some
of b
h
te oldest texts in the Canon.53 (2) Such a strict textual analysis
will not change main arguments of the development of the concept
of Buddha in our present study, as our immediate concern is to find
out how far the Buddha-concept developed in the PSli AyJhakatha
literature.
3. The Beginnings of the Buddha's Apotheosis

When the Buddha's apotheosis began in the TheravBda
tradition is difficult to determine. The canonical texts do not provide any immediate clue to the problem because of their nature of
being a mixture of old and new materials, Even the gIthb within the
Canon, which some scholars claim to be early in composition in
general, cannot be regarded as a yardstick for the purpose. *Therise
of Buddhology is considered to be of a gradual growth and belongs
to a late stage of development in the Canon. G.C.Pandewrites: 'The
most far reaching theological trend was the apotheosis of Buddha.
The idea of a Being incomparably superior t all creatures, including
gods, and from time to time incarnating, actually or apparently,
according to a fixed norm (Dhammata) solely out of compassion, is
without a previous parallel. It is quite foreign to the earliest texts and
must have developed gradually.'" One may, however, say that there
are traces of apotheosis of the Buddha from reasonably early times.
When the teachings ofthe Buddha spread gradually among the masses
at least along the river Ganges in India and the Saigha became institutionaIised, it is easily imaginable that Gotama the Teacher became
naturally a focus of attention. Good reputation (kittisadda) about

him spread not only anong the converts of Buddhism, but also among
some of the religious teachers and philosophers of the day. The
bratunin Brahrniiyu once asked his pupil Uaara 10 go to the Buddha
and venfy what people said about him was true or not.55 Further,
kings and merchants of the caliber of Bimbisaa, Pasenadi Kosala,
mthapi@&a, V i s a l , etc., announcing to become the, Buddha's
folIowers would have elevated his status as teacher.sb When the
Master could not be seen in person by some people, there arose
naturalIy a desire among them to find out the identity of the Buddha.
It was in these historical backdrops that the Buddha's disciples,while,
for instance, preaching the Dhmma, would have related Tatber in a
eulogistic manner. and perhaps on the request of the audiences
themselves, who the Teacher was,what qualities he possessed, his
parents, place of birth,etc., to the listeners. Apotheosis of the Master,
therefore,must have had a simple beginning evolved primarily out
of a sheer necessity. on the one hand, and human trait to pay respect
and honour to one's teacher, on Ihe other. Moreover, the Buddha
became more apodeasised as time advanced, because to the Buddhists
he was the teacher who realised, uderstood and Iived the Dharnma
and who could guide people in the correct path Ieadhg to the
emancipation from 'dukkha'.
Cmonical texts amply tesify this. For instance, some of tbe

isolated epithets and attributes ascribed to the Buddha in theearly
portions of the Canon were later on put together ta form stereotype
formulas. The best example of this is the nine virtues or attributes of
the Buddha, the formula which in mediaeval timesin Sri Lanka came
to be known as the Buddha's Navaguna. The Bhikhhus responsible
for the oral transmission of the Buddha's teachings gradually added
new materials to suit the occasions. This explains why some
statements ascribed to the Buddha in the Canon sound sometimes
unchmctistic of a humble and unassuming person like the Buddha.
For instance, according to the Vinaya Mahiiva~a,it is repmed that
soon after his attainment of Buddhahood, he proclaims to Upaka
whom he ma on his way ta meet the five bhikkhus at lsipatana thus:
"1 am the one who is worthy of being revered in this world; I am the
THE BACKGROUND
supreme teacher; I am the only one who has attained the most perfect
enlightenment." (ah? hi
lake, ah* satthdanuftaro, eko 'mhi
sammfismb~ddh~.y7
Although this seems to be a later ascription to
the Buddha by the disciples; the assumption arrived at by the use of
the word 'sammbambudd~a',whicli term came about somewhatlater
in ~e Buddhist Canon? - and it also shows the image of a teacher
disciples wished to project, it amply demonstrates that disciples wereconcerned about more dignified state of Buddhahood. Further,when
questioned as to who he was by a brahmin named Do* after seeing
the Buddha's footprints, Gotama Buddha declares that he is not a
deva, nor a gmdhabba, nor a yakkha,nor a human, but a Buddha.f4
Such instances suggest that Buddhological development was io the
making within the Canon itself, which becomes clear when compared with the early notion of the Buddha's personality. People
respected and paid homage to the Baddha as a human who reached
perfection in virtues and wisdom attainable by humans. The them
Udayi states that people pay homage to a human who attained
Buddhahood... (mmussabhfitqsambuddhq ...natz~assantfi~~
The
Buddha in early phases was conceived of as a human. But he has
now lost the human personality (manussabfiCta) and declares himseIf
to be a B uddha; the appellation applicable to anyone who is awakened
or enlightened in the early strata of the Canon. It is the notion of
"buddha" which now comes to the fore and is pursued for definition.
In passing, the Buddha's assertion to the brahmin Dona may be
interpreted to mean that he is no more subjected to rebirth like anyone
of those who are still bound by the root causes af existence. Whatever
the reason may be, the circumstances that led to the rise of a question
of this nature are multifarious. It is primarily a result of attributing
various qualities to the Buddha especially after his demise; wheretry
projecting the image of a superhuman in him. It appears to be a
natural course of development as Buddhism expanded its sway far
and wide by making infIuential personages its patrons. Among disciples, here seems to have arisen the question of who this Buddha
was. Was he a human or a superhuman ? This may be considered a
~~g point of the development of the Buddha-concept. Dona's
questions and the Buddha's answers recorded in the AhgnttaralViya

amply demonstrate the circumstances that gave rise to the shift of
thought amang the Buddhists not far fmm the time of the Buddha
himself. The Buddha-concept is a direct expansion of this thought
and the Buddhists themselves had to formulate answers to it.
Externally, on the other hand, the Buddha's apotheosis can

be surmised as a reaction and protection against different faiths in
India. Both Cula and M- Viyiiha suttas of the Suttanipata amply
testify that (philosophical) arguments among various religious p u p s
were a common practice during the h e of the Buddha in India. In
these discourses the Buddha cautions his disciples not to enter into
dispute, because it does not in any way lead to the realisation of
Nibb%na.61Such circ urnstantial evidence seen in the can& certainly
makes us believe that arguments and disputes must h a k played an
important role, at least for argument sake, in deciding which
philosophical system is superior to others among people of different
faiths. It is therefore natural that the Buddhists had to argue by way
of apotheosising that their Master was far superior to his counterparts of other religidns. By attributing supernormal qualities to the
Buddha: whereby asserting that his teachings were superior to others, the Buddhists must have also tried to gain security and identity
as Buddhists against other religions;a claim to justify for them to be
called the followers of the Buddha. Apotheosis of the Buddha by
later disciples can therefore be considered a form of protection and
perpetuation of the Dhamrna against external hmats posed by different
religions; probably escalated after the demise of the Master,
The identity of "Buddha" thus became a focal point of clarification and discussion in the Monastic Buddhism, perhaps, even
during the life time of the Buddha and it naturally became escalated
afterhis parinibbThe direction into which the development of
the Buddha-concept took its course in the Theratrgda tradition is twofold: (1) the Buddha-concept in relation to Gotama Buddha a d (2)
the generalization of Buddhahood which, among others, includes the
multiplicity of Buddhas. The formeris manifested particularly in the
biographical sketch of Gotama and legendswere gathered around him,

Particulars of Gotarna Buddha are made into universals, which fact
is a point of transit to universal Buddhahood beyond time and space.
The latter is the concept relating to the increase of past Buddhas seen
as, for instance, in the Buddhavesa and the Apadina. It also includes
the career of a Bodhisatta and the teaching of perfections @iirm-or
parnit$, etc. It culminates inthe teachings of 'dhammata"(general
nature) and 'vemattif (differences) among Buddhas. Both are of course
interrelated with each other. Further, aU these notions became distinct
in the PSili commentaries.
Attributes of the Buddha can be classified into various categories depending on what aspect of the personality of the Buddha is
ernpbasized. The commentariesoften divide the Buddha's power (bala)
into two broad types as 'Wabala' (knowledge power) and '&yabalal
(physical power),= summarizing the identity of the Buddlla: the farmer
representing all the aspectsof his spiritual attainment, particularlywisdom
(p&-ii) and compassion (karaw) associated with Buddhahood, and the
latter physical strength, and physical endowments in general. We make
use of this classification in our present study with a view to evaluating
how far the person of the Buddha came to be exalted and apotheosized
in coarse of time up to the AtJhakatha period. Before that, the Buddhaconcept in the pre-commentaria1Literaturewill be briefly dealt with for
the purpose of providing a foundation for a clear understanding of its
subsequent developments using the same scheme of classification as in
the commentaries. However, we limit the scope of our historicaI survey
to the major areas of the Buddha-concept.
4. Spiritual Attainments of the Buddha

in the Pre-commentaria1 Literature
4-a.
Early Canonical Texts (the Four Nikgyiyas)
A. The Nine Virtues or Titles (Navaguna)"

Perhaps, the sum total of the 3oddh.a'~
personality in. the Canon
can be found in the formula of the Nine Virtues or Titles, which is often
cited in the following manner: 'Iri pi so Bhagavil arahq s m m &

sarnbuddho vijjifcaranasampanno sugato lokavidfi anutraro
p u r i s a d a m m ~ ~ a ~ - s a ~ d e v a mbuddho
a n ~ sBhagavS
s~
ti-'MThis
formuiaconveysalmost all the aspects of refigio-ethical and intelIatual
perfection, compassion shown to all beings, highest knowledge attainable, leaderslip, etc. of the Buddha, thus showing the entire nature and
function of Buddhahood.
The set of nine virtues of the Buddha in subsequent times

came to form the topic for meditation called the Buddhiinussati, one
of the kamma.@a (objects or topics of meditation) in TheravZida

Buddhism. The recollection on the virtues of the Buddha according
to the Vatthiipama suttaa and VisWuposatha suttaMis said to serve
two purposes:the purification of the mind and the inductionof insight.
Further, the Dhajagga sutta says that should any fear arise in the mind
of a monk,he should recall to mind the excellences of the Buddha.b7
These instances recorded in the Canon show that by the dose of the
four Nikilyas, the concept of Buddha was a fairly developed ideology
and constituted an important part in the life of a Buddhist.
Taken individually, t e r n like arahant, buddba, @hagavant,

etc., are undoubtedly of early origin. Arahant is used, for instance,
for the notion of 'worthy persons for offerings' @iijiirah@.a The
concept of arahmt (Skt. &at) is pre-Buddhistic and was accepted
by many religious groups in ancient Indiaw The word buddha was

used before and during the time of the Buddha. It is used for 'sage'
in Jainism. Siriputtais called a buddha." Sam buddha bad a similar
historical development," and later the word sammBsmbnddfia was
formulated. Bhagava is used in the C&ndogya Upanisad [1V,5,1]as
well as in the MahBbhBata m,242,23] as a respectful address to
the teacher by pupils. This meaning was inherited in Buddhism. The
founder of Jainism, MaEivira, too is add~essedas Bhagavat."
Vi'3carqasmparu1a~~
was employed from the earliest time in
Buddhism. The Bhagavadgita [V,18J also describes the ideal
briihmqa as 'vidy~TvinayasmpannabrZl~rnapa'?~The term
THE BACKGROUND
pu&adamma-siira&-i~a coined word replacing 'assa-' (horse) with
4pufisa-' [sometimes with 'nara-': Thag 11111 Thus, the word
assadammas&athi is found at A ii 112. Prof.N&amura concludes
tj~atvarioustitles were thus systematized into a summary fopn and ;r
farmula of ten titles of the Buddha came into existence at a later
stage.?' The nine vimes of the Buddha are discussed in the
commentarial literature far more in detail than in the Canon. Suffice
it to say for the momemt that the personality of the Buddha depicted
in the Canon is no doubt the basis for a later development of the
Buddhaconcept.
~dtsm~~ca
a t ~ d b BdWqn3b
(gl
B.Tevojaand Abhin'n'ii
acda,
F
The tevijjii (tisso vijg refers in the early phase of Buddhism

to the three kinds of Veda scriptures.76 Later on, it came to mean
pubbeniv&;Snussati-fi@a, dibba-cakkhuand &av&aya-fi@a as the
standard definition in Buddhism. This Buddhist notion of t e y ~ f i
seems to have come into use at a fairly early time as some early
suttas mention it.77 The Buddha is often referred to as tevijja in the
Canon.78The chaJab~a'as
a list comprising six higher knowledges
in Buddhism, on the other hand, seems to have come later than the
notion of tevijjs. The Iist appears at the end of the Digha Nikii~a.7~
The PED states that it stands there in a sort of index of principal
subjects appended at the end of the Dlgha, and belongs therefore to
the very close of the NWya period. But it is based on older material.%0
In the canonical texts individual items in the cha!abhh-3
(higher howledges) are separately referred to at early stages and,
subsequently, t h q formed into a stere~type.~'
The six abhmd are
as
1. Iddhividhd (magical powers)

2. Dibba-sota (divine ear or clairvoyance)
3. Cetupariya-fimaor paracittayj;ia-d@a
(penetration of the mind of others)
BUDDHlSM
4. Pubbeniv#sBussati (remembrance of former existences)

5. Dibba-cakkhu (divine eye)
6. Asavakkhaya (extinction of all cankers)
The last three abhiEd (i.e.4,5& 6) are collectively designated as kvijH. What makes one attain arahantship is the knowledge of asavakkhaya in the above List. It is called lokuttara
(supramundane), while the rest are lokiya (mundane) which are
attainable through the utmost perfection in mental concentration
(sa~uiidhi)?~
The f i s t a b m g mentioned in the list of six is iddhividhS
(psychic powers). The notion of iddhi is pre-Buddhistic and common to all schools of thought in India.B4Types of miracles prevalent
at that time are found in the canonical texts. They include miracles
such as; projectingmind-made images of oneself; becoming invisible;
passing through salid things; penetrating solid ground; walking on
water; flying through the air; touching sun and moon; ascending into
the highest heavens.85 The Buddha is also reported to have used
miracles or wonders on various occasions. The most important
occasion was when he confronted with Uruvela Kassapa. The Vinaya
Mahiivagga relates this incident al length.86 While admitting the
difficulty to conjecture what this competition of miracles meant,
Prof.Nakamura says that those brahmins, probably the worshipers of
the fkegod Agni, had given up its rites as aresult of the confrontation
with the Buddha. This fact would suggest that Buddhism defeated
the Brahmanic s d c e s and went on spreading,87 The Buddha was
indeed thought by others (i.aJains) m be one endowed with magical
powers (mgyHv@who could entice followers of different religions
through magic (mBy$.88 In some instances, however, he reproached
his disciples for the use of m i r a ~ l e s What
. ~ the Buddha means here
is the misuse or abuse of such a power for worldly gains. Although
such is the nature of miraculous powers referred to in the canonical
texts, iddhi in general seems to occupy an important place in
Buddhism. The canonical texts, for instance, often talk of the four
bases of psychic powers (iddM~a'da).~
They are said to be conducive
to Nibbiinx9' to the complete destruction of d ~ k k h a ;or
~ ~they are
THEBACKGROUND
fie path Leading to the ~nconditioned.9~
The real import of miracles
must, however,be sought in theirproper applicationfor the preaching
of the Dharnma. Nathan Katz observes that they (discourses on id&i
in the Canon) all involve either the teaching of Dhamma or the expression of religious senti men^^^ The Kevaddha sutta clearly states
lhat the wonder of education (anus;Tsani-piftifiiznya)is the thing that
the ~uddhavalues." Kogen Mizuno also writes that the five abh%a,
unlike S . s a v ~ a y a - which
~ ~ a is the fundamental doctrine or the
ultimate aim in Buddhism, were necessary and supplementary knowledge for the Buddhists as ed~cationists.4~
Miracles are sometimes expressed as p S ~ W y aor pa1;hira

which is said to consist of (I) iddhi-p@ih@iya(the wonder of psychic power), (2) adesan&-pS.@&iya ((the wonder of mind-reading),
and (3) anustTsm--piTfih&iya (the wonder of education or giving
instruction)?'
These are abilities arising from the attainment of
obhatobh;Sgavhuth'withchdabhii-tii, but at varied degrees. In order
to exalt the Buddha and considerhim as different from the rest of his
disciples, later canonical and post-canonical texts added to the list
yamaka-pstihiinya (the twinmiracles),which is said to be the province
of the Buddha alone.98
C . Dasabala or TatEigatabala (TenPowers)
The apotheosis or exaltation of the Buddha started in early

texts in the Canon itself. The arahants with cha,labh%i developed
all the items mentioned above. But when the depth of their abhiEg
is compared with that of the Buddha, it becomes clear that the Euddha is described as being far superior to any other arahants. Since
some of abhfi-8 are included in yet another classificationof knowledge of the Buddha known as the tathiigatabala (powers of the
Tathiigata), we will now give below those ten powers. Mention must
be made that the concept of dasabda (ten powers) attributed to the
Buddha is a later deveIopment in the Canon. The Buddha was
regarded as possessing a kind of power. This probably was a result
of a religious sentiment shared by many to eulogize a person of high
moral and intellectual quality. He is called 'balappatta' (one who
has attained p~wer)?~Later, his spiritual attainments became classified into groups, and on its way to the last stage of development in
the Canon, this seems to have had an intermediate phase where only
six powers of the Buddha are ~nenti0ned.l~
The Mahbihan3da suttalD'
gives the ten tath8gatabalas as follows:1m
(1) He knows realistically a possibility as a possibility and an impossibility as an impossibility (.tWnatT ca . W a t o attbiEaiu7 ca atthanato
yathSbhdr;un pajWiti).
(2) He knows realistically the causally connected results of all actions whether they belong to the past, present or future
(aBfiiniZgatapacc- uppmiinarp kammar;mad@2Tnar;n
hetuso
vipizkay yath3bh3@ paj&tTti).
(3) He knows realistically the courses of action leading to all states
of existence (sabbafhagSminirppatipad* yatha'bhiitrup pajiina-ti).
(4) He knows realistically all worlds composed of various and diverse elements (anekaciWtu~-&i?tu-lakap yadtZbltIrta+ pajr~nsb].
(5)He knows realistically thevarious spiritual propensities or dispositions of human beings (satrikq n&iidhimuftikakp yathiibhfitay
pajXniZt~).
(6) He knows realisticallythe maturity levels of the spiritual faculties
of various human beings (parasattiinam parapuggaliinam
indriyapmpanyattq Ya&#bhlS@ paj&Bti).
(7) fie knows realistically the attainment of superconscious
meditational levels such as j3Ba, vimokkha, samB&i and samiipaih
together with the defilements and purities associated with them and
the means of rising from these superconsciousstates @&ia-vimokkhasamgdhi-sam@attInqsaikilesq vodllnaq vu+@i&am yathiibhitan;
paj&iifi].
(8) He has retrocognitive powers extending up to several (many)'"
aeons with ability to recall details regarding past existences (...mekc
pi sqva!@vivaffakappe..., so tato cnto idhcpapanno ti iti s&i&y
sa-uddesaty anekavihitq pubbeniva'sq anussarati).
(9) He has clairvoyant powers with the ability to see beings dying
and being reborn subsequently in high or low states according tc
their
own kamma (dibbena cakkhunH visuddhen;

atikkantamiinusakena sane passati cavamae upapajjamae, hint
THE BACKGROUND
p~Zte...yaWammiipagesath pajw-f~).
(1 0 ) He has attained cetovimutti and paf5Svimutti having destroyed
all mental defilements in this very life (iisav&+
mijsavam
cetovimuttim pa6r%vimultiy dit.he vi7 dhamme say* abhjfifi~
sacchikatvi &sarnPaja ~ & a r a l . i > . ~ ~
A list of ten powers of the arahaat is found in the hgutrara
NiGya.IM For the purpose of comparison and clear understanding
of the difference between the two, we quote here the ten powers of
the =ahant:
(I) An arahant sees all component things as impermanent.

(2) He sees all sense pleasures as a pit of burning embers.
(3) His mind is inclined towards seclusion and renunciation.
(4) He has practiced lhe four stations of mindfulness.
(5) He has practiced the fow-fold right exertion (sammappawa).
((5) He has practiced the four bases of psychic powers (iddhipilda).
(7) He has developed the five spiritual faculties (lndriya].
(8) He has developed the five spiritual powers (bala).
(9) He has developed the seven factorsof enlightenment (bojjhadga)
(20) He has cultivated the noble eight-fdd path (aAghigikamagga).106
Of the ten powers of the arahant Iisted above, Nos. (4) - (10)
consritnte the thirty-sevenFactors of Enlightenment (bodhipakkhiyadharnma.Io7
The canonical texts at the same time have various lists of
powers (bala)of the arahant numbering seven,'* five,'" orjust one.'la
This again suggests that such powen were collected and subsequently
made into a group of ten. After comparing the two lists of powers of
the Buddha and the arahant, Nathan Katz concludes that every item
of the tath2gztabala can be found in the list of powers of an arahant
and says: "Our analysis of these canonical lists, then, supports our'
thesis of the significant identity of the Buddha and the arahant."ll'
13e overlooks a very important aspect in his analysis. If be relies for
his conclusion on the sources which apparently incorporate doctrinal
points of late development in the Canon (mainly the four Nikiiyas in
this case), he should have been more impartial to quote other sources
as well which would negate and contradict his own conclusion. De
Silva points out in comparison with the powers of rel~ocognitiveand
clairvoyant abilities ofthe arghant (i.e,(8) and (9) of the tathzgatabala)
that the Buddha, according to the Aggivacchagotta ~utta,''~seems to
have unlimitedretrocognitive and clairvoyant abilities as he says that
he can see as far as he wishes to see ('yavad eva
Further, with regard to (5) and (6) in tbe list, she concludes that though
arahants with cha&bhiiMS are said to have the ability of thoughtreading, nowhere is it stated in the Pdi Canon that arahants have the
ability to read the spiritual propensities and the maturity levels of
spiritual faculties of other individuals.I1% this case several suttas
are found in the Canon where only the Buddha is said to be capable
of teaching the Dhamma for the benefit of the 1i~tener.l'~
Finally,
she remarks that as for the first, this special power of knowing a
possibdity as a possibility and an impossibility as an impossibility is
never mentioned as a knowledge of the =ahant. As the greatest
teacher, the Buddha's ability to probe into the deepest recesses and
potentialities of the human mind, as Lily de Silva puts it (regarding
(5) & (63in the above list), comes as a quite distinct spiritual attainment
of the Buddha. Because of this ability, he is acclaimed as the
incomparable tamer of men (anuttam purisadammas&tbf) or the
reacher of gods and men (sattha d e v a m a n u s s ~ ~He
) . knows thal
what he preaches will definitely lead one beyond the yonder shore oi
sqsFtra.
To sum up our discussions, let us refer to the MahaSakulud8yi sutta. This sutta gives five reasons why disciples of the
Buddha revere, ~espect,honour and esteem the Buddha The Buddha
is eudotked with: (1) higher morality (adhisjla), (2) surpassing
knowledge-and-vision (fiiipadassana) and (3) higher wisdom
(adhipaiinCiT).He instructs and teaches his disciples in the (4) Four
Noble Truths (an'yasacci&fi and (5) thirty-seven factors of enlightenment (bo&ip&ya&amma',;
eight deliverances (vimakkhii);
eight spheres of mastery (abhibhiiyatnnif);ten spheres of the devices
(kasipilyatana3;four trances Ijhiinr?n~);and six higher knowledges
THE BACKGROUND
(abhwq."6 Three aspects of the Buddha's personality emerge from

these: first, the Buddha is a teacher who understands what is right
and what is not to instwt disciples; second, he himself is of high
moral standard; and third, he is endowed with surpassing knowledge.
These are indeed the areas which later works elaborate to a great
extent.
D. Sftbba-ii (Omniscient One) and Sabbmutij (Omniscience)
W h e n the Buddha's knowledge is discussed, the canonical

texts attribute to him such qualities as all-knowing (sabbaiXfi or
sabbavidv'), all-seeing (sabbadass8~0,or knower of the world
(lokavidq, etc. The Buddha's knowledge is one of the favourite
areas of exaItation and expansion. It is in this m a that quite a number
of new attributes emerged subsequently.
In the ~ Q U TNikSyas, the term sabb-6 OT ssbbn'uti is discussed at several places in relation to the kind of omniscienceclaimed
by Nigapmtha-p~tta."~According to the TevijjWacchagotta
~ u t t a , lNigwyhaniitha-putta's
~~
claim of omniscience is understood
as the knowledge that is continually and permanently present while
waking, standing still, sleep, or awake. This is the kind of howledge
that the Buddha denied. Instead, the Buddha claims to be a tevjjja.
K.N.Jayatilleke,after examining passages in the NikFiyas with regard
to the claim of omniscience attributed to the Buddha, also says that
the Buddha should be regarded not as one who is omniscient all the
time, but as one who has 'a three-fold knowledge' which even others
can deve10p."~The Buddha further says that there is neither a recluse
nor a brahmin who at one and the same time cari know all, can see all
this situation does not arise.Im Based on this, K.NJayatiUoke agrees
that the Buddha in the Nlkilyas does not deny omniscience in the
sense of knowing everything but not all at once.12' De Silva suggests
that while the Buddha rejected the epithet sabbmii in the sense it
was understood by Nigaypmitha-putta, the term 'sabba' (everything)
in sabbavidii and sabbmii means the five sense faculties and their
corresponding sense objects, plus the sense faculty of fie mind and
BUDDHA IN THERAV&IA BUDDHISM
corresponding mental phenomena.'"
In passing, mention must be made of Buddha-visaya (the

range of a Buddha), which is regarded as one of the four things that
cannot be thought about (na cintetabbfii) according to the Aitguttara
N i k a ~ a . ' ~The
~ Manorathapirani explains its meaning as the incident (pavatfr) and potency (&ubhlva) of such qualities as omniscience of Buddhas.'= As will be discussed later, this concept of
'unthinkable' (acinteyya or acintiya) plays an important role in
describing the Buddha-concept in the Atj~akathfiliterature.
E. Cakkhu (Eye)
The Buddha is sometimes referred to as one who has 'eye'

(cakkh~rnant),'~~
or the eye of all round knowledge (samanra~akkhu),'~~
etc. The notion that one is endowed with 'eye'
(cakkhumant)is not always associated with the Bnddba alone, Even
ordinary mendicants are also referred to as cakkhummt in early
However, the apotheosis of the Buddha resulted in the
stereotype of expressions. The Buddha came to be described as
possessing five kinds of eye @aka-cakkhu) inlater texts in the Canon.
They include: (1) rnqsamkkhrr (the eye of flesh), (2) dibbacakM11
(the divine eye), (3) pan'filcakkhu (the eye of wisdom), (4)
buddhacakkhu (the Buddha-eye), and (5) samantacWu (he eye oi
all round knowledge or omni~cience).'~These are found individually
or in sets at several places in the Canon. The Buddhists later pul
them tagether to form a set of five.129 Such references to the set of
five seem to begin from the late canonical texts particularly the
Patisambhid2magga and the Niddesa, as will be discussed later,
F. Cam-vesiiraja(Four Confidences)
The M-ihangda
sutta gives four confidences (catt$.
vesirajBm) as mother aspect of the Buddha's spiritual attainments.'"
The text says that, endowed with the four confidences, the Buddh;
claims, as in the ten tatbifgatabala,the leader's place (Ssabhaffirna)
THE BACKGROUND
r o m his Lion's roar in assemblies and sets roiling the Brahtna-wheel
(...gsabha!hiinnm pa~jjlma'ti, parisssu sihaniidam nadati,
br&acakkqpavatteh].
The four confidences are as foll~ws:'~'
The Buddha has the absolute confidence and abides therein that no
human, nor deva, nor *a,
nor BrahmB. nor anyone in the world
can accuse hjm:
(1) of being not fully enligb~ened(Samm~smbuddhassatepa[ijBato
ime dhamrnfi anabhisambuddha3
(2) of not being completely free fiom all defilements (khI@xavassa
te pafij-to ime bavii aparikkh@ii)
(3) that the Wigs declared by him as stumbling-blocks or dangers do
not in fact constitute stumbling-blocks or dangers (Ye kho pana fe
antarayka' dhmmii vuttZ te patisevato n d q anfariyHya)
(4) that the purpose for which the Dhamma is taught, i.e., the destruction of ' d u m a ' , is not achieved by one who follows it (yassa
kho pana te affhiiya dhammo desito so na n&~atitakkmassa samma'
dukkhakkhay~ya).
The text further states that because of these four confidences,
the Buddha approaches the eight assemblies (agha-paris;r3 comprising humans and non-humans and enters them, but yet no fear, nor
nervousness would come upon him (tafra vata may bhayay va
ssrajjam vB okkamissatfti oimittam e t a q S;Sriputta na
samanupass~i]
4-b. The Late Canonical Texts (the Khuddaka N i k f i ~ a ) ' ~
wd the Abhidhttmma
In same of the late texts of the Khuddaka Nikfya, we witness

a rnuch more developed concept of the Buddha compared with the
four Nikgyas, particularly in describing the Buddha's knowiedge.
One tnay wonder why such a sudden change came about in the
Theravida tradition. It is in fact much closer to the Affhakathb in its
descriptions and interpretations than to the four NikZyas, The
BUDDHA INT H E R A V ~ A
BUDDHISM
Pa~isambhidBnaggaand the Maha and Cdla Niddesas are of particular interest to us in the development of the Buddha's knowledge.
Further, the Buddhavqsa and CariyZipitaka, for the first tune in the
Theraviidida school, introduces the Bodhisatta concept togethet with
the doctrine of ten perfections { p B m f ' 3 4in the truly technical sense.
The Buddhavqsa traces pist lives of Gotama Buddha as Bodhisatta
to the very beginning when he, for the first time, aspired under the
feet of Diparikara Buddha to become a Buddha in a distant futmz.
Since then, the Bodhisatta practised the piramitas under differen1
past Buddhas who appeared in this world from time to time. The
number of previous Buddhas was increased from the cmnical
reference of seven 'to twenty-five, and further to twenty-eight.
including Gotama Buddha The Apadma is said to have thirtyfive Buddhas, a firrther development in the lineage of Buddhas.i35
A study of the historical evolution of the Khuddaka Nikiiyz
is wrapped up in difficulties as some of the texts kept on gathering
additions and interpolations even after the Aieakathii period. A
notable example is the Buddhavpsa whose last two chapters arc
said to have been added after its Afwakatha was written.I3" The
Apadiina is another text of great uncertainty in its formation as we
have it 'today. The fact that it contains a greater number of previous
Buddhas. thanthe Buddhavarpsa, speaks of its late wigin.
A historical and doctrinal evaluation of the

P?isambhidEmaggaand the Niddesa (Mahi4 & Calla) in the Theraviida
tradition was assessed more than fifty years ago by Kogen Mizuno.
In his articleJn he places these two texts in the history of the formation of Buddhist Pili texts in a period not far from the king Asoka.
They occupy a literal position between the Agamas and the Abhidhamma texts and are closer in composition to the early Abhidhamma
texts."a As for the content of the P&sambhidBnagga, the text gives
at the outset seventy-three kinds of knowledge as topics (matiki for
elaborationthat follows. They are roughly divided into two categories:
sixty-sevenof them common to all and six possessed only by aBuddha
THE BACKGROUND
..
sattasaf?hf n'angni
s s v a k a s i i d h ~ icha
, n'@mm
ass?dhih@ni sSvakehi ti).'" The six
knowledges not shared by disciples (asiidh&qa-n'@a) include:
lrnesam
tesattatjnam fiiiniinam
(1) jndtiyapampariyatte ma (knowledge of the maturity

levels of spiritual faculties)
(2)s a m Bsayausayefiea(knowledge of the disposition
of beings)
(3) yamakapIFihire n'@a (knowledge of the Twin Miracle)
(4) rn&mnBamapaffiya f 7 q a (knowledge of the attainment
of great compassion)
( 5 ) sabban'n'utd@a (omniscient knowledge)
(6)ansvqa-n'aa (unobstructed knowledge)
For our present study, the notion of asii&iTrapa-5@a is important. They centre around two aspects of the nature of Buddhahood: one is the spiritual attainmentsof a Buddha and the other is the
function of a Buddha (i.0. the reason for which a Buddha appears in
this world). We will, therefore, discuss them in a brief manner with
a view to finding out how far the Buddha came to be distinguished
from other arahants. However, the text (i.e. Pfs) elsewhere includes
a l l these knowledges undm the heading of omniscient knowledge
(~abb~uta-fi@
) of
a the Tathagata.lm They are as follows:
(1 ) TathQata knows without remainder alI conditionedand unconditioned things ( s a b b q s&a+
asaikhafam mavasesay jmiiti ti
sabbarTn'utarj@arp).
(2-4) He knows everything concerning the past, future and present
(atitam..., aniigaram ..., paccuppannam sabbam jiin8fi ti
sabb a i 7 5 u t a . 6 ~ ) .
(5- 10) He knows everything about the organ of vision (cakkhu)and
its objects(fipa), the organ of hearing and its objects (sadda), the
organs of smell, taste, touch and the mind-organ and their objects
(cakkhuficOva riipa.... somi c bva sad& ...pe ...gh&ar? c 'edagandha
ca ...pe ... jivhii c'cva rasiica, ~yoc'evapbo.@abbiica,manoc'eva
dhammd ca evay tap sabbm jiinZtiti ...)
BUDDHISM
(1 1) He knows everything as far as the various aspects of impermanence, unsatisfactoriness and non-self are concerned (yiivatii
aniccatthay dukk3aftha.y anaththarp tat,n sabbarp j;?niiti ti ..,)
(12 17)He knows everything about vedani, saiinaiin8,
saik&a, v ~ i i p ,
cakkhu and jm--marafla
as far as various aspects of impermanence,
unsatisfactoriness and non-self are concerned (ygvaa vedm-ya...pe,..
s&-aya ...pe ..s a d c h & S n q ~...pe viuii@assa pe ...cakkhussa ...
pe ... jh-i%naraqassa aniccattham dukkhartham anattattham, tap
s a b b q j2n8tl' ti ...)
(1 8-22)He h o w s everything concerning higher knowledge and its
various aspects (abhfiZiya abhiliid.ma.y), full understanding and its
various aspects @-fii7yapaififia~$ay), abandoning and its various
aspects @ahmya pahha-tf&n), meditation and its various aspects
CbhivanZya bhiTvanaf[h;u,n), realization and ih various aspects
(sacchikiriyayasacchikiriya@rzuy).
(23-25)He knows everything concerning the aggregates and their
various aspects (khandhinamkhandha!jllarp),the elements and their
various aspects (dhitham dha'tuffhq), the sense fields and tl~eir
various aspects (ayatamap iiyatanat@aq$...
(26-27) He knows everything concerning the conditioned and its
various aspects (sarikhaHnap sarikhata,@u@, the unconditioned and
its various aspects (as&a%ay
asarikhata-@ar;n)...
(28-30) He knows cverytl-ting concerning good things (kusale
cbmme), bad things (&usale dhamme),and neutral things (avyaate
...
...
..
&amme)
...
(31-34) He know everything concerning dhammas belonging to

kaaloka, riipaloka, aripaloka and those which are unincluded
(apariyapanna)...
(35-38) He knows everything concerning the Four Noble Truths and
theis various aspects...
(39-42) He knows everything concerning the Four Analytical
Knowledges and their various aspects...
(43)He knows everything concerning the maturity levels of spiritual
faculties of others (indriyaparopmyatte fi@m
I...
(44) He h o w s everything concerning the disposition of beings
(salmqn Layiinusaya amant)...
THE BACKGROUND
He knows everything concerning the Twin Miracle (yamaka

psfim *am).-.
(45)
(46) He kaaws everything concerning the attainment of great compassion [rnaMkmnBmSpartiyiiiii.prp)...

(47) He knows everythzng that has been seen, heard, sensed, thought,
attained, sought and searched by the minds of those who inhabit the
entire world of gods and men [ySvatii sadevakassa Iokassa
sam~rakassasabrahmakassa sassamana brahmaniyi paj;?ya
sadevahmussTya d i f q q sutarp m u t e v - m p a t w
pariyesitap
anuvicaitaq manasii sabbarp jm iititi...)
The Pafisambhidib~~agga'~'
further slates that the Buddha is
'all-seeing' (samanta-cmu),'42 the classificaion of which is similar to his omniscient hawledge ( ~ a b b ~ u f a - f i @ awith
) slight variations. It includes the following:
(1 -4) the howledges of the Four NobIc Truths separately.
(5-8) the Four Analytical knowledges separately.
(9) the knowledge of the maturity levels of spiritual faculties
(indriyapmpariyatte fii~q).
(1 0) the knowledge of tlre disposition of beings ( s a t t h q Baylinusaye
fMym).
I1I) the knowledge of the Twin Miracle (yamakapS@& fi@arp)
(12) the knowledge of the attainment of great compassion
(rnall;ik~~gBisamapartiy#
E*at;n).
(1 3) the omniscient knowledge (sabbai5utaii@am).
(14) the unobstructed knowledge (tinavmpa-fi@su;z~).
All these are considered as the knowledge of a Buddha

(Buddhan"@a).The eight knowledges (out offourteen) are common
to disciples and the last six are not shared by them ( i m e s p cuddas m q Buddha@maiy af@a fimiini siivakasildhiirq?inichan"@bi
midfim&' siivakeh~].~~
A comparison between the two lists above reveals the following (A - the list of sabb&-ura-fiqa of a Buddha. B - the list of
BUDDHISM
Notes:
* All are classed as sabbanXuta-n"@ain A.
# Every item is modified by the expression m-vargw-fima in A.
Nos. 9-14 in B correspond to the six asadhi%xna-&@ain the
Chapter on h4Zttik?1~~~
and Nos. 9- 13 in B me. sepamtely expounded
and called the knowledge of the Tathigata.'4s The samanta-cakkhu
in the Patismbhidmagga is treated as a part of sabbatiii-rib-fi@a of
the Tathiigata. At the same time sabbdZufa-iiaais included in the
exposition of sammta-calrkhu. What then is the relation between
~abb~uta-fi@
and
a w-varqa-fi@a? Bhikkhu f i ~ a t n o lsays
i that
they are not diierent from each other, but supplement each other.'46
What emerges from our above survey is that the Pafisambhidiiinagga
distinguishes six kinds of knowledge of aBuddhanotsbared by disciples (asz?dh&ma-E@a). This is another step further in the'exaltation
of the ~uddha: However, it must be admitted that some items a ~ e
also found in the earIier Lists of the ten tatbagatabalas. For example,
A - (43) = B - (9),i.e. indriyaparopariyatta-n'@a is the same as No.6
and A - (44) = B - (lo)+i.e. sattiinam Bayilnusaya-fima appears
contextually similar to No.5 of the ten fathiigatabalas respectively.
The remaining four seem to be new additions in the late canonical
texts, or at Ieast, they can be said to be areas of further development.
11eword samanta-c&u
is not a new invention appearing
for the fmt time in the Khuddaka Nikaya It is rather an old usage
THE BACKGROUND
found even heady strata of the Canon. The Suttauipiita, for instance,
often uses it as a respectful form of address for Gotarna Buddha.147
~ t usage
s
in the text is simply to show discerning ability of a person
worthy of r e ~ p e c t . 'A~ new development in some of the JShuddaka
Nikgya texts is an Abhidhamrnic connotation attached to tbe term. It
is used there to denote the sum total of the Buddha's knowledge.
Therefore, the other kinds of c M u are included in it. Various notions
in connection with the visual superiority of human, divine and
intellectual spheres came to be collected together and a set of five
such 'eyes' (calbkhd was formulated in texts like the N i d d e ~ a 'in~ ~
the Khuddaka N ~ y a It
. is in this Nikaya that they are minutely
discussed and explained.
Another departu~from the four Nikayas is the knowledge
concerning the future (mZigaraps a b b q jiina~tisabbaiEuM@q,
i ,A-3
An implication of this knowledge in early canonical
texts may be sought in the knowledge of divine eye (dibba-cakkhu).
But there it is the knowledge centred on disappearance and reappearance of beings according to their actions (kamma). A similar
one is the second power (bala) of the Tathggata [See N0.2 in the ten
tahagatabalas mentioned above]. It is explained as cutzpapata-1-7or yafhiikammiipaga-i@a.'50 Emphasis in this instance is no doubt
on the causal relations between actions ( k m a )and their legitimate
consequences (vipaa).However, if the mechanism of causal relations

is extended beyond the time limit of present, a possibility exists that
this knowledge can be extended to the future. This can be inferred
from the expression that the Buddha can see as far as he wishes to see
(probably both backward and forward in time) (ah* ... y;rvab eva
skatikh#mi),l5'which is said in connection with both the
pubbenivis~~ussati-fig?aand dibba-cakkhu of the ten
Qthagatabalas.l2 The fact that the Buddha came to be credited with
the knowledge of 'knowing everything concerning the hture'
~ w - g a t a ps a b b q jm-t~in
) the Pafisambhidimagga, is a result of
further exaltation of the Buddha to differentiate him from the disciples.
This aspect of the Buddha's knowledge is further developed and
incorporated in the concept of the Eighteen Qualities of the Buddha
BUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ ABUDDHISM
(a.*&asa-buddhadhamma in the AFfhakathB literature.
Yet another development in the Pa!isambhidimagga is a

classificationof 'power' (bda).It gives sixty-eight powers (a-@ase
baliir~",.'~~
Inthemarernentioned, mongothers,fietenkhmavabala, ten iddhi-bala and ten tath3gafabala. A perusal of the ten
kh@&a~ab,ala~~
and ten bthagZithabalalSs reveals that they are
identical with the lists found in the early canonical texts referred to
earlier. The ten iddhi-bala1%on the other hand, appear to be a new
classification adopted in the later canonical texts. They m:
(1) adhif@ina iddhi (psychic potency of resolute detemation)
(2) vikubbaii iddhi (psychic potency of transformatian)
(3) maornay3 iddhi (psychic potency of mind-made [body])
(4) ii&tavippizi&sSiddhi (psychic potency by the intervention
of knowledge)
(5) samadhivipphPI iddbi (psychic potency by the intervention
of concentration)
(6) any# idchi (psyclic potency of ariyans)
(7)kammavipZkajS idd~r'(psychic potency born
of the fruition of kamma)
(8)pufivato iddhi @sychicpotency of the meritorious)
(9) vij&nayd iddhi (psychic potency consisting inlore)
(10) factha tattha samrniipayogapaccayii ijhana#ena iddhi
(psychic potency in the sense of succeeding due to
right exertion [applied] here or there)157
In short, the Buddha came to be given the epithet of sahb&-fi

irt the Iate texts of the Khuddaka N U y a far removed from its usage
foundin the four NWyas. This aspect of the Buddha's knowledge is
undoubtedly in conformity with a general trend among theBuddhists
of later times to distinguish the Buddha from disciples. In the same
line of development, we observe that the five kinds of eyt (c&u)
as a set began to be mobilized for the exaltation of the Buddha, and
particularly, his samanta-cakkbuis given a prominentplace. Although
two differentterms sabbarEii and samantacirkkhu are employed as
THE BACKGROUND
seen above their function is nothing but to show the same aspects of
h e Buddha's wisdom. SidarIy, the Buddha became credited with
the Twin Miracle (yamakapHfihira);the miracle capabIe of being
only by the Buddha. Thus, the gap ktween him and the
diseip[es became much wider in spectrum as time advanced.
A similar result can be achieved and is envisaged by attributing numerous epithets to the Buddha Some newly coined epithets
appear for tbe first t h e , particularly in the late texts of the Khuddaka
Nikaya. Epithets and qualities denoting the Buddha's wisdom are,
m t a f i @ a (limitless knowledge), etc. His superiority over all the
creatures, human or divine, is expressed in such epithets as devadeva,
deviitideva, brahmadeva, etc.ls
Although the concept of unthinkable or unimaginable (acinteyya oracintiya)is first seen in the canonical texts,t59the Khuddaka
Nikiya continues to develop it. For instance, Buddhas are said to be
unthinkable (acintjya).lW The word buddhakkhetta (field of a
Buddha) is probably a late terminology found in the Apadiina.I6l
The concepts of kherta (field) and visaya (range or sphere) are elaborated to a great exetent by the commentators in the Af&akathBliterature.
Another development of the Buddha-concept in the Khuddaka

Nikiiya can be seen in the further emphasis on compassion (kanrpii)
of the Buddha. One of the six asB&qa-fi@a
deals specifically
with this (i.e.,mahsTkm~itr;mdpatti-n'ma).
It plays a pivotal role in
the function of a Buddha together with the Bodhisatta-concept.
Parables in h e Fdi Canon sometimes refer to the Buddha as a camvan
leader or agood herdsman1@ The Khuddaka NikSya highlights this
characteristic of Buddhahood more than before. For instance,
expressions such as 'tlirerni janate bah~m','~~'Sattha
ti safthil
Bhagav.4 safthavziho.Ynf& satthavao satthe kanWq fiiretili..',lH
and epithets like l ~ k a t q a , etc.,
' ~ are a clear indication of the shift
of emphasis regarding the Buddha's k w w .

In the Abhidhamma literature, the sarne degree of enthusiasm about the Buddha-conceptpersists as in the late Khuddaka NGya
texts The Vibhariga, for instance, deals with a classification of
hawledge (flwavibhat5ga) in the Chapter Sixteen in which the ten
&athagatabalasare discussed in detail.l6& An interesting feature at
this stage of the development of the Buddha-concept in the
Abhidhamma is aclassificationafhumantypes in the Puggalapaiiiiatti.
The text indeed provides a hierarchy of individuals with varied
attainments. We come across in it a clear definition of another type
of Buddha named 'pacceka-b~ddha'.'~~The difference in the
definitions between ~ m b o d d l r andpaccekabuddhais
a
that the
former attains omniscience (sabbaEu@) and the mastgr over the
fruits @halesutcav a s ~ ~ v a ywhile
) , the latter does not (na ca tartha
s a b b a t W upapn@ti
~
na caphdesu ~ a s T b h a v q ] .An
' ~ underlying
objective in giving sabbafiifutti as one of the two criteria for
determining whether one is a smmlarnbuddha or apaccekabuddha
is obviously because of the compassionate nature of Buddhahood. A
Buddha i motivated by compassion for the world topreach his teachings. This aspect of compassion in sabbai=utii is the key-factor that
prompted the Buddhists to draw a clear-cut kmarcatioh between
samm%ambuddha and paccekabuddha. Once such a distinction is
made, it is a matter for later Buddhists to widen it further. By so
doing, their aim is to make the Buddha (or Buddhas) appear much
more superior to paccekabuddhas. This tendency persists through
the Milindapaiiha to the A!thakathii literature.
The Katfivatthu provides another opportunity to have a

glimpse into the development of the Buddha-concept in the Theravaa
tradition. Here, we see a desperate attempt by the Theraviidins to ga
back to the traditional interpretation of the Buddha-concept as seen
in the Canon. We refer briefly to a few points of controversy whick
will help understand the development of the Buddha-concept mdei
c~nsideration.'~~
The disputes concerning the Buddha directly art
as f~llows:
THE BACKGROUNa
(1) The ordinary speech (vohZra)of the Buddha is supramundane.

KV 11 10 [Andhakasl
(2)The powers of the Buddha are the same as those of disc'rples.
KV rII I, 2 [Andbakasl
(3) The Buddha and his enlightenment (the interpretation of bodhi
or enlightenment). Kv IV 6 [Uttarapathakas]
(4) Gifts to the Buddha will not bring reward. Kv XVLI 10.
(5) He never lived in this world. Kv XVIIl 1 [Vetulyakas]
(6) He prea~hedthrough a created @me. Kv XVIII 2. ~etulyalcas]
(7) He felt no compassion. Kv XVIU 3. [Uttarapathb]
(8) Everything of him was hgrant. Kv XVITI 4.
[Andhakas and Uttarapathakas]
(9) His supernatural powers (iddhi) (a Buddha or a disciple has
the power of supernomally perfunning what he intends).
Kv XXI 4. [Andhakas]
(10)Buddhas are different from each other. Kv XXI: 5 . [Andhakas]
(1 1) Buddhas persist in all directions. Kv XXI 6. Wahiisangikas]
Notes:
* Names within [ I are the proponents identified in the AghakathB
A perusal of these propositions suggests that the nonTherauZda schools mentioned above had a general tendency to regard
the Buddha as more than a human. Docetism is quite clear. ~ ' ~ . ~ u b e
also remarks that almost all these theses are in the nature of elevating
the concept of Buddha and making it far more sublime than the early
belief in a human 3uddha.Im From the Therav&iapoint of view, the
Buddha is still essentiaUy a human. To the Theravadins, the Buddha
was a real person who actually lived in this world, accepted gifts and
preached his doctrine through compassion to the world [see Nos.1,
4-7 above]. While admitting that mere were in the past, and will be
in the future, many Buddhas, the Theravdins maintain that no
difference is observed in their enlightenment, omniscientknowledge
and vision, etc. The differences among them are only in respect of
body (sarLra), length of life (a'yu) and radiance (pabha [see No. 101.
They, however, uphold that the Buddha's powers are different from
BUDDHA IN THERAV&IA BUDDHISM
those of the disciple [see No.21. This is a continuation from the

canonical texts. The Theravaa position seems therefore that, while
differences became more and wider between the arahant and the
Buddha as time progressed, human qualities of the Buddha were
preserved unchanged. This holds good even in the A t w a t h i
literature. It is in fact amarked characteristicof the co,ncept,ofBud&
in the Theravada tradition. though admittedly docetic tendency keg1
increasing as time advanced. And how the Theravfidins reconciled
this growing gap between the two is a matter that must be addressed
separately.
4-c. The Post Canonical Texts.
The Milindapaiiha discusses several aspects of the BuddhaOnly notable ones a .briefly discussed below:
concept.17'
(1) The text places emphasis on the universality of Buddhas.

In other words, generalization of Buddhahood is quite clear. The
thaa Nsgasena, for instance, states thaf there are no differences among
Buddhas and they are all equal in the Buddha qualities (sabbe pi
buddbii buddhadhammehi ama as am@.^" The realization of the same
truth by all Buddhas gives a sense of universality of the teachings of
Buddhism. All Buddhas are in fact the same in physical beauty, in
goodness of character, in power of contemplation md of reasoning,
in emancipation, in the insight arising from the lolowledge of ernancipation, in the four confidences (catu-vesilraja),in the ten powers
(dasabala) of a TaWgata, in the six knowledges not shared by others
(cha-asadh&qa-@a}, in the fourteen knowledges of a Buddha, in
the eighteen qualities of a Buddha in short, in all the qualities of a
Buddhaln A noteworthy development in the Milindapaiiha, as we
can see from the above, is the introduction of the notion of eighteen
qualities of a Buddha (affh&isabuddhadhammii), which is found nowhere in the Canon.
(2) Miln also maintains that one Buddha is enough in the

worId at a time.174This position like what is discussed at Kv XXI 6
THE BACKGROUND
lhmughouf the hislory of Theraviida Buddhism. Nagasem
agues as to why one Buddha is enough at a time and says that it is
because of the greatness of virtues of the all-knowing B~ddhas.175
(3) Religiously speaking, Miln demonstratesthe importance

01 the act of homage to and faith in the Buddha. The king Milinda
claims: 'Your people say, Nagasena, that though a man should have
lived a hundred years an mil life, yet if, at the moment of death,
thoughts of the Buddha should enter his mind, he will be reborn among
the gods"" (yovassasalay akusalaq kareyya marqakSle ca ekaq
Buddhagatarp sat@ patilabheyya so devesu uppajjeyya'tr7.J77
NBgasena answers by way of a simile that good deeds (i.e. thinking
of the Buddha at one's death-bed) are like a boat.
(4) Nagasena places emphasis cm the sabbaiEutn-5ii+a of
the Buddha in contrast to the king Milinda who approaches this
problem from basically a human point of view. Since the sabbaurtafi;ina of a Buddha is one of the major topics discussedin the AtjukathF~
literature, we give below a somewhat detailed malysis based on the
material found in the M i l i n d a ~ s h a . ' ~ ~
Interestingly, terms like sabbMn'iI, ~abbadassiiv&'~~

and
sabbmuta-fi@a'gO are referred to in a brief manner in the early portion of the text (is. up to page 90 of the PTS edition). One such
reference is where the king Milinda asb a question as to whether the
Buddha was aU-knowing and all-seeing, and if so, 'how is it that he
laid down the ruIes of training for discipIes gradually ?' Here the
Buddha's all-knowing and all-seeingcognitive faculty is questioned
in terns of his knowledge of the future. Niigasena in answering the
question compares the Buddha ta a physician who prescribesmedicine
only when the patient is i11.18' He further maintains that omniscient
knowledge was attained by the Buddha at the time of his
Enlightenrnent.'Q Some detailed discussions on this subject are
seen in the later additions to the text. This suggests that the exdtation of the Buddha progressed further in course of time. It became
more conspicuons during and after the period of the Manryan Empire,
according to a stue by Prof-Nakam~ra.'~
This was in consonance
BUDDHA W THERAV-A
BUDDHISM
with the gradual development of BuddhoIogy among the Buddhists.

The thera Niigasena, on the one hand, follows the canonical
stand in explaining sabban'n'tsLwhen he reiterates that the knowledgeand-vision was not constantly and continuously possessed by the
BuddhalW He further states that the Buddha's omniscient knowledge
is &pendent on his mind's advertence to the object, and whatever it
pleases (him to know), he knows by adverting to it
(iivajjanapatibaddharp Bhagavato sabb&-utafiiinaq, Svaijitvii
yadicchakq jSn2itjtrJ.185ThiS definition of the Buddha's sabbautafi@a is indeed to become the standard one in the commentaries.
A growing tendency to distinguish fie Buddha from disciples is also detected in aclassification of the seven kinds of mentality
(sartavidha'ciftZ) of the following classes of individuals: puthujana,
satapanna, sakadagiTrni, ansgarnf, araha f, pacceka buddha ma
samm&ambud&. The text mentions that arahants are utterly purified
in the planes of disciples (slivakabhiimisu parisuddhd),
paccekabuddhas in their own planes and sammBsambuddhas are
regarded as possessing the highest planes of all. The mentality 01
paccekabuddhas...,their minds utterly purified and spotless in theil
own range, @accekabuddhas) arise buoyantly, proceed buoyantly in
regard to their own range, but arise with mculty, proceed sluggishly as regards the planes of omniscient Buddhas. For what reason?
Because of utter purification in their own range and because of greatness of the range of omniscient Buddhas @arisud&at@sakavisayassa
mahantam ~ a b b ~ 3 b u d d h a v i s a y a s s a Here
) . ~ ~we
~ see a clear hierarchy of individuds with the Buddha at the top.
However. NSlgasena's explanation could not satisfy the king

Milinda, who pursued his query on the definition of omniscience a?
the knowledge of everything continuously present. Nagasena, whilc
stating that becauseof the purity and quickuess of the Buddha" mind
the Lord could show the Twin Miracle (yamakapa!ihira); thuz
illustrating the quickness of the Buddha's ability to a d v d his mk~c
by certain
What is interesting to note here is Niigasena'r
THE BACKGROUND
statement: 'the mere fact of non-advertence on the part of Buddhas
does not:make them non-omniscient' (~va_iiatlavikaIamatf&enana
tavatg buddhii Bhagavanto a ~ a b b ~ u nSma
n o [na] hoar1 CI].'~~ It
may be reca1Ied that in a previous instance Niigasena observed that
&e Buddha's omniscient knowledge was dependent upon adverting
mind to any object he.wishd to know. However, the argument
adduced by him here suggests that the Buddha is after all omniscient,
even when he does not advert his mind. This is precisely what the
king Miinda had in miad when he raised the issue. It is a new departure horn the canonical use of the term sabbmii. Buddhism does
not deny the possibility of omniscience one can possess outright, as
K.N.JayatiIleke says. What is denied in Buddhism is to know all at
once, ail the time.189But Nilgasena's assertion comes much closer to
the implication that the Buddha knows everything all the time, but
does not reveal it.
Furthermore, the king Milinda questions b n different

~
viewpoints about the Buddha's omniscience. He ~efers,for instance, to
~e fact that the Buddha is said to have taught the D h a m m a from
super-knowledge and not from what was not super-knowledge.
Moreover, the Buddha is said to have instructed the monks: 'hands,
after my passing away, let the Order, if it so desires, abolish the lesser
and minor rules of training.' The king Milinda goes on to say thal, if
one of the above two statements is correct, the other is wrong. Here
again, he approaches the Buddha's oniniscient knowledge as one that
is continuously and constantly present to him and that he can even
see into the future with this knowledge. In reply to this question,
Nagasena says that the Buddha examined the disposition of monks
and concluded: 'The sons of the Buddha, for completefieedom from
anguish and in their great respect for the Dhamrna, would preserve
even more than a hundred and fifty rules of training how then should
they let go of the rules of training that had been laid down originally
?'l'JO
A similar question is posed in another place where the king

asks as to why the Buddha did not settle the rules of training by laying
them down in their entirety, if he was omniscient. The answer given

is that the Buddha, though he could have done it if so desired, did nor
wish to lay down rules of training in full and all at onck, because
people would be frighened of rules and regulations to go forth in his
d i ~ p e n s a t i o n . ~ ~these
~ A l l answers of NHgasena are sought to be
focussed on the fact that the faculty of omniscience is ever present in
the mind of the Buddha. It also implies that nobody can revoke wha~
has been established by the Buddha, nor is it possible to retract the
course of actions taken by him, because the Buddha is the supreme
authority. Neasena, in fact, specifically states that one of the four
special qualities in a Tathagata which are not to be obstructed bq
anyone, is that no one is able to pose an obstacle or danger (antarsTya:
to the Jewel of Knowledge (ianaratana) which is the Lord's
omniscience.L92The extent to which the Buddha came to be exaltec
in the Milindapaiiha can be understood, if this statement is cornparei
with an observation made in the Majjhima Nikiiya. It says that onr
af the four conditions which arc not satisfactory (anassisika) for tht
Brahma-faring(brdmmxiya)is to take one's teacher to be omniscien
and accept his teaching on that basis.193
( 5 ) The Milindapaiiha employs a number of epithets for lhc

Buddha.lg4 They include such epithets as agga or aggap~risa,'~~
naravarapavara jinavaravasabha,'" agga, jetpa, set@& visi-fha
u ttama, pa vara, asama, asamasama, appafima, appatibhaga
appappuggala,e tc.,19' and sabb&i or ~ a b b ~ a Some
M . ~
of them
~ ~
as we notice, are found in the canonical texts as well. Amonl
numerous epithets used in the tent, our attention is drawn to one
significant epithet called deviitideva (god of gods); the absence of its
use, except in a couple of places in the Khuddaka Nikaya (see below
for references), is a clear indication of the fact that it began to gain
ppufarity from the time of the Milindapaa.
The term devatideva is believd to have a historical Iink with

the word rajatiraja (king of kings). The appellation of riij&tiHja is
said to have been used as far back as the sixth century B.C. in Persia
as evidenced in the Behistun Inscriptions of King Darayavaush
TWE BACKGROUND
(Dareios; Darius, 521-486 B.C.)199Further, it is also stated in the
~a]&@iciiryakathFtof the Jains that after the collapse of the Mauryan
Empire, KBlaka, in order to save his own sister, went to Sagakiila
where
lords were called sais, while their ruler was known
samusiihi (lord of lords). Kdaka, after coming to know that
ninety-si~such sais were not on good terms with the siihiir~us&i,
instigated them to march to HindugadeCa (Hindokadeia), which they
did until they came to Suratthavisae when: the ninety-six saisruled
their own lands separately. Subsequently, one s
aiwas chosen as
6dyah-ya*(=r@Bti.rBja) and, thus, the Saka Empire was e~tablished.~
Some of the Iater Saka kings are also said to have had the title of
'king of kings'.201Further down in time, the king Kanisika (c. second
century A.D.) is said to have used this titIe as welLm Prof.Nakamura
remarks that the appellation 'great king' (ma.&&-aja)was of Indian
origin, whereas Hjftiraja was bmowed from Iran where it had its
Iwamatsu is of the opinion that the formation of the terrn
devitideva including its attendant connotations was made based on
the concept of rHjStiraja, which was of Iranian origin. And the terrn
subsequently found its way into B u d d h i ~ m .He
~ further states that.
when the alien races (the Sakas and Kuseas) who had political sway
in North-western India around the beginning of the Christian era
encountered Buddhism for the first time, they came to conceive the
Buddha of Buddhism as 'god of gods' or 'god who is superior to and
capable of leading gods' based on their own notion of 'king of kings,
This notion or its expression was transferred to an Indian language
and the word devjtideva was formed in Sanskrit and adopted in
Buddhism gradually. He ascribes the transfer of its notion. forination
and adoption (in Buddhism) to a probable period between the first
century B.C. and the second century A.D.UU
We are not going to dispute the relationshipbetween the word
rHjdtidja with its attendant connotations including its historicity and
the word deviitideva. But that the period of transfer of the notion of
djgtiraja, which led, according ta Iwamatsu, to the formation and
adoption of the word devSfideva in Buddhism, was not before the
h t century B.C., is a question to be readdressed carefully. For a
BUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ ~BUDDHISM
A
term similar to raja'tiraja(and indeed the formation of the word is the

same) occurs in one of the earliest texts of the Pa Canon. In the
Sela sutta of the Suttmipata, we find the Buddha being requested by
Sela to be 'the king of kings' (Hja'bhiriTja)to rule
The word djBbhiriija or djIdhirajP seems to have a close

affnity with the term rijjiifir,@a. The PED states: 'We find a close
relationship bemeen the prehes ali, adhi and abhi interchanging
dialectically so that Psi adhioften represents Sanskrit atior a b l ~ i ' . ~ ~
If that is so, it can be concluded that r2ijabhrLja (or Hjiidbiriija) is
another form of rajiirija. The three terms denote the idea of 'king of
kings'. Moreover, shouId this be accepted, then the word raHrira-ja,
riijabhirsja or r$%Zhi$i~a,together with its attendant concepts must
have been known to the Buddhists at a fairly early stage; at least
before the time of the compilation of the Suttmip&a or the TheragSthii,
unless the word riijiibhir@kmentioned in the Sela sutta is proved to
be a later interpolation. It is generally believed that the g4thii.s in the
Sultanipgta were composed before the time of the king Asoka (c.
268-232 B.C.)*@ If so, the Buddhists must have known the notion
of 'king of kings' (djitiriijaa)much before the fisst century B.C.as
suggested by Iwmatsu. In other words, the formation of the word
devatideva with its attendant concepts would not be necessarily the
result of n direct contact with the Sakas or the Kuswas. For, the
Buddhists had known it much earlierthan tie time of the Saka Empire.
Similarly, the notion of djSLirJjamay have come horn Iran, but the
Buddhists borrowed or copied not only its notion, but also the word
itself from very early days in the history of Buddhism. On the other
hand, the fact that the term is found only in the Sela sutta repeated in
the Suttanipiita, Theragatha and Majjhima Njkliya, suggests that it
was not at all a popular epithet of the Buddha. And it may he possible,
as Iwarnatsu suggests, that the notion of 'king of kings' transformed
into the form of deviltidevain Buddhism, became popular and a widely
accepted epithet of the Buddha because of the influence of the Sakas
and Kus@as.
In the Milindapafiha the term devstideva occurs often, though
THE BACKGROUND
it is not unknown to other works like the VirnBna~atthu,~'~
~ ~ l ~ ~ n i d d e sand
a * "A ~ a d i i u a . ~It' ~is used aften in the following
phrase: 'BhgsiWn p 'etap rnahiiraa BhagavaG devatidevena...' (This,
0 ~ h gwas
, also said by the Lord, God of gods...).2'3 AS pointed
t, by Horne?I4 and lwatnats~,2'~
the term devatideva, except for a
few instances, is used usually in conjunction with the epithet Bhagava,
When such quotations are cited in the early portion of the text (i.e.,
to page 89 of the PTS edition), the word deviitideva is not used:
e.g. 'Bhasifamp'e*
mahirfija BhagavaB . . . ' ~ 'This
~ use of fhe word
devjtideva in the text clearly indicates that it was not fully accepted
as an established and popular epithet of the Buddha at h e time of the
original formation of the Milindapziiha. In other words, it gained
as a standard epithet for lhe Buddha only in the so-called
PIli recension (i.e. in the late strata of the text).
The antecedent history of the term devatideva may be traced
to the PIiIi Canon itself. We find similar ideas expressed in different
terms. The Buddh is referred to as ati~leva."~ He is aIso called
devadeva?" These show that theBuddhawas regarded as a supreme
god or as one who is above gods. This concept has its ground in the
fact that the Buddha is the teacher of both gads and men (sarthii
devamanussiin~). Be is also the greatest of all gods and men
(devarnanussase,$a)?IP It represents an important stage in the process
of the exaltation of the Buddha It can therefore be maintained that
even at an early stage, the Buddhists were acquainted with the idea
of regarding the Buddha as one suprim to gods or above gods. This
suggests that the Buddhists were familiar with the notion of regarding
one as superior even to gods nurtured in the Indian society. The
ward devgtideva was therefore conceptually not new to them, though
the formation of the term may have been borrowed from elsewhere,
as suggested by Iwamatsu.
Besides the word deviiticfeva,it is interesting to note that the
Milindapafiha employs the word atidevadeva (deva above
to describe the Buddha. This term occurs only twice in the text. On
the other hand, the word devgtideva, out of many references in the
text, is found only twice before its i ~ t d u c t i o n .The

~ ~term
~ is formed
by prefvting 'at? to 'devadeva' which is a fairly old usage as seen in
the Theragatma It suggests that the word atidevadeva represents an
intermediary stage in the transition from words like atideva and
devadeva to devijtideva. However, it is also not unlikely that both
words atidevadeva and devitideva may have been in use
simultaneously. There are at Ieast two reasons to support the above
contentian: ( 1 ) both words atidcva and devadeva occur in one of the
earliest texts of the PFJi Canon. (2) the word atidevadeva is found
only twice in the Milindapaiiha and its occurrence except in two
instances (i.e.,Mih 1 I 1 & 137) is earlier than that of devarideva.
The Buddhists had used the words atideva, devadeva, and even
atidevadeva to describe the Buddha as one above gods, but they seem
to have considered those terms inadequate and the final choice was
made by the Buddhists or at least by the compiler(s) of the
Milindapafiha pxrticularly of the late strata of the text to adopt the
word devatideva as the most suitable epithet to eulogize the Buddha.
5. Physical Endowments of the Buddha
The canonical texts contain some descriptions about tbe
physical appearance of h e Buddha. The brahmin Sopdanda, who
has not seen the Buddha before, but later c o n f i i s that what people
described him was true and accurate, tells about his appearance in
the following manner: 'Indeed, the samqa G o m a is handsome,
good-looking, inspiring trust, gifted with lotus-like complexion, in
complexion similar to the Brahmii, radiant like the BrahrnS. He is of
no mean appearance.,. His voice is cultivated and so is his way of
expressing himself, which is urbane, elegant, clear and precise.'2u
Such descriptions about the Buddha indicate that he was a person
who could command respect from others even appearance-wise. The
BrahmHyu s ~ t t agives
~ ~ probably
~
the most comprehensive
descriptions of the Buddha's demeanour and manna in conducting
himself in daily routines: We walks setting out with his right foot
first; walks neither too quickly nor too slowly; When he walks, only
the lower part of his body oscillates, and he walks with no bodily
TKEBACKGROUND
effmW e n he t m ~ sto look, he does so with his whole body; He

does not walk looking around; He looks a plough-yoke's length before
him. When he enters indoor, he does not lower his body or bend it
fornard or backward; He turns round neither too far from his seat
nor too near it; He does not lean on the seat with his hand; He does
not throw his body down on to the seat; etc. When seated, he does
not fidget with his hands nor with his feet; He does not sit with his
knees crossed nor with his ankles crossed; He is not afraid; He does
not shiver or tremble; He is not nervous; efc. The sutta goes on
describing his conducts with regard to receiving of water, handling
of alms bawl, acceptance of meals, his robes, manner of preaching to
the audience; etc. Further, the Buddha is often said to be endowed
with golden coloured skin ( s u v q a - v q y ~ a ) .Some
~ ~ of these physical
characteristics are incorparated into the thirty-two physical marks of
a Great Man ( d v a t m a - m d ~ p u r i s a i ~ a ) .
5-a Thirty-two Bodily Characteristics of a Great Man
(dvattivsa-mak2pwisal-a)
The concept of Great Man CrnahZpurisa) is pre-Buddhistic
and early Buddhism does not subscribe this idea to the physical
characteristics only. Mahspurisa in early Buddhism is a person of
high spiritual advancement and cm be equated with a worthy person
jarahant). For example. the Buddha speaks of a great man
IrnahApurisa) in the following manner in reply to the question posed
by the brahmin youth Tissa Metteyya: 'He who is free from agitation, whose actions are pure and good in sensual pleasures;is void of
craving;never loses mindfulness; becomes calm and extinhuished.
He who understands the alternatives without being stuck in the
fiinking between them. Him I call a great
The Buddha on
another occasion telIs SGputta that a great man (mahiipwisa) is so
named on account of the emancipation of the mind.= However, as
time progressed. mahapm'sa came to be a person with specific number
of physical marks and would be destined to become either a universal
monarch (cakkavaffi) or a Buddha.2n These two individuals are said
to be endowed with the thirty-two bodily marks which distinguish
BUDDHA IN ~ R A V A D BUDDHISM
A
them from ordinary beings. The Lakkhana suttanta of the Digha

N i y a 2 " can be cited as the best example of the Buddhist interpretation of this concept. It statesin no uncertainterms that the physical
marks of these two individuals are due to the good deeds done in the
past and can only be maintained in the present life by goodness. This
interpretation signifies ethicaI correlations between morally
commendable deeds and the bodily marks. The thirty-two bodily
marks of a Great Man are as f ~ l l o w s : ~
I . He has feet with a level tread.
2. On the soles of his feet wheels appear with a thousand
spokes, with rims and hubs, io every way complete.
3. He has projecting heels.
4. He has long fingers.
5. He has soft and tender hands and feet.
6. He has fingers and toes evenly spaced.
7, His ankles are over the exact middle of the tread.
8. His legs are shapely like those of antelopes.
9.While standing without stooping, he can touch and mb
his knees with both hands at once.
10.His privities are within a sheath.
11 .He has a golden complexion.
12.The texture of his skin is that no dust or dirt can lodge on it.
13.His body hair grows singly, one only in each pore.
14.Each hair is straight, blue-black and curling to the right at its tip.
1S.Hisbody frame is straight.
16.His body has seven convex surfaces.
17.Theupper part of his body is well built like that of a lion.
18.He has no hollow between his shoulder blades.
14.He has the symmetrical proportions of a banyan tree, his stretch
being the same as his height.
20,The curve of his shoulders is symmetrical.
21 .He has an exquisite,acutely sensitive sense of taste.
22.His jaws are like those of a lion.
23.He has forty teeth.
24.He has even teeth.
THE BACKGROUND
25.There are no interstices between his teeth.
26.His teeth are sparkling white.
27.Wis tongue is long and flexibk.
28.Hisvoice is like that of the Brahmi and is mellifluous
like the Karavika bird's.
29.His eyes are intensely blue.
30.His eyelashes are long and shapely like those of a cow.
31 .Between his eyebrows grows soft while hair like cotton-down.
32.His head is shaped like a royal turban.
In addition to the above thirty-two physical marks, late canonical texts like the Buddhavarpsa and Apadana speak of the
Buddha's minor bodily marks (anuvyan7ana). The 13uddhavqsa
refers only to the term anubymTaniP9 while the Apadba talks of
eighty of them (asTti-an~bya6jana)?~'
However, it is apparent that
the canonical texts are unaware on the whole of such physical marks
attributed to the Buddha and these two referencescited above, though
in existence in actuaIity, cannot be taken to strongly suggest the
antiquity of tl~econcept in the Canon, particnIarly in terms of their
number as eighty. In the Buddhist Sanskrit tradition, it is usually the
practice that these eighty minor marks are counted as the major
constituents of the physical endowments of a Buddha along with the
thirty-two marks of a Great Man.It could be possible that the
Theravada Plili tradition borrowed the notion from it. But, the date
of its introduction in the Piili tradition can only be determined if the
dates of the compositionof the above two texts are fixed beyond any
reasonable doubt.
THE BUDDHA-CONCEPT
IN THE COMMENTARIES
BUDDHA IN THERAV&~ABUDDHISM
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL A'TTADIMENTS

1. Buddha's Knowledge in General
The Buddhist apologists would insist that the enlightenment

( b d h r ) Siddhattha attained should include anything and everything
his spiritual attainments. Various ideas and notions
supposed to have been introduced in subsequent times are not a
development but a clarification of his knowIedge. He attained the
perfect and full enlightenment, which is all inclusive. Therefore,
there is no justification in saying that later Buddhists developed or
invented new ideas and notions for the sake of his glorification. Such
a move is nothing but desecration to the Buddha. The Buddhists of
this calibre fail to realise and understand the very important fact that
Buddhism in its long history developed into numerous branches of
diversity within its framework. They could coexist with one another
because of talaance, an irnpomt ingredient of the Buddhist religion.
Interaction and influence among different branches of Buddhist
thought, and possibly with other religious faiths as well, were one of
the causes that gave rise to diverse interpretations of the Buddhist
teachings includingthe personality of the founder - it is indeed bough
the understanding of this diversity, one can appreciate the gospel of
one particular school of Buddhist thought; be it Theraviida or
Mahgyaa. Literary evidence thus points to the fact that the Buddha
came to be depicted more like a superhuman and his knowledge further
supplemented. It is in this context that the Psicommentaries provide
a vast store of information relating to the spiritual attainments of the
Buddha. Such information, often shown in different forms of
classificationwhich can be regarded as a general approach adopted
in the commentaries,supplements the canonical interpretation of the

content of badhi (enlightenment) Gotama Buddha possesses.
Generdisation of Buddhahood fnrther helps the commentaries to
universalise all Buddhas past, present and future. It is therefore no't
only Gotama Buddha, but also any Buddha the commentators have
in mind when classifying ar supplementing the spiritual aspect of
Buddhalrood. This principle applies to the descriptions of his physical
characteristics as well.
The spiritual qualities of the Buddha described and discussed

in the Aghakatha texts follow closely tl~ctseof the P4sambhidBnagga
and Niddesa (MahI and Culla) in the Khuddaka Nikfiya. One gets
the impression that the Theravildins had already accomplished the
classifications and exegeses with regard to the knowledge of the
Buddha by the time of the compilation particularly of those two texts
of the Khuddaka NiGya. Concepts such as omniscient knowledge
(sabb&-uta-ii5ga). the six knowledges not shared by others (cha
as5dhiirqa-fi@a), the five kinds of eye @aiica-cakkhu), etc., of the
Buddha or Buddhas continue to be emphasized and discussed in the
commentarial texts in a fashion similar to that of the
Pafisambhidiimaggaand Niddesa The commentaries of Buddhaghosa
and Dhammapiila deserve special mentian in .this regard as they refer
to the Pa@ambhidlimaggaby name in the explanations of sabbatiutaZ@a, andvxay-&$a, etc.' Nevertheless, the A W a G texts dso
make contributions to the enrichment and supplementation of Buddha-iS@a by introducingsome additional concepts and classifications
hitherto unknown in the Theravada tradition.
Jn accordance with a general characteristic of adopting various classifications for elucidation in the commentdries, both
Buddhaghosa and Dharnmapslagive lists of Buddha-fi@a (Buddha's
knowledge) which is usually included in the category of Buddhaguna. The following chart will show how these two great
commentators differ from each other in describing it. Abbreviations
are used for the sake of convenience and clarity as follows:
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL ATTAINMENTS
A - Digha-atJhakathL(DA iii 874-3751

B Itivuttaka-a@akatha (ItA i 6-7)
C - Udaa-at9akathI (UdA 335-336)
D - CariyFipiWa-acakathg(CpA 6-7)
'A' is a Bst mentioned under the heading of Buddha-guna IT)A iii

8741 through which one remembers the virtues of the Buddha. 'B' is
i 61.
given in the etymological exegeses of the term Bhagava
'C'is another list describing the Buddha-gup or otherwise called
kusala-dfiamma WdA 3351. 'D' too is a list under the heading of
B r l d d l i a - ~ a .All these lists are given in the numerical order (i.e.
lists of single gtq~as,three guGas, etc.) Listing of items is according
to the Itivuttaka-awakathg as its edition gives a clear punctuation.
One:
I. s17a-samiTdhi-p~ii-vhnuf
ti-vim ut&i@a-dassaua [A, B,C, D]
w,
2. hiri-ottappa
Dl
3. saddha-vGya [B,DJ
4. sari-sampajai-a [B, Dl
5. sila-visuddhi p, Dl
6. citza-visuddhi [B]
7. dif.thi-visuddhi samatho-vipassanii [B,I)]
,
Thee:
1. kusala-miila [B, Dl
2. sucm'ta [B, Dl
3. sammg-vitakka [B, Dl
4. aaavajja-san'fiiiB,Dl
5. dhm [B,D]
Four:
2. satipatMna [A, 3, C, Dl
2. samma-ppadha [A, B, C,Dl
3. iddhi-pSda [A, 3 , C,Dl
4. Iariya-) magga [A, B, C, Dl
5 . (miya--)phala [A, B,C, Dl
BUDDHA IN T H E R A v ~ ABUDDHISM
6. pafisambhida [A, B,C, Dl

7. cam-ymi-paricchedaka-n'@a[A, B,C, Dl
8. a r i y a - v p a [A, B, C, Dl
9. vesaaaa-n'@a [B,C, Dl
Five:
I, paiica-pa&Jmy'a;dga [A, B, C, Dl
2. padc'arigika samma-samiidhr' [A, B, C, D]
3. pat?ca-E&ko sammii-samBdhi [B, C]
4. indriya [A, B,C, D]
5. bda [A, B, C, Dl
6. nis&apTya dh3m [A, B,C, Dl
7. vimitt 'iiyatana-fi@a [ALB. C, D]
8. vimurti-panp~camfap~-~
[A, B,C, Dl
Six:
1.nisseiya (sara@Fa} dhamrna [A, D]
2, anussati-@iIna [A, 3, C,D]
3, giirava [A, B, C, Dl
4. niss&qiya &-tu [A, B, C, Dl
5. satata-vwa [A, B,C, Dl
6. mutfmya [A, B,C,Dl
7. nibbedha-bha'giyiipaiXa'(safiB3 [A, B,C, Dl
8, abhiEli [A, B, C, Dl
9, as~&#q.w-ii@a [A, B, C,Dl
Seven:
1. aparihmiya dhamma [A, B, C,Dl
2. ariya-dhana [A, B,C,D]
3. bojihariga [A, B, C,D]
4. sappurisa-dhamma [A, B, C, D]
5. nijiara-uatthu [A, B,C, Dl
6. saiinaiinii(pW)
[A, B,C, D]
7. dakkh$eyya-puggala-desana [A, B, C, Dl
BUDDHA'S SPIRJTUAL ATTAINMENTS
8. kb$sava-baladesma [A, B,C,D]

Eight:
1. paO'fia'-p41abha-hehr-desm [A, B,C, Dl
2.samrnafta [A. E,C, Dl
3.lub-&mama
[A, B, C, Dl
4. gmnbhavafthu[A, B, C, D]
5. zkk3a.p-desma [A, B, C.D]
6. mahilpdsa-vitakka [A, B,C,D]
7. abhibhzyatana-desana [A, B, C, D]
8. visaakkha [A, B,C,D]
Nine:
1. yonisomanasik3ira-miI&a-dhamma [A, B, C,D]
2. parisuddhi-padhiiniy '&a [A, B, C,D]
3. samvasa-desana [A, B, C,Dl
4.Zigh3ta-ppa$vinaya [A, B, C,Dl
5 . saX3 [A, B, C , Dl
6. naaffa-desana[A, B,C , Dl
7 . anupubba-vihaa-desana [A,B, C , D]
Ten:
1. natha-k-a-dhamrna
[A,B, C, Dl
2, k a ~ ~ p t a [A.
o a B, C, Dl
3. hsala-kamma-pafha [A, B, C,Dl
4. sammatta IA, B, Dl
5 . ma-v&a [A, B, C,D]
6. asekha-dhamma [A, B, C,Dl
7. ratana [Dl
8. tathagatit-bala [A,B, C, Dl
Eleven:
1. rnemsqsa
[A, B, C, Dl
Twelve:
1. dhamma-cakk5kiira [A,B, C (paccayata), Dl
Thirteen:
I . dhutarigaguna [A, B, C , Dl
Fourteen:
1. buddha-n'ea [A, B, C, Dl
Fifleen:
1. vimutti-parlpacmiyadhamma [A, B, C,Dl
Sixteen:
1. aspiha-safi [A, B, C , D]
2. aparanhpaniya dhamma
(saltma-), C (amata-panyiya-1, Dl
Eighteen:
1. buddha-dbma [A, B, C,D]
Nineteen:
1 . paccavekkh~a-5@a[A, B, C , D]
Forty-four:
1. n"@a-(var;t)vat&u [A, B,C, D]
Fifty:
I . uchyaabbaya-@@a[B, C, D]
More than Fifty @ m p q i % s a ) :

1. kosala-dhamma [A, B,C, D]
Seventy-seven:
1. ma-vatthu [A, B, C, Dl
Twenty-four hundred thousand koti (cafuvfsati-kolj-sah-sahassa):

1. smapaEi-~&c&'-mah~-~ajira-n'@a[A, B,C, Dl
EndIess or numerous (anantanaya):
1, smanta-pwiina-pavicaya-paccavekkhqa-desam-ma
[B, C,Dl
BUDDHA'S S P W A L ATTAINMENTS
A perusal af the above Buddha-gqa reveals that classifications are much influenced by Abhidhammic enumeration and some
of them like the nineteen paccavekkhqa-n'@a {knowledge of
reviewing),z the fifty udayabbaya-fi@a(knowledge of rise and fall),
etc., are certainly an outcome of the Abhidhammic Buddhism. In
addition, one conspicuous trend in the commentaries appears to be
an introduction of new categories of the Buddha's knowledge within
the context of his omnisciencewhich is all inclusive. In other words,
the commentators attempt to provide different classificationsin order
to show greatness or unthinkable nature of the Buddha's knowIedge.
Terms like maha-vajha-i@a(great diamond knowledge) amounting
to twenty-fourhundred thousand kotis and endIessor numerous types
of knowledge (anantmaya) are a clear indication of that. Further, it
seems that Dhammapala is more inclined towards it th.an
Buddhaghosa. The notion of the aghiirasa-buddhadhamma (eighteen qualities of a Buddha) is certainly a later development not found
in the Piilili Canon of the Theraviidida tradition.
The Aflhakathk in some places give shorter lists of the Budd~a-ii*. The SammohavinodaniP for instance, states that the &@a
of Lhe Buddha includes dasabala-Z@a, catuves-ja-n'@a, altf.hasu
parisasu akampana-;@a, caruyoniparicchedaka-ffana,and
padcagaitiparicchedaka-iSna which have come down in the
MahasihanZda sutta of the Majjhima N a ~ a ;tesattati
~
fiiipani,
sattasaftati fi@ani both of which have come down in the Sqyutta
Nikiiya;' and many more thousand (-iini me-i n"@asahass&u).
The same list is repeated at MA ii 26, SA ii 43 (where the text refers
to the Vibhaitga-affhak& and Papaiicasfidani by name), kA v 11
and PFA iii 90. The Madhuratthavilbini gives a similar list, but
does not include those which have come down in the S*yutta N s y a .
Instead, the fourteen kinds of Buddha-knowledge
(cuddasabudslh&@a) is mentioned! The text at another place gives
Some more d@a (knowledge) in addition to the cuddasabuddha6iipa
BUDDHA IN TRERAV~%DA
BUDDHISM
as foilows; four anatytical knowledges (catassopa~isambhid$,four

confidences(cafuve~timJaS@&u)~knowledges that are demarcations
of the four modes of birth and the five bourns (catuyoni pdcagati
paric~hedakaif@i%z$~
knowldege of the ten powers (dasabal&@&i),
and the entire special qualitiesof a Buddha (sakaleoa buddhagune).'
The Suttan&Zia-a~@akathZtoo gives a list of Buddh-fii@a.s These
references are made in relation to the Buddha's ilea-bala. Lists of.
Buddha-guna and Z@a-bala of the Buddha above suggest that some
items are inclusive of each other and some are not. This fact suggests that a comprehensive list is impossible to make awing to the
vastness of the Buddha's howledge. It is this impossible nature of
counting the Buddha's virtues or knowledge that would have given
an impetus to the later Buddhists to elaborate on his knowIedge or
virtue as time progressed.
The trend of placing more emphasis on the infinite nature d
Buddha-53ga in the A3akath3 literature continues, although it all
started from the canonical texts. The Buddha-range (Buddhavisaya)
is considered as one of the four acinteyya (~nthinkable).~The
Buddha's knowIedge (Buddha-ElQa) is one of the four things that
are limitless ( a m t a k a )and is said to be immeasurable(appameyya)."
The AthakathB texts a= full of such references. For instance, the
Buddha's virtues are Iimitless or endless (ananta Bud&ag.ina),'t or
the Buddha's knowledge is one of the four kinds of limitless (cat%'
ananmi] according to the Atthasdilini (Buddhaiiapq ana~tarn),'~
the
other thme being space (SSsa),world systems (cakkav$a) and groups
of beings [~attak,?Jya).~~
The Buddha's knowledge is great
(Buddhaiiiipassa mahantaM8~a),'~
etc.
2. Buddha's Omniscient Knowledge ( ~ a b b ~ u t a - 5 e a )
The most frequently emphasised aspect of Buddha's

knowledge in the PBli commentaria1 literature is 'omniscience'
(sabb&-ufa-fiaa). Its conceptual modifications became imperative
as time progressed to meet changing circumstances. They can be
seen mainly in the following areas:
A. The Buddhist definition of sabbm6.

B. The interpretation of the term sabba in 'sabb-ii',
'sabbadassiivi', etc.
C.Tbe mode of hawing everything,
A. The Buddhist Definition of Sabban'fifi
h the first four Nibyas, the kind of omniscience claimed by

~e Nigqthas that their Master's all-knowing knowledge is ever
present even while standing still, walking, asleep or awake, is denied
by the Buddha15 The Buddha's claim is to a three-fold knowledge
(revijii),which can be developed by others as well. Further, the
Kgplcatthala sutta of the Majhima Nikiiya states that there is neither a reduse nor a bral~rninwho at one and the same time can know
all, can see all - this situation does not arise (Na' tthi so samiqcl va'
brShapo v8 yo sakideva sabbafi fiassali sabbay d&-ti,
n' e
m
@&ay vijjat~).'~ This is, however*not tantamount t~ the denial of
omniscience itself. Buddhism admits that knowing all (sabbiiii or
sabbavidii) and seeing alI (sabbadassSvfiare possible fur a Buddha.
They are in fact used as the Buddha's epithets. What Buddhism denies
consistently is the alI-knowing knowledge that can be present
constantly and continually. This position continues in the
commentaiial literature. Far instance, commenting on the phrase
'sakideva sabban' fiassati sabbaq d W in the Ka~akatthalasutta
cited above, the Commentary says that it is not possible to know all
or see all concerning the past, future and present with one adverting
(of the mind), one thought and m e impulse (yo ekiivajjanena
ekacittena ekajavanena ati@niigatapaccuppamq sabban' fiassati va"
dakkbati vii so n * at&-ti artho)." The expressions of eka'vajana and
ekacitta in the above passage are significant. The commentaries often
interpret the Buddha's omnisceint knowledge in the sense of
'adverting' (Hvatma)his mind to any object he wishes to h o w . Thus,
the Saddhammappaklisinimaintainsthat omniscient howledge arises
because of the dependence madverting (the mind) toall the dhammas
@va&wappatibaddhattd srrbbadhammiirzmp).'a This interpretationis
BUDDHA IN THERAV-A
BUDDHISM
seen even in the post-canonical literature. Hence, the Milindapaflha

specifically stares that the Blessed One's all-knowing knowledge is
dependent on the advertence of his mind (iivajjanapatibddhay
Bhagavato sabbaHI~ta-fi@ap).'~ Such evidence clearly demonsrates
that the Buddha is capable of knowing eveything, if he so wishes.
But, he must first direct his mind to any object he wishes to know.
This takes the normal course of cognizance of an object. In other
words, his all-kowing knowledge is obtained according to his intention
and is therefore temporary and provisional in time; thus never in the
sense of being present all the time. This is a fundamend diffexnce
between the Buddha's omniscient knowledge and that claimed by
the Nigqmas as found in the Buddhist canonical texts.
The first four Nihyas are ambiguous about the knowledge
concerning the future, though the divine eye (dibba-caWrhu),one of
the three knowledges (tevijii). may have same links to the abiIity to
see into the f u t u r ~The
. ~ Piisadika sum of the Digha NMya2' talks
of the Tathiigata's knowledge concerning the past, present and future.
It is said that concerning the past, the Tathiigata's consciousness
follows in the wake of his memory and he can recall as much as he
likes (so y#va&&qB h i k hti G v a i Z k q iurussarati). But with regard
to the future, he possesses the knowledge born of enlightenment
(bodhijay) to the effect; 'This is Ihe fmal birth, there is no more
coming to be." Further, one of the: dasabalas of the Taihiigata deals
with his knowledge of the future thus: '...Tath#gato
atifiinBgatapaccupparzn@ay kammas-dISn@q
fhiinaso hetuko
vipdcap yaiWbhiitay pajfidti.' (the Tathaata knows,as it really is,
the effects according to their conditions and causes, of the performance of kamrna in the past, present and future,)22 These references
suggest that the Buddha's knowldege concerning the future is conditional and is mainly focussed on the moral make-upof an individual.
It does not seem to go beyond that. Commenting on this passage,
K.N.Jayatilleke also says: "TWs appears to be an admission that the
Buddha did not claim to have (at least an unlimited) precognitive
knowledge of the f ~ l u r e . "T~his can be understood, if considered in
BUDDHA'S SPTRl'T'UAL A'ITAlNMENTS
relationto determinism (niptivisda) the Buddha vehemently opposed.

of one's future state is accepted as a reality, it will
inevitably subscribe to the view that one's future is already
determined. Free-will is therefore denied. This in turn discourages
people from leading a meaningful religious life. One of the main
reasons for the ambiguous treatment of omniscience conceining the
hture in the early canonical texts is therefore because of moral consideration.
~f
knowledge
However, the situation is quite differentin late canonical texts.

The Buddha is now unequivocdly credited with the knowledge cmcerning the future. For example, the Pafisambhidmaggasays of him
as follows: 'sabbam aniigatam jaiit ' {He knows everything
concerning the future).24 Though what the expression "m8gatarp"
exactly implies is not clear in this instance, the scope of the Buddha's
knowledge became certainly wider. The commentaries continue to
emphasize this aspect throughout. Thus, in the commentaries we
find expressions like, 'atitii.a!igatapaccuppannar;nsa bbarpjsTnZti ([the
omniscient one] is he who b o w s everything concerning the past,
future and present).25 Following this definition, the AtthasalinT
equates sabbafiautafii@a with pubbenivSsab8na and
aniigatqsmi@a.'"
C
B. The Interpretation of the Term Sabba in 'SabbMiiO',

'Sabbadasssvi ', etc.
When the Buddhists use terms like sabbafiiiii, sabbavjdi,

sabbadassavi, and sabbiibhibhti in the canonical texts, the 'all or
everything' (sabba) there denotes what they term as drBdasiTyaran8
(Twelve Bases). For example, the Sabba suttaZ7 describes sabba to
mean the five sense faculties and fieir corresponding objects, plus
the sense faculty of the mind and its corresponding mental phenomena.
Here sabba means the psychological make-up of a man. But its
connotations in late canonical texts like the Patismbhidimagga
become far removed from the early canonical definitions.
Sabbadhamma in the Patjsambhidiimagga are elucidated as
B WDHA IN ~ ~ - E R A V &BUDDHISM
A
paficakkhandhii, dvgdasQcttanini and at@&-asadhgtuyo; kusalg

dbamm$ akusall dhamma and a b y a a u dharnm-; k3miivacari-Z
dhamm& riipdvacarii dbammii, ariip8vacar8 dhammii and
apariySpanua dhamm#.28 They are minutely dealt with in the
explanations of sab&&-uta-5@ of the Buddha at P@ i 131-133.One
swddng feature in these explanations is that fhe Buddha is said to
know everything (sabba)which has been seen, heard, sensed, thought,
attained, sought and searched by the minds of those who inhabit the
entire world of gods and men.- This description of the Buddha's
sabbafiaufa-fiiina is significant in that the authbr of the
Pa~isambhidhaggatried to make the Buddha's omniscient
knowledge all-inclusive, though within the Theraviida tradition. Such
an intention is expressed by the term apariyapipanna- dhamrng (things
that are not included) in the text; whereby a further conceptual expansion regarding the Buddha's omniscienthowldege could be made
possible by later authorities. The Patisambhidmagga then
summarizes all these connotations of the word sabba as foIlows:
'Sabbam salikhatiisdkhatay anavaseszp jiinHti ti sabba6n'uta5 . ' This is where changes in connotation of the range of the
Buddha's omniscient knowledge were effwted. Earlier it meant the
psychological make-up of an individual, but now it includes not only
that, but also the material world which comes under the category of
dhammL in Theravada Buddhism
Incidentally, the dharnmas are defined and classifiedintoseveral categories in the commentaries. Por instance, the
SumahgalavilHsini [DA i 991 gives four categories as follows: guy
(virtue), desana (preaching) as in 'dhammaq ... desisssmi
ddikalyiqq, etc. ',pariyatti(scripture) as in 'dhammq pmySpgti
suttarfl geyyq, etc.' and nissarta (non-being) as in 'dharnmil honti
khandhii h o d , etc.' On the athm hand, the Atthasain? [DhsA 381
says that the dhammas are of four categories; namely,pariyatti, hetu
(cause) as in ' h e ~ ' i f i i g a r ydhammapatisambhidS ti, etc.', guna,
nissat~ijivata'(no11-be'mg
and non-life). DhsA 95 where eight kinds
of non-restraint (asq~vara)are said to be reducible to five in their
content (afthato), gives another list of dhammas as follows: dussjlya
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL A?TMNhENTS
(immorality),rnu,Masacca(fo~etfulness),aiE@a (absence of howl&anti

(abscnce of patience) and kosa$a (laziuess). The
papaiicasfidmi[MA i 171 is another commentary which gives various kinds of dhammas. They include,panyatti, ssacca, smdh, paiiza',
+ti,
sabh-v& sniiiiaa p w a , gpam'andfiema.All these categories
ofclfiammasare elaborated with the support of passages found in the
canonical texts. The above references therefore suggest that the term
dhamma in 'sabbadhamma' mentioned in relation to the, Buddha's
omniscient knowledge is of vast connotation including both matters
and mind.
In the commentaries, the word sabba is given a few definitions. The P;rpaiicasiidani, for instance, gives the meaning of
mavaesa (without remainder).31 In this instance, two quotations
(probably from the Canon) are made. One is in the sense that the five
kbandhas (riipa, vedanii, etc.) are impermanent (anicca) ( s a b b v
repasp aniccam, sabbi vedana' aniccil), and the other is
'sabbasakka'yapany~pannesu
dhammesu'. The latter quotation reminds us of the sense in which the- term is employed in the Sabba
Sutta, as seen before. Elucidating the meanings of sab&bhrhrbhii,
Buddhaghosa says thus: 'Sabba'bhibhb ti sabbmi k6andh' iiyatanadhsfu-bhava-ycmi-gati-adiniabhibhavitva $hito' (The conqueror of
a11means t h one
~ who stays having conquered all of [S] aggregates,
[12] sense-organs, [18] elements, [3 planes of] existence, [4] modes
af generation, [5] courses af existence, etc.1'' These interpretations
of sabba are apparently derived from the descriptions of sabbaiifiuta&@a in the Patisambhidimagga. Dhammapga, on the other hand,
appears to be more carried away, but still within the definitions seen
in the Pa$~ambhidiimaggawhen he comments on sabb&ii as follows:
'Omniscient one is he who knows everything in the three periods of
time by the attainment of the knowledge of a11 dharnmas in every
respect without others' advice or instruction and [by the attainment
ofl the unobstructed knowledge obtained due to his wishes.'33
Dierent definitions of sabba in different contexts must have

motivated both ~uddha~hctsa
and nha&napFJa to summarise its usage
BUDDHISM
into four types; namely, sabba-sabba, padesa-sa bba,iTyatana-sabba

and ~ ~ y a - s a b b aSabba-sabba
.~~
is said to be understood in the
context of 'Na tassa a d i . @ q idh' afthi kifici: ALbo aviiifiatq
ajiinitabbq; Sabbaip abhiEibi yad' atthi Eeyyaq. Tathiigato tena
samanta-cakkhu'
etc. Ayatana-sabba in 'Sabbaxpvo bhkkbave
des~ss&m:T q sunLthHJti',= etc. S&Bya-sabba in 'Sabba-dhanmamiiia-pariyayqvo bhikkhave desiss;Zmi' ti', etc. Padesa-sabba in
'Sabba-dhammesu va, gabapati, pafiama samann&@o uppajali
cittam, mano, miinasam, tajjZi mano-vinii@a-dhat6' ti', e t ~ . ~ ~
Buddhaghosa further states that six sense objects ( c h ~ ~ ~ a
are padesa-sabba; things belonging to the three planes of existence
(tebhiimaka-&ammi) are se-ya-sabba, things belonging to the four
planes of existence (cam-bhcmakadhammii) are iiyatana-sabba; and
whatever is to be understood (yaii kaci fieyyq) is sabba-sabba,
Padesa-sabba does not reach sakkaya-sa bba @adesa-sabhp sakkgyasabbay na papegti), nor does sakkslya-sabba reach Byafana-sabba,
nor iiyatma-sabba reaches sabba-sabba. Because, there is no meaning in saying, 'This is not a sense abject of omniscient howledges
(sabbaiiuta-fi@assa a y q n a a dhammo & m a p + M hog' ti n '
a~'ithitay@..)~~
On the other hand, Dhammapaa describes sahba-sabba
as nippadesa-visaya (unlimited range), while the rest are sappadesavisaya (limited range).'-is
shows that the Buddha's knowledge
came to be tegarded as unlimited or all-embracing. And the category
named sabba-sabba is certainly a later development far removedfrom
the early canonical texts and stems to imply the entire range covered
by the knowledge of a Buddha (Buddha-Eqa). A passage from the
Niddesa, which is to become the standard definition of the nature of
the Buddha's sabbariifuta-fieain the commentarid literature, is cited
in this instance as follows: 'sabbe dhamma sabb&;Irena Buddhassa
Bhagavato iimamukhe Bpiirhq Bgacchanfi' {All things in all manners
come to the range of the Buddha's k n ~ w I e d g e ) . Thus
~ ~ the
commentaries maintain that theBuddhaknows everything that comes
within his purview of understanding and comprehension.
An expansion of the scope of the Buddl~a'sknowledge can

also be seen in the interpretation of the Perfect Enlightenment of the
~ ~ d ( d~ ~h ~~a m b o d hAccording
r).
to the TheravUa iradition,
the ~ ~ d d h aknowledge
's
is synonymous with the sum totd of what
the ~ u d d h aattained or realised at the time of his enlightenment. In
other words, the attainment or reahation of that howledge had made
Sjddbattha a Buddha. Early canonical texts simply describe the
~ ~ d d h aattainment
's
as 'what has to be h a w n is known, what has to
be developed is developed and what has to be abandoned is
abandoned. Therefom, 0 B r h a q a , I am a Buddha,' (abhiHeyyam
abm&@;
bhiivefabbdi ca bhHvitap; pahitabban p&iiam
Buddho'smi Brhapa)." This mode of ddcriPtion bf the
Buddha's spiritual attainments subsequently changed. For example,
the Patisambhidiin-~agga~~
and later quoted in the Vi~uddhimagga~~
says as ~OIIOWS:
me;
'The Buddha discouezed, of the things to be directly

known, they must be directly known,of the things to be
fully understood that they must be fully understood, of
the things to be abandoned that they must be abandoned,
of the things to be realised that they must b e realised,
and of the things to be developed that they must be
developed. '44(a
&hi&-eyye dhamme a bhin"fieyyafo
brrddho, pan%eyye &amme pananii5eyyaro,
paha'tabbe
dhamme pahstabba to, sacchika'fabbe dhamme
sacchihtabbato, bhgvetabbe #amme bhiivetabbato.)
Two additional definitions not used in the early canonical

texts are given here; namely, ' p ~ ~ e YdhammePO-*-eyYato'aod
ye
'saccmta bbe dhamme saccm&bbm'.
Dhammapda, on the other hand, following the explanations
found in the M@-nidde~a,~~
describes the scope af the. Buddha'sknowledge thus: 'His knowledge is as much a?what is to be known
a d what is to be known is as much as his knowledge. The limit of
what is to be h o w is his knowledge and the limit of his knowledge
is what is to be known' (Ygvatakq iieyy@ tiivatakaq] n'wap,
YSvat&ay fi&q
tiivarakq Zeyyarp; iieyya-panyantary
BUDDHA IN THERAVmA BUDDHISM

n'iipapariyantp n'eyyq.Y6 A question may arise here: Does the
expression 'Eeyya-panyantq n"i@ru;" (the limit or end of what is
to be known is the [Buddha's] knowledge ...), suggest that the
...'
Buddha's knowledge is not beyond time and space ? In other words,

is the Buddha's Itnowledge limited ? If the answer to this question is
in the affmative, how are we to reconcile it with such expressions
as 'the Buddha's knowledge is limitless' ( B u d d h d @ q a n a n t q ) P 7
etc. ? There seem to be two levels of expression involved here. The
Buddha knows everything that he can know, implying that his
knowledge is conditioned. In this sense it is limited; because his
omniscient knowledge arises as a result of adverting his mind to any
object he wishes to know. Be is therefore not omniscient aU the
time. But his knowledge is limitless within the range of his ability to
know. He knows everything within that range. Due, probably, to
these two levels of understanding of the Buddha's omniscient knowledge, the commentaries have different expressions. Later PiiIi authorities, beginning from the late canonical texts through the commentaries, expanded the scope of the Buddha's knowledge as a part
of the Buddhological development. But it must be admitted that the
Patisambidiimaggawas the fkst to formulate,perhaps, the most comprehensive analysis of ~ a b b ~ n h - f i @
of athe Buddha in the wirhole
of Pidi literature. And the fact that the AWakaZhEi texts follow the
explanations of the Pa$sambhidBmagga shows that its conceptual
connotation had been fully developed by the time of the
Patisambhidiitnagga. Thus,the comrnenterial texts had only a few to
add. The Buddha's ornnicsient knowledge is the knowledge of
everything conditioned and unconditioned without remainder
( s d a t q a s d a t a n " ca anavasesato jiinau 'atthena ~abban'iiu).~~
This became the basis of the Bnddha's omniscience from the Iate
canonical texts and continued in the commentaries. It must however
be noted that the idea of the Buddha's omnisceince being the outcome of adverting his mind to any object he wishes to know
(Bvajjanapatibaddha)appears in the Pa tradition only from the time
of the Mhdapaiiha [Milo 102,106,etc.] This proves that its concept
is post-canonical. Thus, the commentaries inherited the concept of
the Buddha" omniscience on these two lines.
Interestingly, the king Milinda raises an objection that the

Buddha could not have ken omniscient, if his omniscient knowledge; was the result of adverting his mind to an object he wished to
b o w . But fhe thera Niigasena reiterates that even if Buddhas are not
adverting their minds to any objects they wish to know, it cannot be
said that they are not omniscient (#va$mavekallamattakena oa et@vata
The them Niigasena's argubuddha asabbar7iuno a m a hooti
ments are important; first, he believes that Buddhas are omniscient
because they are capable of becoming omniscient ones at any time
they want to. NSgasena thus goes by the ability and potentiality
possessed by all Buddhas to become omniscient. Second, his
contention has a religious implication. Buddhas are worthy of our
veneration and homage, because they are our guides and teachers.
Therefore, they must be accorded the highsthonour and praise.
C, The Mode of Knowing Everything
The Buddha may advert or direct his mind to any object he

wishes to know. But the question is how or by what medium the
Buddha comes to h o w everything. Although the commentaries do
not directly address this aspect of sabbafifiuta-iana, the
Sumaiigalaviliisini may provide a clue for it. The text, while commenting on the phrase '... tesaq bfikkhfinay imam sarikbiyad h a n ~ m qgiditva' ',says that 'having known' (viditv@means 'having known by the omniscientknowledge' ( ~ a b b ~ u t a - i i w ejiinj&va
na
and that the Buddha, in some instances (katthac~J,
comes to know by
the flesh-eye (mesa-cakkhl~na3,or by the divine-eye (dibbena
cakkhuaa'); in some other cases by the natural ear (pakab-sotena),or
by the divine ear (dibba-sotena).'* It is therefore clear that the agent
or medium by means of which the Buddha comes to know'what he
wants to know, differs according to the object he directs his mind
towards. This also suggests that the process of knowing an object
Presupposes a time sequence, and is not instantaneous. It may be
because af this reason that the Theravgdins reject certain types of
omniscience,such as sakirpsabW-uta (suddenomniscience), as will

be discussed below.
A new departure in the concept of omniscience in the
Achakatha literature is an introduction of various types of sabb&ii
classified based on the modes of knowing everything. According to
the Saddhammappakkinis'and Saddhamrnapajj~tjlc&~
five types of
sabbai are enumerated as follows;
I. kamasabbaWr7 (he who knows everything gradudly)

2. ~akimsabba~fiii
(he who h a w s everythmg at once)
3. saramsabbmfi (he who knows everything continuously)
4. sattisabbaGfi (he who knows everything energetically,
ably or according to ability)
5.3PtasabbafEU (he who knows everything that has been
realised or known)
The passags in which the above classification is found are

almost identical in both sources. This implies that both camrnentaries relied on one and the same stock of material. PpA is ascribed to
the authorship of Mahi3n-a and NdA to that of Upasena. Both
commentaEors are believed to have composed their works almost
immediately after B~ddhaghasa.'~Then, a question may arise as to
why Dhammapda, who is said to have lived much later than any
ot?wr commentators mentioned above, is silent on the classification
of sabbmii. The fact that Mahiinma, who is said to bave stayed in
the vicinity of the Mahavihilra in Anuradhapura when writing ~ S A ? ~
and Upasena, who aIso lived in the precincts of the Mahavih&~,"~
are the only two camrnentatars who refer to the five types of sabbaiXii,
suggests that the Sihda A@aka&, based on which they wrote their
respective commentaries in Psi, would have actually contained this
classification. The passage [PfsA i 58 = NdA ii 386-3871 concerned,
though long, is quoted below:
'Omniscient one is the one who has known everything
in five modes of what can be known. The state of being
omniscient is omniscience, [and] that knowledge fit to

be the bowledge of omniscience is called omniscient
bowledge. There are five modes of what can be known
in respect of all the dhammas, conditioned and

as follows: 'essential condition or
conditioned things', 'change or alteration', 'characteristic', 'Nr'bbea',md 'manifestation or indication'.
Omniscient ones could be of five kinds, [namely] 'he
who knows everything gradually', 'he who knows
everything at once', 'he who knows everything
continnosly', 'he who knows everything energetically,
ably or according to ability', and 'he who knows
everything that has been realized or known'. There is
no 'gradual omniscience' because it is not possible to
have time to know everything gradually. There is no
'sudden omniscience' because there is no grasping of
dl the sense objects all at once. There is no 'constant or
continuous omniscience' because eye consciousness and
such [farms of consciousness] are possible accordiig
as [appropriate] objects; because it would negate [the
occurrence ofJ 'bhavaiga' (the life continuum thought);
and because of no logical justification. As for the
remaining, there could be 'energetic or able
omniscience'because of the ability to know everything,
or 'realized or known omniscience' because all the
dhammas are known. And because there is no
knowledge of everything to the one who knows
everything according to ability, that (omniscience
according to ability) is also not appropriate.
'mere is nothing that is not seen by him,
Nothing that is not realized, and nothing to be known,
Everything that can be known, Be] realized,
Therefore is Tathagata with all-seeing eye"
Because it is said as above, it is only the 'realized or
known omnscience' that is appropriate. This being the
case, omnscience is [attained] in respect of 'function',
'non-confi~sion','accomplishment of reason or cause',
BUDDHA IN T W E R A V ~ A
BUDDHISM
and 'dependence on adverting'.' (SabaEiiuta5@q ...

'ti e&a: pan'caiieyyaparhappabl~edapsa bbay di%i'ti
s a b b ~ f i i i .SabbafiEvssa bhavo sa bban"iiutii, ssB eva
fiizparp sabbaEiutai7@an 'ti vattabbe sabb&-utaiii@m
'ti vu~tap.s&a@sariWlatlidibheda sabbadhamm~hi
s
~ viki7.r-o,~lakkhqaq,
,
n i b b i a q , paEattT 'ti
pai7ca Beyyapat&hon ti. Sabb&-ii 'ti ca kamasabbd-ii,
sakimsabban'iii, safatasabbm-iiii, satfisabbaiifiii,
fiiitasabbm-fid 'ti pafieavidha sa bbaiiauno sip?.
Kamem sabbaj~anakdIbmbhavatokamasabb-utli
na hoti, sakim sabb8mmmanagahangbhavato
sakimsabbafiiiutii na hori, cakkhuviii5aniidinam
yathikarnmqacittasambhavato bhavarigacittavirodbato
yutti-abhsvatcl ca sata.tasabbaGui5na hob; aparisesato
sa bbajgnanasamatthattd sattisabbaEfiuta va siy8,
viditasabbadhammattii
niitasabban'riuta va;
sattjsabbaEt7uno sabbajiiinanatt* nYatthi 'ti tam 'pi na
yujjati.
"Na fassa adi.*arp idha 'tthikia'ci,
Atho a v m - m ajaitabbaip,
Sabbarp abhiiio'ai yad a f h i aeyyay,
Tatheat0 tena sarnantaclkkh u"%
'ti vutfattg Stasabbdottay eva yujiati. E v q hi sari
kiccato,asarnmoha to,k-asiddhiro,
iivajjanapatibaddhata, sa6baiEuttq eva bofi 'ti.)
Let urn examine the above passage more closely.
(A)Sabbai is a person who knows everything contenting

all the dhammas, conditioned and unconditioned, which are examined in five ways known as pafian"eyyapatIi~~~
1. sairkhi%a [the conditioned)
2. v&&a (change or modification)
3. 1-a
(characteristics)
4.nibbma (the unconditi~ned)~~
BUDDHA'S S m A L ATTAmlMENTS
5. paiiikttr' (manifestation or indication)

However, this sabbaiZut3 is undoubtedly within the framework of the defintion of dhammas in the Theravlda tradition.
pajicaiieyyapatha is explained in the Saddhammappakasini as
knowing everything by wisdom (tam sabbam .pan"caf i e y y a p a t h b h t parinfiya jm-tr"ti aatth0).5~This mode of investigation as a set does not seem to occur anywhere in the cornmentaries except in the above sources.
@) SabMlfare mentioned as five types.They are not found
in any other commentaries. It must also be noted here that their introduction is made by the use of a Potential Form of the verbal root
'as' (to be) as follows: 'paiicavidhii~ a b b ~ r siyum'
m o (There could
be five kinds of omniscient ones). This suggests that the five types
of sabbaTiiiorsabbauHwere not commonly accepted or established
as a legitimate classificationby the Theravadins at that time. Further,
the classificationis made according to the ways and means of attaining
omniscient howledge. In other words, the authors of h s e commentaries are examining mere possibilities of how one could attain
omniscience.
(CkCategories like kamasabbmuc3, sak@sabb~-utfiand

s a t a t a ~ a b b ~ u tare
a ' interesting. The first two refer to the modes of
attaining omniscient knowledge, which remind us of the two ways of
attaining enlightenment popularly known in the Ch'an (Zen in
Japanese) schooI of Buddhism in China; namely, 'GraduaI'Enlightcnment' of the Northern school and 'Abrupt Enlightenment' of the
Southern sch0ol.6~ It may be far-fetched to deiiberately see a '
connection between the two,but we do not have positive evidence to
deny it either. In the Theravada tradition, the canonical evidence is
clear that the Buddha's attainment of enlightenmentwas not a sudden
process, but gradual; at least as far as the path leading to it is
concerned. In the tight of the Buddhist teaching of 'cause and effect',
past stories known as apad&;ilavadaa are often related to show that
the attainment of arahantship by the Buddha's renowned disciples is
BUDDHA IN T H E B A v ~ ABUDDHISM
also the result of performing various virtues in the past. The idea that
sudden enIightenment or realization of truth is an impossibility is
therefore a natural corollary arising from such backdrops seen in the
Buddhist literature. The commentaries are full of this.61 While
reiterating in his Itivuttaka-a!thakatha that the [Buddha's]
understanding of dl the dhammas is not sudden (NasaQn yeva sabbadhammi7vabodhato); Dhammapila explains that the Buddha is
omniscient, because, by the attainment of able knowledge of understanding all the Dhamrnas, the ability or potentiality (samattfia@ to
penetrate the entire range of dhammas arose continuous.ly in him'
(Sabbadbamm3vabodhana-sama~a-n'ead~~ena
hi Bhagavafo
santiinevaanavasesadhamrnepa@v.ijfi~m
samatthatii ab~siti).~
He
then discusses the question of whether the Buddha's attainment of
howledgeis sudden or gradual in detail as follows: 'Doesthis howledge [of the Buddha], when pervading, pervade in all the spheres
suddenly or gradually 3' (Kiq~pan 'idami T & ~ qpavattam&arp sakiy
yeva sabbasmiry visaye pavattab' uddhu kamena-' ti ?). 'If it pervades
in the entire sphere suddenly, when such differences as the past, future and present; internal and external; and conditioned, unconditioned
and general things, are present in the same sphere, there could not be
an understanding of sphere in terms of classification or division, like
a person who is seeing a picture from a distance. If that is the case, it
is logical [to consider] all dharnrnas to be ranges of the Buddha's
knowledge in a general sense,as if seeing that aJl dhamrnas are nonself in terms of ~~on-self.'~~
Dhammapaa's argument here is that if
the Buddha's knowldege is sudden, it can grasp only a general picture
of the whole. Io other words, there will be no cognition of dhamulas
separately or individually. Further, concerning the question d the
Buddha's knowledge being gradual, he says: 'When whatever should
be known in various divisions like birth, location, disposition, and
also d i t i o n , district and time, etc., is being gradually seized or
caught, the penetration of all [of them] does not arise in him and
[therefore] there is no end to what should be k n ~ w n . 'In
~ this
instance, Dhammapda advocates that if the process is gradual, there
will be no end to that process. Therefore, it cannot be gradual either.
Thus, he contends that the Buddha's knowledge is neither sudden
BUDDHA'S S P m m A L ATTAINMEWS
nor gradual,6s as againat those lye... vadaou) who maintain it to be

ei*er one or the other.
Discussing further, Dhammapiila next arges against the
thesis that the Buddha is omniscient because of knowing a portion of
what is to be known by direct perception (fieyyassaekadesq
p a c c & k h ~kaN3. This knowledge is not based on inference and
without doubt (tan' ca n'@aq na anurnZnikaq sqsayiibhtTvato). He
contends that this is not rele'vant (dSragap). W h y ? Because it is
the consideration beyond the range (Kasmli ? Avisaya-vicfiabhilvato) [ItA i 1411. Then he sums us by saying that all dhammas
are dependent upon the Buddha's adverting [his mind] (avajanaparibaddhi), mental concentration (manasikaa-pa!ibaddh$,
expectation (iTkarikha-pa?ibsddbS)and generation of a .thought
(cimppSida-pafibaddm[ItA i 1421. Dhammapiila's interpretation
of the Buddha's omniscience thus shows a much advanced stage in
the history of TheravMa Buddhism; far removed even from its
interpretation seen in the Milindapdha where the Buddha's
omniscience is said to be dependent only upon adverting his mind
(dvajma-paeaddha) to m y object he wishes to know.
One may say that Dhammapila's above arguments where he

denies b o h modes of the attainment of the Buddha's knowledge,
i.e., sudden and gradual, are contradictory to the fact that he himself
impIicitly subscribes lo the view of different modes of attaining omniscience when he says the following: ' ,..evay ekaiihay v i s q visum
s a m kamena vaicch&urijpaty sammssmailca sa bbadharnmfie
buddliatta samma.sambuddfioBfiagavii, ...'I[
The Buddha] is fully
awakened and is called the Blessed One, because he has realized and
awakened to all things in accordancewith his wishes [to know them],
toeether or separately, all at once or graduall~,~ightlyand by
h ~ e l f ) The
. ~ words
~
axlderIined are the point in question. This
shows that Dhammapda also believes in different modes or methods
of knowing dl the dhammas. What is emphasised by him here seems
that. if the Buddha so desires, he can gain the required knowledge of
dhammas together, separately, suddenly or gradually as he wishes.
In other words, categorization of his knowldege into a specific type

is not appropriate as far as his omniscient knowledge goes. His
underlying analysis is similar to the basis adopted in q s A and NdA.
The third type, i.e. satatasabb&-rr4 is a more immediate
issue within the Theravgda context, or rather Indian context in that it
gives an impression of the type of omniscience claimed by
Niganthmiitha-putta recorded in the Buddhist canonical texts 1e.g.
the fe;ijja-vacchagotta. sut~a]?~The denial of this hisomiscience in
the canonical texts is derived from the Buddha's own reference to it.
He says that there is neither a recluse nor a brahmin who (at one and
the same time) can know ail and can see
By the time of the
Milindapaiiha and more prominently in the commentaries, the
attainment of the Buddha's omniscience came to be regarded as a
result of adverting his mind to any object he wishes to know
(Bva_iianapatibaddha). It implies that the state of omniscience is not
continuous. Satafasabba7fiutii cannot therefore be accepted as a
possible mode of attaining omniscience in Theraviida Buddhism.
(D) Of the five types of sabbaijfiut8,two terms, viz.,
anupubbasabbaijfiuti which seems to be identical wi.th
kamasabba7n"ut~
as far a?its meaning goes, and s&jmsabb&-u.G,
are separately referred to at QsA ii 429. Their treatment there is seen
in connection with a veiw expressed by 'some' (keel')who by
implication would have been aware of such a classification of
sabbfiu@ into different categories. They (kec~)
maintain that the
negation of anupabbasabbafin'ut8 is sabbaiin'utafi@a, while the
negation
of
sakimsabbanTutii
is
anivaranafia~a
(anupubbasabbaZ5utappnfikkheposabbafiZntMfiBnam; s&iq
~abb~utappa~ikkErepo
anSvarqM@a@. This is rejected by the
author of PtsA who says that because of the attainment of omniscient
knowledge,the Blessed One is called the OmniscientOne, but me is]
not the one who knows everything gradually because of the attainment
of the unobstructed knowledge, he is called the Omniscient One, but
[he is] not the one who knows everything at once (Bhagava
sabb-utafid@a- ppatiisbhena 'pi sabbaiin"6 'ti vuccati; na ca
B ~ D H A ' SSPIRITUAL ATTAINMENTS
,wbbsabb&-C.
A n ~ v ~ " ~ a p p a t i i ~ b h'pie sabbaiWti
na
'ti
yuccati; na ca sakiqsabbafifiE'a). The mthm of RsA, however,
does not deny the classification itself of sabbadE0 into
aolrpubbasabbmi and sakiysabb&-fi in this insmce. What he
is that sabbafZlrt~@a
and a n i i v ~ " @ are
a employed to show
different aspcts of one and the same knowledge of the Buddha His
psition is well supported by other commentators as well. For
instance, Dhammapda, followingthe explanation of sabbaiHufa-i@a
and anaanavmqa-fZ@a
in the Pati~ambhidmagga,~~
elaborates that it
(Buddha-E@a) is called omniscient lmowledge in terms of the howledge of things conditioned, unconditioned, conventiod and real in
every way without remainder, and it is [also] the unobstructed
knowledge there because of the absence of obstacles and due to
functioning without attachment (... sabbab- anavasesa sarikhat'
asisarikhata sammufi sacc ' Bva bodhato sa bbM5uta-n'giq, tatth '
a'varap ' Sbhiivato nissaJigappavattk uppdaya ansvarqa-fiean ti
,m
~uccah).'~
The references to different types of sabbaut% at P$A ii

429 andBsAi 58 = NdA i 386-387, and their treatment of the subject,
point ~o the fact that such a notion may have been a point of controversy between the Mahltv Wravbins and non-Mah3vih2ravBins by
the time ofihe [Sihala] AtJhakathi literature. This is one of many
instances in the commentaries reflecting the circumstances under
which the Theravadins refer to views ofnon-Mahavihira school and
often argue against them. The classification of omniscient ones
(sabbar?n@into five types appears to be a summary of views held by
both the Mahilv.vihkavBhsand non-MahFtv~avbias.At least two
of them can be considered as views of non-Mahkihiirira fraternity as
they are directly refuted by Dhammapalain his Itivuttaka-aghakathii,
as seen above. The third types, i.t., sahtasabbmii could be a
Eminiscence of the claim made by the Nigapthas for their master.
The fourth one, i,e., ~~~~~~~~~~~@ may have been &rived from Ehe
idea of ability (samattha) as a possible mode of knowing the
commentaries refer to in connection with knowing all the dhammas.
Thus, both PpA and NdA, as shown above, say that there could be
BUDDHA IN THE:RAV-A
BUDDHISM
able amniscience because of the ability to know everything

(sabbajiinanasamatthaftilsattisabbaXuH vii siya. The way this type
of omniscient knowledge (sattisabbmuq is cited in them also
suggests that the Theravdins give a more favourable treatment to it
than, for instance, to rhe first two categories?' The fifth type, as
will be discussed below, is undoubtedly the view of the
M&~vWavIsinsthemselves. It could therefore be presumed that
the categorization of omniscient ones into five types in the
commentaries was a result of incorporating different modes of howing advocated by both the MahiivihBavbins and their rivals at the
the.
(E) Aifasabb&-ii seems to be the most favoured descrip

tion of omnisceince by the commentators. The reason why only the
fiLtasabbafidii is accepted in the passage cited above appears to lie in
the interpretation of the phrase I s a b b e a bhindEsi yad atthiiieyyq'.
The word fieyyarp (that wluch should be known or understood)
suggests that the Buddha's knowledge is subjected to certain
restrictions; the restrictions being that he knows only such things as
he ought to know,probably as a Buddha. In otherwords, the Buddha's
omniscient knowledge does not go beyond the confines of the
dhammas that must be known or realized by a Buddha. And the
realization or understanding of all dhammas leads one to the state of
Bnddhahod. It presupposes a time sequence. Therefore, the expression of 'fififa-sabbaEU'(using the past participle form of 'jiTndt3)
is appropriate.
A'
Moreover, the commentarid definition of sabb&-uta-fiqa

is derived from the idea of advertence of the mind to any object the
Buddha wishes ta know. Dhammapaa summarizes the importance
of directing the mind in the following m e r : 'AU things are dependent on the Buddha's adverting the mind, wishing [to h o w the
object], keeping in mind and generating the mind.'72 In other words,
omniscient howledie arises in the Buddha as a resuIt of directing
his mind to any object he wishes to know. Here we detect two things:
first, the Buddha is not always omniscient; and second, the knowledge
BUDDHA'S SFTlUTUAL AlTAIMMENTS
that is talked about is the objective knowldge. Knowing an object
iwIies the cognitive process. Only when that process is over, the
Buddha becomes a knower. Then the object he wished to h o w
becomes known. It is in this sense that the commentators seems to
accept 'fiiita-sabbaiindii'as the only legitimate description of omniscience.
(IAccording
?) to the passage, the Buddha's omniscience is
said to be associated with the follawing four things:
1. kicca (function)
2. asarnmoha (non-confusion or instant clarity)
3. kapasiddhi (accomplishment d reason,
cause, or purpose)
4. a'vaianapatibaddha(dependence on advertence)
Unfortunately, we are not in a position to provide any comment on this for want of any further information available at hand
except to say that of the four things mentioned in the passage, the
term kavasjddhi seems to occur only in this instance in the entire
commentarid literature. The other terms are often found in the
commentaries. To cite a few; the accomplishment of the state of
Buddhahood is said to be made through wisdom, while the accomplishment pf its function is through compassion (pam2ya
buddhabhiivasiddhikarunSyabrrddhakiccasiddh)
i 16; etc.] NdA
ii 296 states that all dhammas are known in t e r n of clarity, them
fore there is no 'not-known' (asammohato sabbadhammijnay fiatat@
at%Xtay nma natthi). The word avajjanapatibaddba is of frequent
occurrence in the commentaries as referred to before.
The word sabban'iiu or sabbaiiiuta-fi~a

is employed exclusively for Buddhas. But Bodhisattas in the A~hakathHliterature are
at times strangely called '~abb&-u-bodhisatta'.~ Another puzzling
instance of its use is found in the MadhuratthavilBini where Updi is
said to have been praised by the Buddha far his dexterity in the Vinaya
Pifaka, particuIarly in the decisions regarding Bhmkaccha, Ajuka
and K~miirakassapa.~~
The relevant passage says that U p s gave
BUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ ABUDDHSM
these three decisions, combining them together through rhisl omniscient knowledag (imai tini vatth7n.i -ffufaii@enq
sad*
sarpsanditvii kathesi)." The word underlined is the point in question.
This instance gives rise to a question as to whether or not 'sabbautaiiiina' is the province not only of a Buddha, but also of a disciple.
~ h evidence
k
cited above is, nonetheless, too isolated to make any
positive observation as to whether or not the term is also used for
disciples. Future investigations will be welcome in this regard. On

the other hand, another interpretationcan be suggested here. That is,
the sabbaZiura-fi@a used in the above passage simply means 'the
knowledge pertaining to all matters d disciplinary rules' for which
UpiIi is reputed.
Our above investigations have revealed some new developments in the concept of omniscience in the comentarial literature.
First, thc introduction of a term called sabba-sabba expanding the
scope of omniscience is noteworthy. Its notion, in summary, includes
all the dhammas in the Theraviida context. Second, the reference to
five types of omniscient anes with regard to the modes of knowing
everything appears to be a reflectionof views held by different groups
of Buddhists including the Mahi?ivih2ravBsins themselves prevalent
at that time. A focus of controversy is on two modes of knowing;
namely, kama or anupubba sabbEuB and sak@ ~ a b b ~ f i u both
td,
of which are rejected particularly by Dhammapiila. Although he
subscribes at the same time to merent modes of knowing including
'gradual' and 'sudden', his contention appears to be based on a
different footing, It is also significant that the MahZvihSravLins accept only the category called fiIta-sabb&-uf& This is a logical conclusion derived from the recognition of a cognitive process of objects
in TherevEda Buddhism. Once that process of cognizance is over,
the objects thus cognized become 'known' ('57ta). This is the basis
for its acceptance. Third, the Theraviidins maintain that the Buddha
becomes omniscient when and as he directs his mind to any object he
wishes to know. This is not tantamount to the denial of the Buddha's
omniscience itself when he does not direct his mind to an object. He
can legitimately be called the omniscient one, because he possesses
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL ATTAKNMENTS

h e ability to become So as contended by the them Naasena in the
MiindapaiSha.
3. Dasabala or TathEgatabda (Ten Powers of a Tathggata)
A standard explanation of tarhggatabala says that they are
h e powers only of the Tatheata, not s h d by others. They are also
the powers which have come down (;lgatabalrSru]just as [they fiad
come down to] the previous Buddhas through the accumulation of
merit.76The expression 'pui3ussayaampatriyii1(through or by the

acc-ulation of merit) is signif~cant.The canonical textsn are usually
silent on the reasons why the Buddha came to possess tab-gatabala
or dasabda. Perhaps, it may be that to the Buddhists of early phases
in the hi-story of Buddhism, the Buddha and his enlightenment were
much nearer in experience than to the Buddhists of later times, The
Buddha was there in person, and people could witness firsthand the
highest virtues and wisdom attainable by a person. He exempmed
and showed to others that liberation h r n s q s & a cauId be possible
in this very life. No urge, therefore, was felt by then to conceptualize who the Buddha was and link his career to his past lives, unlike in
later times when their Master was long dead and gone. But, by the
Afihakatb period, thfoogh the Buddhavqsa and Cariyiipi@kaof
the Khuddaka Nikliya, the career of the Buddha was made more complex in line bith the apotheosis of the Master; a distinct process separating the Buddha, or the notion of Buddhahood, from the rest of
saints. As a result, an invention of former causes that would lead to
the path of Buddhahaod, became a necessity. In fact, everything of
the Buddha came to be looked at from the viewpoint of 'cause and
effect'. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that the
attainmentof [ah-gatabalaby a Buddhais considered to be the result
of accumulating merits done in his previous lives. It agrees with the
general trend of the Buddha-concept in the Atfhakathii literature that
the career of a Bodhisatta is primarily the testing ground for perfomh g as many meritorious deeds as possible.
The practice of paamif& is the sum totd of requirements
BUDDHA IN THERAVmA BUDDHTSM
for the attainment of Buddhahood. The p&-mifBare accomplished

by a Bodhisatta with two specific purposes in mind: the attainment
of his own enlightenment and the mission of taking others across to
the yonder shore of satpiIra. To achieve the state of Buddhahood,
the accumulation ofvirtues is of parmount importance. It is herefore
said that the pih-adtirs are the necessary conditions for meritorious
deeds @uiifiasambhLa)and for knowledge ( f i i m ~ a m b h ~ a } ? ~
When the Buddha is said to be endowed with 'power' (bala),

the AEhakathB texts distinguish two k i d s of bala One is howledge power (fiipwbala)and the other is physical power (kayabak~).
When these two powers are put together, the complete personality of
a Buddha emerges. The commentaries give lits of several kinds of
knowledge included in tJ~eclassification of diqaabala or otherwise
called Buddhan-@aw Bala (power) is cansidered as knowledge,
because it is unshakable and lends support to the one who is endowed
with it (fiwarn hi akampiiya.@ena upatthambhhaffhena balm ti
vu#ay).al
The rathiigarabda or dasabda is sometimes called Buddhabala. Hence, it is said that buddhabala means the Buddhals might or
his ten powers (buddbabalq n-a bud&BubMvr, dasabalG@*i
V S ) . ~The
~ Niddesa-at&akathH says that it is unique or special to
Buddhas alone (Tathi7gaatabaliXm.nti STbayo Lvtnikadhammavasena
v u t i ti ~editabbil).~~
The role or ,function of the ten powers is mentioned in the

canonical tees as fouows: the Tawgata, by virtue of the possession
of those powers, claims leadership over others, roars a lion's roar in
assemblies and sets in motion the Brahma-~heel.8~
Same is repeated
for caruvesitajja in the text. Dhammaplila in his Itivuttaka-atJhalca~
makes a somewhat different interpretation of the function of these
two aspects of Buddha-Sea He states that the powers are the field
of 'wisdom', while the [four) confidences are the field of compassion
Ctattha p&-B-ldettq baliini, km@-kheves;TrjS.m). He goes
on to say that by the combination of powers, [the Buddha] is not
BUDDHA'S SPRTTUAL ATTAINMENTS
conquered by others, by the combination of confidences, he conquers

o&ers. The successful accomplishment of a teacher is by the powers,
successfill accomplishment of a dispensation is by the confidences,
and the accomplishment of the Jewelof Buddhahood is by the powers
and the accomplishment of the Jewel of the Dhamma is by the
This passage therefore shows that the tathigatabala is
an endowment a Buddha will come to possess as a consequence of
his spiritual attainments, while the four vesirajas are the qualities
which provide him with ability and confidence of teaching for the
benefit of others. Buddhaghosa also remarks that the Blessed One
teaches the Dhamna by various methods, because he is endowed
with the four confidences dong with other things.*&A similar description of the functions of tat%&a&abala and ca~-vesiSrajiais a l s ~
found in a simile of the one (i.e. a Buddha) who is possessed of the
'strength of a ~ s a b h a(bull) at VvA 83 and VibhA 398. Such a
distinction indeed conforms to the general trend found in the
Al@akathi literature that rnabSp&-a and rnahigkarunij are two
important aspects af Buddhahood.
Commenting on the word cakka in 'brahamacakkq
pavattcti' at M i 69 and elsewhere, the ~ a ~ a 5 c a s ~ d a n i

MmorathapkuiP and Samrnohavir~~'~
also bring out two aspects
of Buddhahood; viz., paiifiii and karugg, Cakka is dhammac&a,
which is of two kinds; pativedhaT@a (penetration knowledge) and
desaniif-@a (teaching knowledge). The A-thI
texts further state
that the f m e r (is. papvedhan"@a) is produced by understanding
and brings his own noble fruition, whereas the latter (i.e. desanii8ea)
is produced by campassion and brings disciples' noble fruition (tattha
pafi5apabha'vitam attano ariysphaliivaham pativeda5@aqz,
karungpab&vitaq sdvakaiay ariyaphalZvahq d e ~ a n l i o ' @ q ) . ~
After explaining both knowledges, the texts conclude that pativedha.Gpais supramundane (lokrrtxara)and d e s a n e a is mundane
(lokiya),but both are not shared by others and are the knowledge of
Buddhas' own (ubbayam pi pan' cram aijfiehi asa'dhiiranam,
Budd-hZnaq~yeva m s q ~7@aq1). Here too, p&-a and karug of
Buddhahood are emphasized.
The taming of others t b u g h reading their mental dispositions and propensities is also discussed as one of the ten powers. The
AthkathI texts, while admitting that some of the powersafe comon
tomhisciPles,
say that the knowledge ofmaturity level. of the spiritual
faculties of others is a knowledge not s h a ~ e dby others
(indriyaparopanyatlh7@qas2idhibqam); oiher knowledges (in the
ten powers of the TathSgata) are both shared and not shared ( s e s q
s&~%&apa~ca asHd&apaii ca). The disciples know 'a possibility
and impossibility', etc., in a limited sense, but the Tawgatas know
[them] comprehensively or limitlessly (~iT.aH@BBdihihi siivakii
padesena j&mfi, TathSga nippade~ena).~'In passing, the above
passage of the Kathiivatthw-a~~akathZ
is significant in that it is an
answer to the thesis proposed by the school of Andhakas, and this
position upheld by the TheravXins is supported by dher Awakathl
texts as well. For example, the Saddhammappakbhi says that
indriyaparpariyatlai@a is not shared by disciples in every way
(indriypar~pariyatt~~ampana
sabbatba' pi savakehi asSdh&apm
em).* The text further states that the Tarhiigarabalas are immemurable in the sense of excessiveness and incomparability
(a&imaLtaLta@ena
ahfiyaffhenaappameyym). The Sammohavinodani
comments that indnyapmpariyatta-fima and i%ay#n~~saya-iT@~
constitute one kind of power knowledge (bala-17@a)?~Referring to
the causes or reasons by means of which ali Buddhas cometo possess
the LayBusaya-$@a, the Dharnmapada-atfhakathii ~pecifically
mentions that it is the result of fulfilling t h ~perfections and the
attainment of omniscient kn~wledge.~
Discrepancies in expressions between the canonical lists of

dasabala of the Buddha and those mentioned in the Atjdcathi texts
are also found in the MadhutatthavilH~ini.~~
The text uses
iBayiinussaya-ik@a as the sixth power, which, according to VibhA
461-462 as seen above, is another means of classifying
indriyapmpariyaffa-n";rsla,while the term cutu'papatti-ma used as
the ninth item in the list is identical with dibba~akkbu.~
However,
the Affhakathatexts too, though having dierent terminology for some
items, follow the canonical classification of the ten powers.
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL A'lT-S
oneof the areas of development of the Buddha-concept in

the Attbakaha literature centres on the Buddha as a teacher, The
is the supreme teacher not only of men but also of divine
beings (aw devmmuss&q). He possesses the ability to tame
beings. me epithet purisadammasiirathigivanto the Buddha says it
all. Taming of beings begins with an investigation into the levels of
their
maturity. The Buddha thereafter comes to know the
most
and effective device for taming. This is where the ability
to discern the disposition (Zisaymusaya)and mahnity levels of the
facultiesof others (indryapmpmyarta),plays apivotal role.
~tthmfore constitutesthe sixth power in the list of ten tab-gaatabalas
and is one of the six knowledges not shared by others (as~dbiirqa3gaa). The intention behind these classificationsis to place emphasis
the greatness and magnitude of the Buddha as a teacher. The
A p m a specifically refers to these dispositions, and by the bowledge thereof, the Buddha preaches the DhammaP?The A!{hakaths
textsgBrecord aview of 'dissenters' (paraviZdii,who believe that there
is no separate knowledge called knowledge of the ten powers; it is
only one aspect of omniscient knowledge (da~abalan"@e
niirna
piifiyekkay n ' atthi; saBbarTnutaiT..ass' eviiyap pabhedo tr). The
ThmavZda position on this is that they are separate kinds of knowledge as mentionedearlier. In this instance, the AEakathB texts clearly
demonstrate-the differences between them as follows: Each kind of
knowledge of the ten powers knows only its own function, while
omniscient knowledge knows boh that and the rest (dasabalan'@am
hi sakasakakiccq evaj@#ti. Sa bW-ufaiGprn tampi tat0 avasesam
pijkiitrl. Of the knowledge of the ten powers in successive order,
the first knows only reasons and non-reasons (k@q&@zpq); the
sencond, kamma intervals and Ramma-] resuIt intenah (karnmantaravipaantaram); the third, the delimitation of kamma (kammaparicehedam);;he fourth, the reason for the difference of the elements
(&dfunBn?nattak&-qzam); the fifth, inclinations and resolves of beings
(s"ft&arn ajjh~ayadhimuttim);the sixth, the sensitiveness and
dullness of the faculties (indriy&ay tikkliamudubhlvam); the
Seventh, thej&as, etc., together with their defilements, etc. GhibBdZti
BUDDHAJN 'ITElUvaA BUDDHISM

sad&@ tesi-q sarikilesa'dirp);the eighth, the continuity of aggregates
formerly lived @ub& nivutthakhandh3smtatim); the ninth, death and
rebirth-Iinking of beings ( s a t H n cutipa~isandhirp):
~
and the tenth,
the definition of the truths (saccaparicchedaq). But, omniscient

knowledge knows what is to be known by those and what is beyond
that ( ~ a b b ~ i i u t d a n apana
m etehi jaitabbafi ca rat0 uttariil ca
pajiiniiti]; it does not perform all their functions (etesaypanakia+
na s a b b q kwh). For, that cannot bring absorption by being jhma
f f q hi jh&xttg hutvii appetum na sakkotr); it cannot transform by
miraculous power {iddbihutv&vikubbitum na sakkotl); it cannot put
down the defilements by being the path (maggohutvii kilese khepefum
na sakkol~).
The Theraviidins further question the 'dissenters' whether
knowledge of the ten powers is accompanied by vitakka (appIied
thought) and vic&a (sustained thought), or without visa and with
vicaa,or without both; or whether it is of kBnma'uacara(sense sphere),
of rip3vacara (fine-material sphere), or of m-psvacara (immaterial
sphere); or it is Iukiya (mundane) or lukuttara (supramandane). The
'dissenters' will say, if they know [rightly] ~zinaato),that the first
seven kinds of knowledge are accompanied by vita?& and vic&g
the next two are without vitakka and vicm;and as for the knowledge
of the destruction of cankers, it may be with vitakka and vi&,
or
without vitaWra and witb vic- or without both. Moreover, the first
seven are of the sense sphere, the next two are of the fine-material
sphere, and the Iast one is supramundane. But they are ofthe opinion
that the omniscient knowledge is only accompanied by v i W a and
vic&a. It is onIy of the sense sphere and is mundane. Therefore, the
Theravadins say that knowledge of the ten powers and omniscient
knawledge are separate.* The texts finally elaborate on the ten
powers one by one and show that the Tathggata through these ten
powers knows those capable of being delivered and leads them
gradually along the path ofliberation.lw Here emphasis is placed on
the Buddha's quality as a teacher, which fact is indeed in conformity
with the canonical explanations found, for instance, in the
MahiisisThanBda sutta of the Majjhirna NikSya, as seen before.
BUDDHA'S SPRITUAL ATrATNMENTS
4. Iddhi (Psychic Power)
The concept of bala leads us to yet another aspect of the

~~ddha-conceptthe Atnakam literature. Canonical references
to &e ten kinds of supernormal or magical powers (iddhibala) are
found for the first time in the Pa@sambhid&nagga.lol Iddhi constibtes the first item in the list of six higher knowledges (abhirZ.73, and
is obtainable through the utmost perfection in mental development
(smdhi). The Visuddhimagga provides a detailed explanation as
to how a meditator can attain id&i and enjoy its benefits.IMThese
instances show that anyone who perfects mental development can
come to possess such magical powers. However, the attainment of
aha ants hip solely depends on the knowledge of the desmction of
all cankers through penetrating insight (v@assmj. Iddhiis therefore
not a special province of a Buddha alone.
As time passed by, however, the Buddhists came to entertain

the notion that there would not 'be any disciple of the Buddha who
was equally proficient as, or surpassed, the Buddha in the performance of magical powers due, apparently, to the apotheosis and exaltation of their Master. Such a notion began to stay from the
Buddhavarpsa. Hence, the Buddha is called the unequal in magical
powers (iddhibalena a~arno).'~~
Commenting on this, the
Madhuratthavilzsini states that the iddhi there means 'assuming
different forms' (vikubbana), 'resolute determination' (adhiI&hrSna),
etc.Iw This shows that the author of BvA apparently thinks that the
Buddha is incomparable in the ten kinds of iddhi mentioned in the
Palisambhidmagga and elsewhere.Im
In the course of the acceleration of the Buddha's apotheosis,

a goup of Buddhists named the Andhakas is said to have elevated
the ability of
magical powers by the Buddha and his
disciples to such a height that anything couId be possible through the
magical powers. This proposition is refuted by the TheravHdins in
fheKath3~atthu.l~
The Andhakas' position is that both the Buddha
BUDDHA IN T~ERAVADABUDDHISM
and his disciples have the power of supernormally perfoming

whatever they intend. What interests us is the Theraviida notion af
iddhi mentioned in the KaGvatthu-a@~akatha.~~~

The Commentary
states at the outset that iddhi succeeds or is possible only in certain
mas,and not in other areas (iddhinfim '&a htthaci iijhati kafthaci
na ijjhat~). It certainly does not succeed in making impermanent
things permanent (anrcc2Td~aym'cciidikar~e
&men 'evana idah),
But it is possible by id&i to turn common continuity into different
continuity, or to prolong it inits common continuity;these are possible
on account of [some]causes such as merit, etc. For example. like
turning water to milk, see, etc., for monks,and prolonging lights or
illur~linaEionswhen great relics are deposited.'08The above arguments
adduced by the TheravSdhs show that they checked the momentum
of exaggeration with which some non-TheravIda Buddhist schools
tried to exalt the Buddha even disregarding the fundamental principles of Buddhism. In other words,the foregoing passage reveals that
magical powers cannot work against any universaI principIes such as
impemianence, ek. This is the criterion of the working of magical
powers according to the Theravada tradition. Furthermore, the
Therav3d.m seem to believe that magical powers, at least some of
hem, are possible as a result of the accumulation of merits. This
may be, perhaps, equated with the p=avato iddhi explained in detaiI as one of the ten kinds of iddhi at V i m 382-383.
Miracles, on the other hand, came to be accmded a specid
recognition in the Tberaviida tradition as time progressed. The commentaries are in fact full of such miracles displayed by both the
Buddha and his disciples. Buddhghosa, in passing, cIassifies two
types of miracles in his Visuddhimagga; namely, p&gpPfih&ya
(miracles of appearance) and ap&afapa$hbiya (miracles of
disappearance). The former is called avibhava (appearance) and the
latter, tir0bhBva (vanishing). Again, as for the former, it is said that
both the performer and h e miracles performed are displayed, while
the latter shows only the miracles performed, but not the performer
thereof.lo9
The culmination of magicaI powers finds its place in the Twin

Miracle of the Buddha (yamakapii@b). The Twin Miracle, as seen
is one of the six as%fh&apa-fi@a offheBuddha. It appears
that the term ydapH@&iya or yamkap@hka is used for the f i
time in the Pafisambhid-agga in Theraviida Buddhism. The
~ilindapaiihaalso refers to the fact that h e Buddha's mind is so
clear and active outclassing others that he perfoms the Twin Miracle.L~o
It is generally believed that Gotama Buddha's Twin Miracle
was performed in the seventh year at SSvatthi afterhis Enlightenment
(abhisarnbodhitosattame sqvacchare...)lll The contents of miracles
are vividly described at DhpA iii 213 ff; J iv 263 E,BvA 31-32;
e ~ . ' 'The
~ Twin Miracle is so called because it consists in the
appearance of phenomena of opposite character in pairs. The
Dharnmapada-atpakawstates that in pexfomhg the Twin MiracIe
the Buddha produced flames from the upper part of his body and a
stream of water from the lower part, then alternatively. Flames of
fie and stream8 of water proceeded alternatively from the right side
of his body and likewise from the left side. Fkm every pore of his
body six coloured rays emanated. The tradition says that after
concludingh the Twin Miracle at Savatthi, the Buddha like his
predecessors proceeds to the Tiivathpsa heaven to preach the
Abhidhamw to his mother. Scholars have already pointed out that
the descriptions of the Twin Miracle are somewhat different among
the so~rces."~
The canonical texts speak of three kinds ~fpa'~@&iriya

(miracles); namely, iddhi-pehihfya, adesanl-pi-mya and anusijsaiipiitihiinya.L14
The first two, if misused or abused, are disapproved by
the Buddha, because he sees danger in them.'15 By the time of the
Boddhavwa, however, the Buddha came to be regarded as the
foremost in the three miracles (iddhi ca Bdesan&usBd tipB+@.ia
Bhagavii ~aiiihu).''~These three miracles are simcant in that the
Buddha's mission was primarily focussed on the spread of the
Dhamma by preaching. The meanings of the term p6@ira are in fact
given in the above light, as can be seen in the following definitions in
the Madhuratthavilgsin?:
'Marvel @B!ibLra) means a marvel from the removing

of opposition (or opponents), or it is a marvel TI t . t it
captivates @a!iharat$ the minds of creatores overcame
by false views and conceit, or it is a marvel in that it
brings back (pati-iihiharatt)the disposition of pleasure of
creatures who have lost it. ''Pa!iheraY'is also a reading;
the meaning i s the
(PS!ihiran ti
pafipakkhaharanafo pitihiraty pafiharati s a t f a a m
diffhirnilnopagatiini cittiTni ti vS piifihiram, appasannilpay sa~appasBdappati-libamti
ti vHp@himp;
pHfihem ti pi p # $ l ~ o . ) ~ ~ ~
The Buddhavaqsa-atJhakathHfurthercompares tbreemarvels

or miracles to different abilities possessed by the Buddha's disciples.
The marvel of instruction by means of the marvel of psychic potency
(iddhi-piTp3iiriya) is a speciality of Moggallana, the marvel of
instruction by means of the marvel of the speaking of suitable
discourses (iidesm2-pd.pEinya) is a speciality of SZiriputta. But the
marvel of instruction (anus&an?-pH?3%Sriya) is the constant teaching
of the Dhamma of B~ddhas."~
The Buddha's foremost ability in instructing others for deliverance is well brought oat in the concept of buddha-veneyya
(amenable to the training only by a Buddha). This concept is undoubtedly related to the sixth powerof the ten tathiigatabdas;namely,
knowledge of the mamrity levels of the spiritual faculties of others
(indriyaparopariyatta-EGa),or otherwise called knowledge of
disposition (iSsayiTnusaya-n"@a). This knowledge is considered as a
special province of the Buddha alone (asii&itraya-3@a), as seen before. The At$dathii texts give several instances in which even
Siriputta, who is the foremost among disciples, fails to lead people
to the path of arahantship. For example, the story of a co-resident of
Ssputta, who was a son of a goldsmith (suv&&apuf&),
tells us
Saiputta, after failing to instruct him,finally takes him to the

Buddha. The Buddha then remarks: '0S ~ p u t t ait, is not your range
to h o w what is suitable for him. He is a person who can be trained
only by a Buddha' (avisayoSsTriptltra hiyh ' etassa sapp3yq jhtum,
buddhaveneyyo Dl.I M The hka-atthhaatha relates another st&
of a wicked Licchavi prince whom his parents took to the Buddha for
advice. The Buddha gave talks to him and the prince then became
gentle and kind.I2'
The Buddha is reported to have had a habit of looking around

using his dibbacakkhu to see whether there are people capable of
obtaining benefits from his
The Dhammapadaptthakat.I,for instance, records that Buddhas never fail to survey
world twice a day (Burldhic~an"
ca m a dve vare lokavilokanarp
av;jdzitiq ho@;one at dawn and the other at dusk.13 An underlying purpose of this act is to see whether anyone is corning within the
net of knowledge (fiifgajaia) of the Buddha so that he can preach the
Dhamma to that person.'%
5. M a h w m d p a f t i - f i e(Knowledge of the Attainment
of Great Compassion)
the
Another item mentioned in the six kinds of knowledge not

shared by otKers (sidh&qta-fi@a) is the knowledge of the attainment
of great compassion (mah;Tkmq&amiipatti-n"@a). This aspect of
Buddhahood is significant, becauseit characterizes the mast important
motive to aspire to be a Bodhisatta and subsequently, the life of a
Buddha. Compassion (karuna of a Buddha is indeed a theme
recurrently met with in the Ardakathii literatme and will be often
referred to throughout the present study.
The Buddha's hesitation to preach after his enlightenmentis

viewed as a tutning point in the whole histolry of Buddhism; it was to
decide whether what he attained would become only a personal gain
for the Buddha alone, or would be destined to become the foundation
for a universal religion; or in Buddhist terminology, whether the
BUDDHA IN TIERAVADABUDDHISM
Buddha would become amere paccekabuddha or a sammbmbuddha.

Modem schoIarship is of opinion that the oft-cited story of Brahml
Shampati's request to the Buddha to preach for the benefit of the
world, is a symbolic and psychologicd description of the Buddha's
inner conflict.lz Here, the implication is that Sahampati had to request
him to preach, because the Buddha was leaning towardnotpreachiug
the Dhamma. The Sattavassai sutta of the M&a-Sqy~tta,'~~on
the
other hand, tells us the other side of the story: Maa, the Evil One,
earnestly begged the Buddha to pass into parinibbma soon after his
attainment of enlightenment, as his search for the n t h had been accomplished, and asked him for what purpose he decided to preach to
others. In this instance, the Buddha was persuaded andreminded by
M3,ra of futiliw of preaching. T h s , BrahmH Sahampati's request
and Mas's plea amply demonstrate'theBuddha's mental struggle; a
wavering state of mind. But, the inner voice finally convinces the
Buddha that he should make the D h m a known. The good defeats
the mil; an ethical principle universally accepted. BrahmH Sahampati
thus fmdly wins the mind of the Buddha over to the peaching of the
Dhamrna. From the time the Buddha decides to preach, compassion
of the Buddha comes to the fore. This is how the story in the early
sources goes.ln
However, the A$&athii literature has a different story to
tell us. The course of actions taken by Gotama Buddha must tally
with that of a11 the previous Buddhas. Everything about Gotarna
Buddha is generalized and made applicable to all Buddhas. Thus,
Brahmii's request to the Buddha to preach the Dhamrna is repeated
even in the case of Vipassi Buddha.lZ8 The A@&athi texts go a step
further in generalizationand explainthatconsideration (parivitakka)
whether to preach or not is a common practice for all Buddhas
(sabbabuddhZa~
& ~ a m ~ c i i r p oIt) ,is only when requested by
BrahrnH that Buddhas preach. This is done with the intention of
generating greater respect towards the Dhamma by beings (tato samdhamme giiravay uppiidessanti), because the world respectsBrahma
( B m h a g m k ohi 1ukasannivSso"'.)it
The above story telIs us that
Buddhas are far superiar even to Maha-Brahmg thereby showing

that Buddhas and their teachings must be considered as authoritative
and
That the authority must came from high above in

ranks is indeed an Indian conception.
Along with the development of the Bodhisatta-concept, and

extendingthe Buddha's career into the past for an immeasurablelength
of time, Gotama Buddha too had to conform to what the Buddhists
call 'general nature' (dhamma@ of all Buddhas. This idea can be
s e n in the etyrnologicd explanations of the word tatI@afa, as will
be discussed lateralm Lt is probable that the biography of Gotama
Buddha and his enlightenment experience much cherished by all the
Buddhists, became the standard model for other Buddhas of the past
and future. However, minor details may differ from Buddha to
Buddha. The notion of differences among Buddhas may have come
fromthe fact that physical and circumstantial differences-doexist
among human beings. The same holds true with Buddhas. Some
human beings are born rich, others poor. Some are born into families
of high repute and others are not. Some possess breath-takiig physical
beauty, while others are ugly or disabled. Some live long, while
others die young. The concept of Vamdta(difference) is an outcome
of such discrepancies seen. among human beings. Thus, four
differences (vemar@ among Buddhas are mentioned at Miln 285,
and tfie number increased to five13' and eight132in the A@akatha
texts."3
On the other hand, the A-thB

texts stress that the attainment of wisdom (bodhi) is same for all Buddhas. Buddhism
maintains that the truth remains for ever, whether Buddhas appear in
this world or not. The truth in Buddhism is that all conditioned things
are impermanent (anicca) and unsatisfactory ( d u m a ) and that all
dhamrnas are without self (anatta).134A11 Buddhas find this truth by
~emstlves.It is the discovery of the ancient path. It is in this light
that the Theravadins tried to justify the universality of widom of dl
Buddhas.
Buddhahmd entails the possession of compassion (km@
BUDDHA IN' I X E R A V ~ A
BUDDHISM
in itself, a quality from which mankind benefits. All Buddhas have

this trait in them. In fact, Buddhas appear in this world because of
kmnIi. Both canonical and commentaria1 texts categorically state
this: 'There is one person whose birth into this world is for the welfare
of the many, for the happiness of the many, who is born out of
compassion for the world, for the benefit, welfare and happiness of
gods and men. Who is that one person ? It is a Tathiigata, an Arahant,
a Perfectly Enlightened
It is also said that a Bodhisattaaspirant, when entering upon the path of Bodhisattahood, reflects
that this great compassionof the Lord of the World is the one though
which he sees the world of Wigs fallen into great suffering and thinks:
'there is no one to whom they can go for refuge. I, being released
from the suffering of sams&, will too release them therefrom', the
Bodhisatta-aspirant made a great resolve with a mind urged forth @y
itself)'.ls Dharnrnapfi further states that the TathZigata is called so,
as he has trodden the path for the benefit of the entire world though
impartiality, h.ni.hand great compassion for all beings (sabba-sattesrr
samJinarasEya tatbiiya ma&-karu~iiya sakalaloka-hitiTys gato
pappanno ti tat hag at^).'^^ These are given in the etymological exegeses of the term faclz2gata.
In the expIanations of the Buddha's epithet vijiicarqasampaiiS, Buddhaghosa states that IheBuddha's possession of clear
vision (vi@isarnpad&)consists in the fulfillment of omniscience
(sabbaililutii), while his possession of conduct (caranasampadif)
consists in the fulfillment of great compassion (vijjiisampada'
Bhagava to sa bbaiifiutam piiretvg !hits; caranasampada
mahilkaru~ikatarn).'~~He further illustrates the functions of
sabbmutS and karun8 of the Buddha thus: 'The Buddha huws
though omniscience what is good and harmful far dl beings, and
thraugh compassion he warns them of harm and exhorts them to do
good"3g (So sabbaiitluttiya sabbasattmam attf2hatfhay natva'
mab&iimnikiitaya anatthe parivajetvii atthe niy~jeti).'~~
The oft-cited commentaria1definition of kmqii is found in
BUDDHA'S SPIRTTUAL ATTAINMENTS
the visuddlimagga- Bhikkhu Niiynoli translates the passagage concerned as foll~ws:
'When there is suffixing h others it causes (karot4

good people's hearts to be moved (kampma),thus it is
compassion (karuna3. Or alternatively, it combats
(lc@iriJothers' suffering, attacks and demolishes it, thus
it is cmpassion. Or alternatively,it is scattered (kkiya&i]
upon those who suffer, it is extended to them by pervasion, thus it is compassion (karqi3'.141baradukkhe
sati siidhiinq hadayakarnpmq karotiti katya. K9ti
vii paradrrkkhq, 6im;ati viniisetii ti k w i . Kiriyati v j
dditesu phapivasena pasiir~yafikanrpii).~~~
The SaddhammappakLini, after giving the same definition
as in Vism,adds that rnaMcmni is called such, because it is great
on account of the far-reaching nature of actions and virtues thereof
[pharanakammavasena kamrnagupavasena ca maha t i karuna'
rnahiikan~pii).'~~
Dhammapaa in the Ud'ina-atihakath$lU on the other hand,
closely follows the explanationsgiven in the Pati~ambhidbnagga,'~~
where it is saidlthat Buddhas arouse compassionfor beings in various
manners. The Udwa-atwath8 and Itivuttaka-af9aka refer to
the number of ways in which Buddhas show their compassion as
eighty-nine (... B u d d h w Bhagavintaaay sartesu maha-karuna
okkamati ti. E v q ekuna-navutiya akmhi vibhajanam katam).16
These ways are also referred to in the Pa~isambhidiimagga.
DhammapIla, while defining the term rnahZk3runik.a as the
one endowed with great compassion towards the entirety of beings,
["though they are] divided by divisions such as inferior, e t ~ . , ' ~
appears to dwell on different aspects of k a r u of
~ the Bodhisatta and
the Buddha more than any other commentators. Thefollowhgpassage
firm h e Cariy~pipitaka-anhakat&
..
is qouted below." though it is only
a haction of the entire scheme of Dharnmapiilila's express intention to
show that the importance of Bodhisatta's career and that of Buddha
as far as the Buddha-concept is concerned, lies, in the ultimate
analysis, in the dissemination of wisdom (bodhi) Buddha personally
attains.'49What makes a Buddha still greater, according to him, is
that the attainment of enlightenment is only a means to save others
and kampB is the key motivation tawards this end.
'His great compassion and skillful means is in accordance

withhis resolve. There h e skillful means is wisdom which
is the causative factor for collecting af things [ n d e d ]
for awakening, such as giving. It is by virtue of skillful
means and the great compassion of great beings that they
become indifferent to their own happiness; continuously
engaged in the compassionfor the sake of others' benefit;
clearness even with the extremely difficu1.t actions of a
Mahi3bdhisatta; and being the cause of procuring benefit
and happiness for creatures even at the time faith, understanding, seeing, henring and remembering are brought
about. The accompIishrnent of Buddhahood [is] by
wisdom; the accomplishment of what is expected of
Buddha to do [is] by compassion. By wisdom [Bodhisatta]
crosses by himself; by compassion pel crosses others.
By wisdom [Bodhisatta] comprehends the suffering of
others; by compassion Be] begins to remove others'
suffering. By wisdom [Bodhisatta] becomes dekched
from suffering; by compassion [he] accepts suffering.
Likewise, by wisdom [Bodhisatta]comes face to face with
Nibbaa; by compassion [he] comes to the cycle of births
vaffap pSpqaiir). Likewise,by compassion podhisatta]
comes face to face with sq~siZr&by wisdom [he] does
not find pleasure therein. By wisdom [Bodhisatta] detaches [himseIfl everywhere. Because of being endowed
with compassion, there isn't the absence of working for
the assistance far all [beings], [Bodhisatta] indeed shows
p~@
on all. Because of being endowed with wisdom, there
isn't the absence of the dispassionate mind with regard to
BUDDHA'S S m A L ATTAINMENTS
everything. Due to wisdm, there is the disappearance of

the notion of "I" and "mine". Due to compassion, there is
the disappearance of indolence and meanness...' (Yath
ca abh%h&o evarp m a h h @ upiyakosaIl& ca. Taltda
upSyakosdq n&na d&iidInaty bodhisambhWbh8vassa
nimirrabhiita pmMa: Y;Thi m ~ a r u p i j p i i y a k o s a l l a t ~
rnahapuris&up attasukhanirapekkhafi, nirantarq
parahitakarunapasutata, sudukkarehi pi mahiibodhi
sattacaritehi visadabhiivo, pasadasambuddhidassanas a v q ~ u s s a r ~ a k i i l e spiu s a m e hitasukhapa,liIEihahetubhiivo ca sampajjafi. Tatha hi 'ssa padfiliya
Buddhabhlvasiddhi, karunliya Buddhakammasiddhi.
P&-iiya say= tarati, kmpdya pare lareti; PaEZi-ya paradukkham parijs~lti,karunaya pmadukkhapatikfiam
grabhati; paiiiiiya ca dukkhe nibbhindati, karugliya
d u k k h q sampalicchati. Tat& pan'n'Xya NibbrTnHbhimukho hoti, karunaya vat- piipegti. Tab- karupaya
s a m s ~ ~ b h i m u k hhoti;
o pafiiiiya tatra niibhiramati.
Paii6a'ya ca sabbattha uiiajafi5 kaiu@hug&attJ na ca na
sa bbesam anuggahaya pa vatto. Karu~iiyasabbepi
mukzunpati. PatVi&ugataii3 na ca na sabbath vlratfacitro.
Paii~iiyaca ahaagrarnamarikaa-bh#vo;karunayaalasiyadinati?bh8vo,..) 150
I
Some expressions about kanrpa'in the above passage are interesting and suggestive of a new dimension. First, they are not a
kind of explanations adduced by other commentators, especially
Buddhaghosa whose standard explanations of kar?a are shown
above, Second, DhamrnapZda seems to have been influencedby some
sources other than those of the Theraviidatradition. However, it must
be admitted that every expression Dhammapaa employs for the
exegeses of kmng, can be accepted as part ofthe Therav2idatradition
in spirit. Zn other words,there is nothing non-TheravZidic about the
explanationsadopted by Dhamrnapda But yet they come much closer
to the Buddhist Sanskrit explanationsof k a ~ $ . ' ~Third,
'
expressions
like 'karunaya d u k k h q sampaticchati' (Podhisatta] accepts
suffering by compassion} and 'karuniiya vattam pljpun8tia
([Bodhisatta] attains the round of existences by compassion), etc.,

are significant in that the idea behind the whale thing is to show
Buddha's (as well as Bodhisatta's) willingness to come to terms with
d u a a of other beings. He as Bodhisatta is ready to undergo various
states of births, woeful or otherwise, for the sake of other beings. ItA
i 15 further states that the Bodhisatta comes face to face with sWs&a
in his field through compassion, but does not rejoice therein because
of wisdom (kmuniiya vi Bodhisatla-bhluniyatp saqs&iibhr'rnukhabhivo, paiZSya tartha anabhirati]. What is important is a positive
attitude of Bodhisatta towards the cycle of births. This is a striking
contrast to the l%erav%laposition. Let us compare the fallowing:
Buddhaghosa denies the Andhakas' view that a Bodhisatta is born
into states of woe of his own f r e e - ~ i l l , 'and
~ ~ says that, if the
Andhakas' proposition be accepted, h e very basis of kamma theory
would be at ~ t i 3 k e . In
l~~
contrast, Dhammapaa ventured into a new
dimension of the interpretation of k a r u which
~
appears to come much
closer to the Makyiina notion of karu@L
Similar explanations of the functions of p&-a and kmna

are also found in the Paramatthamafijisii (VismT) of Dhammapda,
where they are discussed in relation to the Buddha's epithet
~ijjjicarqasamp~a.
154
Emphasis on mahlikampa-in the AtJhakathZt texts must have
compeIled the Theraviidins to seek iin answer to the question of
whether the Buddha could be an omnipotent saviour or not. In the
commentaries, the Buddha is elevated to such a height that he is said
to be able to give rrr bestow arahantship: 'The Fully Enlightened
One, because he is King of Ultimate Truth, within the space of a
single meal, gave arahautship to bim (Cii1apantMu-t) together with
the analytical knowledges,..' (Sammbambuddho pana attano
an uttaradhammariijatiTya ekasmim yava antarabhatte saha
pi@ambhidr?hi a r a h a e &i, 5Sl)...
The earfiest canonical scriptures
are certain that the Buddha is incapable. of releasing others from
sqsiZra. It is oneself who must work for one's own sdvation. The
SuttadpFita says: '0Dhotaka, it is not in my practice to free anyone
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL Al'TAINMENTS
from confusion, said the Buddha. When you have understood the
most valuable teachings, then you yourself cmss this o ~ e a n ' ~ ~ 9 N g~is~anipamoczuhVa,
h@amkat@ Rhotalca kaii-ci loke, dhm
ca s a t f i e ajmammo e v q tuvarp ogham imam tims1?.157 When
Ihc above two quota ti*^ are compared and assessed in the light of
the development of the Buddha-concept,we cannot bat conclude that
the Buddha seems to have become, at least emotionally,the almighty
spiritual saviour to later Buddhists as time passed by.
The Buddha is thus said to have practiced compassion for
the world and provided opportunities of attaining emancipation for
as many people as he could. He had a habit of looking at the world at
dawn having arisen from the stage of great compassion @acciisa-ye
yeva m-na-samapartito
u-ghiiyal a k e vol&ento ...)!su
The A~hakathiitexts give many instances in which not only people
of different walks of lie,but dsa beings of dierent classes benefited
from the Buddha's teaching.Isp
'
6, Cakkhu (Eye)
The Buddha is said to be endowed with five kinds of eye
(cakkhu) according to the Niddesa.'*AIthough some
commentaries1" give the identical ~Iassificationof five eyes wih
that found in tfie Niddesa, most of the AihakathB texts, while conceptually following the idea of the Buddha's five eyes, provide some
new additional classifications and descriptions of them.
The commentaria1 tradition seems m distinctly separate the
Buddha's physical eye (mqsa-cakkhu) fiom his knowledge-eye
(p&-a-cakkhu) in the classification of five eyes. This development
is probably a result of placing more empahsis on the aspect of the
Buddha's spiritual attainments. Thus, while the classification found
in the Khuddaka N s y a includes the physical eye as one of the five
eyes as shown elsewhere,'62the Atjhakath2 text., fist of all, divide
cakkhu into two types; namely, rnagsa-cakhu (physical eye) and
P*"ii-ccakkhhtl (knowledge-eye). Buddhaghosa appears to prefer
i@a-cakkhu to p&-d-~akkhu,~~However, these two terms are

inter~hangeable,'~
as can be seen in the tabulation given below.'@
The paZiiij-c:akkhu is further classified into five types. Tbe list of
five is found at (A) DhsA 306, (6) @A i 77, (C)ItA i 99, (D)SA ii
354, (E) ItA i 167, (F) BvA 33, etc.
I. Buddha-c&u (Buddha-eye) [A, B, C, D,E,Fl

2. Sarnarrta-cakkhu (eye of all round knowledge) [A, B, C,
D, E,Fl
3. R@acakkhu (knowledge-eye) [A, B,C 1 or PmH<akkhu
ID. E,Fl
4. Dibba-cakkhu (divine eye) [A, B, C, D,E,F]
5. Dhamma-cMu (eye of the Dhamma) [A, B, C, D, E, F]
The physical eye (mqsa-cakkhu) is also divided into two;

viz., sasambhh-cakkhu (compound organ) and pasiida-cakkhu
(sentient organ).167 The pasSda-c:&hu is independentlyreferred to
at DA i I83 as well.
Of the five eyes mentioned in the above list, the dhammacakkhu is a new addition which had emerged by the time of the
Atthakat&
..
literature. However, it is a familiar occun-ence in the
N a y a s where such expressionsas '...a%ammacakkhum u-di'
(the
eye of the Dhamma mse), etc., referring to one's realization of the
truth, are often met with. Following such usages in the Canon,
Buddhaghosa explains the term in relation to the path (magga) and
fruit (phala). It is,for instance, explained as the three paths and three
fruits (fayo maggi
ca p b d ~
dhamma-c-u
aiim hen);'" or
simply the lower three paths (he;@im@aggattaymairkhatq
dhammacakkhu
or as the four paths and four h i t s (cattiiro
m a g .caWi ca phalai clhammacakkkhun @.lM
Buddhaghosa also
interprets it to mean insight into dhammas (dhanma-cakkbun ti
dharnmesu vii cakkhun)or the eye made of dhamma (dhammamayam
va ~akkhun).~~~
These examples indicate that the word &ammacakkhu is given different meanings in different contexts in the
Affhakathii texts.
The above survey dso reveals that the interpretations of

dbammacM~
in the commentaries do not go beyond irs canonical
,,m,tatiOns.~~Tbis fact gives rise to aquestion as to why dhammacakfiu is h e n included in the list of five eyes of the Buddha,
Dhamma-c&~, according to both can~nicafand commentarid
traditiofis+can be shared by anyone, m d thatfore cannot be called
~e
of a Buddha alone. If we go by this ssurnmption, then
,,, may point out that dibba-cakkhu which too is shared by the
discjplesis also included in the list of five eyes. But its inclusion in
die list is justified, because the Buddha is said to be foremost in the
ability of ~lairvoyance,'~~
and for the same reason is included in the
list of dasaba)a of the Buddha. Therefore, it may be the case that the
commetaries brought in dhamma-cakkhu in the Iist of five eyes for
h e following reasons: First, the commentators were aware that there
was a classification of the five eyes of the Buddha or Buddhas which
they found to be of misellaneaus nature. Theq, an attempt was made
to separate physical endowmentsof a Buddha from his spiritual attainments;the latter, in fact, came to be more mphasized in the AffhakathH
literature, as can be seen throughout our present study. ?'his trend in
the commentaries gave impetus to the eventual classification of
cakkl~u
of a Buddha into the physical or fleshy eye (nqsa-cakkhu)
and wisdom-eye or knowledge-eye (p&-g-cakkhu or@a-c&u).
Once mqa-cakkhrr is takm away from the list of five eyes, the
commentators are compelled to fill the vacancy in order to ccmfom
to the generally accepted number of five. Second,the term dhammacakkhu is often found in the Canon. Thus, the commentators simply
i ~ l u d it
d in the list.
The M&vastu has a list of five eyes of a Buddha and includes in it &ama-c&su.l" However, the interpretationgiven there
is to identify it with the dasabala of a Buddha.175The PSli
comnlentaries do not subscribe to this view m any way, seen above.
It Can rather be said that the commentators were not aware of such a
view.
Buddha-cakkhu, according to B~ddhaghosa,'~~

is both
indriyapazwpmyatfa-ij@aand asayanusaya-i@a, which are regarded
as the province of a Buddha abne (asddbrna-fi@a), as discussed
earlier.In T ~ IisSthe knowledge the Buddha makes use of for fmdhg
out whether beings are amenable to b m h g or w t Because of the
nature of its function, he also uses this knowledge when he surveys
the world (...buddbacakkhuni lokaq~voloke~to
...).178
Samanta-c&o in the A f f h a k a texts

~
is equatedwith omniscient knowledge (samanta-cakkhu niima ~abba=uta-o"@iq},~~~
The Patisambhidmagga, on the other hand, states that samantacakkhu is the fourteen kinds of the Buddha knowledge fcuddasa
BuddhafEp%tf).'* However, a comparison between the items of
cuddasa-BuddhaifBna and those of sabbaiiduta-fi@a, as shown
ekewhere:" reveals that they are inclusive of each other.
~@a-cakkhuor paBld-c&khu is explained by Buddhaghosa
to mean the determining knowledge of the four truths @h-~cakkhu
nama cat~-sacca-pm.cchedaka-5@~].~~~
Dhamrnapaa also &cs
the same explanation to it at ItA ii 27. This interpretation seems to
refato the knowledge ofthe Four Noble Truths gained by the Buddha
on the night of his Enlightenment?@ Buddhaghosa in another context
interprets it as the knowledge such as that of former births
@ u b b e n i v i ? s ~ paiZd-cakkhun).184
d~~
This explanation is also
followed by Buddhadatta in his C~mmentary.'~~
Ambiguity of the real implications af the tern @a-cakkhu

or paiin*~<alrkhu can be cleared by the explanations found in the
Mahii-niddesa.ls6 The text includes such epithets denoting the
Buddha's spiritual attainmentsas catuves&a_iiappatta,da~abaladh~,
ek. in the category of paiiiia of the B ~ d d h a . This
' ~ shaws that
orpaSiiof the Buddhais conceived of as thesum total of the Buddha's
spiritual achievements.
D i b b a - c a t l does not require any further explanations as it
is referred to and detailed many times in our present study.
7. Cam-ves;Irajia (Four Confidences)
B ~ D H A ' SPIRITUAL
S
ATT'AINMENTS
The AWakathi texts do not dwell on this aspect of the spirof a Buddha as much as they do, for instance, for
i d
knowledge (sabbaGr3uta-flay) or ten powers
his
(daPab&) The reGQn for the Scanty treatment of the subject is,
perhaps, due to the f a d that dl the aspects included in the category of
b e four confidences of a Buddha are minutely dealt with individually "rider different types of Buddha-ma.
Buddhaghosa, while explaining the word vesiiraaappatta,

states that it is the attainment of the state of being self-passessedor confident (visiirada-bhzvampatto),lg8or vesiimjja is the
opposite of timidity (s&ijaPa[ipakkho v e ~ h j q } . ' ~Dhammapda
on the other hand, does not say anything about the meanings of
vesaaja in his Paramatthadipani (Vab. I-VII), except for' passing
references to it as one aspect of the Buddha's spiritual attainments.
H Q W ~ Vhe
~ Tseems
,
to have had a clear understanding of the function
of cam-vesilraja when he says that the Buddha's confidences belong
to the field of compassion (kmnii-kheves&agimi).lgO
8. Khetta (Field)
Khetta (field) in a technical sense dividing it into three types,

and visaya-khem is a commentaria1
development.lgl-Buddhaghosaemploys the term loka-fie@'" Buddha-kl~etta,'~~
or simply khettalgOto designate the three types under
consideration. The terms loka-khettaand Buddha-khetfamay suggest
that the former is used in terms of the world or universe in a
cosmological connotation, while the latter emphasizes the Buddha's
range of activities or influence through his wisdom. However, explanations about khetta under the above three different terms are more
Qr less the same in the Atthakatha texts, which suggests that they are
~ c e p t u a l l yintmhaogiable.
namely, jBti-khetla, *--kheita
Three types of B e t h are explained in detail in the AtJhakatha

(1) Jgti-khetb (the field of birth) is said to be the ten housand
World elements ( d a s a - s a h a s s i - l ~ h - ~and
m ) is the field which trern-
BUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ AEUDDHISM
bles on the occasions of the Bodhisatta's conception, his birth, the
attainment of eenlighment, the first sermon,the Ta-ata's
decision
to pass away,and his final parinibb&aJg5 (2) &Ekherta (the field
of authority) consists of a hundred thousand ko@sof caWrav@as (kotisah-sahassacakkav$q) and is the field where protection Ipmitta)
accrued from such discourses as the Aiiinatiya, Mom, Dhajagga,
Ratana, etc., is
(3) Visaya-Wletta (the field of scope)
is a new addition in the A w a t h a literature. It is said to have no
limit (visayakkheftassapana parimapay n ' a t h ] . It is the scope of
Buddbas' howledge which is described thus: 'Their knowledge is
as much as what is to be hown and what is to be known is as much
as their howledge. The limit of knowledge is what is to be known
and the limit of what is to be known is the knowledge' (Buddhmaq~
hi yiivatakap fii@aq tavatakam rieyyam, ygvatakay 17eyy;ufl
Bvatakq fi@qn, ii@a-piuiyautikq n"eyyq, iieyya-paiyaotikay
17@azp).'~ It is otherwise explained that 'as far as the Tatheata
would wish' @&va@pana&&eyya)
means that he knows anything
anywhere that he wishes to know (yatha yarp yaq Tathiigato
B M h a t i tap
jm-ri).L*
Such descripLiom of visaya-khethremind us of the extent of Buddha-knowledge (Buddha-5@a) which is
said to be boundless, as seen elsewhere,
What, then, is the relation between loka-dh%uand cakkavgja
in Buddhism ? The canonical desrriptions of luka-dhiitu are found
at A i 227 f#where three types are enumerated: ( I ) sahassior a&mi
loka-&dm (this contains 1,000c&av@as with thousands of suns
and moons), (2) dvi-sahassi majjhimaka loka-&Btu (this contains
1,000 x 1,000 cakkavgfas),and (3) ti-sahassrmaha-sahassflokadhatrr
(this contains 1,000 x 1,000 x 1,000 cakkav@s). This division of
loka-dhdtu became subjected to different calculations as time
progressed, and by the time of the Atjwkathl literature, various
enumerations came into being.lg9This suggests that along with the
expansion of the Buddha-concept in the A@mkathdtexts, the relation
between Buddha and space is also expanded,probably to show greater
authority of Buddhas in the universe.
BUDDHA'S SPTRllWAL ATTAINMENTS
,f
The canonical texts are also uncertain about the calculation

(world sphere), the multiplicity of which is said to be
constituent of loka-dhafu,as seen above. The Sum&galavil%ini
the then existing calculation of it based on the canonical
other references.m
c*vii!a
The cancept of 1ob-b

Buddhism is related to the world
where one Buddha is sufficiently capable of permeating his authority
and scope of wisdom. This is the very reason why the Pdi tradition,
beginning with the canonical textsm1through the Milindapaiiham and
fie Alfhakathg t e ~ t s specifically
,~
states that only one Buddha app a s in the worId at a time, It is this demarcated realm which is
designated as Buddha-khetm.
The term Buddha-kherta is not an exclusively commentaria1

asage. It is used in the Theragatha where MaMkassapa claims to be
foremost in the ascetic practices (dhutagu~a)except the great sage
(mah&~um)in the sphere of a Buddha.ZMCommenting on Buddhakhetta in this instance, the TheragBhii-at@akat& specifically states
that it is the w--kheffa (tanha B u d d h a - k k h e w i ti, --khettiq
sandhaya ~ a d a f f iSuch
. ~ ~ references in the Canon insinuate the
existence of multiple buddha-khettas, though not positively advocated. When theidea of past and future Buddhas became pronounced
in the Canon, the multiplicity of Buddhas came to be conceived of in
terms of succession in time of their appearances iT1 this world.
Buddhas appear in this Cakkav* only, not simultaneously, but at
different intervals.206This is the stand taken by the Theraviidins
throughout. However, if such bud&a-khetlas were to exist outside
the one in which Gotama Buddha's authority was felt as implicitly
suggested in the Theragatha passage, then the simultaneous existence of more than one Buddha would be an inevitable conceptual
outcome. This idea has crept into the Apadha which says that there
are ten directions in this world, arid in each direction there are innumerable Buddha field^.^ The idea of the simultaneous existence of
plural Buddhas comes much closer to the Buddhist Sanskrit tradition
and can be found in works like the Mahiiva~tu.~
However, judging
from the main stream of thought in the Pgi tradition that there exists
one Buddha at a time, this solitary evidence in the ApadTma cannot
be accepted as a general, and hence, legitimate theory of the P a
tradition.
The TheravSda position of the multiplicity of ~uddhasis that
Buddhas appear in this world, which is the jati-khctta. The notion of
Buddhas appearing in succession is a compromise arising from the
belief that there appears only one Buddha at a time. The existence of
a single Buddha at a time is recorded in the Mahsgovinda suthm
which emphatically states that two Buddhas cannot appear
simultaneously in one Ioka-dGm. The sutta also says that another
Buddha does not appear before nor after the other (apubbam
acarimay). The commentaries specify this phrase to mean the period
'after the conception of a bodhisatta' and 'before the complete
extinctionof a Buddha's
In other words, no Buddha appears
whiIe the influence of the previous Buddha is in force. This period
of a Buddha's influence begins when a Bodhisatta takes conception
in the mother's womb and ends when the relics of that Buddha are no
more, according to the commentaries. The commenbrial Literature
emphatically states that not in the three Pifakas nor in the tbree
Buddhist Councils of Maldiassapa, Yasa and Moggaliputtatissais it
mentioned that Buddhas appear in another world other than this world
(...$apetvii i m q cakkav&-as*
cakkavge bud&- uppajanc
ti suttaq~n 'atthi, na uppajianti tipana atthi)?''
The At@akaWtexts furlher elaborate as to how the dispensation of Gotama Buddha comes to an end. In this connection, three
kinds of disappearance (antaradma) are mentioned: (I) the disappearance of texts or scriptures (pariyatfi),(2) the disappearance of
penetration or understanding @ative&a) and (3) the disappearance
of practice Cpa[jpatti).2'2 AA i 87 ff mentions five kinds of
anraradlr&ina. They are adbigama,pappatti, panyatti, l5ga and dhzitu.
SA ii 202 also mentions three kinds of antaradhiha of the me
Dhamma (saddhamma) as follows: adhigama,pa!ipatti and pariyalti.
However, all these sources a p e that pariyatti is the most crucial
BUDDHA'S SPIIUTUAL ATTAINMENTS

aspep,, of the disappearance of ?he Buddha's dispensatit~n.~~3
The
commentaries explain that pariyatri is the three Pi+as, pativedha is

fie ~ ~ t r a t i oofnthe truths (sacca-pativedha} and p?@atti is the
way (pa@pada.The endurance of dispensation is said to depend on
alone, as the other two may corn and go from time to time
as happened in this Island (iimas*
dip; referring to Sri Lada).214
The texts go on to explain the order of disappearance of the three
Pitakas as follows: the Abhidhamma Pipka, beginning with the
Pitchma,disappears first. Then, the Sutta Pi$da, beginning'with the
Miuttara NMya until the Digha Nikiiya disappears. Finally, the
Vinaya Pitaka disappears, starting with the Pariviira and the
~handhaki.Once the complete disappearance ofpadyam is effected,
time is ripe for another Buddha to appear in this
Incidentally, emphasis placed on pariyalYi as the last rampart in the eventudity of the Buddha's dispensation, as can be gathered from the above evidence, eloquently speaks of the attitude taken
by the Theravildins towards the sacred scriptures; an attitude which
became the back-bone to take the utmost care for the preservation of
scriptures. For this,the protection and maintenance mast be accorded
to the S ~ g h by
a all means,because the Sarigha is the repository of
the Buddhist scriptures. The continuity of the Theraviida tradition
for more than G o millennia in Sri Lanka owes much to this attitude.
The mode of disappearance of Gotarna Buddha's dispensation is again discussed in terms of parinibbaa, which is divided into
three types in the commentaries;namely, (1) complete axtinction of
the defilements (kilesa-parinibbiha),(2) complete extinction of the
aggregates (khandha-parinibbaa) and (3) complete extinctionof the
relics (dh~tu-parinib&na).~'"The first parinibbiina refers la the
Buddha's attainment of Enlightenment; the second t~ his demise at,
Kusima; and the third is said to take place in the future (anagate
bhavissah]. The first two parinibbaa are the historical facts that
mk place in India. They are therefore the information based on
what Mori cdls the Indic Material in the At@tkathii literat~re.~''
The
third type, i.e. dhgtu-pazinibbma,is a iew developmentoriginated in
BUDDHA IN 'IRERAV-A
BUDDHISM
Sri Lanka. It is said that the Buddha's relics,just before their complete
disappearance.will gather together at the MahEetiya in the Island of
Tambapqi (Sri Lanka), then proceed to Niigadipaand will assemble
at the Mahaodhi in India, They will finally transform themselves
into a fom of the Buddha's golden-hued bady, emitting six colmred
rays, and will completely disappear
The commentaries further enumerate reasons as to why two

They can be summarized as follows: (1) The Tathilgata is an extraordinary person
(acchariyarnanussa). Tf there be more than one Buddha, then the
meaning of extraordhariness does not hold true. (2) Even the teaching of a TathFtgata will not be extraordinary, if there be rnany Buddhas who have the same teaching. (3) There will be disputes among
followers, if there be many Buddhas appearing at the same time. In
addition, the Acakathil texts quote the arguments adduced by the
them Niigasena in the Milindap&?19 which can be summed up
thus: (4) The ten thousand world system can support anTy one Buddha
at a time. (5) There would be disputes among followers, if there are
two Buddhas appearing at one and the same h e . (6) The assignment
of such epithets as asama,je.@a, appetipuggala, etc.. to the Buddha
would not be practicable. (7) The Buddha's essentiaI nature permits
Buddhas to arise in the world singly, and anything which is grcat is
s i ~ g l e Some
. ~ are ovmlapping, and therefore, there are only frve
different reasons adduced in the Atyhakathi texts (i.e,, 1 = 6,2,3= 5,
4 and 7).
OT more Buddhas do not appear simultaneousIy.
The commentaries often employ the term buddha-visaya

(range or scope of a Buddha) in order to show the spiritual and intellectual aspect of Buddhahood. The Maaarathapiirani explains that
the Buddha-range is the range of Buddhas; it is the occurrence and
powerfrnajesty of the virtues of Buddhas, such as the knowledge of
omniscience (Buddhavisayo ti buddhanam visayo,
sabban'fi~ta~iipifdinap
buddhagu@Warp pavatti ca mubf?a'vo~ a ) . ~ ' '
The AtjhakathB texts greatly developed the idea of the Buddha's scope
in concurrence with the apotheosis of the Buddha, particularly in the
BUDDHA'S SPJRITTJAL ATTAINMENTS
,*here of his omniscient howledge ( ~ ~ b b a i l f i o t a - f i ~ nThe

a).
rnpansion of the Buddha's scope or range (~uddhe-vis&a)b directed towards the nature of its unliiitedness in space and time. Thus,
the commentaries describe the range of a Buddha as unthinkable
(acinteyyohi B~ddhavisayo);~
or as something that cannot be imagined (~uddhavisayona c i n l e t a b b ~ ) or,
; ~ it is said that the range
of ~uddhasis profound ( g a m b h vafa Buddbijnaq visayo);Pff or
that the field or scope of Buddhas has no limit of measurement
(Buddhaan hi visayakIchetCassapamiiyaparicchedo na#h].=
The At&akathZl texts distinguish the range of Buddhas from

fiat of disciples
hi siivak~arpvisayo &To b ~ d & & a m ) , ~
thereby showing that Buddhas are uniquc and foremost. 0n1y'~uddhas are said to be capable of declaring or making known the characteristics of Non-self, and it is nobody's range but of omniscient
Buddhas (anattalakkhzya-paiinaiindpmay
hi aZassa kassaci avisayo,
s a b b a 6 u - d eva visayo).mThe SuttanipSita-a@akaWi also
records that certainquestions (Buddhapda) are only of the Buddhas'
range.2z8
9. Kiya (Body)
As faras the Pa literature up to the commentaries is concerned, the TheravZidins conceive of the Buddha's body IkIiya) essentially from a human point of view. It is in no way connected with
the idea of the Abolute or the Cosmic Principle found in MahayZna
B ~ d d h i s r n To
. ~ them, the concept of kiiya is simple and restricted
to the Buddha's physical body and his teachings including the
disciplinary rules.t30 The former is called riipakiiya and the latter,
dhammakzya. These two bodies of the Buddha are said to havebeen
in the main stream of thought in the history of Buddhism up to about
the fourth century A.D.23'
In the canonical texts, the tern dhamma-kaya does not occur

aften. A typical example of its interpretation in the canonical texts
may be found in the AggaiEa sutta where the word dharnma-k8ya is
BUDDHA IN THERAV&A BUDDHISM

uwd as an epithet of
the BuddhaWmThe Theravildins in the early
phases of Buddhism saw the Buddha as a person of eminence, but

yet subjected to fragility of human life. The Buddha's riip&-ya is
conceived of in this light. Dhamm&-ya, on the other h'md, is the
sum total of the truth which is the Dhamrna. The Buddha discovered
it by himself and lived in it. Therefore, statements such as, 'yo
d~auunampassafi so mam passatj. Yo mam passati so dhammam
pas~ati',"~ etc., will adequately demonstrate the implication of
dhamrna-kgya in early Buddhism. As Naiinaksha Dutt has already
summarized the connotationsof the &'a theory in early B u d d h i ~ m , ~
we will examine the expIanations found only in the A t P a k a texts.
~
The Buddha in the TheravZida tradition remains essentially a
human. This quality persists in the Aphakathi literature as well.
The Buddha, however, came to be apotheosised both physically and
spiritually in course of time. As a result, he came to be dipicted as an
extraordinary human being. By the time of the AtPakath5 literature,
he became endowed not only with the thirty-two physical marks of a
great man (mahijpunsalakkhapa),which are found in the canonical
texts, bur also with the eighty minorcharacteristics (aslbianuvy&jana)
and the marks of a hundred merits (satap&*alakk@a).
In other
words, his physical extraordinariness increased its glory. The
A@akathg texts interpret the riipS-kayiya of the Buddha with these
physical excellences. Buddhaghosa, for instance, says that the
Buddha's riipa-h-ya is embellished with the eighty lesser marks and
adorned with the thirty-two rnmb of a great man (yopi so Bhagavii
asiti anuvyar?janapafima~dita-dvatti~samah~purisaIakkha~avi~itrarUpak-yo.,.)~~~
In one place, the marks of a hundred merits is
mentioned as a characteristic of pa-h-ya (Bh@yavatliya c' assa
satapu5fialakkhapa-dharassa rEpakByasampattidipim hot^)?'^
Buddhaghosa, commenting on the word dllammz&iya in the passage
at I)iii 84 (the A g g m a sutta), states: 'Why is the Tathsigata said to
have a Dhamma-body ? Because the TathIgata, having thought or
devised in his mind the Buddha-word which is the three Pif.akas,
aspired in words. Therefore, that body is the Dharnma, because it is
made of the Dhamma'.z37In another place, he s u m that the
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL ATT-S

in
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ a t a(tath&am-ksiya)
-body
is the su~amundane
nine divisions (nava-V~&Ohi lvk~ttara-dhammoTafhegamsak i p
nma).23s
This shows that Buddhaghosa follows the canonical hterpetation of dhamma-kiiya of the BuddhaW which is the sum total
of his teachings.
Dhammapda, on the other hand, expands Buddhaghosa's

characterization of both ma-k@a and dhamma-ks?ya,though in the
same direction of development. In the Ud&-a@hakath& he says, in
elation to the explanations of the differences between 'pleasing or
lovely' @&iidikap) and 'impiring confidence' (p~$dglllya),that the
~uddha'sri7pa-k3ya is viewed as the one adorned with the thirty-two
marks of a great man (battilpsa m ~ ~ - p u ~ s a -the1 eighty
~ ~ a ~ ,
minor marks (asi~-mubydjma),
a fathom long halo and garland of
rays (bymappabha-ketumga), all-pleasing (samaob-p&dika), glory
and splendor (ski-sobha-sampattii). His dhamma-kiya is the one
endowed with immeasurable virtues (aparim@a-guna-gqa),like the
ten powers (dasabala), the four confidences (catuvemaja), the six
knowledges not shared by disciples ( c h a - a s ~ W a - f i Q a and
) the
eighteen unique qualities of a Buddha (&#iirasa-a'vew-buddbadhamma).240
The faregoing comparison in the interpretation of rip-kiiya

and dhamma-kgya between Buddaghosa and Dhammapala reveals
that both cornmentatominterpret the rCpaLkaya as the physical excellences of the Buddha. But the d h m a - k I y a is viewed somewhat
differently between the two. Buddhaghosa mainly adopts the
traditional interpretationof it as the teachings of the Buddha id general,
as expressed, for instance, in phrases like 'tepifakam
BuddhavacaaqP" aud 'navavidhohiloka~dhamm~',~~~
whereas
Dharnmapda, while he too subsnbes to its interpretation as 'navalok~ti;yadhamrna',2~~
tends to view it as the sum total of spiritual
attainments of a Buddha. However, the evidence adduced above does
not necessarily point to the fact that Dhammapala was heading for
fie concept of dharma-kSya developed by the MahiiySnists. His
interpretationof it is a step further than the conventional one in that
dhamma-k-ya,according to him, represents the spirituality of Boddhahood. Bat. he appears to havethe Buddha in person still within sight.
In other words, the Buddha's dhamma-kaya to Dhammapdila is a
necessary induction from the amhment of Buddhahood within the
broader context of the Theravada ttadition that the Buddha mmains
essentially a human being.
The theory of kaya of a Buddha continued to develop further

in the Theravda tradition after the At$akathB literature. It is reported that kgya got divided subsequently into four types; namely,
(1) ru'pak2yaa,(2) dharmakZya, (3) nimitiakiiya and (4) sMyaki3ya in
a Sinhala work named the Saddlzmatn%i~raraya?~
It is signrficant
that the TheravZtdins,amidst a strong MahSiy Tma movement to develop
the Trikaya theory, tenaciously maintained the very basis of the
Buddha-concept that the Buddha was a human and even the ka'ya
theory was developed in this h e .
10. Va'smH (Habit or Impression)

The word vi%m?iis not a common occurrence in the Pi%
commentaries. This, however,is an improtant concept for the reason
that only Buddhas and not arahants nor paccekabuddhas are said to
be free from v & W as will be shown blow. The PED gives to the
word the meanings of 'that which remains in the mind, tendencies of
the past, impression', e t ~ . ,wh~ile F.Edgerton gives 'impression,
result (of past deeds and experience en the personalily),perfuming
impression, memory, habit-energy, traces', e t ~ . ~ ~ ~
In the Patradition, the earliest reference to the idea of habit

or disposition accrued from previous actions (kmma)is found at Sn
74. The giltha there reads as fallows: 'Paccekag~inrrsabbe
sabbalukassa vissut5.j h H ~ - j h ~ a ~ H d h i r s ' p u b b a v ; Z s(They

~v~'~.
are all well known in the entire world as teachers and as men who
practise meditation and take delight therein. They are men who are
wise and predisposed their previous dispositi~ns).~~
The expression
pubbav&@v&la is the point in question. The Suttanipi4t.a-amathB,
commenting on this, says that it means 'having the mind established

in fie meritorious disposition according to Ebe duty of going to and
from the alms round with the meditation subject,2" after
having gone forth in the dispensation of the previous Buddha Kassapa'
(pvbbav~m-vBi@
tipubhKassapassa BhagavafostSsanepabbajitvi?
gatapaccgga la vattapurlfiavi#sanya vdsita~jttil).~*~
The term
pubbavDm2 also occurs in the Milindapaiiha in the sense of a mere
habit. The young N?igasena, it is mentioned, after completing his
last lesson with his teacher, left him and sought a place of solitude
for meditation through his previous habits @ ~ b b a v a ' s a ~ y aHere,
).~
the pubbavilsana- is used to mean a mere habit in a positive sense.=I
The fact that the Suttanipata-afeakathguses a qualifying word p f i a
in puiinuiinavBan$
suggests that vibanii can mean either 'good, useful'
or 'bad, harmful' habit/disposition. The commentaries often employ
the word vbaM in the negative sense.
The oft-cited exampIe to illustrate the nature of vBanii is the

story of PiIinda V a c ~ h a . ~PiIinda
~
Vaccha had a habit of calling
others vasala (outcast). When this was reported to the Buddha one
day, he summoned Pilinda Vaecha and inquired about the truth of
what others said. Having come to know the real state of affairs, the
Buddha told the people that it was not intentionally done by PiJinda
Vaccha, but was due to the force of habit (vDana inherited from his
former existences, as he was born in a brahmin family over and over
again.
The Visuddhimagga, in the exegeses of the epithet arahan as

one of the Nine Virtues or Titles of the Buddha, states that the arahan
means remote (Milfrom
) all defilements,h a u s e he has completely
destroyed all defilements together with their impression by means of
the path (maggena s a v & & ~ kileslinatp viddhaqn~itatt~."~
The
Buddha is also said to have destroyed and completely cut off one
thousand five hundred defiIements together with the impression
thereof (diyaddha-kilesas&assq
..
saha vBaniiya pahinaq
smucchinnav s a m i i h a t t a q ~ )at~ ~the
~ time of attaining full
enlightenment. In all these instances, the term v&mii is used in
connection with defilement (kilesa). ViBmiZis therefore the traces
or impressions caused by defilements. It is in this sense that Buddhas are free from both the impression of defilements and dafilements rhemselves, while the implication of this position is that one
may be still under the influence of vBm-, good or bad, even after
cutting off all the defilements. The case of Pilinda Vaccha is the
point in question
The Udma-a!@akatha may, perhaps, be the only commentary which gives an interpretation of viisanii in the cammentarid
literature. It is given in connection with the case of Pilinda Vacch.
The passage is quoted below:
'Ka'pan 'ayay vBana' m a ? Y* kilesa-mhitassSpi
s a m e appahina kdesbam samicka-sadisa-samEIira-
hetubhiitam an8dik~ia-bhavitehikilesehi ahitap

s&natthiyama&zy tathd-riipgadhitnuttf ti vadanti. T q
pan 'eraF abU;Sra-sarnpattiyS i i e y y ~ v ~ a - p p a h e a vasena yaltha kiled p m , tattha Bhagavaf~santhe
n' atthi:'yattha pana tathH kilesH na pahinti, lattha
sPvakmaq~pacceka-Bud&inai ca smWe a~t&i.'"~
John D. Ireland translates the above passage freely as follows:
'A v%mH is a mere capacity to behave in certain ways

sirnilar to the behaviour of those who still have defilements: it is engendered by the defilements that had been
harboured in the mind through beginningless h e , and
remains in the mental continuum of the arahat even after
the defilements have been abandoned, as a mere habitual
tendency. The v&aniis are not found in the mental cmtinuurn of a Buddha who removes the defilements by
abandoning the obstructionto omniscience, but they are
found in fie minds of disciples and Paccekabuddha~.'~~
The Visuddhimagga NlahipkZ(Paramatthamaiijiisil)alsocon-
firms the interpretation given in U&. It is stated that, excepting the

Buddha, others are not able to cut off defilementswith the impression
or trace thereof Ina hi Bhagavantay @apetya m-e saha vaaniya
G1ese pahiitmy sal~kont9.~~
It further says: 'Kij payap v & m
nma ? Pahina kilesassiSpi appahlnakrlesassapayoga sadisapayogahe&bhiit~kilesa-nihito~SffEtfthiya-viseso,
iiyasmatoPilindaYacchmsa
v ~ d ~amudac5ra
a
nimittap ~ j y a ' . ~ *
The above discussions reveal that the meaning of v&ang in

early sources is simply 'a habit or disposition' in a more positive
sense. But the negative connotation of the word became more
emphasised in the AtJhakathi texts. This may be a result of the
apotheosis of Buddhas as they are the only ones free from it.
Incidentally, Dhammapiila's explanation in his UdA about
Buddhahood described In relation to the removal of the obstruction
to what is to be known (5e~avarqa-pahaa)reminds us of the
Mahayma classificationof 'gvar+w' (obstruction); i.e., ' f i e y S v q a '
(obstruction to what is to be known) and 'kleSSvarapa' (obstruction
of defilrnents). According to MahfiyBa Buddhism, arahants and
paccekabuddhas are said to be free fromthe latter only,while Buddhas
are free from both.258Theravada Buddhism speaks of 'kilesijvm~a'
both in the Candn and commentaries, but not Yieyyiivarqa'. The
removal of 'j3eygvarqa' in terms of the attainment of Buddhahood
is distinctly a Mahiiyaa notion nor found in the Theravada tradition
until the time of DhammapUa. This evidence shows that he had a
knowIedge of Buddhist Sanskrit sources and made full use of it for
the eulogy of Buddhas.
11. A-buddhadha..
(Eighteen Qualities of a Buddha)
The concept of a.@iirasabuddhadhammii (eighteen qualities

or attributes of a Buddha) in the Theravsda tradition has been overlooked up to date even by scholars of P s i Buddhi~rn.~"This is due
partly to the fact that its notion became somewhat noticeable and
popular in the Theravada scene from the commentarial period
BUDDHA IN THJZRAV-A
BUDDHISM
onwards, though the term itself appears in the Milindapafiha, one of

the post canonical texts, in Pdi literature. In Mahfiy3naBuddhism,
on the other hand, it is regarded as one of the most distinct sets of
attributes of a Buddham and is extended to a Bodhisatmaas well.261
Due, perhaps, to such importance attached to it in the Northern
Buddhism, scholars are of the general view that it is mainly a
M ~ y i n development.
a
In Piili Buddhism, it is also a set of qualities
attributed to a Buddha, which fact can be cited as an example of
further attempts for the elevation of the Buddha's spiritual greatness
by the Theraviidjns in later times. The idea is expressed in different
phraseology at the fdlowing places in Pdi literature:
(A) Miln 105,285
a~~sabuddhadhmmd
(B) Vism 325
a@Erasabuddha&arnmI
(C)DA iii 875,994 (details mentioned)
affhiirasabuddhadhamma
(D)SnA i 264
atlh2msaboddbaguna-paticchedaka-n"@a
{ E ~ U 87,336
~A
a@*asa-a've~ika-buddhadhmH [UdA 871
aFfhaasabuddba[UdA 3361
(F) ItA i 7, 13,91
a@&-asabud&ha&amm2 [ItA i 71
aghifrmiivenikabuddhadh[ItA i 13,9 11
(G)VVA 213
a~@Ztasive@ka
brr ddhadhafnmii
(H) CpA 7,332
a.@irasabuddhadhamma [CpA 71
a.@ilt-asave@kabuddhadhma [CpA 3321
(I) VibhA 1
upeto Buddhadhammehi a-Wasahi nayako
The above list shows that the first reference to the eighteen
qualities of a Buddha in Pilli, if the traditional chronology of the Pa
BUDDHA'S SPWTUAL ATTAINMENTS

text, is followed, is made in the Milindapaiiha. The date of composition of Miln is, therefore, an important factor which automatically
helps determine the date of appearance of the term
,rth&asabuddha&amma
,.
and its contents in the Psi badition.
It is generalty believed that there are. among other minor

additions made at different times, at least two distinct strata in the
date of composition of Miln; one stratum refers to the early period of
composition covering up to the page 89 of the PTS edition of
Trencher, and the other, i.e. the later stratum, extends roughly from
b e page 90 to the end of the text according to the same edition. The
early portion of the work is said to belong to a period between the
first century B.C. and the first century A.D. and the Iater additions
and interpolations were made after about 250 A.D., but they were
completed before the time of Buddhaghosa according to
H . N a k a m ~ r a .T~hi~s is the E l i version of Miln. If we are to accept
his conclusion, then the fact that references to the term
agh&asabud&sdhamma in Miln are all in the portions of so-called
'Pgli recension' speaks by itself that the fust appearance of the term
in the Pa tradition is not before the third century A.D. This coincides
with the idererice of Har Dayal who says: 'As this list is not found in
the Pdi Canon and the early Sanskrit treatises, it must be assigned to
a comparative@late period (third century A.D.)'263
K.Mizuno, on the other hand, believes that the original version of Miln was composed by the first century B.C.and the present
form of the Pali Milindapaa would have been completed before
the end of the first century A.D. The reason K.Mizuno adduces for
his contention is that the old Piih A w t h b (i.e. SihalaA@akathB)
refer to MiTn and quote eighteen times from the Chapter Four or Book
IV thereof (pp.90-328 of the ITS
He assigns the date of
composition of the Sihda Affhakathgs to a period before the end of
the first century
Another supportive evidence in dete-g

the date of the
first appearance of the term under review can be sought in the
Vimuttimagga, now extant only in Chinese translation [Taisho 32,

pp.399 ffl. The Viuttirnagga mentions a list of eighteen attributes
of a Buddha and P.V.Bapat in his study entitled 'Vimuttimaggaand
Visuddhimagga: A Comparative
renders them into Pdi.
What bears relevance here is the date of composition of the orighal
Vimuttimagga by Upatissa. Bapat concludes: 'Our book therefore
may be put somewhere in the first two centuries after the beginning
of the Christian era.'267 M.Nagai assignsUpatissa to the fust century
AD.=
However, the assigning of a period to the first appearance of
the rem and the concept of a~@&asabud&adbamrna in Theravada
Buddhism must be carefally investigated. This is particularly m e as
we have to look into the date of so-called SihalaAf@&athIbased on
which the present P2li Atfhakathii texts were allegedly translated and
recast. According to a study by S.Mori, the date of composition of
the Sihala A;hakathii, a generic term used to denote the entire
commentarid literamre written in Sihala (Sinhala) in Sri Laka after
the advent of the thera Mahinda, extends from the time of Mahinda
himself (3rd century B.C.: the upper limit) up to a period between
the second half of the fust century AD. and tbe first half of the second
century A.D. (cotresponding to the period of the king Vasabha [65109A.D.]: major portions) with some minor additions made till about
the end of the thiid century A.D.269 The fact that many places in the
P a i AffhakathTt texts as shown in the above lisl mention the t e r n in
different terminology, points to a strong possibility that their
correspondig SihaIa AtJhakathb did, in fact, contain references to
it. Considering a long history of the deveIopment of the Sihala
AghakathH spanning more than four centuries (major portions) beginning from the third century B.C., the determinationas to when the
term in question first appeared is not an easy task. Nevertheless,we
may be able to narrow down a possible date of its appearance in the
Buddhist literature by adding our own findings to those already referred to above. We will come back to this issue after examining its
notion and the list in the PFdi commentaries and some of the later
texts in the P@itradition.
We now glance through the contexts in which a-@&asabuddha&amma is mentioned in the above places of reference for cornParison, but not in the order specified in the list for the reason that the
~ ~ ~ & ~ a t a v i l among
b i n i the Arrhalrath~texts is the only source
w ~ c gives
h
a Iist of eighteen items in detail.
(A) Miln 105,285
The word occurs at two places in Book 1V and is used in
respect of the spiritual achievements of a Buddha. One instance,
which is more elaborate than the other, reads as follows: 'But there is
no difference between any of the Buddhas, who are alike in bodily
beauty, in goodness of character, in power of contemplation and of
reasoning, in emancipation, in the insight arising from the knowledge af emancipation, in the four bases of confidence (catuvesiiraja},
in the ten powers (dasabala) of a Tathiigata, in the sixfold special
knowledge (cha-as~dhihpa-fi@a),
in the fourteenfold knowledge of
a Buddha, in the eighteen characteristics of a Buddha
(atthdra~abuddhadhamma3- in a word, in all the qualities of a
Bk l d h a , ' ~ i l n
285IZM
[B) Vism 325
Here it is mentioned in connection with the four divine
abidings (br;ihmavih&a) and the text goes as follows:
'Having thus fulfilled [ten] perfections, these [divine
abidings] then perfect all the good states classed as the
ten powers, the four kinds of fearlessness, the six kinds
of knowledge not shared [by Disciples], and the eighteen
states of the Enlightened One.'n' (...eve pPamiyo
p h r va' yava dasabala catuvesaajja chaasSdhZra~an"@aat&~sa-Buddha-Dhammappabhede
sabbe pi kaly@adhamme paripcrenti ti.)
These qualities are the results of fulfillingpiirmitas and the practice
of four brahmavihm, and are called kaly~adhiunm~
(good states).
BUDDHA IN lXERAVh3A BUDDHISM

(C) DA iii 875, @) SnA i 264, Q U d A 87,336, O ItA i 7,13,91,
c.1GpA 7
A common feature in these sources is that the term is used in
the enumeration of spiritual attainments of a Buddha. Both
Buddhaghosa and Dhammapaa give lists of virtues of a Buddha
( B u d d h a p ~ ain
) a summary form. They are often referred to according to the numerical order, for instance, at DA iii 874-875, ItA i
6-7,UdA 335-336, CpA 6-7, etc. Thus,the tern is mentioned in the
list of items under the numeral 'eighteen' (affhilrasa).
(G)VVA213
In this instance, the term is used in connection with the
Dhamma-kgya (Dhamma body) worthy of devotion @asSdanrizup).
AIong with tbis is mentioned the tam p ~ i i d i k q(increase of devotion) which people may have after seeing h e physical excellences of
the Buddha. Here, the physical characteristics of the Buddha such
as the thirty-two characteristics and eighty minor marks are stated.
In the category of pasdmiy- is mentioned the mental qualities of
the Buddha and it is in this that he term a~@&asiTve@abuddhadhama
is given, but without further elaboration,
(H) CpA 332
The CariyBpilaka-affhakathg refers to the term

at@iirasa'vegikabuddha-a
in connection with the fulfilment of
[ten]perfections (p&m@).
The attainmentof these eighteen special
qualities is the result of fulfilling the perfections, which fact is in
consonance with the context in which Vism 325 and ItA i 91 too
refer to the eighteen buddhadhamma.
(
I
VibhA
) 1
The phrase 'upeto Buddhadhammehi a.g%i%asalu' niiyako' is

mentioned in the introductory verses &ithi$ of the text. It is a
eulogistic attribute dedicated to the Buddha.
At this point af our investigation, attention must be drawn to
h e fact that ItA, U d ,VVAand CpA use an additional term j v e n h

or unique). All the sources cited above are ascribed ti the
of D h a m m ~ g a . In
~ the Buddhist Sanskrit literature,
special qualities of aBuddha are usually referred to as ivepikab~ddhad6arma.'~~
This fact, therefore, suggests that DhammaNa
may have had the knowledge of tbe Buddhist Sanskrit literature.
(C)D A ui 994
It is only in this AfthIkatha that a list of eighteen
bu&ibadhmrnS is mentioned. The Commentary concerned is on the
Sdgiti sutta of the Digha N U y a where classifications of various
topics are enumerated. The Buddha's eighteen qualities are referred
to in connection with an explanationof three things which the Buddha
need not protect against (%. Tathagatassa arakkheyym). The text
[Diii 2171 further states that the Buddha is pure in conduct whether
of act, or speech, or thought. The Commentary mentions them
beginning with the sentence: 'Further, the absence ofwrong deeds in
the Lord should be understood also in terms of the eighteenqudities
of a Buddha.' (Api ca a.$iirasannafin Buddha-dhammaarp vaseniipj
Bhagavam duccariHbh#vo veditabbo). The a ~ ~ ~ a b u d d h a d h a m m d
are enumerated as follows:
1. N'attlli Tafhrlgahssahya-duccarifq
Pathggata is free from bodiIy wrong deeds)
2. N'atthi vaci-ducmritay
(Tathagata is ree from verbal wrong deeds)
3. ~ ' a t t hm
i ano-d~~c~rap
(Tathiigata is free from mental wrong deeds)
4.AtTte Buddhassa a p p a . ~ a k ipr ' @ q
(Buddha has unobstructed knowledge of the past)
5. AnsSgale Buddhassa appaaataip 5 i i p q
(Buddha has unobstructed knowledge of the future)
6. Paccuppannc Buddhassa appa@a@ Spay
(Buddha bas unobstructed knowledge of the present)
7.S a b b q kaya-kammq Buddhassa Bhagavato fiiiplinuparivarrj
(Buddha's every bodily action is preceded by InzowIedge)
BUDDHA IN THERAV&IA BUnDHISM
8. Sabbam vaci-kammay Buddbassa Bbgavatu fi@i&uparivatti

(Buddha's every verbal action is preceded by knowledge)
9. S a b b q m a n o - k m m Buddhassa
~
Bhagavato ~mlrparr'vatfj
(Buddha's every mental action is preceded by knowledge)
10. N'atthi chandassa hmi (No loss to his zeal)
11. N'attbi viriyassa ha (No loss to his energy)
12. N'afthi sariys h-m'(No loss to his mindfulness)
13. N'atthi davg (No playfulness)
14. N ' a t i rava (No noise)
15. N'attbi ldialitaq~(Nostumbting)
16. N'atthi sahasii (No hastiness)
17. N'atthi avyilvata mano (His mind is not neglectful)
18. N'arthi akzrsala-ciitary (He has no unwholesome mind)
A perusal of the list of DA reveals somepeculiarities. First,
the ,word 'talthiigatassa' is used for the first three items while the
phrase 'BuddhassaBhagavato' is dominant for the rest. Second, the
opening sentence implies that the author is going to describe
something about the absence of duccajta in the Buddha. Therefore,
the inclusion of the f h t three items in the list appears to be repetitious.
Third, a comparison of the eighteen items in various sources as shown
at the end of this section reveals that only DA includes the three
kinds of duccarih and the last item 'N'atfhi akusala-citw' in the
list. All these pose a question as to whether some items were
borrowed from another source, or h e list mentioned in DA was put
to writing at a time when the final composition of eighteen items was
not definitely arrived at, though the number eighteen had h e n known.
Answers to the following questions regarding the items of
afiifrasabud&adhammii in DA may dmefore enlighten us on the
development of its notion and significance in the Theraviidatradition.
(i) What is the basis for the enumeration of eighteen items ?
(ii) Are the eighteen items listed according to a specific scheme ?
(iii) Is there any literary evidence in the Affhakathb or the precommentaria1literature to trace the notions axpressed by those eighteen items ?
(iv) Did the Sihala-Digha-A!!haka [SDA] actually contain the
BUDDHAS SPIRITUAL ATTAINMENTS
list ?
Did the TheravZida school develop the concept sf

a~gmabuddhadhammaindependent of other Buddhist schools ?
s a t is to say, is the list of eighteen items in the Theravadida tradition
innovation of their OWII ?
,,
(i) The concept of a-@iZrasabnddhadhamma or aspdah,-Ve*ika-buddhadhalmais a popular concept to describe the spiritual
greatness of a Buddha, especially in the Buddhist Sanskrit Literature.
The eighteen items enumerated in the lists of various authorities are
often different from each other. There are basically two ways of
enumesation. One is =presented by texts like the Abhidharmamahivibh8sii-dbtra where the enumeration includes dasabala (1 01,
catmlaip'tadya(41, samacittaH (3) and rnWaru@
This ciassification is usually ascribed to the Hinaybists. The other is a
completely different enumeration found in texts like the
MahHyutpatti, Mahiivivastu, Vimuttimagga, e t ~ . , ~ "and is said to be
the classification of Mahayaa Buddhism, though the items and their
order of enumeration in the list differ from each other. The list in
DA follows the second category of enumeration in principle.
In ordm to show the difference of items included in the lists
of various sources, DA and Vim are compared first [Chart TJ, then
they will in turn be compared with a list generdy accepted in
Mahayiina Buddhism [Chart 11].276The numbers follow those of DA
and the Piili renderings are taken from P.V.Bapat's work cited above,
p. 65:
Chart I:
Nos. 1-6 (Vim) = Nos. 4-9(DA)
No. 7 (Vim) = No. I0 (DA)
No. 8 (Vim)= No. 1 1 @A)
No.9 (Vim) = No. 12 IDA)
No.10 (Vim)[ N a ~sam3dhissa
j
h 7
No. 1 1 (Vim) [Nat&hipaW3yah a i l
No. 12 (Vim) [Narriri vimuttiy8 hib1
BUDDHA IN THE,F!AV&3A BUDDHISM
No. 13 (Vim)[Natrhi dvedbayitatkzrp]

No.14 (Vim)= No. 14 (DA)
No. 15 (Vim) [Natthi (Ei3ci) apphufam (3@ena}]
No. 16 (Vim)= No. 13 @A)
No. 17 (Vim) [Nattru' byava@mm?" ] = No.17 (DA)
No. 18 (vim) [Natthi appatisadkh&upekkhd
Chart 11: The W y l i n a list
1. Nati tathigamya skhdi2.
- ravitq
3.
- mu~itasiqtitti
4.
nmma-sat,njFia
- asalnahita-cittay
5.
6.
DA
15 (1)
14 (2)
(3)
(13,16)
(17)
apratismlkhdya upek~ti (18)

10
vhya . 11
-
7.NBri chaniiasya h q i h
Vim
(15)
14
(13,16)
(17)
18
7 .
8. 8
9.
sm*'
12
9
10. - sarnadhi 10
1 .
~ E I I H11
12. - vimukti12
13. - vitnukti-jii@adai+ana 14. Sarva-kiyakatmaj@a-piirynnigamam
j8@@ uparivarb'
7
4
15. - &-karma
8
5
16. - manas-karma 9
6
17 Atife apratihag-jfi@;up
4
1
18. Anagate
5
2
19.Pratyutpanne
6
3
Notes:
1. Numbers within the brackets indicate not the exwt corresponding
terms, but closer ones in meaning found in the lists.
2. The Mahiiyina lists have either No. 10 or No. 13 to be made up of
eighteen items.
The above cornparison in Chart I shows that Vim includes
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL ATTADlhENTS
six
items b a t are not exactly corresponding to DA. When the two
lists
compared with the lists of other sources, Vim comes much
,.loser to other Buddhist Sanskrit sources than to DA. On h e other
hand, Chart II shows that DA has mote repetitious items in meaning
banVim and is less similar to the M&yba list. This suggests that
DA occupies a unique place in the enumerationclf the eighteen quaIiti, of a Buddba and, as such, can be considered as a proof of a
distinctly Theraviida innovation of enumeration. Refering to the
criteria of enumerating the items in various sources, the
~abipiprajiiiipZuamitii-i~~a
[Taisha 25, Fascicle 261 states that the
Hinayma Abhidhammikas collected virtues of a Buddha from here
and there [tomake up the list of eighteen items],but the real meaning
of dve~ikadharmashould be understood in terms of wisdom
@ r a j ~ @ . ' ~The List of DA obviously falls into the category whm
the items are enumeratedon the basis of wisdom of a Buddha, unlike
the classification of the Vaibh@dcas as seen above.
(ii) Various authorities list different items in a different manner. 11 looks as though no scheme of listing the eighteen i m s was
followed. The list in DA, the only one found in the entire Pai
Awakatha literature, does not provide any clue in this regard either.
However, the Digha Nii=iya-Af@a.kathS@ii(Lhatthavqqii) [DAT
iii 67,2571may give us an idea as to bow the eighteen items should
be listed when it mentions as follows:
"The Buddha's knowledge concerning the past, future
and present is unobstructed. Endowed with these three
qualities ( h e h i tihi dhammehi samannJgatassa
Buddbassa Bhagavato ...I, the Buddha's bodily, verbal
and mental actions are preceded by knowledge and are
in accordance with it. Endowed with thesesix qualities
[ i m e i chahi dhammehi sammiigatassa Buddhassa
Bhagavato...), the Buddha has no impulse, e t ~ . ' ' ~
And the passage goes on to explaii the rest. What is significant is

the phrases underlined above. They certainly suggest that the listing
of items should in fact follow a specific scheme, at least, according
BUDDHA IN THERAVADABUDDHISM
to the author of DAT.

(iii) Some of the items included in the list of DA can be
found in the canonical and commentarial texts. The Saigiti sutta
specifies that the Tathiigata is free fiom d ~ c c ~int abodily. verbal
and mental
The Dasuttara sutta of the Digha Nikaya refers
to the fact that the Buddha has three kinds of knowledge, namely the
knowledge of the past, present and
AS a result of the
exaltation of the Buddha, such knowledge came to be regarded as
limitless. Thus,some texts in the Khuddaka Nikaya state that the
Buddha's knowledge concerning the past, present and future is
unobstructed (appafil~ata).~~~
In addition, his bodily, verbal and
mental actions appear in accordance with knowledge
(fi@~~uparivatti)?~
These six characteristics of the Buddha's howledge correspond to Nos. 4-9 in the list of DA and are designated as
buddhadhamtna in those texts.
Some other items too can be traced to the canonical or

commentarial texts. For example, the recluse Gotnmais said to abstain
from violence, etc. (..+s&asiik&-pativitato Samqo Gotarno) [Di 53
[= No. 16 @A)]. m a confesses that he followed the Bodhisatta for
six years with the intention of harassing him, if the Bodhisatta
committed a fadt physically or verbally (sac ' assa kificihyena vScaLya
vii k h a f i t q bhavissati, l i e h e s s nan
~ ' ti) [SnAii 3931 [ = No. 15
(DA)]. Other items too may be conceptually traceable, if examined
carefully.
(iv) Strictly speaking, the question of whether or not the

Sihitla-Digha-At@akathI(SDA) actually contained the list, cannot
be settled as the text is no longer extantfor any comparison or scrutiny.
Our arguments are therefore all within the confines of inference.
Nonetheless, we am strongly inclined to believe that SDA actually
contained the list of eighteen items as found in DA. But, in order to
be more objective we will F i texamine some circumstantialevidence
which may lead to a question of whether or not the list in DA could
be a later interpolation, then the supportive evidence for our above
contention will follow.
BUDDHA'S SPRITUAL ATTAINMENTS
{A) Strangely, the first three items, i.e. the absence of three
kinds of wong deeds (duccarita) in the TathIgat2, are included in
the list as buddhadhammas. Those who attained &antship with
~e eradication of the three unwholesome roots (akusda-miila)do
not have duccarjfaeither. Therefore, the absence of duccm.ta i s not
special characteristic of the Buddha
This is confiied by
~hmmapalain his DAT when he says that ~uddhadhac&as are
indeed unique or extraordinary qudities of Buddhas (Tat& hi te
~ u d d h i i n iive&dhamm@.
q
He further states that phases such as
'N'& Tarhiigatassa kiiyaduccaritap',a.
are the praise of vvirtues
through the afsociation of knowledge of bodily actions, etc.
(kdynkamm' d d h q n'@.Bnuparivattii3ya laddhagunakittanaq) and
are not unique or extraordinary qualities (na iivenikadhamma').He
further questions: 'In all these, when there is the association of
knowledge beginning with bodily actions, whence is the origin or
birth of wrong bodily deeds, etc. 7' (SabbasmM hi kayakamm 'gdike
fi~2lnuparivatrjnihtokiiyaduccarit' Sdinarl, ~ a m b h a v u This
) . ~ confirms that Dhamrnapda, the author of DAT, also doubted the suit
ability of hinuding those t h e items in the list.
Even the lasL item in the Eist, i,e. 'Natthi (Buddhassa

Bhgavato) akusala-cittap' looks odd, since all the arahants are
classed as those who have no akusala-citra in ~ e i actions.
r
The
inclusion of all these items in the list is justifiable only on the strength
that the Buddha too is an arahant. This may be one of the reasons
why the term tahdgata, which has a wider connotation incIuding the
state of arahantship, is employed for the first three items against the
more specific expression of 'Buddhassa Bhagavato' for the rest in
the List. DA is the only source which includes them.
(B) S.Mori has pointed out that Buddhaghosawas critical in
his writings and consulted various other sources when writing DA.
He often cites views of other schools ( m a y those of the Abhayagiri
fraternity) which are introduced in the text by terms Iike 'kwi', 'eke',
e t ~ This
. ~ Shows that Buddhaghosa was not totdly governed by
SDA of the MahBihBa school, but was fke to reconstruct the contents
BUDDHISM
af the source materid and even to mtroduce new information for the
sake of clarity and s~pplernerrtation.~~
This amply demonstrates the
thorough nature of Buddhaghosa who appears to have left no stone
unturned. It is therefore hard to expect that the passage that contains
some problematic inconsistencies, as seen above, was left with no
obvious comment particularly from a commentator of the calibre of
Buddhaghosa, had it been originally included in SDA. Moreover, it
is evident that he was quite aware of the existence of such a Iist of
eighteen imms in Vim which was before him when he was writing
Vism. This also shows that Buddhaghosa had a howledge of the
eighteen items, at least, according to Vim. It therefore gives a
sufficient reason and opportunity for him to have taken note of the
list and give satisfactory explanations, especially when the list of
SDA was different from that of Vim.
(C) Referring to the passage under review, the Digha Nikgya
A!$-wdcatha{ika specifically states thus: ' A y w ca DTghabil@&nq
p#@o iikulo viya' 2E9 (Tius reading of the Dighabhwakas is as if
confused). According to the above explanation, even the author of
DAT found that the eighteen qualities mentioned in DA were not in
accordance with the Theravada tradition, or at least, the tradition he
was familiar with. It is a well known fact that Buddhaghosa wrote
his commentaries in harmony with the Mah%v.vih?ira
tradition which
accepted the Dighabheakas as one of the representative exponents
of Theravada Buddhism. This too gives rise to the doubt that
Buddhaghosa was aware of the existence of such a list of eighteen
items in SDA.
(D) When the contexts in which the term

a~hiimsabuddhadhammaoccurs in the Pa AtJhakaW are examined, one important f e a m common to all the sources except DA iii
994 cited above, emerges. That is, the term is used for the explanation of the spiritual attainments of Buddhas either with special reference to the fulfilment of p&mitiis or otherwise. DA iii 993-994, on
the other hand, mentions it in the context that Miira followed
Siddhattha for six years and one additional year even after Siddhattha
attained Enlightenment, but could not fmd any fault in him (Atha
.,
BUDDHA'S SPIRITUAL ATTAIBMENTS
M&J Bodhisatla-We chabbassfiniBuddha-kde ekap vassatr;

m;bmdfudfu~iiB-ci vaiaql apassilva id*
vatva p a k k m ~ ' Then
)~~
follow the verses same as at Sn 446. This shows completely different circumstance under which the term a.@zBasabud&adhamma with
its details is mentioned in DA. The Suttmipsta-afthakathj
commenting on the above verses has no mention of it
also raises a doubt whether the list under review was in SDA.
(v)
The following are some of the arguments and counter-
aguments for our inference that the Theraviidins did actually develop the notion af al.&asabuddhadhamma, and the items included
in the list are their own enumeration independent of the Buddhist
Sanskrit fiteraturn, though they became subject to a revision and
comcrion in subsequent times.
(A) What the Digha NiMya A w a t h a w ~

iii 2571
criticises is the reading of the Digha-bhiyikas. This fact does not
necessarily mean that the author of DAT is denying the basic source
book, based on which the Digha-a\@akathii was translated by
Buddhaghosa. This 'source book' is nothing but SDA or sometimes
referred to as the 'AtmakathZi' in he singular form.292 Then, who
are the Digha-bhTqakas whose thesis is criticised by the author of
DAT ? Is there any evidence of the Digha-bhiqakas going against
what is considered to be under their custody, i.e. the Digha N U y a
and its Commentary ? The function of bheaka (reciters) changed
as time progressed. ParticuIarly, after the Tipiwa was committed to
writing, they not only maintained their traditional function of
memorising respective texts and commeataries, but also attempted
to give their own interpretations to certain doctrinal matters.2* h
fact, the Sumairgalavil~sinicontains some instances where the Dighab h a k a s expressed their different opinions from the source of DA
called the Atthakathi.zMThis brings up two important points: first,
different opkons of the Digha-bh@akas came into being after the
first century B.C., i.e. after the commitmentof the Tipifaka to writing.
Second, the author of DAT takes the passage under review hDA as
a view of the Digha-bhwakas. This leads to the possibility that it
Was the Digha-bhwakas bho introduced the list into the Theravada
scene probably after the first century B.C.
(B) The fact that DAT iii 256 f makes some comments on
at@r?rasabud&adh;immaprovesthat by the time of DAT the concept
with all the eighteen items had been included in DA. Some scholars
believe that Acariya Dhammapaa, the author of DAT, lived sometime
in the sixth or seventh century A.D.295 This shows that all the items
of atfliirasabuddhadhamma had been in DA before that time. This
points to the probability that even SDA did, in fact, contain those
items, for the difference of a few decades, according to the traditional view, or even one or two centuries, according to another theory,
between the time of Buddhaghosa and thar of Dhammapda, is too
short a period for any interpolation, particularly if esteem and respect
accorded to Buddhaghosa within the Mahiivihea fraternity was taken
into account. Under such circumstances, it is hard to expect anyone
meddling with the works of Buddhaghosa. Thus, it is more likely
that Buddhaghosa actually translated the passage concerned during
the fifth century A.D. The reason why he left it without any comment
may perhaps be because the concept was not so popular at that time,
though the krm had been known. As a matter of fact, it is referred to
only in Vism and DA among Buddhaghosa's commentaries.
One may question,on the other hand, as to why Dharnmapda
in his UdA, ItA, VVAor CpA did not make any reference to DA, had
the list been there, when he had ample opportunities to do so, and
also considering the fact that he had the knowledge of Buddhaghosa's
commentaries.2g6To this question, we may reply that Dhammapaa
thought it appropriate to make his own comments in DAT, since the
list was seen only in DA.
(C) Presuming that the passage under review was a later interpolation, it would have taken place after Buddhaghosa's t h e .
This shows that the concept of a~~iirasabuddhadhamma
of the
Buddhist Sanskrit sources was known to the interpolator. At Ieast
Vim, which was close to the TheravHda tradition, contained a list.
Then,the question is why the interpolator did not adopt more popuIar items of the Buddhist Sanskritsources, rather than making the list
BUDDHA'S SmRTTUAL ATl'A-S
look complicated and problematic ? This suggests that the

Theravadins, or the DighabMakas, to be more specific, tenaciously
insistedon the inclusion of the absence of duccarita in the Buddha. It
therefore supports the view that the Theraviidins did, in fact, have a
specific intention to include them in the list of agMrasabudd]ladharnma,despite obvious peculiarities and inconsistencies.
We have discussed above some problems concerning the list
in JJA. The author of D A T denounces the list in DA and gives an
alternative list saying; 'This reading is the c m c t one' ( A y q paua

p!ho aniikulo) [DAT iii 2.571 as follows:2w
'Atit 'arnse Buddhassa Bhagavato appafihata"@arn,
aoiigat y q ~ epaccuppann
,
'ape. b e h i r~ i h i m j i i
samannagatassa Buddbassa Bhagavafo sabbam
kiiyakamme ii~pubbarjgamaydZ&inuparivattati,
sabbap vacfiammarp, sabbay manokammarp. h e h i
chahi dhammehi samannii;gatassa Buddhitssa Bhagavato
n 'arihichandassa
n 'att6i dhammadesam-ya,n 'atdii
viriyassa, n 'atthi samiidhissa, n 'atthi p&*fiy% n 'atthi
vimuttjyd. Imehi dvddasdri dhammehi s a m e a t a s s a
Buddhassa Bhagavato n 'atthi davii, n 'atrhi rav& n 'atthi
apphu@p,-n 'arthi vegayitattq, n'a& aby~vapmano,
n 'atthi appafisdchi3upekkhi ti. 'm
'
This list is more akin to that of Vim than that of DA, It i s

repeated a DAT iii 67 where the author elaborates on some af the
items as follows:
'Taftha n 'atthi dava fi khi4Qadhippiyena kiriya n'atrhi.

N'att&i mvij ti sahasg kiriyd n 'aMT ti vadanti. Sahasa
pana kin'yg dava. AEiatp kariss&ni ti afEa~sakarapaq~
mvi. N'arthi apphufay ti n"@ena aphusitatp a'atfbi.
N'atthj vegayitattq ti luritakiriyH n 'attbi. N'atrhi
abyf va.@manoti nirat@akap cittasamudZc&o n 'atthi.
N'atthi appatisankhsupewa ti aiEESn 'upekkha'n'atthi.
BUDDHA IN THEmvmA BrnDHSM
Interestingly, these explanations show that the author of DAT

is well aware of some other traditions prevailing at that time and he
makes this clear by quoting a view of 'some' (kec4whose account
of affhiirasabuddhdhamma is somewhat different from that of the
school ha belonged to. And it may be probable that the 's&'
(kec~]
DhammapFda refers to in his above passage is none other than the
Abhayagirivbins or a group of monks who professed to be part and
parcel of the tradition belonging to the Abhayagiri fraternity. This
inference is arrived at on the basis of a comparison between what
Dhammapida gives in his passage and the list of eighteen items
enumerated in the Chinese Virn~ttimagga.~~~
By the time of DAT, the notion of aIfl1&sabudd1adhamrna

seems to have been firmly established even in the teachings of the
MahZvivilma school, and the list accepted by them is very much similar to those of the Vimuttirnagga and the Mahavastu. Strangely,the
list of eighteen items in DA never became a standard list in the
Theraviida tradition, for, even later Psi works like the Jindahk&avannani3 [JinlkVn 211 (the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth
ceiiury A.DJ300 and Sinhala works Like the Visuddhimaga
Mahbannaya of Parakkamabau Ii 11236 1270 A.13.]301(VismSn i
83)" also give the same list as in DAT. This suggests that post
commentarid texts including sub-commentaries (.rikas] and some
Sinhala Buddhist works in the Theraviida tradition adopted
Dhammapala's enumeration of eighteen items and not that of DA.
This may be due to the fact that the Theravadins of the postcommentaria1 periods found inconsistencies and peculiarities in the
list of DA and, as a result, incorporated the Iist of DAT into their own
tradition.
In conclusion, a perusal of our investigations into various
aspects ofthe notion and the items of eighteen qualities of a Buddha
particularly in the,Pdi A!*Zikatha and later texts, reveals a possibilitY
that the first listing of eighteen items might have been made in Sri
La& more or less concurrently by both MaIUvihSravbins (i.e.DA)
and ~bhayagirivihaavSShs(i.e.Vim) when the composition of the
Sihala Awakathas was in progress. And it was done in a period
beween the writing of the Tipitaka (i.e. 1st century B.C.) and the
final formation of the Sihala A
t
m
a
t
h
$at least the rnaj~r'~ortions
hereof (i.e. the first half of the 2nd century A.D.) The date of its list
in DA could be further narrowed down, if we consider the source in
whjch the term a.@ilmabuddhadhamma appeared for the first time
ia Theravada Buddhism. We are in this regard inclined to believe
that it would have first appeared in Miln in the Theravada tradition.
Our inference here is derived from K.Mhmo's finding that the old
Pdi AtthEkathEi
..
(i.e. Sfiala At@iikathi) quote horn Miln eighteen
times, as seen above. Therefore, the enmeration of eighteen items
must have come after the time of M n ,which, according to hiin, was
finally put into the present form in Pdi before the end of the first
century A.D. This brings a possible date of the first appearance of its
list in the TheravEvBda scene to a period between the end of the frst
century and the second cenhuy A.D. (when the major pportians of the
Sihala AtJkikathi were completed.) It also leads to another inference,
if we go by Har Dayal's contention (i.e,the first appearme of a list
of eighteen items in Sanskrit literature was in about the third century
A.D.), that the Theraviidins may have been the first to initiate such a
list, and not the Buddhist Sanskrit authors. At least, one may say thal
the Theravadins attempted to initiate a list of eighteen qualities
attributed to a Buddha independent of other Buddhist schobls. And
the term and notion of a~fi~asabuddhadhamma
in TheravHda
Buddhism was adopted as the standard method ta describe the Buddha's spiritual greatness by the time of the Sihala Acakathis.
11: must also be noted that the concept of

a!j%Zrasabudcilladhammain the Pdi tradition followed a lang process of formation. The Theraviidins developed the notion of
Buddhadhamma amounting to six of them as early as the Rhuddaka
N&ya, as seen above. And the fact that all of those Buddhadhamma
are included in the Lists of all later authorities strongly suggests that
they can indeed be regarded as a precursor of the subsequent

development of the concept of a@t7rasabuddhadhamma even in the.
Buddhist Sanskrit literature. But, in the Theravada tradition. how
the other items came to be incorporated in the list of DA is unknown. On the other hand, the list in DA stands canspicuous among
differentsources and is the only list of its kind. It was formuIated by
the Digha bh@a.kas according to DAT, but became subject to a
criticism by Dharnmapda. It could not survive bng due, probably.
to the peculiarities found in itself, and subsequent sources both in
Plli and in Sinhala closely followed the list found in DAT. This
transition was initiated and brought about by Dhammapda, one of
the torch-beams of the Mdavih?ira tradition.
As a summary of our above investigations, we present here a

chart to show the shifting of eighteen items mentioned in several
authorities and those shown on the left as the standard are taken
fmm DAT:
Explanatory Notes:
* Only those items which correspond to each otherare indicated by
numbers.
* References of PFtli texts are to those of the PTS edition unIess
otherwise xpecified
Abbreviations:
: Digha-atJhakatha P A iii 9941
DA
: Digha N U y a Af$akathZi@cl P A T iii 67,2573
DAT
JinlkVn :Jindadc&a-van+nl [JinlkVn 211
Mvy
:Mahavyutpatti lMvy U5-1531303'
Mvu
:MSvastu [Mvu i 16f13W
Vim
:Vimuttimagga [V.P.Bapat, op.ciL, p.651
VisrnSn : Visuddhimbga-mahSisannaya [VismSn i 7981
DA JinlkVn VismSn Vim Mvy Mv
DAT
1. A t i w s e Buddhassa
Bhagavato appa.maM@ap,
2, Aniigafqse
3. Paccuppmarpse 4. Sabbay h-ya k a m m q

ii@apubbarigamar,n
5@;inuparivae,
5. S a b b q vacllkammay
6. S a b b q mano kammq
7. Narthi chmdassa h h i
8. Natthi dhammadesaniiya
mi
9. NaiThi vriiyassa h-'
10. Natthi samaamadhissa
hiini
1 1. Natthi paf%Byyah&ti
12. Natthi vimuttiy8 hiSni
13. Natrhi da vii
14. Natlhi rav3
I 5. Natthi apphuAprp
16. Natfi vegayitattay

17. Narthi aby&aFamano
18. Na tthi appatisarikhanup*-
BUDDHA IN 'IIWRAVQA BUDDHISM
The Theraviidins have two distinct approaches to the concept of Buddha. One is the apotheosis centred around the historical
~~d&tGotama
and the other is the conceptualization of BuddhaW,
i,e. the generalization of Buddhas of the past and f u t u ~ . 'Influencing each other they developed almost side by side from considmbly
early times in the bist~ryof Buddhism. The canonical texts, such as
the Mahipama sutta? etc., are testimony to such a step taken by
the Therauiidins towards the generalization of Buddhas. This trend
gets accelerated from the canonical texts of late origin through the
post-canonical texts and the commentarid literature. Thus,many instances of reference to the Buddha-concept are made in the plural
forms of Buddhas, particularly in the Af@akath%
texts as can be seen
in many passages cited in our present study.
Within this framework of the Buddha-concept, the

Theravsdins began to apotheosise Gotama Buddha and connect the
results thereof touniversal Buddhahood. Thus, G o m a Buddha c a m
to be regarded as one of many Buddhas who have appeared in the
past and will arise in the future in this world. In the process of
generalization of Buddhas, however, it is natural that the Buddhists
had reserved a special place for Gotama Buddha who was much closer
to them emotionally than any other Buddhas d the past and future.
The lineage of the S*a clan referred to, for instance, in the
Suma~igalavil~ini~
and the Suttanipiita-@akaM4 may, perhaps,
show such emotional attachment to Gotama Buddha. And above all,
he is the founder of Buddhism and is the teacherforthe present Buddha
era.
Furthermore, the apotheosis of Buddhas is made based on

directions of development. One is the spiritual and intelIectua1
achievementsof a Buddha arid the other is the attdbution of special
~WQ
physical endowments to him. The Buddhists would have thought of

the historical Buddha Gotama first as the paradigm to develop the
universal concept of Buddhahood. The development of the Buddhaconcept was undoubtedly concerned with the noble aim of perpetuating the Dhamrna and justifying its supremacy. The emphasis placed
on the spiritual attaimertts of a Buddha, as examined in the previous
Chapter, must thesefare be understood from this view-point. So is
the development of Buddha's physical endowments. If Buddha is a
person spiritually and intellectuallyadvanced and is the highest among
men and gods, then he must necessarily be different from other beings
in his physical appearance and endowments. Therefore, these two
mas of development must go hand in hand.
The Theraviidins persistently maintain that the historical

Buddha Gatama was born into this world as a human subject to a l l
the frailties of amortal being and his human qualities were never lost
sight of even in the Aghakathh literature. But, on the other hand, his
physical endowments kept increasing in course of time. To the
Buddhists, the outward appearance of a Buddha must have religious
appeal. Intellectual and spiritual attainments should therefore be
reflected in the physical excellence of a Buddha. Buddhaghasa in
the exegeses of Bhagavant, for example, specifically mentions that
the n7pa-&ya of a Buddha generates esteem of the worldly people,
and because of it, he is fit to he relied on by, laymenSs This shows
that Buddha's physical endowments inspire people to look up to him
as a great spiritual leader and guide. DhammapaIa also states that the
Buddha's physical body (itpa-Mya)adorned with the thirty-two bodily characteristics of a great man, eighty minor marks,a fathom long
halo, etc., will generate faith of the p e ~ p l e . ~
Then, how the ThmvSidins reconciled these two obviously

conflicting stands; narfiely, human qualities and docetic trait in the
Buddha, i s a question to be examined carefully. Unfortunately, the
Piili soums up to the Affhakathaperiod do not address this issue
directly. The KathBvatthu and Milindapaiiha give us evidence of
docetism m u n d the Buddha prevalent at different times in some
Buddhist groups, but the Thernviidh are quite firm on this issue of
BUDDHA'S PHYSICAL ENDOWMENTS
human qualities of Gotama Buddha. Yet, later P a texts attribute

various qualities of a superman to the Buddha Perhaps, the Buddhists did not see any conflict between them.
In the previous Chapter, we have seen how far the Buddha's
spiritual and intellectual province came to be broadened, particularly
in the A-athB
literature. Along with it, physical aspects of
Buddhahood were developed in conjunction with this. AU began
within the Canon, and the thirty-two marks of a great man
{mabgpmisdakkbqa)became a popular concept in the canonical texts
in addition to other physical features which are said to distinguish
the Buddha from other beings. As noted earlier, the Tathagata is said
to possess two kinds of power (bda);vk.,fiiiga-bala (knowIedge
power) and kya-bala (physical power). The commentaries often
talk of kaya-Ma of the Tathagata in comparison to the strength of
elephants. Many sources quote the 'Ancients' (Por@ii) to give the
families of elephants as f o l l ~ w s : ~
'K&lAvakafica Gatigeyyay P q d a r q Tamba-Phigalam,
Gantlha-MarigaIa-Hematica Upasatha Chaddant'ime dasa ti '
The texts further etaborate that K&vaka is the family of

ordinary elephants and equations go in ascending m e r as follows:
the power of ten men equals that of one Wiivaka elephant; the power
of ten Kilavaka elephant equals that of one Gatigeyya elephant; ...
and the power of ten Upsathaelephantsequals that of one Chaddanta
elephant. The power of ten Chaddanta elephants equals the power of
one Tathsgata. The Khuddakapa$a-atjhakathii also mentionsthe last
two kinds of elephants, i.e. Uposatha and Chaddanta, in connection
with the harthi-ratana(elephant-jewel) of a cdckavattikiug. It is said
that the elephant is alI white (sabbaseto) with polished feet and
sevenfold stance (sattapatiJDa),possessing supernormal power
(iddhimi)and flying h u g h the air (vehDarigmo), and comes either
from the family of Uposatha or Chaddanta. If from the Uposatha
family, the elephant is the eldest of all (sabbaje+aku) in the herd,
a d if from the Chaddanta family, he is the youngest (sabbakmi.t@o).8
BUDDHA IN THERAv&~A BUDDHISM
The commentaries also compare the physical strength of a

Buddha to the power of the impact of a thunderbolt (o3ayanasarig&gbalan)9 which equals the power of a 'thousandkotis of ordinary elephants or ten thousand kqtis of men, Bhikkhu Nhamoli
translates the term n#r-ijyanaas 'thunderbolt'" based on aa?raditional
interpretation found in the Majjhima and Sarpyuth mb." However, the term is of rare occurrence in the Piili tradition, In fact,
G.P.Maldasekeragives only one reference to it in the Cullavap~a,'~
which is a later sourcethanthe At$dcath&texts. In the Indiancontext,
it is the name of a god appearing in the MahFibhiirata, who is said to
possess certain physical marks similar to some of the --two
marks
of a great man in Buddhism.13
These descriptions are all imaginary in nature. And it is here
that we see a commentaria1 development of Buddhology. Gotama
Buddha gathers a heap of myths and legends elevating him to the
state of a super human. Even his stature became increasinglq
exaggerated.14 Buddhas are all equal in their attainment of wisdom
Differences (vem&!ii rae minimal and are particularly noticeable ir
the lifelspan of Buddhas and their individual sizes, etc.lS But, Buddhas are not different fro111each other in their physical beauty. Ir!
summary, the Affhakathii texts generalize that all Buddhas are endowed with the following physical marks or characteristics and they
are mentioned either separately or c01lectiveiy:'~l)the h t y - t w o
marks of a great man (dvattimsa-maha~uriszdakkhpa),
(2j the eighty
minor marks (asfti-anuvyafijana),(3) the mark of a hundred merits
(satapuNal&~a), (4) a fathom long halo (byiimappabha3,and (5)
the feet marked with a wheel. We will now examine them in some
detail.
1. Mah@urisdakkhapa (Characteristics of a Great M a
The cimonical texts say that anyone given the appellation of

mahjjurisa is endowed with the thirty-two bodily marks, and there
BUDDHA'S PHYSICAL ENDOWMEWTS
are only two persons capable of be@ called mah5purt's~a Buddha

a universal monarch.'' Hawever, we are not going to delve in@
the concept of maha'purisa a historical perspective as there have
been excellent works done in the recent past such as by Bellanwih
~~i~alaratana,"
which wilI be often referred to in our discussion of
the topic.
The concept of m&Turisa with the endowment of thirty~0 physical marks is no doubt a result of the growing belief among
the Buddhists that the Buddha is different from other beings.not only
spiritudIy but also physically.
Historically speaking,some early canonical texts deal with

cefiaiil physical characteristics of the Buddha, such as that his body
was golden in colour, etc.I9 Such references to bodily marks were
hkr colIected and a list of thirty-two physical characteristics was
formulated in B ~ d d h i s m .It~ ~has also been pointed out that some of
physical characteristics found in the g e n e r a accepted list of thirtytwo in Buddhism are common to some bodily features of Visnu
Niiriiyana of Hinduism. which fact suggests tbat the concept of a great
man is not of Buddhistic origin.21And it is pre-Buddhistic, as
evidenced in several suttasZ2where Brahmins are said to have claimed
the knowIedge of proghosticati~n?~
Even Jainism had a similar
concept.24 However, B.Wimalaratana believes that there is no
similarity of primeval (Vedic) "Puru!a" of "Visnu" with the
(Buddhist) Mahspurisa concept.2s
According to early texts of the Pili Canon, the term
mahaTurisais sometimes explained in a spiritual sense. For instance,
one who has an emancipated mind (vimuttacjtta) is a rnah;i~unsa.~
Verses in the Suttanipata denote that mahspwisa is one who has
destroyed all
The Dharmnapada also gives a similar
definition of the word mdapurisa when it says that he who has
overcome craving (vrtatariho)and devoid of grasping (anidisno);who
is skilled in understanding words and their meanings; who h o w $ the
' I ~of
Q
letters, it is he who is the bearer of the last body, the one with
BUDDHA TN T H E R A V BUDDKTSM
~
great wisdom, and a great person (nuhiipuriso)." In this connection,
the Dharnrnapada-atthakathI interprets the word rnahiiputisa as one
whose mind is emancipated(~irnuttaci1Ya)?~The Dasuttara sutb states
that there are eight thoughts of a great man (ma6Hpu~sa-viWa)
that the Dharnma is for one of little wants, not for one of great wants;
for one who is serenely content, not for the discontented; for one
who is detached, not for one who is fond of society; for one who is
energetic, not for the slack; for one who has presence of mind,not a
confused mind; for one whose mind is concentrated. not distracted;
for one who has insight, not for the unintelligent; for one who delights
not in conceit, craving and opinion, not for one who delights
AII these references suggest.that the early conception of mah2purisa
in the PiiIi Canon refers to an ambmt (worthy one) with his spiritual
achievements.4'
The physical endowments of a'Great Man is the next stage
of developmentof the Buddha-concept. It appears that theBnddhists,
while developing the spiritual attainments of a Buddha into a universal concept of Buddhahood, visualized the perfect man who had
attained the spiritual height as a human being. In order to substantiate and fortify the concept of a Great Man, the Buddha became the
one ro whom were attributed various pbysicalmarksamounting finally
to thirty-twosuch characteri~tics.9~
The idea of two careers open to
the one who is endowed with the thirty-two physical marks, a Buddha
or a CakkavatEi, is an outcome of religious and socio-political
understanding of the concept of mahspurisa. Buddhahood occupies
the spiritual arena, while the notion of a Cakkavatti king is sociopolitical. This distinction is made clearly in the Affhakathiiliterature.
For example, the SBtatthappakiisini compares the 'Seven Jewels'
(satfa-rafana)of a CaWcavartilo the 'Seven Factors of Enlightenment'
(bhujjatigaa)that a Buddha preaches.33 The Manorathapiirani, cornrnenting on the five qualities possessed by a Cnkkavatti,equates them
to certain qualitiespossessed by a Buddhax But, the commonground
on which both stand, be it religious or socio-political, is that both of
them lead humanity through righteous means (dhamma). Both are
BZTDDHA'S PHYSICAL. ENDOWMENTS

bus called dllammar@a, tbe king of nghteou~ness.~~
me commentaries ascribe the endowmentof thirty-twomarks

wjtfi other physical endowments, such as the eighty minor
a fathom long halo, and many other resplendent physical
aadments,to the practice of perfections Cp&mh3.MDhamrnqaa,
in another place, ascribes the acquisition of Buddha's physical
s p l e n d o ~such
~ as satapuiifia-lakkhqzaand others, to the accumulation of merit (upacita-p~-a-sambh&a-b&~a).~~
Buddhaghosa too
follows basically the same thinking, when he explains m&iipmZIRsaIakkhqa in terms of 'that which is born of its corresponding action'
(yens kammenay~nibbat&xp)?~
However, the passages cited above
give the impression that Dhamrnapala is more religiously inspired
than his predecessor Buddhaghosa who merely gives impassionate
interpretations of Ihe whole concept. Such causal relationships between the physical marks and moral conduct that lead to the procurement of those marks by a Buddha, are the main interpretation of the
concept of the thirty-two marks of a Great Man in the canonical texts
as well. The Lakkhzqa sutta of the Digha N G y a specifically states
that as a result of a given action, [the Buddha] obtains a given mark
(imassa kammassa karat!#, i d a q lakkhanam pafilnbha&f>.3Y

B.Whnalaratana too writes fiat importance of the LakWzva sutta
lies in the fact that it combines the concept of a Great Man with some
of Ihe fundamental tenets of Buddhism, such as the doctrine of kamma,
rebirth, the law of causation, and giving more emphasis to the social
ethics of Buddhi~rn.~"
This clear understanding by the Buddhists of
the relations between former good actions and obtaining of special
physical marks, can be called a distinctcharacteristicof the Buddhist
hrerpretation of the concept of rnahrTpnrisa.4'
The commentaries provide additional interpretations for the
concept of rnahipurisa Buddhaghosa, for instance, states that the
Science of prognostication on physical marks is taught ta men by the
Suddhbvba Brahm& just before the birth of a Bodhisatta, so that
PeQple would recognize him. But, that science would disappear
gradually when a Buddha atfains parinibbma." The mar& of a great

man are also mentioned as the subjects of a science with abut twelve
thousand texts to elucidate the characteristics of great beings Like
Buddhas (MahiTpurisa-lakkhayn ti rnahspu~m* BuddhadIn*
M k l q w d i p a k q dvsdasa-sahassa-gantha-ppam@e safthq}."
The texts further state that therein were the sacred verses on the
Buddha comprising sixteen thousand lines of verses (Yattha sohasakassag~thiipadapm~m~a
buddhamanS n&na nbesum). Buddhas
are endowed with those marks (yes@ vasena imha 1stkkh;vlena
samanni7gaBBuddha nma h o n ~ ~By
] . these [marks], the difference
becomes clear of Buddhas fiom paccekabuddhas, the two chief disciples, the eighty great disciples, the mother or father of a Buddha, the
chief attendant or chief female attendant, or a universal rn~narch.~
Interestingly, cddcavatti is also included in the list of those who are
different h r n Buddhas in their physical marks. It may be that the
commentaries included not only physical marks, but also spiritual
qualities of Buddhas, and that is why Buddhas are different from
cakkavatti kings.
Some of the canonical interpretationsconcerning the concept

of mah~pun'saalso embrace the arahant(worthy one), as seen above.
Here, the mahiipurisa is not necessarily a Buddha or a c&avafti
king. What is emphaisesd is the ethical conduct that makes one a
mahiipuisa This thinking is also reflected in the Atliakaa texts.
Buddhaghosa, while discussing the mode of Iife af a great man
(m&~urisa-vihaa), says that it is the mode of life of great beings
like Buddhas, paccekabuddhas and great disciples of a Tathigata
(Mahiipurisavihiiru ti B uddhapacceka buddhatafhiTgatamahils ~ v & q rnahapwis&ar,n vil~Ero)?~
Buddhaghosa also ernphiwises
the importance of the spiritual aspects of mahiipurisa, when he says
that mahapurisais one who is great because of such virtues as pzqidhj
(aspiration), samadlina (undertaking), B@a (knowldege), kam@
(compassion), e t ~ . ~ ~
2. Asiti-anubyan'jana (Eighty Minor Marks)
4
The concept of the eighty minor marks of a Buddha is a later
BUDDHA'S PHYSICAL m O W M E N T S
development in the Pdi tradition. The term aouvyajana occurs for

the first time in the sense of secondary marks in the Buddhavamsa47
and &ad@la." Scholar8 are of opinion that there may have existed
a common biography of the Buddha among different schools of Buddhism. E.J.Thornas believes that the Euddhavqsa existed in a
Sanskrit f o ~ m A.Hirakawa
.~~
also suggests that there was a common
biography of the Buddha shared by different schools.s0 However,
the questionof when such a concept came into existence in Buddhism
has not yet been resolved. What we can say at present is that this
concept emerged after the well establishment of the notion of
dvarthma-mahilpurisa-l&+aa
For these eighty minor marks are
said be possessed only by a Buddha and not by a cakkavalfi king.
td
When the idea of asjti-anuvyaiijma as secondary bodily

marks of a Buddha was incorporated into the Buddhist literature as a
further step for the apotheosis of Buddhas, the Theravadins too used
this concept for the same purpose. The fact that the Therav&s
were not concerned about the enumeration of those eighty minor
rnarks in detail in their own tradition even up to the end of the
Affhhthii period, as will be shown below, suggests that this concept in the TheravZida tradition may have been borrowed at a later
time from a non-lbravda school, or to say the least, the Theraviidhs
did not positively participate in the formulation of this concept,
particularly in listing the eighty items separately. But in course of
time, they could not ignore a growing trend among the Buddhists.
Thus, the concept became a standard set of endowments of a Buddha
in the At$mkath& and the list of eighty minor rnarks was incorporated into the Theravaa tradition afterwards. There are a few reasons for such an assumption: (I) First, there are no Pali sources up to
the AflhakaWperiodwhich enumerate all the eighty minor marks of
a Buddha, though references to the term only are found in the
Apa&as1 and ~ilindapaiiha.'~It is only in the A@akaM texts
that a few marks are enumerated. The MadhuratthaviEtsini, for exampIe, gives four items only and uses the expression 'a& {and so
They are, (1) tambanakho (copper colonred nails), (2)
tuigmaWra (long nails), (3) shiddhanakha (glossy nails) and (4)
BUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ BUDDHISM
~A
va.puigulita(rounded fingers)." The Theragzithii-atfhakathiialso give5

but two, namely, rarnbmakha and tu~iganakha?' In passing, the or.
der of items mentioned in BvA comes closer to some Buddhis
Sanskrit sources like the Mahavastu," at least ~e beginning, than tc
Pdi sources like the Mlindapaiiha-?ikT~~~
or Sinhala sources Iike thf
DharmapradipikF~.~~
Then,it gives rise to a question: 'Why the
Theravildins, unlike other Buddhists whose literary sources were ir
Sanskrit, did not attempt to enumerate the eighty items in detail
although this concept too would have been an important step furtha
towards the apotheosis of Buddhas ?' 01) Second, the Apadmasg
and the Milindap&iha,60unlike the Buddhavarpsa, specifically refa
to the number 'eighty' as anuvyanj&as of the Buddha. This suggest$
that anuvyaiijanasamounting to eighty as a part of the physical endowments of a Buddha, at Ieast by name, would have come into use for
certain from the time of the Milindapafiha in the Psi tradition
sometime around the first century B.C. or A.D.61 The
M a h ~ p r a j i i f i p ~ i t ~ - i i sof
t rNSig3una
a
(around 150-250 A.D.) endorses this fact by saying that the eighty minor chmcteristics are not
found in the Tripi?aka.62 Further, it is believed that a full list of
auvyatlTjmas primarily appears in some of the Buddhist Sanskrit
works such as the Mta~istara,6~
MahZiva~tu,~
Mahii~yutpatti,~~
e t ~ In
. ~the~ Pdi tradition, the List is found in warks like the MilindatiI~ii,6~
J i d a i k P a - f s (or JinFhikkavapan~),6~
etc., which are all
post commentaria1works. SomeSinhala works also give a full list.69
Had the TheravZdins known dl the items mentioned in the list, thougk
fie list may have been different from source to source, they woulc
have listed them in detail as ample opportunities were avaiIable
particularly in the A$@akathiiliterature. This suggests that the Sihal:
AghakathL based on which the PaZi commsntaries were hranslatec
and recast, did not actually contain the list of eighty anwyaijmas
probably with the exception of references only to the term asr'i
anuvyaiijma. It also shows that the Theravadins on their part did no
positively contribute to the enumeration of items to be included ir
the list. All the evidence adduced above indicates that at least the lis
of asitj-anovyan'jmasin the P$i tradition was probably taken frorr
another Buddhist school. And it appears that when this concep
BUDDHA'S PH"YS1CALENDOWMENTS
became popular in the Buddhist circles. the Theravains fist adapted

~e teminology and then later borrowed a list from another Buddhist
By the time the Theravadins adopted the concept with a full
list, probably during the AFhakathi period, the concept had become
popular so that the knowledge of items to be included in the list was
as a common place. This is why the commentaries like
the MadhuratthaviWhi and TheragCtthii-atJhakatha give only a few
items from the list, suggesting that the reader was expected to know
all the eighty items in the list.
The existence of such a list of secondary marks of a Buddha
during the AyDakath8 period is further proved by the fact that
Bnddhaghosa speciftcally denies the view that the fingersand toes of
the Buddha were webbed (na c m e n a parinaddho atigtrlantar~)?~
As pointed out by EJ.Thomas, Buddhaghosa had the knowledge of
the chracteristic of "fourfingers and fivetoes of equal length" (catasso
harth ' atiguliyo pa5ca-pad' miguliyo eka-ppames honti)?' This
physical mark is indeed very similar to the third item mentioned in
the list of eighty secondary marks recorded in the
MahiiprajfiIiparamitH-siitra [Taisho Vol 6, 968 a-969 a].R The evidence adduced above shows that the list of eighty minor marks was
commonly known among the Theraviidhs.
After the incorporation of the concepts of asfti-anuvyaij"ana

and satapuEalakkbqa (the marks of a hundred merits) into Buddhism, the distance between a Buddha and a cakkavatti king became
visibly wider. The former became spiritually meven physically more
prominent than the latter. This development in Buddhism is
understandablebecause of the fact that the Buddhists, as time passed
by, had to place more emphasis an religiously inspiring matkrs, i.e.

the apotheosis of Buddhas, than on secularteachings or concepts like
kingship,for the maintenanceandprotection of the Sail& Therefore,
the c&ava tti concept receded considerablly in inverse pportion
to the apotheosis of Buddhas. This evident from its scanty treatment
in the commentaries. Buddhaghosa's classification of cddravartr'kings
into different categories; namely, cakkava* or catmanta-cakkavarti
(ruling over the entire world or the four continents), @a-cakkavatti

[ruling over one continent) and padesa-cakkavatti (ruling over a
special
appears to offer a parallelism to the classification
of ' buddba' into four types; viz., sum-buddha, cafusacca-buddha,
pacceka-buddta and sabban'n'u-buddha7' However, such a classification of cdkkavattikings never reached a conceptual prominence as
in the concept of Buddha in the later Theravada tradition.
3. P a b h (Halo) and +si
(Rays)
B y h a p p a b h l (a fathom Iong halo) and ramsi (rays) as

physical attributes of Gotama Buddha gain prominence from about
the time of the post-canonical literat~re.7~
Nevertheless, th& origins,
at least conceptudly, can be traced in the canonical texts. In the
process of the apotheosis of Cotarna Buddha, various changes had
occurred even with regard to the descriptions of his physical
characetristics along with the development and formulation of the
Mdx7pun'sa-concept. In early sources, for instance, it is recorded
that Pukkusa, once a disciple of h a Kitlama, presented a pair of
golden robes (sitigi-v-a) to the Buddha. On this occasion, k a n d a
exclaims that the robes thus given by Pukkusa lost thier lustre when
put on the body af the Buddha, because the colour of the Buddha's
skin (chvi-vwa)was so clear and exceedingly bright?6 This story
shows that the apotheosis of the Buddha in his physical endowments
had already begun in the Canon, and the Buddha's body came to be
believed to have special characteristics, such as that it shone like
gold.n The TherigStE too mentions that the Buddha had goldcoIoured skin (hemavappq h a r i t l a c ~ ) .It~is therefore not difficult
to imagine that such references to the bodily features of the Buddha
i n the Canon became indeed precursors of the concept and
development of 'halo or radiance' (pabhi)or 'rays' (raps$ supposed
to emanate from the Buddha's body.
The first reference to a colIective use of the term

bymappabhs (a fathom long halo) in the P3li tradition occurs in the
Buddhavaq~sa~~
and the Vimiinavatthuso of the Khnddaka Nikaya.
The ~ili~dapaiiha
also gives a reference in which theBuddha is said
to possess a gold-coloured skin ( s u v e a - v ~ a and
) a fathom long
hdn (bymappabh@.8' The notion of 'skin like gold' is traceable to
the Canon, as seen above, but the notion of 'a fathom long hala' is
said to be po~t-~anonicd.~~
We can more positively assume that its
concept became popular in the post-canonical and commentarial texts.
~ l f i o u gal ~reference to four kinds of pabhii (radiance) of a b h i u
is faund at A ii 139; namely, cmdappabhii,suriyappabha, aggippa bba
md paiW8pabhf it has no bearing on the idea of 'halo' as in later
works .
Ln addition, the Buddha is said to emit rays (+sI) b m his
body. The term r q s i is a canonical usage. For example, the
Buddhavaqsa describes the Buddha as possessing 'a hundred rays'
( s a f ~ a ~ p s i )Interpreting
.~~
the word,the Madhuratthavibini says
of it as 'him of the thousand rays like the sun' (sahassarqsiva d&cco
viya)4!
The commentaries are usually silent on the exptanations of

the term bymappabhij, though it is almost habitual that the word is
used in connection with cclllective descriptions of the physical endowments of a Buddha?' Furthermore, some instances are recorded
in the AtJhakathBtexts, where bymppabhii and sarirappabhii (bodily
radiance) are mentioned side by side.g6 The commentaries, on the
other hand, give detailed explanations to the word mpsi (rays) of
Buddhas. These rays are usually said to consist of six colours
( ~ h a b b q n a ) .They
~
are n i a (blue), pita (yellow or gold), lohifa
bd), odzta (white),m ? e $ ~ (crimson)
t
and pabhassm (combination
of the fist five coloursB8or opaque
The commentaries
also describe the bodily parts of the Buddha from which radiances
emanate. The S&atthapp&inig1 mentions them as follows, and
the kngth of rays is said to be eighty hands ( a ~ i t j - h a t a a ) : ~ ~
'Ath ' assa puratfima-kgyafo suva~a-vanna-rasmi

u.t@ahitvaasiti-hattha-t.th&aq aggafiesi. Pacchimakiiyato dakkhi~a-hamatovIima-halthatos u v a p p a - m i
BUDDHA IN l'HER.AV&lA BUDDHISM
ut@ahitv# *ti-hartha-ffl@q aggahesi. Upari-kes'

mtat~pa~mdya
sabbakedva-phimom-gjva-vwa-rasd
u#hahitvs gagana-tale asiti-hattha-!!hap aggahesi.
He!*% piidatalehi pav@avagwrasmi ughahitvii ghimapa@avip asiti-hafrha-ffi;Tnqaggahesi. E v q s a m a f i i
asiti-hartha-matta-f@#naip cha-b-a-buddha-rasmiyo
v@jjotam8nS vipphandamiind kaficana-dqda-dTpikZhi
nicciwitv8 & i s q pakkhanda-jsTii viya, catuddipikam ~ ~ g h anikkhanta-uijullatii
t o
viya dha'vimsa.' [=
DA iii 972 = MA iii 21-22]
in summary, the above descriptionsreveal the following:
(A) From the fiont part of the Buddha's body (puntrhima-kgyato)
emanates golden coloured rays ( s u v e a - v q a - r q s ~ )which
,
are
eighty hands long.
{B)From the back (pacchima-kSyafo),right hand (dddd$m-hafthato)
md left band (vfia-hatthato)of the Buddha's body too emanate the
golden coloured rays ( s u v q a - r a q i ) ,which are also eighty hands
long.
(C) Beginning from the edge of hair and from the entire head of hair
emanates the colour of mora-giva-vqya-rpi (blue rays).
@) From the flat part of the sole of his feet emanates the colour of
pav;lla-vq~a(coral colour).
(E) Although the six parts of the Buddha's body are given here, the
colours, viz,, s u v w , mora-giva and pavga, are different from the
usually accepted ones. The dominant colom in this passage is gold
( s u v q a - v q y a ) , which fact is reminiscent of tlie golden coloured
skin of the Buddha referred to in ~e Canon, and it is in fact one of
the thirty-twc~characteristicsof a Great Man (mahipurisa) ( s u v w vga-1akWlya). Further, colours emanating from the six bodily
parts of the Buddha are designated as 'chabbqa-buddha-ad'.
But, first, the six coIours nsaally accepted in the later PZli tradition is
not followed by Buddhaghosa in his commentaries. Second,
Buddhaghosa's list of six different bodily parts of the Buddha from
which rays emanate, is totally different from the bodily parts
Illentimed in the Atthasiilini and Sadhnmappak~sini,as will be

,,,,
Does all this Suggest that the names of six colours were
,t formulated and only the word chabbannag3was employed to
describe the Buddha's physical splendorby
thncof Buddhagha
7 1f the answer is in the affirmative, then such a trend is indeed in
confomity
with other physical and spiritual features of the Buddha,
like the notions of asitj-auubyan'jm&satap-dlaidEhapa, etc., where
the terms appeared first in the Pdi tradition, and then, their concrete
cantents came to be: specified later. However, the problem of authorshipof Buddhaghosa's works and that of the Atthasiilini, their mutual literary relations, etc., are the matters that must be resolved first
before coming to m y objective conclusion. It is paaicularly true as
the authorship of the Atthasdini is traditionally ascribed to
Buddhaghosa. And if this tradition be accepted, it is tantamount to
the fact that he had two separate views on this. As for the description
of bodily parts which emitted rays, the Atthascan be considered
as occupying a unique place in the A @ a k a ~
literature, as wiU be
discussed below.
the
The Athasillhi mentions the frrst appearance of the Bud&a-rqsi while contemplating on the P a f w a (Mahzpakm-qa) of
the Abhiclhamma Firaka during the fourth week after the Buddha's
enlightenment. On this occasion, the six coloured rays are said to
have emanatedfrom the Buddha's body (...sarirat0 niYapitdohifodiiamaiijetrhapabhassaravasena chabbannarasmiyo n i k k h a m i ~ s ~ ) . ~ ~
The text further states that d a (blue) rays issued from the Buddha's
hair and beard and the blue portions of his eyes (kesamassiihi c 'eva
akkhlnat? ca nr7at.hmehinikasmiyo nikkhmnimso). Pita (ye~lowor
golden) rays from his ski and the yelIow parts of his eyes (chaviro
C' eva akkhimii ca pitakat!hSnehi pFtakarasmiyo M a m h y s u ) .
b h i t a (red) rays from his flesh and blood and the red portions of his
eyes (mqsduhite c' eva akkhinan' ca rattaf@ifnehilohitarasmiyo
m a m i m s u ) , Odiita (white) rays from his bones, teeth and the white
Parts of his eyes ( a..t W c ' eva dantehi ca akkhinaii ca setaf-Wehi
O d ~ t ~ s r nnikkham@s~).~~
jo
Maiijefflapabhassara (crimson and
combination of the rest) rays from different parts of his body
BUDDHA IN THERAVUA BUDDHISM
(maiijetthapabhassara pana tamha tamha sarfiappadesa

aikkhi~mipsu).~~
It is interesting to note here that the Atthadini, in
the fmt place, gives a different list of bodily parts of the Buddha
from that of Buddhaghosa given above. Secondly, the text [DhsA]
mentions that the first four colours; viz., *la, pf&, llohita and 0dat4
issue from the eyes in addition to his different bodily portions. This
shows h a t the Buddha's eyes have a special role to play in the notion
of c h a b b ~ aThe
. AtthasSi, classifying and describing the elements
says that there are, among other elements, three
of the eye (c&n),
coburs; namely, white (seta), black (kariba) and red (lohitaka)Cyattha
setam p 'atthi kariham pi lohitakm pr'pa.$avjpi ilpo pi tejo pi vPyo
pi...Iv According to this classification, which is a classification of
c ~
to any individual, the blue eye is not
the m ~ s a - applicable
specified. The element of 'blue' in the eye is therefore a special
province of the Buddha. Likewise, the blue rays are said to issue
fromhis hair and beard (kesarnassu). Bhikkhus including the Buddha in ancient times were expected to be fully shaven.98 The Canon
refers to the fact that the Buddha, when he was young, had pitch
black hair (srrs~A@a-kesa).~~The Visuddhimagga also does not refer
to the blue hair, when elucidating the head hairs (k~~a).'~"
It must,
however, be recalled that this special physical feature is indeed
counted as one of the thirty-two bodily chracteristicsof a mahiipurisa
in the Canon. The Buddha, a mahiipurisa himself, is said to possesse
the deep and intense blue eyes (abllim7anefta).Commenting nn this,
the SumatigalavilZsinl gives five colours as the constituting colours
of the Buddlla's eyes; namely, nila (blue), pita (yellow), lahita (red),
seta (white) and k@a (black).lol The text further states that the Buddha's eyes are not completely blue, but where blue is necessary, they
posses a very distinguished blue colour like the umma flower.lm The
same applies to other cdours as well. Sa is the hair of the Buddha.
He is endowed with bodily hair referred to as nfla-djana-vqna(blue
like 'aijana' [colyriurn]). This bodily mark is also one of the thirtytwo physical characteristicsof a rnab8purisa Thus, the commentaries
followed the tradition of these physical marks included in the
dvattimsa-mah;ipwisa-lakkl~qa
of the cananical texts, and the six
colours are enumerat~din the Affhakzithiitexts based on that.
The introduction of the six coloured rays supposeh to =mafrom the Buddha's body can be said a commentarid development. Interestingly. however, the Patisambhia?lmagga doesmention
them in relation to the yamakapZ.~a-o'@aof the Buddha.'M The
passage reads as follows:
6...lomfipato Iomakiipato aggikkhandho pavattati,

lornakiipatolomakiipato udakadh&apavamti. Channa
am nilip j a y loh-ay
o&&aq
e me a m pabhassariinarp. Bhagavg catikamati,
nimmito tif.hati vzi nisidati va seyyam vii kappeti;
Bhagavii titthati, nimmito caikamati vii nisjdati va
seyyap va kappeti ..."04
The manner in which the six colours are given in the text
after describing that water and fire diffuse from different bodily parts
ofthe Buddha, is somewhat peculiar. The whoIe sentence underlined
does not appear to fit into the context here. It may be, therefore, a
later interpolation; but,not later than the Sihala Patisambhid%inaggaa[f.hakathil [SPfsA] based on which the present Pali
Pafisambhid~agga-aghakaWis said to have been recast, if the
traditional belief that the Pdi Aghakathiis are the translations and rearrangements of the Sihda commentaries, stands true.lo5 Whatever
it may be, we can say with a fair amount of certainty that the
hterpolation must have been made before the composition of the
PZdi Patisambhidmagga-atthakatha.
..
The reasons for our above contention will become clear from the forthcoming discussions.
The SaddhammappakBsini, commenting on the phrase underlined in the foregoing passage, tries to resolve its ambiguity thus:
'Chamam vannilurn' ti ko sambandho ? HetthQ

uPan'rna'Yato'
ti gd&i mekehi sarZ3vaYavii w ~ iT.ens
saririjvayavasam bnndho pavattatr" ti vacanasambandhma ca, yamakapa'*ik!idhik~ena ca c h q
BUDDHA IN THERAV&JA BUDDHISM

vanniinay sariijivayavabhUt;Tnvrqsiyo yamakii hutva
pa&ttanfi' ti v u t t q hoti Slirmlirmvacanasambandheoa
ca
avassarp nsmiyo ' ti p@haseso iccbitabbo yeva. 'IW
The Cornmentag further elaborates on the six colours as in
the case of other At@akatha texts DA, EVA,DhsA, DhpA, etc.], but
speciality of QsA lies in the fact that the last two colours, viz.,
maiije.g%aand pabhassara, are explained in a specific manner which
find no parallel in the other sources. The passage reads as follows:
'Of the colour of crimson is' of the colour of light red.

05 the colour of opaque brilliant is the colour which is
very bright by nature. The colour of pabhassara does
not exist independently. Thoserays sbinningin the [said]
five colours are the pabhassara colours. ' (Mafj"iffthiinan'
ti rnandarattav~Smip.Pabhass&an ' ti pabbassarapakatikiinq vanniinarp. Pabhassaravanno visum
avijjarnano' pi vutresu paiicasu vaonesu ye ye
pabh8samujalL te te pabhsmZ)lm
In addition, the Saddhammappakiisini describes the bodily
parts from which the above two colours emanate, as follows:
'Rays of crimson emanate from the bodily parts that are

of dull cobur, like tbe flat portions of hands and feet.
Rays of pabhassara shineeforth from the bodily parts
that have the cdour of pabhassara, like hair bemeen
eyebrows, teeth, nails, etc.' (HatthatdapiidatalBdibi
mann!arattaB@&ehi maniji[@arasmiyo nikkhmmti, ...
U.iidd@&akhHdIhi pabhassarat$;Snehi pabhassararasmiyo nikkhamanti.)los
These descriptions in qsA are more specificthan those found
in the Atthasfii, which simply reads: 'Maije.@apabhassara pma
t e a W h a satfmppadesa nikkhamim~u."~
A question as to why Buddha's body emits such brilliant

in the Atthasgini. The reason is not ascribed to the
raysis
success by resoke, nor to the success of that which is produced by
(ayan"ca neva buddhadhi$&-id&
bhivan&aya
id&). Instead, they are the result of clearness of the Buddha's blood
material form and his complexion (Lokaaathassalohitam pasidi,
v a t t h u r i p p , chavivqq~pasTdr).~~~
The S u r n ~ g a l a ~ i l b i n i ~ ~ ~
and the Madhwatthavilii~ini,''~on the other hand, explain it in relation
to the Twin Miracle O.amakapa'.tihariya)that issuing of these six colours from the Buddha's body is a result of the attainment of the kas*
meditation (darasmi-alh-yahi Bl~agava'nFIakasipq samspajati,
pirarasmi-HdEflarp attfiaya pita-kasigdInI sarn8~aijab).'~~
The ten kasigas include only four colours out of the six; viz.,
blue ( d a ) , yellow (pita),red (lohifa} and white (odijfa}."4 If the explanations 111 DA and BvA are accepted, then, a discrepancy in the
number is obvious. The texts WA i 57 = BvA 311 further state that
among the rays, each second ray proceeded at the same moment as
the first ray, as though they were pairs, yet therewas no procedure of
IWO mental acts at one moment. For, owing to the buoyancy of the
sub-consciousnessof Buddhas, these rays are as though they proceed
in frve ways at one moment from a dweller by mental acts. But the
adverting (of the mind), the preparation, and the resolute determination
for producing these rays are separate.115Here, we fmd two different
interpretations for the reason af the six rays issuing from the Buddha's body; one mentioned in the Atthasiibni and the other in the
Sumahgalavilbini and Madhurattha~ilas~.The Dhammapadaafthakathii also refers to the same incident of the Buddha's Twin
Miracle in which the six colours me rnenti~ned."~
In summary, the
commentaries, like the Sumarigalavilbini, Dhammapada-ar,lhakathB
and Madhuratthavilkini, mention diffusion of the six colours from
the Bbddha's body on the occasion of his performance of the Twin
Miracle, which, according to DA i 57, took place in the seventh year
(sattame sqvaccbare) after the Buddha's enlightenment. The notion
of diffusion of the six coloured rays from the Buddha's body in h e
W m n a n c e of yamakapiitihJra, is indeed in consonance with the
explanations given in FsA. The Atthasgh-, however, speaks of

~ a b b ~ u t a - n ' @asathe inducer, as it were, by means of which the
rays are produced.
The Atthas5!inT, on the other hand, has a different version

altogether. It says that the six colaurs emanated in the fourth week
after the enlightenment of the Buddha, when he was contemplating
on the PatJhba. The text also refers to the performance of the Twin
Miracle under the Bodhi tree soon after his enlightenment1" and
specifically states that the display of that miracle at that time was the
same as the famous Twin Miracle performed under the tree of
'Gandamba'. Strangely, however, rays did not emanate even rn the
occkion of the Twin Miracle. It happened only on the occasion of
the contemplation on the Pat$Zma.LIS Thus, the AtthasBlh- gives an
independent interpretation not followed by any other sources.
Although the Psi Aphakath& often talk of diffusion of the
six coloured rays from the Buddha's body cm the occasion of the
performance of the Twin Miracle, it is n d onIy the occasion on which
such rays emanate from the Buddha's body. A typical example is the
Buddha's &Bu-parinibbiba (extinction of relics) which will take
place in future according to the Theravsda tradition. On this occasion,
the six coloured rays are said to diffuse from the relics of the Buddha.'I9 In addition, the A#akathii texts record several instances
where the Buddha intentionally sends rays (rasrn~).'~ He is said to
emit rays from his body, but not always. The Dhammapada-atwatha
mentions that the Buddha sometimes conceals his rays with his robe,
as when he went on ajourney of three yojmas to meet Mgulim5la.'*'
The extent of rays emanating from the body of a Buddha is
another issue discussed in the commentaries. A well-known anecdote & this regard is how Marigala Buddha came to possess the
radiances that spread to the end of the universe. Maigala Buddha,
when he was Bodhisatta in his last birth like Vessantata for Gotma
Buddha, gave his two children to ~akkha
~haradii!hikawhb devoured
them. When M ~ g a l aBodhisatta saw the Yakkha's mouth dripping

with blood like flames of a fire, he made a fim resohe to have in the
future as bright rays issuing from his body as the b10od.l~~AS a
result of this resolve. Maigala Buddha's rays remained suffusing the
ten-thou~andworld system (...sarFrappabha niccakZl,uy dasasabsssi
lokadh@um pharitvd afm@i.911.'23The commentaries stale that the
extent of rays depends on the wishes made by individual Buddhas
myattakaqa icehati, tassa tattakq~gacchari).'" Thus, it is recorded
h a t a fathom long halo and the rays of eighty hands ( M a ) long are
=quail to each other Ivymapppabhii asftippabhlva sabbesq ~
~
~n W t e ray ( a ~ a n t a p p a goes
b ~ far
gacchah), or near
(Pannq),or the distances of one gBvuta, two gavntas, one y~jana,
many yojanas (anekay~jmq),
or to the end of the Cakkavgaworld
(cakka~a!apaiyanfq)~'~
In another Atfhakatha text, the extent of
rays is mentioned as follows: Marigala Buddha's rays suffused the
ten-thousand worId system. Padumuma Buddha had rays twelve
yujmas tong. Vipassi Buddha's were of seven yojanas. Sikkhi
Buddha's were of thrthree yojanas. Kakusandha Buddha had the rays
of ten yojanas. Gotama Buddha's rays were a fathoin long O
f he
remaining Buddhas, it is ~ n d e t m i n e d . ' ~
The varied extent of rays among Buddhas was later systemat-bedand incorporated into the concept of differences (vemami among
Buddhas. Several authorities in the Aflhakathii literature speak of
rasmi-vematta as one of the five v e r n a t t ~ , 'or~ ~one of the eight
ema at ti is.'^^ Buddha-raysi or bygmappabhs is also counted as one
of the four things of Buddhas, to which no harm can be done
(anrarayikd dhammi).Iz9
The nation of rays emanating from the Buddha's body is

a h expressed by terms like kefun13Ia(gatland of rays) and nq~sijga
(blaze of rays). They me of a late origin in the P s tradition and are
foUnd only in the A p a d ~ in
a the Cmon and other scanty references
are all in the commentaries. The A p a a a in one place refers to
Kassa~aBuddha's body resplendent with physical marks and a blaze
"frays ( r a ? l s i j d @ . l N Its Commentary defines the word rqs@i!S as
' 8 mass of rays' (rayskarnu'ha).131 In the commentaries the con text
in which both terms are employed is more or less the same. For
instance, the Suttanipilta-al.hakatld mentions it in describing the
Buddha's physical splendour shining with a garland of rays
(ketam;IlHsamujalita)along with other physical endowments l i e the
thirty-two bodily marks, eighty minor marks, a fathom long halo,
e t ~ . 'The
~ ~Vimiinavatthu-atJhakaG also mentions it in a similar
context.133The Jitaka-aLthakathH also refers to tihe Buddha's bodily
brilliance as that diffused with a blaze of rays [rgsijUPvjfato
mI-ho).lW The references found in the commentaries and examined
above indicate that these two terms ketumriln'andraysiidf are not so
popular in the commentariesas in later Sinhala works and are mainly
supplenenlary to notions like pabh& rwsi, etc., which adorn the
body of a Buddha.
4. Salapuiiiialakkhapa (Marks of a Hundred Merits)
The concept of satapuiiuuiiualakkhya,

or at least, the popularization of it in the Pdi tradition seems to be a later development.
Historically speaking, the term occurs in the Lakkhqa sutta of the
Digha NikHyau5 where it is used in reference to a boy CkumBa)
possessing the tnarks of a hundred merits (satapufiAaM@qa} as a
result of performing (good) deeds in the past and obtaining the state
of a human king. Such a person has two careers ahead of hhim; a
cakkavatti king or a Buddha. A peculiarity in this unlike a commonly accepted view of the Mahapurisa in the Canon, is that no
mention of dvawsa-mahSpwi$a-l&aya
is made as the criterion
for the two possible careers. Further, unlike in later works including
the At@&athii texts where the term satapuiin'dakkh~ais always
employed when describing the physical endowments of a Buddha
alone, this passage in the Lakkhaqa sutta refers to the state before
attaining Buddhahood. It therefore requires a further investigation
to determine the real connotation of its usage in the Lakkhq sutti~
What we can say at present is that the concept of ~ a t a p ~ a i a k k h q
gained currency much later than the Lakkhana suth itseIf, since this
is the word found mainly in the commentaries.
The term also appears in the B~ddhavamsal~~

and the
vim~avatthu[M-atha-vhiba
v 273 of the Khuddaka Niktiya.
he Milindap~hatoo mentions it in decsribing the Buddha's personality.'" Comparedwith more popularconcepts such as dvattiysfi4
md~gp~rjsa-lakkh@a,
ssrfi-anubyafjjana, byiimappabty ktc. of a
~uddha,the term safapuiIn'alakkhaflais found less Erequently in the
AtthakathB texts, There is evidence to prove in the Aghakatha
fiiiraturethat both Buddhaghosa and Dhamrnapaa were f m i h with
the word. But, DhammapSla in particular does not elaborate on the
concept for some reasons.
Buddhaghosa in his Visuddtrimaggang and Samantap&~dikli139
makes only passing refences to ~ a t a p ~ a l a k k h in
qa
the exegeses of the word Bhagavant. Sa does the KhuddakapS@aaqhakathi.r4" In other instances, a gZifh8 is quoted from the P o w 8
(the Ancients) as follows:
' Tahin nisinno naradanimas~athii

DevBtidevo satapuiiialakkhqo
Buddhane majjbagafo virocati
S u v ~ a n e k k h qviya py dukambale. 'I4'
One may be tempted to conclude that the above verse suggests
antiquity of the word ~ a t a p ~ a l f an
i ~theagrounds that the quotation is made from the P ~ r i i @ . 'However,
~
the fact that tht word is
employed along with the term devgtideva proves that the g3th8, hence
its concept, is of a late origin not earlier than the time of the Iate
stratum of the Milindapdha, for, from about that time the word
deva'tideva and its attendant connotation becomes conspicuous in the
Pdi literature, as seen earlier.Id3 The Vimiinavatthu [Mahuathav i m h a v 271, the Dhamrnapada-aflhakath8'44and the JItaka~a
with
at@akathgl" also mention the word s a t a p z u I n z u I n Jtogether
.
devatideva.
The commentaries do not pmvide detailed explanations for

fhe word satapuiiiiaIakkhqaexcept the two texts DA andBvA, which
will be examined shortly. The explanations found in other cornmentaries are given below f i t . The Vimmavatthu-atfhakatGseems to
connect it to the physicd marks of a Great Man,when it says: 'The
marks of a hundred merits means the marks of a Great Man produced
by way of countless hundreds of meritorious deeds'
(satapufifialakkhapan li anekasa tapufiiiavasena nibbatramah2purJ'~alaWrhqan].'~~
Interpreting a similar word sab-Iakkh~adhcSrJ; the Therag%thBat+akathaalso gives the sense of '.countless'
to the numeral sata as follows: 'Thebearer of a hundred marks means
the one who has coun.teleismarks' (sata-ialrkhwa-&Bin0 ti menekalal~kkqa-vato).~~~
These instances suggest that the numeral sata in
~atapu~ailakkhqa
is employed to give the figurative meaning of
'countless or innumerable' without attaching significance to the
numeral itself.
The S u ~ g a l a v i l ~ h - ' and
4 8 the Madh~ratthavilEish-~~~
are
the two commentaries which provide the most detailed explanations
of the word under review in the Atjwkathii literature. Both texts,
which are similar to each other in content, appear to recognize the
importance of the numeral sah in the expression at first sight unlike
Dhanrnapiila who follows only the sense of 'innumerable or
counteles' for it, as seen above. For the sake of comparison the
passages in both texts are quoted below:
DA iii 925:15"
'Sata-pusn'a-lakkhapan fi satena safena pufifiakammiinay nibba#hapek ' eka-Iakkhagq. E v e san te
yo koci Buddhu bhaveyyil ti na may+~su. Anantesu
pana cakkav#!esu sabbc satta ek' ekay kamrnam
satalrkhattum k a r e m . Ectakehi jauehi katakamrnq
Bodhisatto eko va ek' e k e s a t a - g y q katvii nibbatto,
tasmiisata-puiiiia-lakk&@oti imay atthay rocayjmsu.'
BvA32:
'SatapuMalakkhapo ti ananbsa cakkavgiesu sabbe saM
e k e k q p u m a m m q s a t M a t t u m kareyyay ettakehi
janehi kafakammam bodhisatto sayam eva ekako

satagunq katva nibban0 ti tasmii salap~~alakkhqo
ti vuccati. Kecj pana satena satena p~-akammena
nibbatta-ekeka1akkha.p ti vadanti; evay saute yo koci
buddho bhaveyya ti A~@aka&-~upak.khittam.'~~~
We give below the wmslation of BvA:

'The mark of a hundred merits means that if all beings
in the endless Cakkavglas were each to perform one
meritorious deed a hundred times, the Bodhhatta was
born having by himself performed a hundredfold the
[entire] deed done by all these beings. Therefore, he.is
called one having the mark of a hundred merits. But
"so~ne"
say that each mark is produced for every hundred
meritorious deeds. Considering that, "anyone may
become a Buddha" [this interpretation] is rejected in*
commentaries.'
SatapuEijalWya, according to DA and BvA, is therefore

the marks accrued from performing a hundredfold the meritorious
deeds done by all beings. However, the question of what thosevirtues

specifkdly are, is not ddressed in both passages. Perhaps, theviaues
here could be those generally accepted in Buddhism. For instance,
h e Aiguttara NWya enumerates three kinds of meritorious deeds
@mak-iriy$; vk,diinamaya-pumakhyii, sflamaya-pufiiidchiyiand
b h 8 v m a y a - p ~ - a k i f i y ~O.ur
~ ~inference
~
above is, perhaps, right
as the Digha Nikaya eii &inatthavqnanS} too refers those meritorious deeds to 'giving, etc.' (pudiiakammanan ti diin'
fidipuiiiPakamm&@),153
The word hundredfold (salaguna) has special significance.

n e interpretation of sata in sataguea is bath literal and figurative in
DA and BvA.There is a word-play and the formation of 'the term
Sata-pwal&&va
comes from the literal meaning of k Because
of the numeral sata, in passing, a division in the Buddhist circIes

seemsto have been created: one camp insisted on the literal interpretation of it and the other on its figurative sense. Both DA and BvA
refer to the view which advocates the importance of the numeral Sara.
In both sources. it is rejected. The Theraviidins are no doubt the ones
who followed the figurative sense of the word sata to mean
'innumerable or countless', This controversy arose at least before
the third century A.D. For, commentingon the phrase, 'namay&su3
in DA, its
specifically states that it is the A*abhiicariyii who
disapproved of such a view (narocay&su af@akatl~a'carryZ).~~
The
At@akath3cariySare the teachers who were responsiblefw the writing
and transmission of the Skda A@akathL, the original sources for
the PHU Affhakathiis, according to S . M O ~ ~ And
. ' ~ ~the Sihala
AghakathBs were completed before the third century A.D.IS This
observation is significant in that non-Theravgda schools including
MalGyFtna maintain the idea of 'hundred' as an important aspect of
the concept of ~ a t a p ~ a l a k k h a pasa ,will be referred to later.
The TheravEda interpretation of sata to figuratively mean 'innumerable or countless' is further strengthened by a comment found
in the Digha N&liya
The text, commenting on the passage in
DA quoted above, mentions in no uncertain terms that the word Sara
there denotes abundance and not a specific number (... idha sa@saddo bahubh~vapariyiyu,
na s&~visesavacana ti dasseti>.ln
m.
In passing, the DhampiyIiA ~ VGalapaday

H
a, a Sinhala glossary to the Dhammapada-awathii supposed to have been composed
in the tenth century A.D.,'SSprovides an explanation far the word
satapuiffial&+a,
and it appears to be almost the exact translation
of the passages in the Surnahgalavil3sinimdMadhuratthavilBini seen
above. The passage reads thus: 'mat aparisi! sakvdabi hiima sathu
eki ekipin sata gupa kop kol6 nam etekjana kda eefekkam sata gupa
k0.h kda pinin nivat lakupu iiti bavin buduhu sataprnalakkh~a
namhu ya.""
The DhampiyB Atuvii Giippadaya can therefore be
said to be a work which inherits the tradition of DA and Bvk
hother Sinhala work written by the king Parakkamabau fl
in the thirteen century A.D. is the V i ~ d d h i i r g aMahk-aya, a

Sinhalaword-for-word translation of the Visuddhimagga. T'bis text
also gives an explanationto the word satapuMaIakkhapaas follows:
'ofone bearing the marks of a hundred merits, means
the marks of a great man born of many hundreds of
meritorious deeds. This is the meaning in the subcommentaries. In the glossary,"in countless world systems each being performs ameritoriousdeed a hundred
times. Each and every mark of a [great]man appears as
aresult of perfcnming each such deed of merit [done by
beings a hundred times] a [further] hundred times." '
(sata pufiijalakkh+za dharassa, auekaSata puiiyayen
nimartta mabiipurupa laksapa ati; me fikilrtha ya.
sanyayehi vaniihi "aaanta cakravaayehi ananta
sattvayanafa eki eki denii ka,la siyakpinhi ela;eki pinata
siyak siyakpiu ko!a I& eki ekipruufa]+*a
dMiilta "
yi ~ u . ) ~ ~
The notion of sarapuiiialakkhapa expressed in the sentence

underlined above is interesting fm the reason that it can be interpreted in two ways: one is the traditional interpretation of ?he numeral sat&in a figurative sense, and it is nothing but an elaboration of
the idea followed in DA, EVA,DAT,dc. The other is to take the
sentence more literally. fn this case, it comes very close to ~e view
of 'some' (kec~),
which is rejected in the MadhurathviliisinI. In
other words, the interpretation of s ~ p u B a l ~once
~ arejected
,
in DA and BvA, came to be accepted by the Buddhists of medieval
Sri Lanka. This may be due to two reasons: First, the idea of connecting satapuiin"alaWch+a to a part of the mahapwisa concept is not
unknown in the commentaries. As referred to ealier, the
Vhhavatthu-atthakatha mentions it.161 It is exactly the same as
&at given in the ~ i s d d h i m a ~~ aa h ~ r a n n 'mekaSatPpudyayn
a~x
flir'vartta maMpurusa laksapa' (see above). The Visuddhimaga
M-annaya
further stat& that it is the meaning given ia the subcommentaries (metf&.rfha ya). Second,ambiguity of the way it is
exPIained in DA a d BvA. That is, the numeral sata there can be
BUDDHA IN T K E R A V ~ ABUDDHISM
interpreted both literally and figuratively. These two reasons would

have left room for the later Buddhists to deviate horn the early
interpretation of the term. We are inclined to believe that the
Visuddhim&ga Mahbannaya draws more attention to the literal
interpretation of the word sata for the following reason: Its authot
n
m (mefWrtha ya). He
specifies that one meaning is found i
then gives another meaning supposed to be found in glossaries
(sanyayehi v d i ) . If the meaning found in so-called 'glossaries'
were to be taken figuratively, then, such an explanation is already
found in DA, BvA or DAT. Therefore, there is no ground to ascribe
it to the glossaries in a historical perspective. This evidence suggests
that the author of the VisuddhimUgaMahBsannayais inclined to take
the numeral sata more literally.
The Visuddhimaga MabBannaya is a text which sees a
connection between satapuMalakkhapa and rnahiipurisa. The
A m a t h i texts such as DA and BvA, do not specifically refer to
this connection between the two. What DA and BvA mention, in a
nutshell, is that the Badhisattaperformed countless meritorious deeds
in the past. The closest reference to it is found in Dhammapda's
Vimaavatthu-at@ht& which states, as shown earlier, that the marks
of a great man (mahzpurisa)are produced by countless hundreds of
meritorious deeds.'62 Here, such meritorious deeds are specified as
'countless'. The Visuddhimiirga MahLamaya, thus, goes a step
further to literally interpret the numeral sata and connects it to the
mah@urisalakkhyaas a resultant physical endowment of a Buddha.
This conceptual development comes much closer to the idea of
satapun'yaIa@apa generally accepted in MahiiyMa Buddhism.
The concept of 'the Glorification with Hundred Merits or

Fortunes' IsataptGyalakpap) is a popular beli~fin Mahayma Buddhism. A bodhisatta is expected to perform meritorious acts in order
to gain the glorious physical perfection of a Buddha. And the
commonly accepted theory is that he fulfills a hundred acts for each
one of the thirty-two physical excellence of a Buddha. This belief is
very much like the view referred to especially in the VisuddhimPga
Mabannaya.
such a historical development tends support to the contentiona t the TheravZidins of post-commentaria1periods in Sri Lanka,
pdcularly towards the medieval times, were more amenable and
flexible to embrace views of ofher Buddhist schooIs outside their
tradition. And this trend, though less prominent compared
wi&
later Sinhala sources, can be detected even in the AtfhakathL
literamre, which contains evidence of the Theraviidins incorporating
views of other Buddhist schools of the day. Evidence in the
texts also reveals that the M&vihihav?tsins had a strong knse of
especially against the Abhayagirivbins,who are often referred
to as 'some' (keci. etc.) in the camnentaries and their views often
ri~m
rejected.'@
5. Buddhap&Ials4(Buddha's Foot-print)
Special physical features associated with the feet of the Buddha are found in the Canon. The thirty-two physical marks of a Great
Man include them. In fact, the list af thirty-two marks begins from
the feet of the Buddha upwards. The following ate the marks or
characteristics which a rnahlipuisa has on his feecIbs
1. Suppati;tFhitapada(he has fed with a level tread)
2. Hetthapadatalesu C&kZini IStZni (onthe sales of his feet wheels
appear3
3. Ayai!ap@i (he has projecting heels)
4. D&hariguli(he has long fmgers and toes)
5, Mudutalunahanhap~da(he has soft and tender hands and feet)
6. ~i&tbanha&da (he hiis fingers crsd toes evenly
7. Ussankapada(his ankles are over the exact middle of the tread)
The commentaries employ two terms to denote the 'footPrint' of a Buddha; viz., padaxetiya and pada-vean'ja. The former is
mare frequently used than the latter. However, referencesto the footPrint in the commentaries are not m y comparedwith otherphysical
of a Buddha. The oft-cited incident of the Buddhaleav-
BUDDHA IN TNERAV&~A BUDDHISM

ing behind his foot-prints is the story of the b r a h h Dona who, having seen them, followed the Buddha and questioned him about his
identity. The Buddha on this occasion declares that he is none other
than a Buddha.ln The Commentary to this states that the Buddha
was aware that b y would follow and question him (...Du~o
bmmanu mama padaceti~~passirv8padaqadiko
hutviimama nissinn i i ! : ~~ g a o ~ P ~ a r p P ~ ~ m
he
iA
~ ~ a ~t l texts
~ .S ~of-~
ten describe the Buddha as knowing the future actions of others, and
even the events which would take place in the future. There seems to
be a conglomeration af reasons for this development in the commen-caries. A driving force behind it is no doubt the apothe~sisof the
Buddha and the exaltation of his spiritual powers. TheoriticaIly, the
concept of t&-gatabala, which includes the powers of dibba-cakkhu,
indriyapmpmyatfa-fi@a or Zsayinussaya-flea, can become a basis
for the prediction of future actions or events. The Buddha's
contains an item specifying that the Bud~ a b b ~ u t a - n " @indeed
a
dha knows everythingconcerning the f u m (an;igaq s a b b qjSndt4.
Religiously speaking, it is because of such a power vested in the
Buddha that he surveys the world twice a day in order to offer his
service to beings for their spiritual advancement.
Religious devotion is another sphere which came to be

emphasized more as time progressed. The physical endowments of
tJ~eBuddha fall into this category. The Buddha was made a superhuman by later Buddhists to infuse awe and respect in the minds of
devotees. The notion of BuddhapSda is also another step towards
this end. Thus,the AfJhakathBtexts describe that the Buddha showed
his foot-prints for the benefit of people. The Buddha showed his
foot-prints for veneration for the benefit of the people of the
Saccabaddhamountain (Saccabaddha-pabbata)who were on_the way
to hell (mah@anoapilya-maggeU ~ ~ O ) Sugandha
. ' ~
&era is said to
have accumulated merit after seeing the foot-prints of Tissa Buddha
and was born a human in this w ~ r l d . 'So
~ ~is Sabbmitta thera."l
The prognosticati~n~pf
foot-prints was a popular belief in
ancient India The Dhammapada-a@akaG records that the brah-
~ a ~ m d i y awife
' s skilled in the science of prognostication of
sicd marks sees the foot-prints of the Buddha and declares that a
P~Y
man of such a foot-print is fiefrom all passion.'" The same story
is q~eatedat AA i 435 ff and SnA ii 543.173
Subsequent to the concept of d v a - a - m ~ m ~ s a - I ~ a

which includes several physical marks connected with the feet of
a person as listed before, the A*akathB texts provide further
details. The M a n ~ r fora instance,
~ ~ says
~ that
~ the~ sales of
the feet of Buddhas ate softand when they tread,it would be as though
cotton falls on the ground. Just as the footprint of a swift Sindhava
horse does not stay on a lotus leaf, likewise the footpthts of Buddhas
do aot become visible. Further, if the footprints of Buddhas become
visible, the multitude, who follow, will not be able to tread on them,
and therefore,even when they become visible, they soon
h a similar manner, the six items mentioned in the list given early,
are elaborated in the relevant places in the At@akathitexts.176
It is generally believed that the last stage of the deveIopment

of the Buddha's physical endowments in the Theravgda context is
cuIminated in the concept of a hundred and eight marks on the sale
of the Buddha's foot. Lists giving all the auspicious marks are found
in the J i n d W a - t and the Mgatavarpsa-ii!.hakathii in PBli.In
A Sinhala work called the Magul Lakuna was also written during the
Kandy period. These marks are in fact an extension of the Wheel
Mark on the sole of the Buddha's foot, which is counted as one of
dvaesa-mahapuisa-Iaapa. They are designated as p&viira (accompaniment). The concept was shared among Jahs and Hindu~.''~
It is a gradual development and such auspicious marks increased as
t h e went on. Thus, by the time of the commnetarial period, nearly
forty items came to be listed as pariv#r& which are found in the
S ~ a f t ~ a l a v i l % i nand
i ' ~Papaiicasiidd.'so
~
BUDDHA IN T J ~ E R A v ~BUDDHISM
A
NINE VIRTUES OR TITLES (NAVAGUPIJA)'

The Buddha's virtues ( g q a ) or titles are collectively expressedin Buddhism in the formula which reads as follows: ' I p i so
BhagavJi arahw samtn&~ambuddho~ ~ H c ~ a s a m psugato
mo
lokavidii mu tfaro purisadammasilrathi satthli devamanuss&my
buddbo~hagavii.
" These epithets of the Buddha portray his personality in differeilt aspects. The commentaries provide a fair amount
of exegeses in respect of a11 the virtues or titles separately or colleclively.
h the canonical texts, ce& set patterns are adopted in the

descriptions of arahant. Arahant is one whose cankers (;?sa~a)~
are
destroyed (WIinBava).This is one of the favourite appellations given
to arahanr throughoutthe ages. Here are samefrequentlycite4phrases
to describe the state of amhantship: 'Destroyed is birth, lived is a
chaste life, done is what had to be done, after this present Life thereis
no beyond' (kms
jm' Y U S brahmacanymg
~
k a w kimqbatp
niparq irthattiiya); 'alone, secluded, earnest, zealous, master of
himself' (eko viipaka@o appamam Bri?pipahitam];'arahant is one
whose cankers are destroyed,fulfilled a higher life, done what had to
be done, laid down the burden, attained the goal, whose feUm of
becoming are completely eradicated, released by profound
knowledge' (arahp @&avo vusirartl katakarapliyo ohitabi@m
anupatta-sadattho pan'kkfi.pa-bhava-san'n'ojanosammadafiEa
vimuffo);'there arose in me insight, the emancipation of my h d
became unshakeable, this is my last birth, there is now no rebirth for
me' (n"@an' ca pana me d a s s m q udapadi akuppa me cetovimutti
a Y q antimajifi natthi d&'pmabbha~o).~
In the Abhiclhammatexts, discussions on &antship are not
many compared with the canonical texts, probably with the excep
fion of the KaMvatthu. 1.B.Horneralso observes: 'Unluckilyfor the
BUDDHA IN ~ R A V & ABLJDDHISM
historian the Abhidhamma proves to be but a scanty source for later

developments of the arahan- concept.'"^ may be a result of the
nature of subjects dealt with and the purpose for which they were
compiled. The Abhidhamma texts on the whole reiterate the notion
of arahantshipfound in the canonical texts, This trend becomes more
pronounced in the Kathiivatthu. However, the KatMvatthu7serves
as a useful and important source of gleaning therefrom other aspects
of arahantship which indicate a new dimension in the development
of its concept. Questions raised by non-TheravBdins concerning the
credentials of an arahant, show a new direction of development of
the ideal individual in the Buddhist circle; may he be an arahant or a
bodhisatla In the text, the arahant is treated more as an ordinary
being. The TheravTidiis are helpless but to resort to the older sources
to keep the image of arahant aloof. Their attitude is, perhaps, one of
the reasons why the Kathiivatthu gives mere repetitions of the old
notion of wahanship found in the Sutta Pipka.
The compilation of the Kathlivatthu by the Theravdins was

undoubtedly intended to refute unorthodox views expressed by several sectarian schools which had emerged by then, according to the
P a i tradition. The text is thus testimony to the fact that different
interpretations of doctdnal and other points were proposed and discussed by various p u p s within the Buddhist community. Some
significant issues raised in the Kathiivatthu so far as the arahantconceptis concerned, are attempts more or less to degrade or discredit
the attainments of an nrahant for example, 'An arahant cab faTl away
from arahantship.' N v I 27; 'Can an arahant have doubts ?' [Kv II:
31; 'Amhat's knowledge is limited.'
I1 2; IV 10; XXII 11; etc.
The TheravSdaconceptof arahantship had never before been subjected
to such challenges. W e the credentials of an arahant was thus
challenged and became more eclipsed, a new dimension of the interpretation of the Buddha's personality together with the Bodhisatta
ideal was generated particularly by some groups of non-Theravada
schools. They also claimed to put forward and argue their theses based
cm older sources. A perusal of the questionsraised in the Ka@vatthu
in respect not only of the arahant-concept, but also of the Sahgha,
THE NINE VIRTUES OR TITLES
Bodhisatla, and Buddha, suggests that a division of the Buddhist

~ari~ha'into
various groups based on differences of interpretation of
both doctrinal and disciplinzuy points, must have propelled them to
compete for supremacy over each other. Propositions made by nonTheravadins such as those concerning the acceptance of gifts [Kv
XVI.q,pdcation of them [Rv XVII T ] , conferringof merit thereof
[KV XVlI 41;creation of a new 's&ma'[Kv XW 11; the Buddha's
appearance in human world Kv XWLI 11; his preaching the Dhamma
~ o u g ahcreated image of himself K v XVII121: difference's among
~~ddhE
a sv XXI.61; their pervasion in all directions F v XXI 61;
Bodhisattas assured of their enlightenment prior to their last b a s
[Kv 1V 8, XUI 41; etc., will show an unstable namre of the Sarigha. It
is not difficult to imagine that this new development would have
been a reaction againstrigid and strict discipbarians ofthe TheravZida
sect. M e n the time became remote from the Master Gotarna Buddha,
the possibility ofrealishg the truthby disciples also became
As a result, there arose a parallel development in which they became
more dependent on the grace of an external agent. And their attention
was naturally directed to the Buddha himself,It is in this regard that
the compassionatenature of Buddhahood came gradually to the fore.
The proposition that Bodhisatta volunteers to suffer [for the sake of
enlightenment to save others] [Kv XXlIL 31, can be taken as a
reflection of this development. New developments shown in the
Kathavatthu appear to be the result of many faceted and multiple
teasons arising from different e n v ~ m e n t the
s Buddhist community became subjected to, as time progressed. Writing about such
trends, S.N.Dobe says that one (development in the history of Buddhism) led to the gradual decline in the Arahant ideal and Be other
towards the eventual deification of the Buddha?
In the MilindaparSha too, the supremacy of arahantship is

emphasised over and over againla The importance of =ahantship in
this text is built upon two premises: one is to argue on the basis of
Supremacy of the life of a bhikhhu over the lay-life. This is supplemen* to the main arguments of attaining arahantship,which is the
summum bonum in Buddhism, i.e. the attainment of Nibbm. The
other is the direct method of elucidation of arahantship based on its
orthodox notion found in the P a canonical texts. The b g Milinda
asks Niigasena as to what the object of renunciation is. The thma
answers: 'Our renunciatian is to the end that this sorrow may perish
away, and that no further sorrow may arise; the complete passing
away, without cleaving to the world, is our bighest aim.'" h the
same passage,Nagasena admits that somerenounce the world because
of fear of kings (djabhhita],thieves (coriibhin-fa), inability to pay
back debts (@Jfa), a livelihood (ajivuikarrhBya),etc.I2 However, what
is important is to realise and attain Nibbma at the end after entering
the &dm. In order to show the supremacy of the life of a bhikkhu,
there is an hteresting dialogue in which the king Milinda questions
about the reasons why and how a layperson who has attained the
stage of so@panna13 should behave towards s a m p s , even though
they may be ordinary bhikkhus or smaneras (novices). Nilgasena
says that there are twenty reasons and twci external characteristics
that make up samqmhip by vittue of which they are worthy of worship. By observing and fulfilling them, the samqa comes to the
realm of arhants (araha~&bhm'>.'~
Here, it is specifically mentioned that even lay-sages must salute the homeless. What about the
lay-personwho has attained atahanshipwhile mnaining a householder, then ? Niigasena quips that for such a lay-&ant, there are only
two ways open to him; one is to die on the same day as he attains
arahantship, and the other is to renounce the world.Is These arguments show that Niigasena's intention is to uphold the supremacy of
the life of a recluse.
While the Buddhist S ~ g h is
a thus given the highest regard
and praise, the arahant is described in the Milindapaiiha thus: 'he is
one in whom rebirth in every state is cut off; all the four kinds of
future existence are destroyed; every conditioned thing
(sabbasaWCfra)is put an end to; ignorance (avijiii) is destroyed;
consciousness (v&3@a) has been rendered seedless (abija); eK.
Therefore, the arahant does not tremble by any fear.'16 'Death, O
khg, is a thing that those who have not seen the truth (adi-@a-
THE NINE VIRTUES OR TiTL.ES

saccme)are frightened of.'" Such statements are reminiscent of
notion of arahantship in early Buddhism. The Purabhqa sutta of
the Suttanipiita describes the qualities of a mmi thus: 'one who is
who has extinguished dl his cravings before the time his
body disintegratesinto nothing, will have no concern with how things
begm or with how they wiIl end.'Is Every Buddhist tries to attain
be state of deathlessness, which is Nibbfina. Amata is therefore used
as a synonym for Nibbaa from the earliest times.I9 'Fearlessness'
is another synonym for NibbiimZ0 The MiIindapaiha also states
that arahants are freefrom all fear and trembhg (vigatabhayasant5sif
~e
arahanto).'I,
The Milindapaiiha, like the Kathiivatthu, on the other hand,

contains cvuinerable questionsregading adantship. One such
question posed by the king Milindais whether an arahantcan commit
offences or not. Nsgasena, while reiterating that the a r h t is one
who has laid aside 'thoughtlessness', admits that an arahant may
commit offences which are a breach of rules applied only within the
Sa&ha and not the ordinary m o d law which is the ten modes of evil
actions that every member of a society, both a bhikkhu and a layman
alike, must abide by. Here again, the thera tries to tmphasise that the
life of the homeless is pure in conduct and moral virtues.z2 In the
same passage, he further states that such wrong doings may be
committed by an arahant, because he may be ignorant of the personal
or family name of some woman or man, or some road. It is not
within the province of every arahant to know everything. But the
arahant knows about emancipation, and the arahant endowed with
the six higher knowledges (chaJabhiiZa would h o w his own scope
(~akavisaya).It is only the omniscient Tafigata who knows all."
above dialogue is significant in that the arahant is said to be
ignorant of certain thimgs, such as names of persons, roads, etc. This
issue was deliberately avoided for any comment by the Therav~dins
in the Kathivatthu when their proponentsput forward the argument
that an arahar~tmay be ignorant of the name and clan (niimagottaty)
of acertain man or a woman,or aright or wrong road (magg-agga),
Nilgasena seems to look at the arahant in a broader perspective
BUDDHA IN THEMVkDA BUDDHISM
and to infuse flesh and blood into his personality. This aspect of
arahantship should in fact be taken as a parallel development along
with the apotheosis of lhe Buddha(s). Another important paint to be
noted in the following statement: 'only the omniscient Tathiigata
knows everything', is that the apotheosis of the Buddha is further
continuing. Such evidence is clear in the text.25 The Milindapaa
also shows that arahants are coming much closer than ever before to
other members of the society to live in close proximity with them.
Arahants are thus depicted as social beings.% K.Hayashimaremarks
that it is worth taking note that the Theraviidins treated arahants in a
humane manner compared with the more glorified Buddha." It may
be that the concept of arahant had become more or less static in its
interpretation by the time of the Milindapaiiha, though minor
deviations can be detected occasionalIy, as seen above, and the
Theraviidins, whenever called for, preferred to go back to the canonical
descriptions of the ararahant. This trend continues further in the mi
AtJhakathI texts. This docs not necessarily mean that the arahantconcept or its importance receded as time went on: But the
interpretation of this phenomenal change must rather be sought in
that the process of exalting the Buddha further continued with the
rise of a new aspect of Buddhahood, i.e. the ideal of Bodhisam. And
the canonical texts had evolved the arahant-concept to a near
perfection so that later writers found less or nothing to elucidate
further. I.B.Homer also writes: '...that the topic had received such
thorough treatment in the cananical works that there was very little
left for the commentators to add.'28
In the AfEakathH texts, arahant is explained etymologically

by Buddhaghosa in his Visuddhimagga and other commentatwsseem
to follow suit. Although 'arahan' in the formula of Nine Virtues or
Titles is used as an epithet of the Buddha, it is equally applicable to
any arahant. B uddhaghosa states: 'Tattha &adcat@, a r i n q ~ariinail ca
hatat@,paccayiifiaafn arahatlii, pipakarape rah8bhiva ti imehi ava
&+ehi so BhagaviT arahan ti anussarati.' (Herein he recollects by
these reasons that the Blessed One is accomplished [arahan]as he is
remote, his enemies and spokes destroyed, is worthy of requisites,
THE NINE VIRTUES OR TlTLES

,&., and his absence of secret wrong doings).2g Buddhaghosa further
the reasons why the above etymological definitions are

adopted, as follows:
(1) He stands utterly remote and far away from all defilements,
because he has expunged all trace of defilement by means of the path
- because ofsuch remomness (&aka) he is accomplished ( a r a h a ~ t a ) ~
(Araks hi so sabbakjlesehi, suvidiiravidiire !hito maggena
saviisaniipq Hesiinarp vid&ar;nsifaM ti iW&a&tiiarahq~.)~'
(2) And these enemies (an>,these defilements,are destroyed (hata)
by the path because the enemies are thus destroyed, he is
acc~rnplished~~
(Te ca anena kiIess?rayomaggenaha@timiiq harat&
pi arahq).3g
(3) The wheel of the mund of rebirths with its hub made of ignorance
and craving for becoming, with its spokes consisting of formation of
merit and the rest,with its rim of ageing and death, which is joined to
the chariot of the triple becoming by piercing it with the axle made of
the. origin of cankers. All this wheel's spokes (ara) were destroyed
(hata) by him at the Place of Enlightenment... - because the spokes
are thus destroyed he is also acc~rnplished'~
(Yadc'etam
av&lbhavatqhiimayanCbhi pufifigdi-abhisarikhfiaray jariimarananemi r?savasamudayamayenaakkhena vijjhitvii ti bhavarathe
samayojitam anddikiiiappava ttam samsaacakkam, tassilnena
Bodhirnq!e. .. sabbe m- hats ti a r m hatampi a r ~ i h i q ) . ~
The
~
text further elaborates on the nature of the wheel of links
(pa~iccasamuppiida)
beginning with ignorance,The Blessed One understood and penetrated all aspects o f Dependent Origination. Thus
the wheel of satpstZra is destroyed.
(4) He is worthy of the requisites uf robes, etc. He is the worthiest of
o f f a g s . Because when a Tath~gatahas arisen, every one, deities
and humans dike,pays homage to him. That is why he is worthy of
requisites, etc. (paccayadr'nam arahatlij pi arabq).3h Here the
examples adduced am all those of the Buddha. However, the epithet
BUDDHA IN ?7TERAVmA BUDDHISM
is equally applicable to arahant. In early Buddhism, the Buddha and

his disciples ab said to be worthy of homage?'
(5) He does not commit wrong deeds in secret Iike those fools who
are hypocrite, Therefore, he is accomplished because of the absence
of doing wrong things in secret ( e v q esa na kadaci karoti ri
piipakarape rahiibhlivatopi amha@."
In other places too, a similar idea is expressed: 'Arahant i s

one who is remote from defilements, He is far from defilements and
they are destroyed' (arahanti Wakileso. DrSiakiIessopahTnakiIes~ti
a t t l ~ o ) ;'enemies
~~
of defilements ate destroyed' [kilesZirhaybatat@
'enemies destroyed, worthy of requisites, etc.' (-am
h a t a f t i r p a c c a y ~ca
~ *arahamar~hata3.~'The Pilli At&akathii texts
are not totally silen't on the aspect of 'destruction of cankers'
(.ldf@bava). 'Arahants are those who are remote from defilements.
They have destroyed four kinds of cankers' (arahanto ti HFsu, &aka
kileseh- ti arahanto; JEhipd efeaq catiiiro Bava ti k h @ b a ~ @ . ~ *
'Arahants are those in whom cankers are destroyed' (arahanto ti
k h j n ~ a u i i ) The
. ~ ~ arahant is sometimes described as 'one who
destroys greed, hatred and delusion in his last birth. Thus, he is called
one in whom greed, hatxd and delosion are no more' (yasma
arahatkqu3gadosa-rtloh8naqkb@'ante uppajjatti, tasmii ri9gakkhayo
dosakkhyo rnohakkbyo v u t t a q ~ ) . ~ ~
In all these, kilesa (defilement) is at the fore and the usual
expression of kh@Bavais less prominent. I.B.Homerremarks: 'For
some reason destruction of the kilesas, which is no more
etymologically connected with the tam a r h than is destruction of
the &avas, came to stand for a sign of arahan~hip.'~~
It may be due,
perhaps, to either or bath of the two possible reasons for this shift:
One is that by the time of Buddhaghosa, kilesa had become more
important to highlight than &ava in the process of attaining
arahantship, and the other is that the notion of bavas was so well
known that it was not necessary for him to specially reiterate thir
aspect. Hence its absence as 1.B.Homer also says.46
Inpassing, the PuggalapaKiatti-aghakathiiclassifies arahants

twelve classes based on 'release or Liberation' vimokkha) and
path'@atipa&3 thus: 'dvidasaarahanto veditabbii.Katfiam ? Tayo
hj vjmokkh-: seato
animitto appmihito ti. Tattha sudifata-
yimokichena vimot&i@savo patipadvasena catubbidhohoti. Tabanimitra-appapibitavimokkhehiti e v a q dvddasa arahanto

vcdjfabbii.'d' It appears to be a coined classification as the two
important words occur elsewhere. For instance, four kinds of pafipah(gateway to liberation) are enumerated in the hguttiua N i k i i ~ a , ~
whiIe three types of virnakkha are mentioned . i n the

patisambhidBnagga49and Vis~ddhimagga;~
The Khuddakap@a-at&akatha gives an &eresting classificationof arahants.It classifiesthem into two types: sukkhavipassaka
(bare-insight worker) and samathay&ika (one whose vehicle is
quiet).s1 Both are found at Vism 589."
The formulation of the term samm&ambuddha inBuddhism

seems to have been the result of undergoing three developmental
stages. The first stage is the notion af buddha which was shared by
contemporary religious groups at that time and was pre-Buddistic as
seen above. The second is the stage of ~sambuddha.5~
But it is likely
that both terns buddha and sambuddha were employed almost at tbe
same time. In fact, they are used as synonyms." They are common
appellations applicable to any arahants. As time progressed, however,
there arose an urge and, probably a necessity, to distinguishthe Master
fiom his disciples. This is the third stage in which the word s a m i
s-buddha came inta effect to specifically designate ,Gotama
Buddha.55 The generalisation of Buddhahood resulted in the
application of the term to Buddhas of the past and future as well.
n i s process also necessitates an examinatian into the contents of
attainment of those who are designated as Buddhas. They are
Wsented in the concept of samrn&sambodhi,which too is one of the
BUDDHA TN T~IERAV&A BUDDHISM
dhammam of all Buddhas. Siriputta is reported to have had a wrong

conception that G o t h a Buddha was the wisest of ali religions
teachers. Although he was rebuked by the Buddha, he yet maintains
that the Master like all Buddhas of the past and future gained the
incomparable full enlightenment (anuttww samrnii-sambodhirp
abhisambuddbo) by abandoning five hindrances (paijca D-VW~
pakilya), mental impurities (cetaso upakkilese);well establishing the
mind in the four kinds of mental activity (catusu satipa!g&esu
supati@ita-cirto); exercising in the seven-fold factors of enlightearnent (satta bojjfige yath;lbhii@ bhfivervi~).~~These are the
contents of samrnii-samb~~in
the canonical texts. But, as expected,
they are not necessarily pertaining to Buddhahood alone. The!
aporheosis of the Buddha wouldnot permit ambiguity of distinction
between the Buddha (or Buddhas) and other arahants. Three ways of
attainment of bodhi thus came into existencen Buddhas must perform their own practices and attain the knowledge which can be attained only by them. This distinction becomes more pronounced in
the A@xdcathii texts. #TheManorathapirani, for instance, talks of
four kinds of buddha; sutabuddha, camsaccabuddha,paccekabuddha
and sabbatii?ub~d&a~~
The Suttanip5iW-at@akathiialso differentiIn the Puggalapaiikttti,
ates paccekabudhi from samma-~ambodhi.5~
sanm&sambuddhais defined as follows: 'Idh 'ekaccop~fggalopubbe
wanussutesu dhammesu s i 7 . m ~saccW abhisambujjhati tattha ca
sabb~-utaypiipup7ti@esu ca vasith8vatp:ayap vuccatipuggdo
sammiisarnbuddho.'" As we can see here, the aspect af sabbmotafi@a is emphasised. This aspect of Buddhahood with many details
within the framework of Buddhist interpretation began to be
highlighted particularly in the Patisambhid3maggaP1
In the At+akathii texts, definitions given to the word sammBsambaddha seem to fall in line with the idea of 'self awakened' often
found in the canonical texts. The Visuddhimagga says: 'He is fully
enlightened because he has discovered all things rightly Isamma and
by himself ( s i i m p ) ' (sammH siimail ca sabbadhammBq pana
b u d d h a f t ~ s m ~ r n b u d d hIt~further
) . ~ ~states that all things were
discovered by him rightly by himself in that he discovered, of the
THE NINE VlKI'UES OR TITLES

things to be directly known, that they must be directly known, of the
things to be fully underst~dthat they must be fully understood, of
the things to be abandonedthat they must be abandoned, of the things
to be realised that they must be-walised,and of the things to be
developed that they must be de~eloped.~'In other contexts,
sabbadhainJni3ilatpin 'srunrna s&nM ca sabbadhammaay pana
bud&ata s ~ m b u d d b o given
'
inthe Visuddlumagga isreplaced
by saccm' or S ~ C C ~ ~ I - ~ ~
A-perusalof Buddhaghosa's defiiitions reveals that the explanations are centred upon the realisation and discovery of the Four
Noble Truths.This fact tot, is in conformity with the contents of what
the Buddha discovered mentioned in the canonical
DhammaNa, on the other hand, gives a somewhat different explanation in the Itivuttaka-a$dcathii6' basing his arguments cm a wider
spectrum of the Buddha's knowledge (Mpa); it must, however, be
noted that Dhammapaa also accepts validity af the definitions given
in the ~isucldhimagga~~
He says: ' Yay b-ci o ' e y y q nlima, tassa
sabbassa pi sabbifk3ratoa ~ i p ~ t asay*
t o ava abbisambud&at@ ti
vu*
hog mecause he has indeed by himself redtlised and gained
the highest knowledge in every respect and certainty of all things
that tue to be known. [Heis therefore the Fully Enlightened One].)
He summarises in the end as fallows: ' YBvatak;upfieyyg i 3 v a t d q
fi@ap, yiivatakq ifJipq~dvatakay fieyyaip, iieyya-parrymt2up
i@ay @apanymkq iieyyan ti, evam ekai3ay vismp viszqn s a k i y
kamena v3 icc@uriip~ samms s&ai ca sabba-&ammi%nam
buddhattii smnG-wnbuddfio Bhagava tarp sammli-sambuddhap'
(His bowledge is as much as what is to be known and what is to be
known is as much as his ImowIedge. The limit of what is to be known
is his knowledge and the limit of his knowledge is what is tube known.
Thus, together or separately, all at once or gradually, or according to
b l wishes, he has redised and awakened to dl things rightly and
by himself. Because of that, he is fully awakened and is called the
Blessed One. That is [the meaning of] samm~-sambuddha).~~
The Chinese Vimuthagga
&o speaks of the Buddha's
knowledge and discovery of aIl t h g s rightly and by h i m ~ e l f . ~
The tern vijjdcarqasampanna is used from the earliest

times.71 A person endowed with v@Sciuay is said to be the highest
among gods and men (v~!jj~caapasampanno
so se.@o deva-rnan~se).~
This appellation strangely does not occur in the Milindapzdha.n The
AfIhakathH texts in the interpretation of v~!&T(lcnowbdge)
and c a q a
(conduct) follow the canonical enumeration. Buddhaghosa's explanations in this instance can be regarded as the standard ones and other
commentators followed suit. One observation must be made in this
connection. That is, commentaria1 explanations of the term are not
many compared with other titles of the Buddha such as aahan,
buddha,Bhagavant, etc. This paucity may be due to the fact that the
subject was already well known among the Buddhists and also the
knowledge of the Buddha was discussed at length on every possible
occasion.
Buddhghosa enumerates three khds of vijL (tevijia as
found in the Bhayaverava suttaT4and eight types of vijii as in the
Ambarn ~utta;'~eight kinds being the cha,labh&-, vipassmP-B@a
and &amqyn-iddhi. Campa is of f&en kinds such as, 'restraint
by virtue' (~Zasqvara),'guarding the doors of the sense faculties'
(indnyesuguttadvaVatZ), e t ~ . ' ~M a t seems to be of a late, but precomeataria1 development, which continued in the AythakatG, is
the emphasis on omniscience (sabbaiifiuta-fiana]and great
compassion (rnzWcanp@ of the Buddha; the two ateas in which the
Buddha came to be more exalted as time progressed. Buddhaghosa
iaterprets vjjsand cmya in this light; 'the Blessed One's possession
of clear vision consists in the fdfirlment of omniscience, and his
possessiofi of conduct consists irr the fulfilmentof great compassion'
(vijjSampa& Bhagavato sabbaiiaaiiauw
piiretvii @iH;carqasmpa&
mah&iirt+catrup).n
Subsequent commentaries basic&
follow the Visuddhi-
THE N N 2 VIIiTUES OR TlTLS

But their explanations are more eulogistic. Dhammapaa,
for ifistance, uses an additional word as follows: '. . s d a ~ q v a ~ d i h i
paonaas&i
..
careadhammehi ca aoa88as3dhiWanehi sampanno
samamagi?toti v~iTc~qa-sampanno'?~
SnA is more carried away
than I ~ A when
,
it says: 'because of being endowed with the
m m e l I ~ ~ ~purified
ly
knowledge and extraclrdinay conduct, he is
,,id to be one endowed with knowledge and conduct'
(atisaya~i~~ddhi%j
vijiZhi abbhutakkmena c-ma
ca samannaga,,gga.
&m-v ~ ~ c ~ a s r n p ~ ~ ) . ~ ~
'
The origin of this appellation, according to a study? seems
to go back to an early stage of the apotheosis of the Buddha. It is one
of the appellations of Buddhist origin along with such titles as

Iokavidii, ppmlsadammashthi, tiafthi devamanuss&arp, ek., which
have survived throughout the ages?' It is said that the word sugar;
was used as a game for the Buddhists in both ancient and modern
times.=
The A i m a m texts define the term in a more or less similar

manner. Buddhaghosa says: 'He is called well-gone (sugata), (i)
because of a manner of going that is good (sobhaga-gmanalt37, (ii)
because of being gone to an excellentplace (snndarqfhilnaq gatat@,
(iii) because of having gone rightly (sammBgatam7,and (iv) because
of enunciating rightly (~mmijgadatti!~.'~~
Other commentaries of
B~dclhaghosagive the following: 'Sugatan ti sundaray vii fhIinaq
sundaraya v~patipattiyi7gafap';84 'sm&-patipattjygsu.r;thugatatti7 S u g a t q ~ ' ';Te
~ Joke sugatii tiJ?igiidayo phiiya
su@u
ti s~gata";~"Sugatanti gocare gatattii sughu gatq'.'' KhpA
183 follows the Visuddhimagga replacing the word sammS in liii)
and (iv) of the above with s ~ t t h u ? ~ItA ii 84 and VVA23 1 mention
Only three reasons with
(ii) and either (iii) or (iv) of the
cIassification of the Visuddhimagga."
(6,
Dhammapida in his U&a-affhakath3m gives afairly lengthy
explanation of sugata similar to that found in Vism. However, in the
elucidation of 'sommiigadatfii",he cites another source [see UdA 891
in addition to the SFdhaka sutta quoted by B~ddhaghosa.~~
Explanations of the term sugata in the A m a t h a texts are
scanty: This may be because that the commentators such as
Buddhaghosa and Dhammapaa paid more attention to the definitions and elucidation of the word tatbtigata which too involved a
detaiIed clarification of the word '-gaW-agata' (-gone/-come) h m
both etymological and conceptual viewpoints.
The Visuddhimaggagz and the Vinaya-a@~akatha~'provide the

most elaborate explanations for the term lokavid6 among the
Aghakathi texts. Vism says that the Buddha is the knower of the
world (IokavidiTj, because he has lmown the world in all aspects
(sabbah- pi viditafokat~panalokavjdii). The same idea is pressed
at AA ii 245, iii 96; SnA 442 (similu to Vism,but much brief in
explanation); ItA ii 84, BvA 93-94 (this too is similar to Vism,but
brief); etc. All these sources elucidate three worlds; sariklz@aloka
(the world of formation), sattaloka (the world of beings) and ok~alaka
(the wmld of location).% The Chinese Vimuttimagga, h passing,
mentions only the first two types of world: sattaloka and
~arikhilrdoka.~~
In the Northern tradition, this is usually divided into two separate titles as anuftaa and p~risadamma&aLluT~The Visnddhimagga
and the Vinaya-asuggest, though they are accepted as one
combined title according to the Theravada tradition, that the title in
questioncan be taken either separately or collectively,when the term
muttam is explainedfirst,and then purisa-tlii.
Both sources
st* that alternatively, 'anuttaro pwisadammasErathi' can be taken
as one phrase (Athavi m u t t a r u p v r i s a ~ a ~ i itir ea ~k e ev'idam
THE NINE VIRTUES OR TITLE3

a&apada@.m
The Chinese Vhutthagga takes it separately.98
Defitions of antrlfmare not many in the At@akatM texts.

This may come from the fact that the term denotes the highest in all
ethical, intellectual and physical, of the Buddha. The cornrnentaries give explanations or definitions in this light. Thus,
~~ddhaghosa
states that here is no one more distinguishedfor special
,-p&ties than the Buddha himself; no one to compare with him. Me
is therefore 'incomparable'...* The Sumaigdavil&inii gives a list
of things in which the Teacher is 'incomparable' (anzrtm): k u d pd-aftiy@ (in the sphere of good [actions]), gyatana-pmattiym
(in the sphere of bases),gabbhiivakmtiyiup (in the sphere of concep
tion), sdesanii-vidhdsu (in respect of mind-reading),
dassanasampattiyam (in the attainment of vision), puggalapaattiya@ (in the classification of persons), pa&&e (in effort),
pafipadsssu (in the paths), bhassa-sarnaciire (in good conduct in
speech), purisa-sfk-sarna"c&e (in good conduct in man's virtues),
anus&m--vi&u
(in respect of instructions or teachings), parapuggala-vimutG@e (in the knawledge of release of other people),
sassah-vgde(in the exposition of eternalisrn),'mpubbe-niv&a-fi@e
(in the knowledge of farmer existences), dibba-cakWlu-B@e (in the
knowledge of divine-eye) and iddhi-vidhe (in respect of psychic
power).'a' This is the quotationh r n the Sampasdaniya suZta of the
Digha N i k ~ t y a . ~ ~
The origin of the term purisadammasiirathff as seen befor~,

can be traced to a similar terminology prevalent at that time in India.
The Buddha came b be known as the tamer of humans just as there
had existed the tamer of horses (assadammiwiinthii. Buddhaghosa
defies 'purisa' in this context to mean 'animals, humans and nonhumans' (&acch&1apuri6~pi manussd-purisa pi amanussa-puriso
who are not tamed but fit to be ramed.Im Further, 'pubsa' according
to him includes those who are already tamed and the Buddha leads
lhem to a higher path.
The cano~caldefinition of purisa includes only humans as
seen at Vin iv 269 @uriso nilma mauussa-purisona pakkbona peto...)

Even Dhammapaa at VVA 42 defines it as follows: 'yathg hj
pa,hapakatibhCto sarto iWya pakatiyI sema-mena pmi seti ti
puriso ti vuccati.' (Just as the being who is foremost by nature is
calIed "ptoisa"since he lies prime in the sensethat his nature is better
[than any other]). His explanations are obviousIy based on the
conviction that humans are superior to other beings. B~ddhaghosa,
on the other hand, extends its meaaing to cover various categories of
beings with the objective, perhaps, of falling in line with numerous
instances found in the Canon. In his Vism and VA, he cites some of
the examples where the conversion of humans, animals and devas is
related.
The title under review received relatively less attention by
the commentators and its explanations are usually short. For instance,
Dhammapda states at ItA ii 85: 'Pmisadammepuiisaveneyyes&ti
v h e t i t i p u r i s a d ~ ~ t hThe
L ' Suttanipa-alfhaka~simply says:
'smB tis 3 r a or 'vicih-ehi vinayaniipiythipuzisad;mme $&ti
d pmsadamm;1~&aU1i~'~~
It may be because that stories depicting
the conversion of various kings by the Buddha are the main structure
on which the entire propaganda programme to spread Buddhism
rested. And this aspect of BuddhoIogy was so well known that its
repetition or re-assertion was superfluous. Moreover, it was well
and adequately presented by Buddhaghosa in his works particularly
in Vism, so that subsequent commentators including Dhamrnapaa
would have thought it unnecessary to take up the subject again.
In passing, the Navagupa of the Buddha forms an integral

part of the Sinhala Buddhist literature. It is in fact in one of the
oldest extant texts called the Amiivatura by Gurqugomi that the virtue
af purisadammdsilmh-of the Buddha is extensively elucidated as a
single topic for the entire work. The work covers not only humans
like householders, brahmis, kings, patibbiijakas, jatilas, Bpasas,
bhikkhus, etc., but also non humans like a@aslyd&& asora, devaS~
Brahm& e r ~ . 'These
~ classes of p ~ s are
a no doubt in accordance
with the classification of the A@akathL.
Buddhaghosa's explanation of satthar in Vism and VA is

based on the MahHniddesa,lWwhich he duly acknowledges. The
~lessedOne is a caravan leader (sattl~ar)
as he brings caravms (satfl~a)
home.'" In addition, he teaches by means of the here and now, of
the life to corn, and of the ultitnate goal, according as befits the
case, thus he is the Teacher (satthar) (Ditthadbainmjkasmpariiyikaparamatthei yatbiiraham anuslati ti Sattba.lOg
~hamrnapaaalso f ~ u o w this
s inkrpTetation at ItA ii 85, UdA 267
(...satfe anusasatj ti SatthH) and 404 (ditthadhammikasamp~ay&pwamdthehi saffimanusaanato sa&T. The SunanipjZaatthakat&itoo gives asimilar interpretation thus: '...aaus@atiniUZireti
cii'ti ~attb~.'"OBuddhaghosa at the same time gives a general connotation of the word sarthm at SA ii 128 which goes as follows:
'Buddhii v3 h o siivako
~
vilyay nissaya rnaggaiT@a.y bbhati, a y q
sartJld niima' (May it be Buddhas or disciples, an account of whom
[one] obtains the howledge of path, this is called the teacher). The
term here can no doubt be appliedto anyone who is capable of guiding
others to the correct path leading to emancipation
The devarnanuss&~in the phrase in question is a rather

ambiguous one. Buddhaghosa says that it is said in order to denote
the best and also those persons capabIe of progress (devaan' ca
manussanan' ca, ukkat~haparicchedavasenabhsbbapuggalapm'cchedavasena c 'emvuttay).l He fiuther states that the Blessed
One as a teacher bestows his teaching upon animals as well (Bhagavii
Pana tiracchTaagatinam pj'has8anippabiioena satthd yeva). The
word ukkattha used apparently in connection with deva in this context seemsto indicate 'beings' higher than humans in the enjoyment
of sensual pleasures. In the classification of deva at MA i 33, three
categories of devas are enumerated: sammutidevii (gods by convention), upapatfideva(gads by birth) and visuddhidevS (gods by purification).H2 The first category incIudes those royal personages who
are referred to with respect. The second one is those heavenly a d
BUDDHA IN' I I E R A V ~ ABUDDHISM
other deities. The third one refers to arahants (kh@Bav@ including,

of course, Buddhas. in the above context, the second category seem
to be the case. Then both humans and animals are included in the
phrase d e v a m a n u s s ~While
.
r e f h g to the Visuddhimagga for
details, a passage at SnA ii 444 also includes animals such as elephants (niiga): '...nagiidike ppi pana esa Iokiyatthena anusfisati.' This
is precisely the same as what is said of the categories of purisa in the
titIe of pursadammas~athfAnd both canonical and cornmentarial
texts are full of atories concerning the conversion of various classes
of beings, divine, human and non-human, by the Buddha. Episodes
such as the conversion of the elephant Niil&giri,1or
13even a frog
attaining to a divine state after listening to the preaching df the Bnddha in a previous birth,lI4 or merely Iistening to tlte preaching of the
Dharnma helps animaIs such as a henlf5 or batsu"eborn in the human world or in heaven. These stories would have necessitated the
inclusion of animals in the above category.
Unlike Buddhaghosa, Upatissa, the author d Vim,does not

include animals in the category of devamanusszSnq when he says
that the Blessed One has rescued divine and human beings f m the
fearful forest of birth, decay and death.'17
8. Buddha
The verb 'bujhat? mudh) is explained at DhsA 217 and

VibhA 310 as follows: 'Bujjhati ti t;ilesasant&mid&ya utduhati
..
caw vii anyasacciSni pagvmati nibbiinaip eva va' sacchikmti.' ('is
awake, enlightened, or knows' implies a rising from the slumber of
the continuum of the lower nature,or a penetrating the Ariyan Truths,
or a realising NibbHna)"' As seen earlier, the word buddha is not an
appellation of Gatama Buddha alone. Anyone who is awakened to
the truth as the verbal form of the word implies is a buddha. In the
Buddhistic sense, that t t t h is the Four Noble Truths.
In the Atfhakathii texts, Buddhaghosa gives two alternative
explanations as follows: ' Yaq pana kidci atthi iieyymp n m a ,
THE NINE VIRTUES OR TlTLES

'
sabbass'eva buddharrii vimoklrhanfikaf7@avasenaBuddho.' (He is

with the knowledge that belongs to the fruit of liberation, since everything that can be known ltas been discovered by
and ' Yamg vii c a m ' ssaccai attana pi bt~jhi,&ai pi satte
bodhesi, &smB e v e Sdrhi pi k@zyeAi Budriho.' (He discovered the
Four [Noble] Truths by himself and awakened others to them, thus
and for ather such reasons, he is enIightened).lM The second
explanation is based on the Maha-niddesaIz1 or the
~atisambh3dZimagga'~~
as he acknowledges indebtedness to them.
Other Affhakathli texts ofBuddhaghosa such as MA ii 282, iii 437;
SA i 66, ii 283; etc., and BvA 25 of Buddhadatta give very short
explanations and place emphasis on the realisation of the Four Noble
Truths.
Ilhammap& also reiterates the realisation of theFour Noble
Truths as the meaning of buddha. He does not offer anything of his

own at ItA ii 43. He simply repeats there what is said in other sources
such as NdA, &A, KhpA, etc., and like Buddhaghosa, follows the
explanations given at Nd ii 457-458. However, Dhammapga's
descriptionscome much closer to those in the above sources,though
they are relatively shorter.
The ApadBu-a@akathB gives some definitions of Buddha.

The text basically follows what is said at Nd ii 457 and Pp i 174,
though it does not refer to them. ApA, however, adduces some
additional definitions not found in MNd and Fs as follows:
'pa bbajjiisankbatena Buddho' (because of renunciation),
'adutiyatthena Buddho' (because of uniqueness), 'tanhiiya
pdhatthena Buddho' (because of the removal of craving), etc.I2
NdA ii 441-443 and FsA ii 484-487 provide probably the

most detailed exegeses of the word in the whole of AmakathA texts.
Both texts are in fact aImost identical with each other except for a
few instances of difference in cases and words, which may have been
a result of copyists' mistakes or their preferences over the others in
the long history of literary transmission. A question may arise here

as to the relationships between the two works. Did one sourceborrow
the entire passage from the other ? The authorship of NdA is ascribed
to Upasena, while Mah&&na is said to be the author of FsA.
According to a study, Mahiinma mote P@A in accord with the
U v W a tradition in 5 14A.D. during the reign of the king KumiiraDhiit~sena'~~
Upasena, on the o h r hand, is said to be the teacher of
MahW&na and his literary activity is assigned to a period soon after
that of Buddhagho~a'~
These circumstances may perhaps suggest
that it was MahWfnBma, and not the other way around, who would
have borrowed the entire passage in question from NdA. However,
the general belief that both sources, like any other P3ili Awakatha
texts, were the works of translation and recasting into P& of their
respective SihaIa At@akath% is certainly open to debate. For, that
both SNdA and SPfsA indeed contained the passage under review is
still a strong possibility.
NdA andmA basicalIy follow the explandons given at MNd

ii457458. They further mention paraphrased comments on some of
the expressions adopted in the Mahiiniddesa. Grammatical points
regardingthe word huddbain various cases are also discussed at some
length. KhpA 15-16 gives similar explanations to those of NdA and
PpA, but it skips some phrases (e.g. 'ekmtaniWesr, ti brrddbo',
BTC.), or differs from them in theexpositions of certain terms. KhpA
15, for instance, explains 'ekilyanamaggarp gafo ti buddho' as
'buddhiyatthihg gamanatrhapmyByato, y a m maggay gat0 pi
puriso"garo"ti wccati, evaiy ekayanamaggay gatattiipi buddho ti
vuccati.' (Just as a man is called "travelled" when he has fravelled a
path, so is he called enlightened because he has travelled a path which
goes only one way. It is a tnetaphwrical use for travelling to the place
of enlightenment).lz6NdA ii 442 and PpA ii 485-486 in this instance
give a Iengthy explanation to the phrase. Among other definitions,
the following is noteworthy: 'ekiiyanamaggo ti ekanibbaagamanaxnaggo ti sttho' (the meaning of the path in one way is the way
leading to one single Nibbiina.)
In the exegeses of the term bhavagant,Buddhaghosa gives

alternatives; one based on the Mahiiniddcsa,ln and thd 0 t h - is
swrningly of his own, which is highly etymological (or perhaps
bsed on other sources, which we are clueless about at present]. These
exegeses at Vism 209-212 are also found at VA i 122- 125 and KhpA
106-1091Cf.NdA ii 2641. Of the three sources, Vism and VA are
almost identical and KhpA, though very similarto Vism, gives variant
~adingsat times. It could be possible that KhpA borrowed the
en* passages ['om Vism or VA, both of which are the works of
Buddhaghosa. Another pssibilify is that the S"ifialaAt+&atha bas&
on which KhpA was translated into P&lihad the passages concerned.
Whatever it may be, it can be safely said that the exegeses come from
tbe same stock of sources.
Buddhaghosa mentions that Bhagavant is a term signifying
respect and veneration accorded to him as the highest of all beings
and distinguishedby his special quatities (Bhagavati i d q p m 'assa
gu5lavi~i~tfha[sabba]sattu~maganrg~av~dhivacm~).~~
Then he
quotes a stanza (i.e.'bhagavg ti vacanap seftharfl, bhagavii ti vacanq
u t t a m q...')from the PO(KhpA does not say that it is fiom the
PorilnI. Instead, it simply reads, "yafhAha3*).Further, he continues
to explain that names (of Bhagavant) are offour kinds (cafubbidhq
vanmaq]: denoting a period (Svalfhikarp), describing a particular
mark (lirigikaq),signifying a particular acquirement (nemi&a.y)
and fortuitously arisen (adhiccasamuppmq). Each of the above
four kinds is then explained with some examples. In so doing,
Buddhaghosa cites a passage from the Mah3niddesatZ9 or the
Pati~atnbhidiimagga.~~
In order to explain the special qualities of
the Buddha, the following stanza is cited:
Buddhaghosa refers the reader to the Niddesa13' for the meanings of words used in the stanza. He bases his explanations up to this
point on the canonical sources, particularly the Niddesa as he too
refers to it.
The next alternative Buddhaghosa proposeis is by virtue of

the following stanza. the source of which is not known at present.
BhJigyava Bhaggava yutto Mavehi ca vjbhaflaVB
bhattavg vantagmano bhvmu Bhagaua tato ti.
'He is fortunate (bhayava,possessed of abolishment
(bhaggava, associated with blessings (pito b h a g d ,
and a possessor of what has been analysed (vibhartava.
He has frequented [bhattava, and he has rejected going
in the kinds of becoming (VAnta-GAmanoBHAvesu),
thus he is Blessed (BHAGAv&'
Each of these words is again expIained with some concrete

examples.13zThis method of exegeses is no doubt a comrnentatial
development. One sphere of the Buddha-concept which came to be
further developed in the AfthakathB Literature is the fanciful and
eIaborate descriptionsofthe Buddha's c w p d body. In the exegeses
of the word bhagavmt by Buddhaghosa, this trend persists. The
Buddha is said to be endowed with the marks of a hundred merits
( s a b ~ ~ d w a The
) . 'Buddha
~ ~ has glury (sin')of all limbs, perfect in every aspect, capable of comforting the eyes of people eager
to see his material body (rfipak~yadassmavyiva~ajananayma
ppasZdajamaramatihL sabbi&irapanpiirii sabbarigapaccatigash~;he
has bis wish (&ma); in other words, the production of what is wanted,
since whatever is wanted and needed by him as beneficial to himself
or others is then and there produced for him134
( u q y e efena
idifam p a t t h i t q altahitary parahit@ vH, tassa tassa tath'eva
abhhipphannm- icehifa-niphattisidijitok & r ~ o } . ~ ~ ~
The following sources also give short explanations of the

word bhagavaar in almost ideuticaI fashion and refer to the
THE NINE VIRTI,JES OR TZTLES

.Visuddhimaggafor details:
DA i 33-34; MA i 10 ; SA i 12; AA i 14 ;QsA iii 531-532;
SnA ii 444 (Thepassage here is short and somewhat different
from the other texts given above. It quotes a stanza as in the
above and refers to Vism for details); etc.
The sources mentioned below dso have some expIanations

of the word which fall in line with those of the Visuddhimagga, but
do not refer to it.
* MA i 13 (Bhagavii ti lokagarw-&>map}
* SA ii 1(Bhagava tilokagaru-&pane),20 (Bhagavatoti tiig-yasampannassa
* AA i 17 (Bhagavii ti l o k a g a n r d r p ~ ~
* NdA ii 263-264(A similar passage occurs here but not for the
explanation of bhagavant, it is instead for the word
grIrav~dhivacamq.)
* VvA 23 1 (Bhiigyavantai,%ihicatiihi kikapehiBhagav3.Cf.UdA
267,404.
* BvA35 (Bhagavii ti id? pana gqavi~i~ghasattuttarnagarug&avSdhivacanq. Then a stanza from the PoriQL is quoted.)
The Chinese translation of the S a r n a n t a p ~ ~ d U

is 'some~~
what different fromBuddhaghosa's exegeses in its explanations. It
says that the name Bhagava is a self-styled name, and the Buddha
himself has given this name (Bhagava to himself; no one else dares
to give the Buddha a name. Because the Buddha has himself noted
his good bodily depormentand wisdom and has presently let all living
beings know the same and hns established this self-styled name. This
interpretationseems to be based on the passage in the h!Winiddesa'37
as in the case of Buddhaghosa who also cites a similar passage from
the hhhhiddesa. Then CSmp gives some interpretations with regard to the word bbaga: It provides, for instance,a classification of
six kinds of bhaga as mastery,dhamma, fame, handsome, wish and
mental (effort).138 CSmp further elucidates that Bhagavameans that
BUDDHA IN THERAV-A
BUDDHISM
he has d e b i t e d all beneficial things. Bl~agameans three planes. ' Va

(in Bhaga-vfi)means vomiting the defilements of the three planes
Therefore he is called B h a g a v ~ .The
~ ~ last
~ definition appears to bc
similar to that adopted by Dhammaplla as wiU be noted later.
Dhammapida, on the other hand, stands conspicuous in the
exegeses of the word bhagavant. He is the only commentator who
provides different etymological exegeses in addition to those h a d y
discussed by Buddhaghosa. It is clear h t DDhammapiikt was fully
aware of Buddhaghosa's expla&tions and was wer ready to accord
due respect to his great predecessor. But discovering that
Buddhaghosa's explanations are mcomplete, he ventures into yet
another method of exegesis. It is uncertain as to the source on which
he bases his exegesis.
ItA of DhammapTda gives the most elaborate exegesis,while
UdA seems to be an abridged version of it. Dhammapiila first gives
all the alternatives that are mentioned by Buddhaghosa in a brief
manner and refers the reader to Vism for &ls.lm
He then goes on
to say that what follows is 'mother method' (aparw nayo) [ItA i 6.
UdA 24 uses 'apica' instead.] And the passage reads as follows:
'Bhiigavii-tiBhagavg bhagava-ti va (bhatav;F ti]i41 BhagavZ Bhiige
vani-ti Bhagava, bhage vd-ti EhagaviT. Bha ttavii-tiBhagavii. Bhage
vami-tj Bltagava, bhiige vami-ti Bhagava.'Iq UdA 24, on the other
hand, simply says: 'Api ca bhage vani bhage vi4 v m - t i , BFragaviL'
This seems to imply that Dhammapiila places more emphasis on two
aspects of the etymological exegesis of bhagavant, viz.,vauiand vami.
It is said that whatever moral practices, (four ?) constituents

of the Dhamma, storehouse of virtues, that are shared by none,
completely detached; all [of these] are found in the Tathiigata (Ye te
siIiidayo dhamma-kkhandh8 guna-ktltthasa, te anaEia&idhiirap8
niratkayii Taa-gatassa attha [atfhi] updabMan@. ItA goes on to
explain them in detail by giving a list of moral and spiritual attain-
T E E NINE VIRTUES OR TITLES
merits of the Buddha in numerical classificationstogether withphysi-
,-dch;atacteristics he is endowed with, which are termed as 'guaa' They are hiri-ottapppam. saddbaviriyay,s&bhaga g+a-k~g.lG~ii
smpaj&arp, sda-vhuddhi, citta-visuddhi, did@-visuddhi, samathovipasm& tini kusaia-rniilfimi, tini sucarjthi, tayo samma-virakkg,
tkso anava3a-smi, tkso dbiituyo, c a m o satipa~{h&if,cat%o
samm8-ppadhi&M,cat@middhi-pa&, c a m ariya-rnaggs, ...etc. The
fist is a soft of sumnary of Buddhist teachings centred on the attainment of final emancipation, i.e. Nibma. Similar lists, which are
often described as the sum total of Buddhaguna, are also found elsewhere in the At@akathi5~.'~
The passage concludes: 'Hence, fie is
part to the virtues in the way it is said, he is "partaking" (bhagava).
And it is to be understood that the vowel ['a' in bhilgava] is ~ n d e r e d
short to make bhagavii (Tasm8yath;rvutta-vibhiigdgu~-b&a assa
atthi ti Bhagavg. Bhagavii ti vattabbe Hkiirassa rassattam katva
Bhagavii ti ~utto).'~~
Combining the eight dhammas in the state of humans,etc.,

through zeal for the weifare of the entire world, and all that great
Bodhisattas are required to accomplish through fhe necessary aspirations for the Supreme Knowledge, such as the ten perfections, ten
higher perfections and ten ultimate perfections amounting to thirty
perfections; the act of favour (satigaha-vatthu) like givin& four
resolutions, etc...; in short, all the things that make the Bodhisacta a
Buddha (buddha-kiiraka-dhamma7,such as the accumulationof merit
@u%a-sambhm) and knowledge (fiea-sambka)he has to fulfil
from the time of the great resolve for four incalculable periods
bsariMzeyya) and one hundred thousand aeons (kappa); a l l of these,
without being subject to diminution, defilements or stagnation, he
has become the partaker of the utmost, highest and specid; thus he is
"pported. we11 supported thoroughly, uninternxptedly and in all
respects. 'Bhagava' is [therefore]'supported' (bhatavi). Here again
'&' [in bhatavii] is rendered 'ga' (ninrrtinayyena ta-khssa ga-kimp
Or alternatively, bhatavg is to mean all that make a Buddha
as accordingly said, and he is supported, well supported inthem, and
&ma.
fulfilled them. (Athavgbhatavg ti te yeva yW-wfteBubdb;l-kiirakadhamrne vufta-nayembhan' sambhan'paripiihi ti a t t b ~ ) . ' ~
In this instance, the word bhgga is explained to mean 'attainments p-g

to daily life' (devashrp vala.tjjjanaka-sam@attl)
amounting to twenty-four thousand kotis in number Ye te catuvjsatikoti+ahassa-s&devas*
valatljanaka-samgpa tfi-bhiigii, Th,
teit fiuther stattx that Bhagaviiwon, frequented,associated with and
developed constantly and swiftly for the dwelling in happiness in
this life for himself and the world in every respect. Bhagavii is
[therefore the one who] won all those [attainments] (...te anavasesato
lokabit'erthp attano dit@adhrunmasukha~ih&'a#h~
ca niccaMippam vanr' bhaji seyi bbahulamakbi ti bha?ge vaa- ti Bhagavi).
~lt-vely,
bhPga are, in shm, four kinds of penetration, such as
what is to beknown in the knowablewholesome things, etc. (AthaviT,
abhiijfieyyesu dhammesu kusaladisu fiandhBdisu ca ye te
p&-eyy5?di-vasena sqkhepatu vii catubbidhil abhisamaya-b&g@,
etc
14'
Here the meaning of bhaga is said to be: 'In short, bhaga is

such wealth or prosperity to be associated with through the endowments of means md meritorious acts performed, and they are mundane
and supramundane bliss or fortunes' (sam&aro Bva k a ~ q ~ m
payoga-sampannebi yati@-vibhavq bhajiymti ti bbagii, Iokiyalcrkuftna-sampaftiyo). The text continues that he [the Blessed One]
wori, frequented and associated with the bliss or fortunes not shared
by others, such as, [worldly fortunes like] the supreme local authority, attainments of the position of a universal monarch and divine
authority, etc., and extraordinary norms like trance, release,
concentration,attainments, perfect ImowIedge, development of path,
realisation of fnrit,etc.'"
THE NINE VIRTUES QR TlTLES
LtA explains the word bhartavato mean the worshipful 149 fm

believer (BhatH d@a-bham- assa bahii am ti bhattavq. The text
f h e r states [hat the TathZigata is one endowed with great cornpas,ion (rn&iblf@, omniscient knowledge (sabbzttifjutaiiiina),etc.,
and there are those who are established in his [the ~athii~ata*s]
admonition and possessed of perfect faith; how does unshakeable
( a s q t b a y i 3 firm faith (satnbhalti)come to them ? Is it by a samqa.
brsShmea, deva, Miira, or the B r W ? And they do not indeed
give up faith even in the sacrifice of their own lives and [they develop]
strong and firm faith towards him,lS0 In this connection too, 'ta' [in
bhartava is replaced by 'ga'.
It is noteworthy that Vism 212 also gives bhattavd as bhagavg

but with a different shade of meaning altogether. Buddhaghosa says
that bhattaviiis to mean 'one who has frequented' owing to his having
frequented, cultivated, repeatedly practised e x t r a d a r y things...etc.
.(.. uffarimanussadhammebhaji sevibhulay &&i,
tmmI bhaftavii ti
vattabe Bhagava' ti vuccati].
(6) Bshage vami ti Bhagavd

It is said that the Tathiigata, fulfilling perfections in. his previous lives when he was the Bodhisatta, vomited and spat out like a
lump of saliva, such f t u n e s as luck, glory, w d t h and fame and
rejected or threw away without any expectation (Yasmii Tadiagato
bodhisatfa-bhBro pi purimau jdtisu paranzrfo piirento bhagasarikhatq sin'm issariyq?yasan' ca vami uggiri khe!api~datpviya
anapekkho chaddesi..)lS1
What is suggested here is that the Buddha
gave up all tho&worldly possessions and glory, and v m i (vomited)
is used in this sense.
Here ' bhiiga ' means 'ko-#Ssa' (shares or poaions) (B&gH

Kofthaa
.. include such things as khandha, iiyatana,
R m a kot#&a.
BUDDHA IN THERAV-A
BUDDHISM
dhm, etc., and they are divided into many ways as nipa, vedana,
etc., of past, etc. The Blessed One [BhagaviTj, having cut off or
destroyed all illusion, bonds, ties, and fetters, understood clearly the
element of deathlessness and vomited, spat out and threw away
without any expectation, and did not return [to them]. Moreover,
bhaa is givem the meaning of wholesome and uuwholesome, faulty
and faultless, inferior and superior, black or white (or, bad or good);
all these things the Blessed One vomited and spat out through t b
knowledge of Noble Path, gave up and abandoned without expectation; and preached the Dhamma for the attainment of the tmth.lS2
In all these instances mentioned above, Dhammapala cites
relevant stanzas at the end of each exegesis. The explanations adduced by him appear to be based on those stanzas. It is, however,
uncertain as to where they are borrowed or copied from.
A comparison of exegeses elucidated by Buddhaghosa and
DhammapZiIa shows that the tatter was aware of the explanations of
the formt?r,and yet ventured into different methods of exegeses. This
fact raises a serious question as to whether or not Dhamrnapiila
deviated from the mainstream of the ~~~~~a tradition. It is
generally believed that Dhammapiila wrote his commentaries in
accordance with the M%vihha tradition as he so acknowledges in
the prolagne of the Itivuttaka-a!lhakatha.lS3 This shows that
Dhammapda was accepted by the Mahlivihiira fraternity as a torch
bearer of their tradition and his commentaries were duly ratifled by
them. The contents of his exegeses in fact do not betray the expectation of the MatGvihira fraternity. In other words, his exegeses are
acceptable within the framework of the Theravda tradition. However, a question still remains unresolved whether the sources based
on which Dhammapiila expounded his exegeses are the same as, or
different from, those, for instance, Buddhaghosa made use of. If
they ate the same, why is Buddhaghosa silent on them ? If different,
where did Dhammapda borrow them from ?
The concept of &&Sgata in Buddhism has been examined

by many scholm mainly in rhe folbwing h e aspects, which are
undoubtedly interrelated with each,other:
(I) Buddhist definitions of the term tab-gata.

(2) 'TathSgata' in the context of wbether tathsgataexists
or not after death ( a ~ a a t question),
a
etc.
(3) Original meanings of the tmn fafhiigata.L
In early Buddhism, @fhdgatais conceived as a person who
has attained the highest ethico-.psychological perfection. The
Suadarikabhiiritdviija sutta of the SuttanipBta2 brings out this point
clearly. In this sutta taugata is aaid to be worthy of offerings on
account of the fact that he abandoned sensual desires (&ma) [467];
is free from conceit (mas), deceit (mByiQ,craving (lobha), anger
(kodha)[469];' cut off attachmentof mind (nivesw..), no grasping

(pmggaha)[470]; passions burnt out 14'711; ties shaken off(saiga)
[473]; no trace of delusion (moha-antara)[478]; etc. Furthermare,
tathagata who iB far mmote from those passions, has destroyed
defilements (fiiiisava); bears the last body (antimadeha) 14711
( s m - ca antimay &ii.reti) [478]. In other words, he has attained
Nibbma. His demeanour is completely calm (parinibbuta) 14671.
His mind is composed [471]. Moreover, he'ispossessed of limitless
understandig (anan&-paiiaaiiai)
[4681. He has seen rbings as they are
through his perfect knowbdge [471]. He perceives all phenomena
with insight (fi@adassB[478].
The foregoing descriptions rereaI that three aspects of
ratbPigata are enumerated first, his moral standards are regarded as
highest; second, he is liberated, never comes back to the state of
re-becoming; and third, he is the possessor of the highest wisdom

and knowledge. In these verses, the first two aspects are more
emphasized than the third one, which fact is a proof of basic
connotations of the term tathiigata in early phases of Buddhism. It is
also used in the Suttmipata in connection with the Tisarqa (Three
Refuges) formula: 'rathagaram., . Buddha~nnamassama ';
'tathifgatbq... Dl1-e
...'; 'tat!hiig&wp. .. Sadghatp... In this
context, its meaning seems to be 'perfect or complete et~.'~ Therefore, when the tern is applied to a p a o n , it denotes 'perfect one',
etc., which is now widely followed by many scholars in their
translations of the word.6
l4
Scholars including some Japanese point out close relationships existing between Jainism and Buddhism in the interpretationof
the term hthggata. They conclude that the concept of tafhsgafais
pre-Buddhistic.' H.Nigasaki enumerates similar expressions
employed both in Jainism and Buddhism. For instance, Buddhism
uses a metaphor of flood (ogha) [e.g., Sn.4711 in the sense of a
perplexed state represented by old age and death. Jainisrn too recognizes a simiIar sense, when they describe about 'oha' (flood) which
is compared to s a p W . 8 Further, the tathagah in Jainism is described
as one endowed with wisdom (m&vi), eye of the world (c&u
lugassa), or one who is liberated (mohagata), e t ~ . Nsgasaki
~
concludes that the original meaning of tathagah thathe is gone beyond
s q s a a and never comes back to it, was transmitted (and recognized)
in the Srarnaqa tradition at the t h e of the rise of Bnddhism.lo This
fact also shows rhat #c tenn is not necessarily meant for Gotama
Buddha alone in the beginning of the canonical texts, but anyone
whose Lawsare destroyed (JdC@ava) can be designated as htY@ga&,
instead." Such a liberated state is also expressed in different ways
as, for example, in the Ttivuttaka, which says that one who ha5
destroyed desire (lobha) will never return to this world ([lobh@l
pahaya na punayauti
Iok* k u d ~ c a u q )This
, ~ ~definition of
tathagah is seen even in the commentaries and paccekrabud&a is
also called tathlSgafa, for instance, at PpA ii 462 (Tatagar0 6
sammiisambuddho, paccekabuddho 'pi etfh ' eva sarigahifo).In short,
the term tat&.gata in Buddhism is a designationfor three types of the

enlightened ones; namely, Buddha, paccekabuddha and atahant.
The most difficult problem faced in the interpretation of

ta&dgata may perhaps be when employed in the context of the
aYy&ataquestions; i.e., whether tathagata exists or not after death
(bod IEJhati t-arh2gatopar* m q a . A striking feature in this is
h t the expression 'parap m
is used. When things in relation
to mrhggata r e f d g to a Buddha, Enlightened One, are expounded,
fie tern marqa is never employed. It is always parinibbaa that he
attains. Then,a question arises as to what the term exactly denotes.
~tis noteworthy that whenever the phrases of 'hofi&&gat0 paray
marand', etc., are used in the canonical texts, their respective
commentaries always interpret it to mean either s a H 3 or a ~ a ?The
~
former is given by Buddhaghosa and the latter by DhammapSla.
Buddhaghosa maintains consistency in his interpretation of the term,
while Dhamrnapda seems to give a somewhat different interpretarion to it. On the other hand, the Saddham~napajjotik&'~
its authorship
being traditionally attributed to Upasena,16 closely follows
Buddhaghosa's interpretation of the tem.17 The fact that Buddhaghosa persistently interprets tathsgata to mean sath in his
commentaries, perhaps, because of the expression of 'parap m q a " ,
strongly suggests that the tafhgata in this context has a different
connotation altogether;the connotation far from the meaning usually
accepted by the Buddhists to be'an arahant or a Buddha'. As a matter
of fact, it could be that Buddhistic colouring in this case must not be
superimposed and brought in to say that the cammentruial interpretation of the word tab-gata is wrong, as some scholars are inclined to
believe.18 This difference of terminology shouId rather be taken to
shed light on the historical background of its usage, which found
way into the Buddhist canonical texts.
K.Watanabe points out that taGgaya in a Jaina source called
Vi~Fha~annatti
(XVII 2 4 1724 a]) is used in an adjectival sense for
the word jiva;that is to say, 'soul thns gone'.Ig He further states that
the Buddhists simply recorded from their perspective the view of
Saiijaya Belaghiputta who followed the theory of transmigration of

'soul' (a'hnm)traditionally accepted in Indian p h i I o s ~ p h y . ~
Buddhism denies an everlasting entity called 'soul'. but yet

maintahs the efficacy of kamma and rebirth. The question as to what,
hen,is a substance mentity that transmigrates ram one life to mother,
is the most challenging and compelling one even today; it was so
difficult to grasp from the real Buddhist viewpoint that even in ancient
times, misrepresentationof the Buddha's teaching on this issue could
not be avoided. The monk Sati believed that vir2Eiya was the substance which wcluld continue to transmigrate in s q s & a 2 ' A similar heresy is reported to have been held by the bhikkhu Yamaka; i.e.,
that an arahant (l&i@sava) would be broken up and destroyed at the
time of his hisdeath."Such views, according to the Niddesa-a@akatha,
will fall inlo either sassata-ditwor uccheda-dii@i,," neither of which
the Buddha subscribed to.
Taking one's personality apart from the five kbmdhas is considered wrung. Philosophically speaking, a being is not found in, or
identified with, nipa, vedanfi, s&a', s M ~ aor, v=@a, and those
five khandhas are impermanent ( a n i ~ ; y p ) . Holding on to what is
impermanent leads to dukkha" Buddhism indeed starts from this
point where one must see things as they are (yaeh8hhCfa~p).If
tathagala, even while alive, is not found in the five khandhas, how
much less can one expect that he would exist, or would not exist after
attaining parinibbma ? For,such an assumption is merely based on
'compounded things' (sarikhka), as is well brought out in the
Mahiitai&s&ya
sutta of the Maijfiima Niklya. The vm@a
that SEti lhought to be the substance which would transmigrate in
sqs&a, is generatid by cunditions CaiZaatrapaccayiinatthi viE?i@aSsa
sambbava)? In his refutation of SHti's view on the basis of the
theory of paticca-smuppIda, the Buddha clearly demonstrates tbf
once causes of the generation of vm*a (i.e. sarikhiira in the Twelve
Links of Causation) are cut off at the very moment of one's attainment
of MbbIm, there is no more 'consciousness' (vhlifripa), which is
THE DEFINITIONS OF TATHAGATA

]inked to 'mentality and corporality' (nha-Mpa),etc. The moment
of the twelve links is cut off in the cycle of continuity, that
ofihuity is no more. It is therefore right when said that a bhikkhu
who k W a v a , or whose mind is thus released (evaqovimum,-ittam), cannot be found even in this life (&!fie viiham b6ikkhave
h a m e &&%gatam ananuve* ti Y & ) . ~
In other words,'arahants
kh@Davas are those who attained Nibbiba (is. asarikhata) and
gone beyond the conditioned world (sarikhata), and it is in this
conditioned world that the continuity of Itman, v ~ ~ a any
o entity,
r
a life substance, is talked or discussed about in the context of the
avysata questions. The Commentary also makes this point clear,
when it says: 'the word tab-gata is used for both a being and also the
highest person who has destroyed the Ssavas'; 'not to be found'
(ananuvejo)means either non-existent Or untraceable. For, word
tgrhagata, with reference to a being, means non-existent With
reference to one who has destroyed the iisavas, it means ontraceable
(avindeyyo) I do not speak of one who has destroyed the bavas as
a rathi$gataor as a being or as an individual while he is still alive in
the world of phenomena. How could I speak of one who has destroyed
the Bavas as a being or an individual when he has gained Nibbaa
without rebirth ? A tathrSgata is not to be found. For, in the true
sense, a being does not exist...'n It is isthis context k t cctmmentatm
were careful and tried their best to separate and distinguish the use of
the term tathagah from that which was commonly accepted by the
Buddhists to mean either an ai.rahaTltor a Buddha. Hence, it appears
that satta or am;the former taken as a total personality who is subjected to transmigation in s q s h , so long as he is not an arahant,
and the Iatter taken as a life substance separate from the body (i.e.
' mjivam
~ fiam s a r f r q ~ ' ) was
~ ~ the choice of the commentators whenever the aiYikata questions were raised. This is the very
reason why the interpretation by 'some' (kec~)
of the term tathiigata
to mean arahant in the context of the avy-a
questions is regarded
as a heresy.2gMoreover, the Buddha kept them unanswered, because,
firm the religio-ethical point of view, they are not profitable. not
cOncerned with the Dhamma, not increasing even the elements of
right conduct,...and after all not leading to NibbW3'
,,,
...
BUDDHISM
%
Even within the canonical texts, various meanings of the term

taa-gar4 more in line with the usual Buddhist sense, came to be
formulated as time went on. The direction of diversification of its
meaning was not impertinent to the development of Buddholagy.
Attempts were made to speclfy the use of the word tathigatit for
Gotama Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. Expressions such as,
'arahazp tatheato samm&mbuddho.. .',3' were directed towards this
end.32 The Buddha also refers to himself as tatI1iigata.3~Further,
the term came to be used not only for Gotama Buddha, but also for
the past Buddhas.
The generalization of the term tathiigata to mean an Awakened One or a ~uddhaappears to have been a natural corollary in the
development of the applicationof the term. The tathagala originally
meant anyone who was gone beyond says-,
in short, he was a
Liberated one, as seen before. Further, the Buddha called himself
mthiigata; initially he seems to have done so as he too was one of
those liberated ones. Then, the term came to be exclusively used for
Gotama Buddha, Once this is generalized, it came to be applied to
all Buddhas, which fwt leads to the stage where it is possible to have
many such 'Awakened Ones' in the past and in the future as well.w
Thus, the concept of past Buddhas (originally six in number) was
incorporated in %heBuddhist tradition and became papular." The
thera Sarabhaiga tells that Gotama had gone the [same] way [as that]
thrangh which other past Buddhas, such as Vipassi, Sikhi, Vessabhi, Kakusandha and Kassapa, had also gone.36 With this line of
thinking,the idea of plural Buddhas is expressed in many phrases in
the canonical texts. To cite a couple of examples; 'kadiTcikarahsci
tathagats loke uppajjanti arahanto samrnSsambuddhi ... ';3'
'Tathiigatas lead men by the right Dhamma' {nayanti ve mahiivfra
saddhammena Tathagat@ .3B This is what Anesaki calls 'the
communion of the TathiTgafawith many other Tad~iigatas.'~~
In the Psi commentaries, the tern hth@ala is defined at
several places and these definitionscan be classified into three broad

groups, according to the definitions adopted by different commentators.
THE DEFilNlTlONS OF T A M G A T A
(A) DA i 59-68 =MA i 45-52 = AA i 103-112; NdA i 177-184;
PtsA i 207-2 13
(B) & i 121-139 = UdA 133-155; T h a d i 36
(C>BvA'15-24; ThagA i 36; KhpA 195-196; UdA 128-133,340;
ItA i 1 17-121, 186-191
(A) This group consisting mainly of DA, M A and AA gives
one set of elaborate definitions of the term beginning with the sentence, 'AghahimehiBhagavZ t a t & g a t ~ ' , ~and the followingeight
reasons are enumerated:
1. TathI 3gato ti tatbilgatm The Blessed One (Bhagavais

tafhiigata,because he has came thus. It is furtherstated thatthe Blessed
One is tathSigataas he, in accordance with the resolve (ab&-.&ma),
fulfilled the ten perfections @~7.rmiyo),
the ten higher perfections
(upapa'ramiyo) and the ten ultimate perfections (paramatthap ~ m i y 0 ) , 4and
~ made the five great sacrifices (Pa~iccHga).~~
The
Blessed One has thus come like Vipassi and other Buddhas (six
previous Buddhas) who cultivated the four satipaghiTna, sammap
padhiba, iddhipada;five indriya, five bda; seven bajhariga; and the
Eight Noble Paths (ariyay a+@&gikaq rni1gg-1.~~
2. Tatha gat0 ti tath8gato: When the Blessed One was born,

he placed his feet evenly on earth, took seven steps towards North
and declared that he was the chief in the world, etc. He is thus gone
like previous B ~ d d h a sHis
. ~ way of going was real (tatha),not unreal
BUDDHA IN T H E R A Y ~ A
BUDDHISM
(avitatha) as his numerous special achievements were foretold

(pubbanimjl+tabhSvena).
3. Tatha-lakkhagq dgato d tatheato: It is mentioned that
the Buddha has come to the real characteristic of dharnmas; for
instance, the real characteristics of the six eIements @a$avi, iipu,
tdo, viiyo, a H s a and ~ ~ i i n a )five
? ~khandhas, etc. ' All these
&aractedsficsare real. not unkalalThrough his faculty of knowledge
(biipa-gatiYa3; he has come to the real characteristics of dhamrnas.
Thus. he is called tathggafa.
4. Talhi-dhammeyathiivaru abhisambuddhoti tathiigato: The

Blessed One is fully awakened in accordance with the true things.
They are called the Four Noble Truths (tatha-dhammiiniima cattm'
ariya-sacca'm'>,etc,96Because he awakened to the real things
(dhammii), he is called b&Sgata.
5. Tatha-dassitayatathggato: TheBlessed One sees the truth.

He knows and sees objects in their true perspective and whatever
comes within the range of his senses and mind.47
6. Tathgvddiliiya hthaata: The Blessed One,for forty-five
years between the attstinment of Bodhi and Parinibbijria, spoke or
uttered the nine-fold teachings of a Buddha (i.e. sutta, geyya,
veyydcarqa, etc.)@
7. TathiikiVitiiya hthagato: The Blessed One is. hthagata,

because he acts exactly as he speaks. His bodily action tallies with
his speech, and his speech with his bodily action, e t ~ . ~
8. Abfiibhavanarfhenatathigato: The Blessed One conquers
a11 creatures across the illimitable world-systems through moral habit,
concentration, wisdom, freedom, and knowledge and vision of
freedom. e t ~ . ~ @
All these sources follow the same tradition for the exegeses
of the term tathlgata. In fact, DA, MA and AA are almost identical
THE D-ONS
OF TATHAGATA
in explaiaing the term and can, therefore, be regarded as representing one tradition of definitions seemingly adopted by Buddhaghasa.
NdA and PfsA stand conspicuous in this goup. It seems
that the author of NdA, Upasena, had closely followed Buddhaghosa's
exegeses. M a h i h a , the author of PfsA, too seems to have foll~wed
only the definitions adopted by Buddhaghasa. The reason, perhaps,
is that both Upasena and h4ahSin-a couId not have seen the definitions adopted by DhammapIla, as they lived before the time of
~hammapda.~~
In addition to the above eight reasons, this group d sources

P A , MA and AA] further adduces the following explanations:
'Further,tab-gata is "gone by the truth" and "gone to

the truth". "Gone" means attained,passed, reached and
followed. Therein talhiigata is atlained by the truth
through the full understanding as investigating (t%zyapa-iiifii)of the entire world. Tath;igatais parsed by the
truth of the full understanding as overcoming (pahibaparir7ia of the origin of the world. Ta&igata is reached
by the truth through the realization of the cessation of
the world. Tathggata is followed or entered upon the
truth of the way leading to the cessation of the world....
This is indeed only a fraction of the expIanations of the
Tatheah-nature of a talheara. OnIy a tathIgafa would
describe the Tath8gata-naturein all aspects.'52
The above passage ssummarizes that the nature of tahi+gata
(liathiigala-bh~va)
in its entirety can be understood and expIained only
by a tachi'igatrt
(El) In this group of sources, we come across another tradition of definitions given to the term. The works cited in this group
are ascribed to the authorship of Dhammapda.s3 He gives in them
another set of eight reasons as to why the Blessed One is called
tatheata (Aparehipinfflahi keapehiBhagavg Tab-gat@,w hi1e alsr

mentioning the tradition of definitions followed in (A) above
However, it is certain that ernphis is placed more on his own. It,,@
i 121 ff and UdA 133 ff state as follows:
1. Tathiiya @at0 ti tath8gato
2. Tatbayagat0 li tathagat0
3. T a m ' agate ti tab-gat0
4 . Tathi--gat0 ti tathEgato
5. Tatha-vidhoti tathiigato
6 . Tath-pavattito ti taGgafo
7 . Tathehiagato ti tathiigatu
8. TathL gaB-bhBvena tafhEgato
1. Ta&iiya &at0 ti tab-gato: The Bodhisatta, being endowed

with eight qualities (a.@aguna-samamagatam)required for anyone
to become a b~dhisatta?~
made a resolve and had practised thirty
p&mitB far innumerabIc eons under the twenty-four previous
Buddha~;~beginning with Dipdara. Therefore, he is tarhiigata as

he comes by the
2. Tatbifyagatoti rathligato:When the Bodhisatta saw a group
of kings subjected to great suffering, he made the resolve that he
would release them from suffering. Thus, the Blessed One is gone
by the truth for the welfare of the world through great compassion."
3. T a W Bgafo ti tathiigato: The Blessed One comes to the

h-uths. They are the Four Noble Tmths. He comes on his own,and
not by any other means. Therefore,he is fathiigafa as he comes to the
truths. His knowledge concerning the present, past and future is
~nobstructed.~~
I3e achieves them through the lolowledge of his own,
etc.*
4. Tarha gafo ti tathiigato: ItA i 132 and UdA 148 explain

the term laths as follows: ' Yii tZi Bhagavato abhijsti a b h i s a m b o ~
dhamma-vinaya-paXapmi anupiidisesanibbaa-dhsmyo, $3tathd'
(Whatever the Lord's excellent birth, supreme ~nli~htenment,
dec-
laration of the Dhamma-Vinaya and the elements of Nib&a, those

are the truths).60
5 . TathCvidho ti taawato: ItA i 135 and UdA 15 1 say that
FulIy Awakened Ones are such; so isthis Blessed One ,(yah-v i d h g p ~ h a k sammbambuddb8
#
re ayiqpiBhagau3 t a h - - v j & ~ ) . ~ ~
6. Tathapavattiko ti tathiigato: The Blessed One is called
fathggataon account of his being endowed with the power of psychic
ptencies not shared by others, e t ~ . ~ ~
7 . Tatbehi &at0 ti tathilgalm UdA 152 as well as ItA i 136

with variant readings states thus: 'Bdi-sambb-e tapp~tipakkhappavatti-sarikha'tq n 'atthi efassaahthan ti tathehi @am' (In the necessary conditions for the attainment of wisdom, there is nothing untrue to that, i.e. reckoned to be the conduct contrary to that (state)
(tam + pagpakkha). In that sense, [the Tathgata is come] by [these]
truths). It further says ?hat the true state is [achieved] by the knowledge relating to the consideration of disadvantages and advantages
[of things], which are obvious in such cases as between stinginess
a d the perfection of giving. The tarhagata is [thus] come by that
knowIedge (Sopan 'assa &&ha-bhgvo
ma~chera~~
d8nap-i
sSdisu
avipm-ta #d%a v 'iinisqsapaccavekkhqddi naya-ppavattehi 5@ehi
@at0 t a h - g a t ~ ) . ~
8. Tatha gata-bhsvena tathiTgato: UdA 1 53 explains that

'through the state of being thus gone' means by reason of the being,
i.e. the existence of TathsTgata (tathf gata-bfi8venA ti Tatheatassa
8ambhHvena atthi@y$ti attho). It furtherremaks that as it is preached
by the Blessed One, so it is gone or followed by his disciples. This is
the meaning of Tatbagafa. Thus all good dhamma is thus-fc~llowed
I~athBBhagavaa desito lath8 Bhagavata sBvakehi gafo Sgato ti
Ta~igato.
E v q sabbo pi saddhamrno tat&gat~).~~
ItA i 138-139 andUdA 154-155 quote somegathiis as a summary at. the end of these exegeses of the word tathgata. It appears
fhat Dhammnpilla, while reiteratinghis predecessors' interpretations,
BUDDHISM
suggested aiternate definitions based on those giifhiTs which are not
cited in Buddhaghosa's commentaries except for the first gfithii at
DA i 60 and MA i 46. A striking feature of DhammapBa's definitions
compared with those of Buddhaghosa is that Dhammapila dwells

exclusively on the meaning of 'truth' of the word tathi This sense
can be supported by the evidence found in Sanskrit works. U.Ogihara
believes that &&a' is a euphonic tern for the Sanskrit word tathya
and the original sense in which tathiigata is used, would be either
tathya-agah (reached the truth) or tathya-gata (realized the truth),66
In the first Cbapter of the ~&abhurn&a-vibWa-&tra~~
extant only
in Chinese translation, eleven definitions of the word tathiigata are
given and the term lathii is used in the sense of 'truth'.
(C) This group represents sources with much brief explanatiom of the term. They follow the same methods as in (A) in the case
of BvA, KhpA, UdA and ItA (as these sources we noted above in
(B)), while ThagA i 36 follows the methods in both (A) and (B).
ThagA, moreover, specifically refers to the Udiina-atJhakathii and
Itivuttaka-a@&aG by their names for details (Ayay ettha satifrfiepo
Virrhiiriro pana Paramattha-Dipaniyd Udiina'thakathilya,
Itivuttaka.@akathilya ca vutlnaayen 'eva veditabbo).
Out survey above reveals that the Pili commentarial traditions in the exegeses of the term tathsgata are of two types; the one
adopted by Buddhaghosa and followed by other commentators including DhammapBla, and the other suggested and followed only by
Dhammapda. The question of what sources Dhammapaa based his
exegeses on,is, unfortunately, mt resolved for want of further evidence. This is one of the areas where a future research is necessary
in order to determinehow far DhamrnapiIlawas influenced by sources
outside the Theraviida tradition.
CHAPTER VI
THE GENERAL, NATUU (DHAMMATA) AND

THE DIFFERENCES ( VEMA27")AMONG BUDpHAS
Unlike the word dhamma in Buddhism, the term &amma@
derivative form of dhamma) has a limited connotation.
The mS'sPilli-English Dictionary gives it the meanings of 'fitness,
proprieq; a general rule. higher law, cosmic law, general practice,
tegular phenomenon, usual habit; etc." The Venerable W,Rahula
also gives it the meanings of 'nature, natural, way, habit, custom,
customary and usual.'2 The word dhmaliitherefme signifies 'the
general nature or common features' when applied to Buddhas. It is a
common usage in the Canon and refers to various situations fmrn
worldly tw the highest doctrinal mattersm3What concerns us here is
its usage with regard to the Buddha-concept.
The dhammas concept within the TheravSda con&xt is an

extension of the acute desire of the Buddhists to establish supremacy
of the Buddha's teachings. Circumstances both internal and external
necessitated the Theravadins to try their best to perpetuate the
Dharnma by all means. The Dhamrnais taught not only by Gotama
Buddha, but also by dl Buddhas of the past. Buddhas appear in this
world only to discover it, Universality of the Dhamrna 'must be
assured. Thus, the canonical texts give several instances to show
that Buddhas we the embodiment of the Dhamma and, because of
that. have common features among them.
The MahapadMina sutta ii 12 ffl describing the biography
of Vipassi Buddha gives 'general rules' applicable to all Buddhas
and they can be summarised as follows:
1. When a bodhisatta descends into his mother's womb h m the
Tusita heaven,he is mindful (sato) and self-possessed Ismpaj;So).
2. When a bodhisatta descends into the mother's womb, there manifeats a bright radiance ( u r n obhiso pa'rubhavati).
BUDDHA IN TFEBAvADA BUDDHISM

3 When a bodhisatta descends into the mother's womb, four gods
(cattiim devaputtil) go towards the four quarters to protect the
bodhisatta.
4. When a bodhisatra is descending into the mother's womb, the
mother of the bodhisatta is a woman of virtues, keeping the five
precepts.
5. When a bodhisatta is descending into the mother's womb, that
mother has no mind for indulgence in the pleasures of senses with
men and is incapable of transgression with any man.
6. When a bodhisatta is descending into the mother's womb,that
mother is living in the enjoyment yielded by the five senses ( p d c a kiizna-gupa).
7. When a bodhisatta is descending into the mother's womb, no
ailment whatsoever befalls the mother.
8. A bodhisam'sbody is completewith all his organs and limbs within
the rnder's womb.
9. On the seventh day after the birth of a bodhisatta, the mother of the
bodhisatta dies and rises in the Tusita heaven.
10. A bodhisatta is born exactly after ten months.
11. When a bodhisatta issues from his mother's womb, gods receive
him first, and afterwards men.
12. When a bodhisatta issues from his mother's womb and has not
touched h e earth,four gods receive him andpresent him to the mother,
saying: 'Rejoice,Lady, for Mighty is the son born to you !'
13. When a bodhisatta issues from his mother's womb,he comes
forth stainless, undefiled by watery matter, mucus, blood, any uncleanness whatever. pure, spotless.
14. When a bodhisatta issues from his mother's womb,two showers
of water appear from the sky; one af cold and the oth& of w W
water for bathing the bodhisatta and his mother.
15. When a bodhisatta is born, he stands firm on both feet and, with
his face to the north, takes seven strides. A white parasol is held over
him. Then he declares: 'Aggo'hap asmi lokassa,je!@o' harp asmj
lokassa, se-@o ' h q asmi
~ lokassa, ayarp anrim8 jati; n 'a&' dai
punabbhavo ti.'
16. When a bodhisatta issues Tram his mother's womb, a splendid
THE GENERAL NATUFS (DHAMMATA) . ..

is made manifest.
Interestingly, these dhammaras are all concerned with the

descent from the Tusita heaven, conception and birth. This fact
indicates the extent to which the Buddhists at the time placedemphasis on the birth af a bodhisatta. The Acchariyabbhutadhanlma sutta
ascribes all the above 'commoa features' to Gotama Buddha as well.'
However, the sutta adds four more things to be counted as
Lacchariyabbhutadbammaa' ;namely, (a) Gotama Bodhisatta arose in
the Tusita heaven mindful and clearly conscious; {b) he was mindful
and ctlnscious while remaining in the Tusiia heaven; (c) Gotama
Bodhisatta remained in the Tusita heaven as long as his life-span
lasted; and Id) the mother of Gotama Bodhisatta gave birth standing?
The AfLhakath%texts further increased the number of such

common features or general rules applicable to all Buddllas past,
present and future. The Madhuratthavilbinimentions t h w of them
(sambuddhijmqn smatimsavidhii dhammata')as f ~ l l o w s : ~
(1) On descending into his mother's womb the Bodhisatta is aware
of its being his last existence (pacchimabhavikabodhisattassa
sampajaassa mBzikucchi-okkammam).
(2) The cross-legged position in the mother's womb facing outwards
(mZtukucchiyampallarikena bahimulch~valokan~).
(3) The standing position of the Eodhisatta's mother when she is
giving birth (thitiiya bodhisartassa mctuya vijiiyanarp).
(4) Issuing forth from the mother's womb only in a forest (arae
yeva ma'tukucchitonikkhmmam).
( 5 ) The feet being placed on a golden cloth, taking seven steps facing
north, surveying the four quarters, roaring a lion's roar
(kaficanapagesu patifFhirapad3nap u ttariibhimukhanam
Sattapadavitihiirazq gan tvii catuddisq 010ketviisIhanidmadauq).
(6) The Great Departure af the Great Beings after they have seen the
four signs and a son has been born (catt8ri nimitm'disvdjttapu&Wq
mahgsattrinam mahabhinikkhamanarp).
(7) Taking up the banner of an arahant, having gone forth, (then)
engaging in striving for (at least) seven days according to all the demarcations (arahaddhajq samsdiya pabbajitvi sabbahe@zimena
pilricchedena saw* padhrlnacxiyii).
(8) On the day of reaching Self-Awakening the pattaking of milkrice (sambodhimp i p u ~ m a d i v mpiiyiisabhojanq)
(9) Arrival at omniscient knowledge while seated on a grass-spreading (ti!asan th&~nisiditva s a b b c ~ - u t z ~ ~ Z d h i g m a ) .
(10)Preparation for the meditational practice of in-breathing and autbreathing ( ~ 2 p ~ a k a m m a f @ ~ a p a r I k ~ ) .
(11) The shattering of mra's forces (Miirabalavr'ddhqsanay).
(12) While still in the cross-legged posirion for Awakening, beginning with the three knowledges, acquisition of the special qualities
beginning with the knowledges not shared (by others) (bodhipdlarike
yeva risso vi!d Sdim katvg asadh≈u?anZdi-g~apatiI;sbho}.
(13) The spending of seven weeks close to the Tree of Awakening
itself (sattasattZbq bodi~isamjpeyeva vjhiiman;u!~). .
(14) A Great BrahmSi's request for the leaching of Dhamma (Ma/@brahrnuno dhammadesanatthSy3 iiyscanam).
(15) The turning o f the Wheel of Dhamma in a seer's resort in a deersanctuary (hipame mgadiiye dhammacakkappavattdna.y).
(I 6 ) On the full-moon day of MSgha the recital of the Plimokklza in
an assembly having the four factors ( M I g I ~ a p u ~ a r n caturarigi~ya
kasannipiifepZ~imokkhuddeso).
(17) Regular dwelling in a place in the Jetavana (Jetavanal~hiiae
nibaddhav5so).
(18) The perforlnance of the Twin hJiracles at the gateway to the city
o f Siivatthi (Siivatthinagaradvlire yamakap5~ihkiyWapLy).
(19) The teaching of Abhidhamma in the abode of the Thirty-Three
(T~vatiysabhavane
Abhidhatnmadesana.
(20) The descent from the deva-world at the gateway to the city of
Smikassa (Sarikass;uragmdv&e d~valoka
to o~uqarp).
(21) Constantly attaining the attainments of the fruits (satararp
phalasamspa ttisamSpajjmarp).
(22) Surveying people who could be guided out in two meditations
(dvisu jhkesu veneyyajaniTvalokanam).
(23) Laying down amle of training when a matter had arisen ( u p p m c
THE GENERAL NATURE IDHAMMATA)...
vatfiosmiq sikW,dpadap&iiapanam).
a JCttaka (-stoly) when a need l a d arisen (uppanniya
aahuppatjyaJgtakakathmq).
(&) Speaking the Chronicle of Buddhas in a gathering of relations
(fiatisan~zgaxne
Buddha v~sakathanam).
(26) Giving a friendly welcome to incoming monks (iigantukehi
b]likkhdu'paosanth&akarqam).
(27)Spendingthe rains where invited and not leaving without asking
for permission (nirnanritiinam vafthuvass8nam aniipaprrccha
aganlanap).
(28) Evcry day carrying out the duties for before a meal, for after a
meal, for the first, middle, last watches (of the night) (divase divas&
purebhatta-pacchibh8tta-pafhdma-majjhima~pacchi111ay~m
(24) Telling
kiccakcmq;u;n).
(29) Partaking of the flavour of meat on the day of the final Nibbma
(pwinibbiSnadivasernamsarasabhoijana~p}.
(30) The final Nibbaa after having attained the twenty-four hundred
thousand crores of attainments (ca~~~v~satiko~isarasabassmarn~p
samSpajjifvi3parinibbiTna~p).~
Same of the items in the list are referred to separately in the

AffhakathZ!texts. For example, 'a bodhisatta renounces the world
only after the birth of a son' (No.(6) above]. This reference is found
at DA i i 422. The first P'timokkhuddesagi3th~
of every Buddha [cf.
No. (16) above] is the
On the other hand. some items appear
to be new additions only in BvA as they can be found nowhere in the
commentaries [e.g. Nos. (24).(25), etc.] It is difficult to enumerate
all those common features among Buddhas mentioned in the Aiihakath8 literame. This is because the genera1 trend by the time of the
commentaria1 literature was to generaIise everything connected with
Buddhahood, beginning with the life of a 13uddha. physical
endowments and spiritual attainments of a Buddha, etc. Thus, under
this notion anything and everything can be a dhammatfiso long as it
is something about a Buddha. The Dhmapada-aFhakaG expresses
this idea in a different manner when it says that G o t m a Buddha
conforms ta the traditions of all B ~ d d h a s It
. ~is again because of this
underlying current that the commentaries often use the plural forn
of Buddhas. The Theraviidins made an attempt to develop the concep
of universal Buddhahood by estabIishing the notion that allBuddha!
past and future had common properties. Such a move by tht
Theraviidins is to perpetuate the Dhamma which according to then,
must be supreme and universal.
In addition, the AffhakathL texts sporadically refer to
dhanunatS.~of all Buddhas. Buddhas have the four unalterable spots
(avQ&ifa.+iina); viz., (a) bodhipaliariko ...ekasimjy yeva ~h;?ne
hoti
(cross-legged position in one place only); @) dhammacakkappavaitanam lsipafane migadzye (the turning of the Wheel of
Dhamma in a deer park at Isipatana); ( c ) devorohanakgle
Sarikassanagaradvilre pafhcunapadakkmo (the placing of the first
footstep at the gateway of the city of Sarikassa at the time of descending from the world of devas); and (d) Jetavmagandhaku~iya
cattiiri m,ulcapiiiiaghiinZnj (the position of the four legs of the bed in
Scented Chamber in Jetavana).'" As discussed elsewhere. the
four things that are never hampered by anyone ( c a t f ana mtariiyikS
dhammii) are mentioned at BvA 299." Buddhas are born only in the
rnajjhimapadesa in India.'?, All Buddhas perform the Twin Miracle
at S2ivatthi.I3 Other common features are referred to at their appropriate places throtighout the present study.
The concept of differences (ven~atta

among Buddhas is seen
in h e Malrapadaa sutta in Ihe Canon. In the sutta is given eleve11
divisions under which the seven previous Buddhas differ from each
other as
(I) Kappa (aeon)

(2) Bti (clan)
(3) Gotra (family)
(4) Ayu (life-span)
(5) Bodhi modhi tree)
(6) Siivakayuga (two chief disciples)
(7) Sdvakasannipii~(assembly of disciples)
THE GENERAL NATURE (DNAMMATA) . .
(8) Upaftb&a (attendant monk)

(9) Pitu (father)
(1 0)Mgtu (mother)
( 1 1 RiijadhSni (capical)15
>
The Sumangalavil3sini greatly elaborates on these divisions

with additional differences among Buddhas.16 The text states that
the divisions (pariccheda)are nine-foId which have come down (in
~e texts) (nav' eva v&ii agafa3.17 The nine divisions correspond to
NOS. 1-9 in the list of the Mahiipadba sutta mentioned above. Although we have given rnillu and n$dh&. as separate divisions, the
Mahiipadina sutta mentions them collectively in the same paragraph
;~s
in pifu." Therefore the position taken by DA is justified. However,
the Commentary adds a division called 'sambahula' (many-fold)
which is not found in the text (Sambahuh-v&u na agato).Ig This is a
cornmentarial addition to the traditional account of dserences among
Bodhisattas and Buddhas in the Canon and shows the extent of
development of the Buddha-concept in the commentaries.* Under
this division the Sumafigalavi~inigives the following information
regmding what is both common to all the seven previous Buddhas
and different from each other2'
(1) All Bodhisattas renounce the world-afterthe birth of a son. This

is to show to the world that Bodhisattas are human.
(2) Names of sons are given as Samavattakkhandha, Atula,
Suppabuddha,Uttara, Satthavaa, Vijitasena and R l i h d ~ ~ ~
(3) Names of wives: Sudhiinii, Sabbakirna, SucittI, Rocani,
hcaggatti, Sunanda and BirnbB.=
(4) Vehicles (yma)by means of which Bodhisattas do the Great Departure (mahii-abhinikkhamana),
(5) Extents of monasteries (vihaa).
(6) Amounts spent on the acquisition of land for monasteries (vihiira-
bhurni-gahana-dhana').
(7)Namcs of lay-supporters who bbught the lands, built monasteries
donated them (bhfirnimb i t v a vih&qn katva dim' upal@&o):
Putlabbasumitta, Sirivad$hrtka, Sotthiya, Accuta, Ugga, Summa and
BUDDHA ZN T H E R A V ~BUDDHISM
A
Sudatta (Aniithapindika).
(8) Four unalrerable spots (avijahita-i-?h;ina).
(9) Five differences (vematta among Buddhas: iiyu, p m @ a , kula,
padhiina and rasmi
(10) Two particulars only for Gotama Buddha: sabajdta (simultaneous births) and nakkhafta (asteri~m).~~
The concept of differences among Bodhisattas and Buddhas

continued to develop through post canonical works and the cornentarial literature. The sources of reference are given below:
(A) Four Differences: Miln 285
(i) kuia (family), (ii) addhina (period), (iii) liyu (life-span)and (iv)
pam@??a(size).2s
(B) Five Differences: (I) DA ii 424 = EVA 130. (II)UdA 152 = ItA i
136
(I)Same as at DA ii 424 mentioned above (See No.9).
(II) (i) iiyu, (ii) sxiia-ppamea (bodily size), (i) kula, (iv) dukkaracariya (austerities) and (v) rarnsi (ray)
(C) Eight Differences: (a) SnA ii 407-408,(b) EVA 296-297

(i) addhka [a], (ii) iiyu [a, bl, (iii) kula [a, b], (iv) pamqa [a, b], (v)
nekkl~amma(renunciation) [a], (vi) padhiina (striving) [a, b], (vii)
bodhi (or bodfrirukkha) (tree of Awakening) [a, b], (viii) ransi [a, b]
and (ix) y h a (vehicle) [b).
ID)Twelve Determining Factors: BvA 62

(i) kappa (awn). (ii) j ~ t (birth),
i
(iii) go& (clan), (iv) iiyu, (v) bodhi,
(vi) siivaka (male disciples), (vii} sdvik3 (female disciples),
sannipiita (assemblies), (ix) upal$&a (attendants), (x) n~atapiM
(parents), (xi) putta (son) and (xii) bhmyH (wife).
(e)
(E) Thirty-two Determining Factors @ariccheda): BvA 2-3
The Madhuratthavilfisini gives twenty-two determining factors as those handed down in the texts @SliyH sgatehi bav~satiya
THE GENERAL NATURE (DWAMMATA).. .
parjcchede~p m ' ~ ~ h i mvavatlhito),

0
while the other manifold ten
are not found therein ( p d i - ~ i % E hpana
o sambahulavi$ro)D v A 21.
The list. in BvAis a summary of a11differences and divisionsreferred
lo jn the Anhakatha literature and can therefore be considered as the
last deveIopment in the comnentaries. Far the purpose of comparison and contrast, the other Pllli sources discussed above individually
or collectively are given within brackets: (1) Mahiipadiina sutta [D ii
2 ffJ, (2) hlilindapaiiha [MiIn 2851, (3) Sumaigalaviliisini[A 2 DA ii
422 ff, B - DA ii 4241, (4) Suttanipita-a~hakathB[SnA ii 407 fl, (5)
~adhuratthavilkhi[A - BvA 62,B BvA 130, C - EVA 296 f] and
(6)Udaa-atfhakatha [UdA 1521= Itivuttaka-atwatl~a[ItA i 1361 :
(i>Kappa (aeon) [1,5-A]

(ii) Nma (name)
(iii) Gotta (clan) [I, 5-A]
(iv) 3215(birth) [I, 5-A]
(u) Nigara (city) [ 11
(vi) Pjtu (father) 11, 5-A]
(vii) Ma& (mother) [I, 5-A]
(viii) Bodhi (tree of Awakening) [I, 4,S-A & q
(i) Dhammackkapavatiana (turning the Wheel of Dharnma)
( x ) Abl~isrunaya(penetrations)
(xi) SSvakasannipiifa (assemblies of disciples) [I. 5-A]
(xii) Aggasavakii (chief disciples) [I, 5-A]
Ixiii) UpatthBka (attendants) [I, 5-A]
(xiv) AggasBvikg (chief female disciples) 15-A]
(XV) Parivji.rabhi&hu (retinue of monks)
(xvi) Riq~qi(rays) [3-A & B, 4,5-I3& C, 61
(xvii) Smi..appam;i?a (height of he physical frame) [2, 3-A &
B, 4,5-B & C, 61
(xviii) Bodhisattiidhikisra (acts of merit whiIe still the Bodhisatta)
(xix) Vya-arana(declaration)
h x ) Padhfina (the Bodhisatta's striving) [3-A & B. 4, 5-B& C]
(xxi) Ayu (Iife-span) [l,2,3-A & B,4,S-A & B & C, ti]
(xxii) ParinibbrTna (the attainment of final Nibbiina)
EUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ ABUDDHISM
(xxiii) Agiiravaa (the time spent living the household life)
(xxiv) Pbidattaya (three palaces)
[xxv) hTa'!akitrhi (dancing women)
(xxvi) Aggamabesi (chief consort) 13-A, 5-A]
(xxuii) Putta (son) [3-A, 5-A]
(xxviii) Ylina (vehicle) [3-A, 4,s-C]
(xxix} Abhinikkhamana (departure or renunciation) [4]
(XXX) Padhaa (striving)26
(xxxi) U p a - W a(lay-attendants)" [3-A]
(xxxii) Vaim (viwa) [3-A]
The list in the Madhuratthavilbini seen above omits items
like addhaa, kula, drrkkara-cariyij, etc., which are found in the commentaries. On the other hand, it adds new items not found anywhere
in the commentaries.
A question as to why such divisions @ariccheda) necessary is addressed in the Madhurattha~iksini.~~
The text says that if
the city of birth, father, mother, etc., of a Bodhisatta is not known,a
deva or SaMca or a yakkha or m
a or Brahmi5 or other devas might
think that a marvel such as this is iot wonderful and [therefore] the
teaching of a Buddha is not to be listened to. If so, there would be no
penetration (abhismaya). If there werenot a penetration, a Buddha's
words would be useless and the Dispensation would not be profitable.29
i
THE BODHISATTA-CONCEPT
IN THE COMMENTARIES
BUDDHA TN THERAVADA BUDDHISM
CHAPTER VII
The doctrine of Bodhisatta in the Pa comn~enbrialtradition

can be seen as supplementary to the apotheosis of Buddhas. The Pai
commentaries bring out multifaceted aspects of the doctrine of
~ ~ d h i s a thitherto
ta
u h o w n in the Pgli canonical and post-canonical works. Dharnmap%lain particular, can be regarded as a
who shows much greater interest in the dissemination
of its doctrine and, indeed, introduces new concepts in the Theravda
wadition. However, it must be kept in mind, and, therefore, calls for
future investigation, that the question of how far faithfully the P3i
commentators translated and re-arranged the Sihala AmakaM, now
Iost, without meddling with the contents therein, is the matter which
makes the determination of the dates of introduction of those new
concepts embedded in the P-di commentaries, more difficult. For,
there are two layers of infomtiori in the commentaries; one is that
which is possibly contained in the Sihala Aghakathl, and the other is
the new material introduced by the commentators themselves. If the
former is the case, then the possible introduction of those concepts
and ideas is not later than the third century AD.' If the latter, on the
other hand, is correct, the dates of their intduction can be as late as
the commentators themselves. This sfratification of material and
information bears significance especially in the context of a comparative study of the doctrine of Bodhisatta/Bodhisattva between
Therav~daBuddhism and Mahsyana Buddhism; the latter being
us~allyregarded as the main system in which a vast collccticm of
sources dealing with the Bodhisattva Ideal is found. However, the
%rav~dins also developed the doctrine of Bodhisam of their own,
which has not been adequately dealt with even by scholars of Pdi
Buddhism. It gainedaccelerationand divers*catim in the Theraviida
Scene in the Atthakathi literature, though the Buddhavqsa and
%yZipi*a
witain certain ingredients that can be regarded as precursors of later developments in the commentaries. This chapter will,
therefore, discuss Some salient features of the concept of Bodhisatta

and its usage found mainly in the Pdi Ar@akathf literature. Before
proceeding further, however, a brief historical survey of the usage of
the word bdisattain the pre-commentarial literatwe, will beuseful.2
1. Bodhisattas in the bcommentarial Literature
After analysing the contexts in which the word bodfu'silttais
employed in the NikByas, T.Sugirnoto gives six different usages of
bodhisatta as follows: (1)thebodhisatta who is imperfect and irnrnature, (2) the bodhisatta who is still imperfect but surpassing that state,
(3) the bodhisattawho is a wanderer and an ascetic, (4) the bdhisatta
who is the master of meditation and a seer of the dhamma, (5) the
bodhisatta at the time of his conceptionand birth, and (6) the bodhisatta
who dreams ofthe (five) great dreams? All these types of bodhisatta
depicted in the NikEyas can be broadly summarised into two usages.
One is the bodhisatta referring to the state before the attainment of
Enlightemcnt in the life of Gotama Buddha. References to such a
bodhisatta are often told in the mouth of the Buddha himself in the
following manner: 'Mayham pi ... pubba va sambodha
mabhismbuddhassa hdtisattass 'eva sato... Here the bodhisatta
is depicted as a being seeking higher knowledge. No marked
difference in this ease is seen between the bdhisatta and any other
mendicants who also seek the realisation of the truth. But this
bodhisatta refers to Gotama Buddha's former state before his Enlightenment. The other is the bodhisatta used as a generic term
referringto previous existences of any Buddha in the past. This usage
is a result of accepting the multiplicity of Buddhas (i.e. six previous
Buddhas) in the ftrst four Nikiiyas and also of the generalisation of
events and anecdotes associated with the life of Gotama Buddha,
which subsequently became applicable to any previous and future
Buddhas. Thus, the MahiipadZna sutta5 relates the stories of Vipassi
Buddha beginning horn the descent from the Tusita heaven onwards
and the same stories are repeated m connectionwith the penultimate
life of Gotarna Buddha in the Acchariyabbhutadhamma sutb6 It is
an extended usage of the first meaning of bodhisatta. This
"
development is no doubt a result of the apotheosis of Buddhas and

c&ninates in the concept of dhammas (general nature) common to
all Buddha.
In the Khuddaka N*ya,
the word bodhisatfadoes not occur

as often as in the other four N ~ y a s .However, it is in this NMya,
pflicularly in those texts which are said to be of late origin in the
cbonology of the P$i canonical texts, that we find a further development in the concept of Badhkatta. The Khuddaka N u y a is divided
hto two strata for convenience: (a) the old stratum, even in the whole
of canonical texts, represented by texts like the Suttanipsta, etc., and
(b) the new or late stratum which includes texts like the Buddhavqsa,
Cariyipipka, Apadiina, etc.
(a) The Suttanip-, referring to Gotama Bodhisatta, brings
out a very important aspect of the Bodhisatta-concept. He is depicted as a being who was born in this world for happiness and weal
(hitasuJ&at%ya}of the people [Sn 6831. This idea of a cornpa~sionate
bodhisatta is also exp~essedin the Canon. The Majjhima Nikaya
says as follows: 'Asammul~adhammosatto Ioke uppanna
bahlrjan& @ a bahujanasukl48ya l o k a ukampaya atfhiiya hiti'iya
sukhaya devamanussibq' (A being not liable ro bewilderment
(delusion) has arisen in the world for the welfare of the manyfolk, for
the happiness of the manyfolk, out of compassion for the world, for
the good, the welfare, the tiappiness of gods and men.)7 This passage
occurs in connection with the Buddha who relates to the brahrnia
J@usso?i his own past experience of fear and dread of living alone
in a forest when he was the Bodhisatta. The evidence of such
statements concerning the reasons for the appearance of a bodhisam
in this world certainly suggests that altruism was the prime objective
of his birth.
(b) The theme of the Buddhavqsa and Catiyiipitaka is to

show the former comections of Gotama Buddha and perfections he
Pmtised as the Bodhisatta, though the ward bodhisatla is not used.
The Buddhavesa is entirely based on the history of Gotama
Buddha's career as the Bodhisatta from the time of making his
abhu31;Tra (resolve) before D i p m a Buddha to become a Buddha

in the future. He was then known as Surnedha, and had to spend an
incalculabIe length of time (as&ya)
before f~nallybecoming a
Buddha Under each and every past Buddha, Gotama Bdhisatta
receives a prediction or declaration (vy&xapa) that he wodd be the
Buddha named Gotama in a distant future. Eight conditions
(a@hadhammag are mentioned as the preconditions for anyone to
aspine to be a bodhisatta [Bv Il v 593. Further, ten perfections @&mi)
are to be practised and fulfilled [Bv I3 vs 117 ffJ.4 The Cariyaipipdca
illustrates some of the paamis the Buddha practised in his previous
existences. The Ataka stories come under this category, though it
may be a later fabrication to connect them with the fulfilment of
piitanis in varied forms of existences of the Bodhisatta.'Qt this
stage of developmentof the Bodbisatta-concept, one can observe that
such obligations incumbent upon a bodhisatta as makisg a resolve
(aMinfGra)in front of a Buddha. receiving a declaration or prediction (vyiikarapa) from him,fulfilling the ten perfections @i%ami),
etc., were introduced in the Pdi tradition for the fust t h e . And this
generalisationof preliminaries leading to Baddhahood is to deveIop
further in the A $ & a ~ literamrc."
The Udma also mentions the word bodhisatta at one place,

but it is with reference to the mothers of bodhisattas in the following
manner: 'appgyrrkii hi bodhisattazniTtaro honti, salfiihajiiresu
bodhisartesu bodhisattam&uo kitlay h n t i . ' l2 This shows that
mothers of all bodhisattas die seven days after their birth. It is,
therefore,clearthat this uttemce is W e d to the concept of o!bammag
applied to aU B u d d h as seen before.
While following the same connotationsof the word bodhisatta
as in the NikZiyas, the Kathiivatthu discusses probably the most
important issue which separates the Theravida doctrine of Bodhisatta
from that of Mahayma Buddhism. That is, whether or not the
bodhisatta takes Kths into a state of woe and mdertakes a difficult
course of life on his own accord [Kv XXm 3].l3 This view was
upheld by the Andhakas according to the Com~nentary.~~
'
One of the salient features .of the Bodhisatta doctrine in the

Nohem Buddhism is the altruistic or compassionate nature of a
bodhisatta.15 This does not mean that the P a tradition does not
advocate it. On the contsary, it does as can be seen in the Suttanipgta
md Majhima NkWa [See above]. The best example of A s is the
jg*
illustrating varied self-sacrificing acts performed by the
Bodhisatta in his previous existences for the benefit of others. Bnt
we have to admit that there are great differences in the emphasis
placed on this aspect of Bodhisattva-hood patticularly in its
conceptualisation in the two traditions.
ID the Kathiivatthu,16the Theraviidins maintain that the

~ ~ d h i s a tcannot
ta
be born into various states at his own free-will."
The argument put forward by them is based on the contention that if
fie proposition of the Andhakas were accepted, the very basis of
kamma theory would be at stake. Buddhaghosa makes this point
clear B v A 200].18 Regarding the Andhakas' position which affirms
that the Bodhisattaperformed painful and hard practices on his o w ,
the Thetaviidins question whether or not he fell back on wrong views
such as, 'the world is eternal', etc., or whether or not he subscribedto
the views of his former teacherswhen practising penance under them
before his Enlightenment. While the Andhakas ernphasise the
c~mpassianatenature of a bodhisam, the TheravZidim maintain that
even the Bodhisatta is not exception to the law of kamma. The
Theravadins became often liable to fdling into pitfalls as a-resnI1of
holding two mutually opposing stances in the concept of Buddha;
one is to keep the canonical authorities to the hilt, and the other is to
glorify and apotheosise the Buddha or Buddhas. Subsequently, in
the Atthakathii literature, they had to give way to the emphasis on the
altruistic nature of a bodhisatta advocated especially by Dhammap$ila
in his exegeses on karupa of a Buddha found in the CariyIIpipJcaatthakathii.I9 Hence, expressions like, 'karun8ya dukkhaq~
Swpaficchatf (by compassion Podhisattal accepts suffering) and
' k w i y a va@y piipy5fi3(by compassion [Bodhisatta] attains the
of existences) are testimony to the direction into which even
fhe Theraviidins were drawn regardiag the doctrine of Eodhisatta.
BUDDHA IN TI-IERAVADABUDDHISM
This development is a marked departure fmm thestand taken by them
in the Kathavatthu.
The position taken by the Theraviidins in the Kath3vatthu
suggests that the Bodhisatta is treated as a being not different from
other mendicants whose attainments are not yet perfect. The
Theravadins did not want ta make any distinction between savakas
and the Bodhisatta as N.Dutt puts it.?' This fact is in direct contrast
to what we find in the A w t h I texts where 'sabbmu-bodhisaw
is a favourite designation, as will be discussed later. This line of
thinking is also confumed by anothet argument found in the text.21
It is a proposition raised by the Pubbaseliyas and Aparaseliyas
according to the Commentary [KvA 1431 that the Bodhisatta was
'assured' of attainingNibbaa in his last b f i , therefore he is already
'assured'. But the TberavSdias believe that there are only two kinds
of niy-a (assurance); samnraftmy&na and m i c c h a ~ y i i m a The
.
fomer is the assurance resulting from the practice of bdmacariya
(parity in conduct) and arlyamagga (noble path or path of sanctification) while the latter is the conduct that finds retribution without
delay (iinantanyakamma). And this applies to anyone regardless of
the distinction between dvakas and the Bodhisatta. Buddhas may
prophesy saying, 'such a one will in future attain to Bodhi (Buddhahood).' This p s o n is a bodhisatta by reasonof ~e cumulative growth
of merit But he is not really 'assured' in the camect sense of the
term according to the Theraviididins. All of these argumentspresented
in the A@akam WvA 143In point to a very important aspect of
the Bodhisatta-conceptin the KaWvatthu. The Bodhisatta according
to its compiler is in no way diffe~entfrom any other ~ B v a k a s .But
~~
this interpretation of equality between the mendicant and the
bdhisatta is not a special feature of Theravaa Buddhism alone. In
early Mah2yZina texts, the same idea is also found expressed, though
the bodhisatta is at the same time depicted as being superior to, or
different from, arahant~.~
The positions taken by the Theravaidins in the Kath&atthu
amply testify that it was a s&t of reaction and reassertion of their
own stance against various new developments taking place in the
BODHISATTA
~ ~ d d h icommunity
st
at that limn The main feature observable in
the
advocated by schools like the Andhakas is directed
towards drawing a line of demarcation between the bodhisatta and
sgvakas. The bodhisatta according to them (Andhakas) is
egarded as a being who is quite superior to other beings. He is unique
in his personality and accomplishment. The defence of the
~heravadinswas entirely based on the older sources available to them.
This attitude and the tactics employed by them, ironically and against
their intended aim, became narrow in their concept of Bodhisatta
For, the canonicaI concept of Bodhbatta, as seen earlier, allows only
two possible interpretations; the Bodhisatta who is not different from
other mendicants in their attainments and the Bodhisatta as the former
existences of Gotarna Buddha or previous existences of all Buddhas,
past, present and future. Thus, the Kathi%vatthucould not go beyond
the boundary of descriptions and explanations about the Bodhisatta
found in rhe Canon. The static nature in the text arises from this background,while other schools, particularly of the Makzu5ghika group
within the Buddhist community, ventured into new dimensions to
elevate the personality of Bodhisatta, which came in fact as a criticism against the ideal of arahantship of h e Theraviida school. The
Bodhisatta in h e KathHvatthu suggests that he is described and
conceptualised always with Gotama Buddha in mind. In short,
Gotama Bodhisatta is the model for all Bodhisattas, which fact
continues also in later texts and forms the nucleus of the concept of
Bodhisatta in the Eli tradition.
In the Milindapaa, the word bodhisatta is used mainly as a

term denoting the formerexistences of Gotama Buddha. This is indeed
in keeping with the tradition found in the Canon. For instance, Miln
discusses Gotama Bodhisatta as Lomasakassapa N l n 2 131; as
Jotipda who ~ v i l e dand abused Kassapa Buddha [Miln 221 fl; as
king inferior to Devadatta in some of his previous births Win 200
ffl; or Gotarna Bodhisatta had five teachers [Miln 235 fl.= HOWever, Miln in its own way contributes to the concept of Bodhisatta.
The following are some important issues discussed in Miln:
BUDDHA IN T H E B A v ~ ABUDDHISM
(1) It is the &amma@ (general nature) that the fol1awing

.things are predetermined for a bodhisam: his parents, Bodhi tree,
chief disciples (aggaslivaka), son, and attendant (upa~tJIiTka).
But, on
the other hand, Gotma Bodhisatta, when he was residing in the
Tusita heaven, had eight investigations {vilokma) to determine the
proper place and time of his descent therefrom [Miln 193 fJ.=
Nagasem replies to the above dilemma pointed out by the king
Milinda that it. is a 'settled matter' (ni~ata).~
In other words, both
must come to pass for all Bodhisattas.
(2)GotamaBuddha practised severepenance and austerities

befare his attainment of Enlightenment. The Bodhisatta realising
that such austerities were not a satisfactorymethod to follow to attain

the goal, gradually started taking nutritious food. Miln says that this
is the course for the acquisition of omniscient knowledge by all
TathFtgatasand the Buddha recommends austerities to his di~cjples.~
(3) There is a question of whether such austerities were practised only by Gotama Bodhisatta or by all bodhisattas. The text says
that austerities are nctt for all bodhisattas, but they were practised
only by Gtama Bodhisatta [Miln 284]?' In this instance, Ngasena
says that bodhisattas are different h m each other in fonr respects;
namely, family, duration (in which to fulfil the p&amis), life-span,
and heightb30 The king Milinda then questions as to why the
Bodhisatta renounced the worId while his knowledge was immature
and his enlightenment irnrnat~re.~'Nsgasenaa's answer here is that
the Bodhisatta was agitated and stirred by the words of a deva of
MMa's retinue. It was in the natural order that the Bodhisattawould
reach the final enlightenment, and in six years' time he would be the
Buddha, omniscient, the foremast person in the world.= The king
Milinda again brings up a question of austerities [cf.Miln 244 ffl and
asks whether Gotarna Bodhisatta was confused about' the Way or
not.j3 NBgasana is quite firm on this issue and says that Gotama
Bodhisatta could not get confused, because he followed an
understanding of the Four Ariyan Truths in birth after birth.M
(4) With regard to the stoly of Vessantara, it is asked whether or not
allbodhisattas give away their wives and child~en,'~It is interesting

to note here that Niigasem replies that all bodhisattas give away their
wives and children.36 This is obviously a calculated generalisation
of the story of Gotama Buddha. The inlention of Niigasena is to
generahe the events or episodes connected with his life and apply or
extend them to all Buddhas of the past. It is an application of the idea
of &ammati based on Gotama B uddha,which is clearly demonstrated
here. Miln continuesto enumerate ten specid quaIities of bodhisattas
as follows: gmdlessness (age&a@, being free of d e s b (&aya@,
relinquishiag (ciigo), getting rid of @ahaarp), not reverting
(apunara'vattit$, fineness (sukl~umata'),greatness (mabantam,

incomprehensibility (duranubodhafil), rarity (dullabhatg) and
peerlessness ofBaddhahood (asadisata b~ddhadhammassa).~
The Bodhisatta-conceptemerging from our above survey is
that Miln also maintains the canonical usage of the word bodhisath
to mean the previous existences either of Gotama Buddha or of Buddhas in general. Miln, on the otlzer hand, places emphasis, more than
any other canonical texts, on the generalisation mainly of spiritual
aspects of Bodhisattahood, and, at the same time, on differences
among bodhisattas,which are of physical and external nature. Therefore, the concepts of dbammati (general nature) and vematH (differences) among bodhisattas are certainly an outcome of the apotheosis
of Buddhas. And it appears that Gotama Bodhisatta is at the core
and is always compared with other B~dhisattas.~~
2. Bodhisattas in the Commentaries
The word bodhi is a nominal derivative of the root 'budh' (to

be awake, enlightened, etc.) and it means enlightenment, supreme
howledge, etc, [See PED, s.v.1 The canonical texts give its meanings as the realisation of the Four Noble Truths (rnj.a-sacc&~fl~~
and
the Seven Factors of Enlightenment (b~jjhariga).~
Later, the number
offactors leading to enlightenmentincreased to thirty-seven of 'things
~ertainingto enlightenment' (bodhipddch'ya-cf.hamrna3.1' It was
ftrrtherextended to furty-three in the post-canonical texts.42 Another
development in the Khuddaka Nikiiya is the mention of ten bod&

pacana-dhamma (qualities that lead to the ripening of Perfect
Enlighte~~rnent),~~
They are the paam-s or paamikjs which the
Bodhisatta fulfilled to attain Buddhahood. Hence, the term bodhip~cana-dhammarefers to the Buddha's knowledge only. The
meanings of bodhi as the Four Noble Troths and Seven Factors of
Enlightenment test@ clearly that it can be achieved by &one and
the attainment of them is what is termed as arahantship. However,
along w ith the establishment and development of the S ~ g h and
a the
spread of the Founder's fame far and wide; and subsequently along
with the apotheosis of the Buddha especially after his parinibb2na,
respect and the feeling of greatness accorded to the Buddha would
have prompted members of the Buddhist community to distinguish
the bodhi of the Buddha from that of his followers. This distinction
is indeed the hall-mark underlying in the doctrine of the possibIe
ways for the attainment of enlightenment in the Theravada tradition.
Hence, terms like sambudfi, abhisambudhi and samrniSsambodhi
came to be inkoduced. The textual evidence shows that the first
word (i.e. sambodhr) can be applied to arahants as well,44 but the
latter two are exclusively for the Buddha (or Buddhas). The Buddha's sammSsmbodhi is expIained in the comrnentarial texts as the
knowledge which he attains rightly (samm@)and by himself (smq);
or the knowledge which is extolIed (pasatibam) and good
( s ~ n d a r q )In
. ~short, it is all that is to be discovered and known by
a Buddha and him alone.46
In the Affhakam texts, a classic definition of the Verbal form

'bujjhati ' [is awake, enlightened, knows)is given in the Atthasaini
[DhsA 2 171and Sammohvinodani WibhA 3101as follows; 'Blrjjhad
ti kilesasant&maruddIya
upmahatic a m ' va myasaccilnipafivijhati
n i b b m q eva v3 sacchikaroti.' ~ B u j h a t"i implies a rising from the
slumber of the continuurn of the lower nature, or a penetrating the
Ariyan Truths, or a redising NibbFtr~a.)~~
This gives some i d e s of
the definition of bodhi. It suggests that bodhi (knowledge) is the
instrument by which one's spirituality israised to a higher state. It is
a general meaning. The second meaning suggested here is the
BODHISATTA
of the Four Noble Truths and it is the process of

that is alluded to. Once that process is complete,
then onerealises or attains Nibbim. In this instance, what is attained,
i.6. Nibbaa, is emphasised as the final god or aim of that process.
Therefom, bodhi in Buddhist context is primarily the knowledge
which helps attain final emancipation, or the final emancipation itself. And other derivative meanings came from this basic connotation of the word.
The commentaria1literature defines 60& at several places.

For example, Buddhaghosa, while commenting on the
smm~ambodhi of the Tathiigata, says that bodhi has four meanings: I. (Bodh] T ~ e e[ruMa), 2. Path frnagga),q8 3. Omniscient
knowledge (sabbmuta8iiga) and 4. Nibb%na.49Buddhadatta, on the
other hand, gives a somewhat extended interpretation in the
Buddhavgsa-affhakathH. At one place it records a ciass~icationof
bodhiinto four kinds as by Buddhaghosa. But the passage concerned
seems to imply some additiond meanings to it because of the word
'jd? appended thee.50 This is, in fact, confirmed at another place in
the text where the additional items of 'fruit* @hala) and 'designation' @&atti) are inserted. The sentence in question, which is in a
gifha reads as follows: 'Maggephale ca nibffierukkhepaMattiyarp
tatha, sabb-ufe ca u'@asmiry bodhisaddo pan'eato' (In way, in
fruit, and in Nibbiina, in tree, in designation likewise, and omniscient
knowledge the word b d h i is indeed handed down).51 While giving
the sources from which the meanings of boclbiare derived, as similarly
done by Buddhaghosa, the text further explains for the additional
two meanings of bodhi as phala and paifiarri as follows: 'bodhi' is
'fruit' @hala) in the cantext that it conduces to banquillity, higher
howledge. awakening,Nibbaa (upasarn9'yaabhWLya ssambodhdya
nibbhiiya sapvattati ti etfha phde)." It is also a 'des&nationY
(~afifiatfi)in the context that "Rince Bodhi worshipped the feet of
Buddha with his head" (Bodhirdjakum&o Bhagavaropiido sjrasii
ti, ettha p-aattiyaq~).~~The Maclhuratthavil8iniseems to be
only commentary which acknowledges six meanings for the term
bodhi. The question of which one of the enumeration of the mean-
BUDDHA IN THEIPAV&A BUDDHISM

ings of bo&, the list of four, or the list of six, is anterior to the other,
is difficult to be resolved as the Sihala Aflhakathi based on which
the
Atthakatha
.
are said to have been translated, are not extant
today for any comparison.
Pa .
When the word bodhi is used in the sense of howledge

(fima) in the A~@akathatexts, emphasis seems to be laid on two
disfinct aspects: One is that in relation to the path leading to
arahnntship (arahattamaggaiT@a) and the other is omniscient
knowledge (sabbaEG~fan-@w].~
Tbese are two meanings which correspond to Nos. 2 B 3 in the above classification of Buddhaghosa.
We have observed earlier that it became the Theraviidatradition that
the bodhi of arahants and that of Buddhas were distinguished fkom
each other,which fact originated within the N i a s themselves. This
distinction s m e d as an impetus for later compilers of Buddhist texts,
probably starting from texts like the Pafisambhifimagga,
Buddhavarpsa, Cariyapitaka, etc. of the Khuddaka NikRya, to exalt
the Buddha. It was their intention to clearly distinguish the Buddha
from other arahants. And this trend continues and further develops
in the A$xdcathH literature. However, it is significant that amidst
the general tendencies to apotheosise the Buddha even more in other
schools at the time of the Affhakatha literature, the Theraviidins
continued to have the above two separate senses ( i s .
arahartamaggaii@ta and ~abban'fiu~;r?a)
attached to bodhi, This is
evident even in the classification of M b y Buddhaghosa mentioned
above.
Continuing his comment on b d i , Buddhaghasa says that it

is the arahattamagga7iQa which is meant in that context of the
explanations of the Buddha's samm&ambdi (idhapana Bhagavam
arabattamaggai?;r?arp adhlppefa~p].~"ut 'some' say that it is also
the Buddha's omniscient knowledge (Aparepana sabb&-utd@W
r i pi ada anti).^^ The 'Apare' here is identified with the
AbhayagirivWns according to the MaJhima-iikBfl It is interesting
to note that identifying the Buddha's attainment in this instance
'sabbmutao"iipa' according to the Abhayagirivbins is also followed
by Dharnmapda who too follows Buddhaghosa in classifying badhi
into four kinds, but with a difference.sa

After enumerating the four meanings of bodbi like
~~ddhaghosa,
Dharnmapaa further clarifies the second item, i.e.
r n a ~ - f i @ aby saying that the path is called bodhi, because with it,
one realises the Four Noble Truths (B& vuccati catusu maggesu
fimti &ata.@e
catw ariyasacciiui bujhati etenati, ariyarnaggo
bo&).59 He further states that in.the context in question, it is also
the sabbafWutaiiTna that the Buddha attained (idhspi
s a b b a i ? - ~ ~ aadhippew)
zp
as againstBuddhaghosa's explanation
of arabattamaggmd@a. Thus,he says that both arahaftamagga-@a
and sabbafi~utahii~a
should be understood as bodhi here
(Arahattamaggasabb~ut~@&'ca idha bodhi ti' ~editabbrTnr).~

This interpretation is repeated at UdA 27 where he says that the
Buddha attained both rnaggaiiea and sabb~"uta2ipaat the time of
his Enlightenment (Tadubhayap pi boBhagavii ettha pano).
This shows that Dhammapda in his explanations of bodhi comes
much closer to the Abhayagirivisins. And his interpretation may be
more acceptable, because the Buddha's omniscient knowledge must
include arahattamagg-a
as he attained arahantship at the same
time. Such instances as this will certainly indicate that Dhammapiila
oceupies a unique position in the Mahavihira fraternity.
'~uddhaghosaand other commentators except DhammapZla,

thus, seem to be more orthodox and traditional in their emphasis on
two aspects of bodhi. This is due, perhaps, to their attitude towards
the older sources, particularly the NUyas, that the interpretations
and explanations found within the Nikiyas should be accorded the
highest honour and regarded as the authorities for them to fall back
on. But, at the sametime, circumstances demanded of them to become
more flexible in their interpretations and meet pressing needs of the
day, so much so that the apotheosis of Buddhas continued to be a
must,
'Satta' ( S k satma) has k n interpreted by many scholars
and a Summary of them can be found in the monumental work of Har
Dayal entitled, 'The Bodbisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanshit
BUDDHA IN THERAYUA BUDDHISM
Literature' (p.4
Interestingly, he suggests in his work h a t

interpreted as 'heroic being,
spiritual ~ a r r i o r . ' However,
~
Har Dayal appears to read too much
in the etymological connotation of the word, because the Bodhisatta
in the P a NikZyas has a straight-forward and simple beginning as
shown above. T.Sugimoto also gives a very comprehensivesummary
of the etymological meanings to bodhi and sama, to which we will
refer when a~propriate.~
'satta' in Pali bodhisatta should be
In the Pidi k d t i o n , sat& is thought to be a sentient being

who has not yet attained to the state of enlightenment. When used
with bodhi (i.e. bodhi-saw, it signifies 'a being destined to become
a buddha or a creature dedicated to enlightenment.'M . Its usual
translation as a 'Buddha-tebe', however, appears to be acceptable
only in the canonical texts. For, the word bodhisatta came to be
employed a a designation given not only to the former existences of
a Buddha, but also to those destined to become pacceka-buddhas or
sEvakas in the AffhakathItexts as will be discussed below.
The commentaries discuss some definitions of the word

bodhisaga, which are not found in the pre-commentaria1 literature.
For instance, DA ii 427 expIains it as follows: 'papgib-satto
bujjhanaka-satto;bodhi-sarjh-tau vii catiisu maggesu sane Batlo
lagga-maaso ti bodhisatto' (Bodhisatta is a wise being who is concerned with awakening;a being whose mind is attached to and bent
on the four paths called bodhi). The Papaiicasidmi 1 131 and
Manorathapfirani [AA ii 3651 explain it thus:
"'When he was the Bodhisatta" means when he was on
the way to awakening, or a being who started to attain
full enlightenment It also means when he was a being
attached to and bent on bodhi. The Tathiigata from the
time he successfully completed the wsdve by means
of fhe eight conditions at the feet of Dipaikara ~uddha,
became attached to (satfa) and bent on or inclined
towards (lagga) bodhi, thinking, "these should be
obtained by me",and without letting loose of exertion

for that attainment, he has come. Therefore, he is calIed
Bodhisatta.' (Bodhisattass'eva sat0 ti bujjhanakasartass'eva, sammBambodhi~ Pdhigantum
mbbanrass 'eva sato. Bodhiya va sattass 'eva
laggass 'evasato. Dfpatikkarassa hi Bhagavatopdamfile
atthadliamma-samodhmena abhinihtirasamiddhito
Gbhuti Tathagatd5Bocihiyq satto, Iaggo, 'pambbii
may8 es8" ti tad-adhigamiiyaparakkarnq amuficanto
yeva iigato, tasd Bodhisatto ti vuccati.)
The S&atthapakBsini too gives similar meanings to it when

it says that bodhi is knowledge (ma)bodhisatta
;
is a being attached
to bodhi(bodhiyS saftoBodhisauo);he is full of knowledge
insightful wav#)
and wise (pqdito). From the time of making
his resolves at the feet of fonner Buddhas, he was wise and not foolish
(aa andhabao). Because of the declaration he received in front of
Buddhas, having hlfilled theperfections, he will be awakened. frhus]
Bodhisatta is a being on the way to awakening (bujjhanaka-satto).
(-ma,
Bodhi is the knowledge of four paths (cahunagga-c?@a-saikbafa

bodh~'', and aspiring for it he moves on; thus Bodhisatta is also a
being who is attached to and clinging onto badhi (bodhiyq sarto
ass tto ti pi Bodhisat~o).~~
The SuttzmipIta-aFfhakathaigives a
description of the word bodhisatta as follows: 'bodhisatto ri
buh3auakasatto simmGsambdh& gantum araho ~ m o . ' ~This
' is a
short expI&on of what is said in the Papaiicasiidani. On the other
hand, it is strange that Dhamrnapda is silent about the definition of
bobhisatta in his commentaries.
From the above survey. the meanings of bodhisatta according to the commentaries can be classified into four categories:" 1. a
wise or insightful being (pqdjra, n'@avant, p-avant, na andhabgal; 2. a being on the way to awakening (bujhanaka-satfa);3. a
being worthy of attaining samm~sambodhi(sarnm;Tsambodhi~p
adhiganfum araha) or striving for it (fag adhigamaya p & m q
amu6cmt0 agata);4. a being attached to crr bcSined towards bodhi
BUDDl-IA IN THERAVADA BUDDHISM
(bodhiyg satta, -&at@. ilagga). Of these, No.4 is arrived at as a

derivative meaning corresponding to the Sanslait sakta ~ s a ; ? ~ )&
.~~
sense of the word satta can also be seen in the Saqyutta NikBya [iii
1901 where it is given the meming of 'attached to.'70 This snpp~rf~
the above interpre&ationof the word.
A perusal of the above classification reveals that the interpretation of bodhisatra in the Theravada tradition rests an two
premises: One is the being who seeks caturnagga-fi&~a.'~ This is not
necessarily the exclusive characteristic of the bodhisatta who is
destined to attain Buddhahood, but it is rather the knowledge
pertaining to arahantship. This i s evident from the fact that one of
the meanings of bodhi in the ArJhakathH texts is said to be
arahattamagga-fii@a?2The other is the being who is described as a
person worthy of attaining samm&anlbodhi [see No.3 of the above
classification of bodhisatta]. In order to differentiate bodhisattas who
are destined to become Buddhas from other bodhisattas who seek
bodhi but not s a n m b a m ~the
, At@akat&t texts very often employ
the word maha to be prefixed to bodhisatta who is a Buddha-to-be, or
he is sometimes called mduisatta (great being).n
Thus, the Theravildh began to formulate a new.classificaticm of bodhisatta in the At@akatMLiterature. Its development appears
to be a natural corollary resulting from the hkpretations of the word
bodhi. The Afthdcathii literature enumerates three kinds of b&i
when applied to different individuals in the sense of attainment or
knowledge.74 Thus, far example, the Sumahgalavilisini while
commenting on some of the theses proposed by Makkhali Gosiila
says :75
'[The attainment of any given condition, or of any

character, does not depend either on one's own acts or
an the acts of another);] "One's own acts" means acts
done by oneself. By whatever acts done by oneself,
these beings will achieve the states of deva, M&a or
Br-,
or the knowledge of disciples, or the knowledge
of Pacceka, or the omniscient knowledge. [And] that he

rejects.' (Atta-kae ti atta-kiiro. Yena attang kafak a m m e n a ime sarta devattam pi Mgrattam pi
Brahmattizp pi siivaka-bo*
pi Pacceka-bodhim pi
sabba-utam pi pdpunanti, tap pi pafikkhipati.)
The Saatthappahsini gives the identical explanations with

the above when commenting on the phrase, 'N'atthi balm
Fuflher, the SamantapIsHdikS also gives the term sivaka-bodbi
to the attainment or knowledge of a disciple." h apassage
concerning the kaiyea (good) of the Buddha's teachings which are
described as good in the beginning, in the middle and in the
end,'g the text says that it (the dhamma) is good in the beginning,
because hearing it and through the practice in conformity,it is possible
to attain supreme enlightenment. It is good in the middle, because
hearing it and through the practice in conformity, it is possible to
attain the enlightenment of pacceka (buddhas), and it is good in the
end, because hearing it and through the practice in conformity, it is
possible to attain the enlightenmentof disciples (tap sutvii larhattiiiya
pafipannena adhigantabbaya abhisarnbodhiyP va' Ldjkaly@o
pacceka bodhiyg majjhe-kalyi@o slvaka bodhiyii pariyosanak a l y & ~ o ) . In
~ ~short, the Atlhakathii texts have savakabodhi,
paccekabodhl and sammas&nbo&j (or abhl'samboo[h$,m the last
being the term used only for Buddhas since the time of canonical
texts as seen elsewhere. The three b d s of bodhi are also dluded to
in the Visuddhimagga, which says that because of one of six sincere
inclinations, one arrives at one a; the three kinds of enlightenment
(evam sampannajjhBayo hi rissannam bodhinap aiinlatararp
~iTp~niiti).~'
Though they are thus referred to in Baddhaghosa's c m mentaries, it is probable that the definite and clear usage and
distinction of one from another among them was still in the process
of formation during the time of Buddhaghosa, for references to the
fern savakabodhi in his commentaries are very scanty.
DhammapEla, on the other haud, is more specific a b u t the
among the three kinds of bodhi. He uses the word
BUDDHA IN TNERAV@A BUDDHISM
sambdhi instead of the simple usage of 6udhi. The reference in

question occurs at ThagA i 8 where three kinds of sambodhi are
mentioned: 'Sambodhi is of three kinds;the full enlightenment, the
enlightenment of a pacceka [buddha] and the enlightenment of a
discip1e"sambodhi pana tividhk samm&sambodhi paccekasamhdhi sfivaka-sambouXfi).The text further explains that sammzsambodhr' is so called, because it is the realisation as well as causing
the realisation of all dhammas rightly and by oneself (tattba sammas&am sabbadhammi$naq bujjhanato bodhanato ca sammasambodhi). Pacceka-sambodhiis the realisation of tiuth not known
before through self-awakenedknowledge (manubuddhosayambhcfiiipena saccdbhisamayo ti aftha). SSvaka-are those who have become
so after hearing the.teacher's preaching of dhamma; siTvaka-sambodhi
is the realisation of the truth of disciples (Satrhu dhaama-desangya
savanante jsra ti ssvakii; ssvaks?nay sacclbhisamayo s8vakasambod.. This is indeed a typical definition of the difference among
Buddhas, pacceka-buddhas and siivivakas as far as the method of
attaining the final goal is concerned.
Such a distinction seems to have resulted, as time went on,
in the application of bodhi to bodhisatta accordingly. Thus,
DhamrnapEila in his Theragathi-a@akatE mentions three kinds of
bodhisatta: maha-bodhisatta (or mahlambodhiset&f2),paccekabdu'safla and sdvaka-bod6isaIta." This division is also alluded to
in the Cariyapiiaka-aIfhakaM[CpA I q where Icrkatthacariya(useful
conduct for the world) as one of the eight canyas is explained. The
text says that it (lokatthacmya) is the conduct of mahabodhisaftas
and samm&mbuddhas in respect of unlimitedness (nippadesat~l
and is also of bodhisattas of two kinds and paccekabuddhns and
buddhasRvakasinrespect of limitedness (padesafo).This explanation
is found in the canonical texts," but what is of commentaria1natm
is the i n d o n ofmahabudhisam and two kinds of 6odzkarrareferring
to pacceka-bodhisaftaand sgvaka-bodhisat&, Of these eategoties of
badhisarta,pacceka-bodhisam and savaka-bodhisatta are of special
interest: FirstIy, they are not found in Buddhaghosa's cornmentaries, particularly those on the four N u y a s and the Visuddhirnagga as
specifically refming m them, although his definitions of bod.satta

seen, for instance, at DA ii 427, would theoritically suggest three
possible lypes of bodhisattaswho shive to become smBambuddha,
precckabuddha and arahant respectively. This shows that the terms
@pear to have come into being Iatw than the time of Buddhaghoa,
thoughit cannot be denied that every possible foundation had already
been Iaid down within the Canon and continued into the Atthakathii
the three types of enlightenment, namely, k h a o t ,
paccekabuddha and sammBambuddha are minutely discussed; and
his tradition has continued throughout the ages. It is therefre an
mitable course of development. Secondly, there may be a possibility that an introduction of such terms in the P&- tradition was a
result of both internal and external circumstances of the day.
Mahsyiina influences cannot be ruled out in this instance. Even the
Sahgha becoming entangled in secularaffairs like kingship imd state
&airs as time progressed. was compelled to provide more down-toearth interpretations of Buddhism. The concept of Bodhisatta is such
a one. The history of Sri Lanka records the constructionof a bodhisam
image as early as in the fourth century
Further, epigraphical
evidence shows that bodhisaftasshould become kings of Sri L d a . &
In return, khgs must defend and protect the Saigha. W.Rahula
comments that the approval of the S ~ g h awas essential for the
coronation of a king.87It is not difficult to conjecture that in order to
approve the khgs of Sri Lanka being called ' bodhisaltas', some
concept in the Theravgda doctrines which would aIlow the Safigha to
jmtify their stand was a necessity. It is reported that the Bodbisattva
Avalokire~varawas a popular figure worshipped in Sri Lanka.a8Such
evidence certainly points to the fact that the concept of Bodhisatta
Was influencedby the Buddhist Sanskrit literature and grew gradually
in course of time in Sri Lanka. It is thereEore not surprising that the
bodhisatta came to be applied not only to Gotama Buddha m
B u d h of the past and future, but also to other pmonages of political
importance. It is a diversification of the Bodhisatla IdeaI.
Buddhaghosa's unspecified reference to and later Dhammapda'n
unequivocal interpretation of Bodhisatta that: disciples (dvaka)o m
also be called bodhisat~asand therefore any Buddhist can become
one of hem,would have certainly played an important role in the

development of the Bodhisatta Ideal in Sri Lauka.
The social importance of the Bodhisatta-concept found in

the AI$akath& may also be considered ta be pertinent to the development of the Bodhisam Ideal in Sri Lanka. An attempt was made
in the commentaria1 texts to merge the ideal individual socially and
ethically with the pemn of Bodhisatta. People saw in him the highest
virtues and even politicatly the utmost capability. Thus, the
AtthakathL equate 'lMaMsammata',the first Elect in social genesis,
w& the Bodhisatta. Bnddhaghosa says in his Visuddhimagga that
the Bodhisatta was the handsomest, the most comely, the most honourable, and was clever and capabIe of exercising the effort of restraint.
Then people elected him as their leader. Therefore, he was called
Mda-Sammah... For the Bodhisatta himself is the first man
concerned in any wonderful innovation in the world (yap hi toke
acchan'ya.@&ay Bodhisatto va tattha Sdipuriso t1).B9 An attempt of
this nature to find the ideal man in Bodhisatta is s i w ~ c a n in
t the
history of Buddhisn~particularlywhen applied to the popular beliefs
and practices of Buddhism for two reasons: (1) the Buddha is
spiritually and ethically the perfect individual, the Fully Enlightened
One. He is respected and paid homage to fm our spiritual guidance.
He is free from the turmoil and cares of society. Therefore, the ideal
person of the B u d h cannot be found anywhereelse but in the sphere
of spirituality. (2) the Bodhisatta, on the other hand, is not a fully
enlightened person, but on the way to the highest spiritual attainment. His actions are for the benefit of the many. He is the person
who can be with the world, unlike the arahant who is aloof from the
world. Worldliness and high rnwal quality can co-exist in the
Bodhisatta. He cam therefore be brought in in any mutldane context
where snch an ideal person is snughr. It is in this respect that
Buddhaghosa's statement above bears on the social significaaceof
the Bodhisatta-concept.
-.
Along with the distinction made in the late AtthakaM texts

among ma&-bodhisatla (Buddhato-be), paccclia-dbdhisatta and
and because of such a distinction, the Buddhaspbant came to be called with several qualifying words. Terms
like mahaatfa,mahbmbodhisacta (see above), mahXbodhisatta and
sabba~-bo&is&a are seen in the AtJiakatb texts. When Gotama
~ u d d h ais referred to as Bodhisatta, he is sometimes called 'our
~ ~ d h i s a t t(a ' d a m Bcrdhisatta).*
,aVaka-b&satta,
Of the above terms referring either to Gotarna Bodhisatta or
my Buddha-to-be, sabb-U-bodhisatta
is of great significance
from the pobt of view of the original sense of the word bodhisafta.It
has h e n shown that the term bodhisatfa is used in the Pili tradition
including the A~fhakathbto mean: (1) a being in quest of the truth,
a d (2) former existences of Gotama Buddha, and past and future
Buddhas. Both meanings suggest that he is still in the state before the
attainment of enlightenment. Sabbmu, on the other hand, is a tern
very often used to qualify the Buddha(s), A peculiarity lies, therefore, in that it is used together with the term bodhisatta. If a bodhisatta
is sabbaEu (omniscient), then there would be nothing that he should
strive fot. He is a Buddha himself. There is no distinctionwhatsoever
in achievements between bodhisatta and Buddha. The usage of the
word sabbau-bodhisatta must therefore be understood from a
different viewpoint: it is indeed meant (1) to differentiate Buddhas
from other beings, probably pacceh-buddhas and disciples, and (2)
of Buddhas in general and
to place more emphasis on the
Gotama Buddha in particular. In short, it seems to have come into
use in the process of the Buddha's apotheosis and has more emotional sigmcance than etymological. It is the term used to satis8
the devotional feelings of Buddhists themselves.
to
In the Alfhakatha texts, the word sabbmu-bodhisat appeats to be adopted by Buddhaghosa and other commentators except
Dhammaph9' For instance, the Manmthapfiraui states that the practices or fulfihents of sabbmu-bodhisatta xre that he receives a declaration; strives to fuZfrl w b t are called the things that make up a
Buddha (buddhak&&a&amma7 after receiving assurance in front
of a Buddha; fulfils pfiamis; gives up wife and children like
Vessantara; takes birth in the Tusita heaven, e ~ It?says

~ at another
place that sabbiaWu-bodhkatta,universal king,etc., will be found at
a rime when a Buddha is not arisen." WhiIe commenting on four
kinds of faith (sabdm, the text gives saddhi7 of sabb-u-bodhrsat&
as one of them.* The Manorathapfirmi further says that the five
great dreams @aiica-mahasup@) are dreamt of only by 'sabban'fiubodhi~atfa.~~
The Saddharnmappakbinl mentions that sabbm-ubodhisattas while being seated under the Bodhi tree realise the Four
Noble Truths such as that decay and death, etc.. are the truth of
suffering; birth is the cause of it, etc.Yh The PuggalapaiiiiattiatJhakaM states that sabbmo-bodhisattasrece~e ordination in the
dispensation of a Buddha and leam h e three Plpkas, etc." The
Samrnohavinodani mentions that virtuous conduct (sila) is of two
kinds:the five precepts and the ten precepts. These exist in the world
whether a Tathqgata arises or not. But, when a Tathiigatais not arisen,
they are made known by ascetics and wanderers ( f a p a ~ a ~ b b d j a k a ,
sabbaiifiu-bodhisatcasand universal monarchs (cakkauafti-dja.But
piitimokkhas are made known only by a Buddha. In the same way,
affha-smapalri(eight attainments) are made lcnown by ascetics and
wanderers, bodhisattas, md universal monarchs when a TathBgatais
not arisen in the world, etc.YE In this instance, it may be inferred that
the word sabb&-u which qualifies bodhisatta in the first instance in
VibhA is a later interpolation, since the word sabbaiu before
bodhisatfais missing in the second instance. Buddhadatta too uses
the word sabba-u-bodhisatta at EVA 79 where he mentions that
thiay-two portents (pubbanimiffi)appear only on four occasions
such as when all sabbmu-bodhisztk3.s descendtiom the Tusita heaven
into the mother's womb, their birth, etc.
The above survey shows that sabb=u-bodhisam is depicted

He is in no way different from
any badhisatta aspiring to become a 13uddha. It is also used as a term
to denote Gotama Buddha's former state as Bodhisatta. The term is
therefore interchangeable with the simple word bodhisatta and seems
to be used o y for the eulogy of Buddhas in general and Gotama
Buddha in particular.
as being lower than sabbau-buddha.
In conclusion,the introduction of three kinds of bodhisarta,

namely,maha-bdzisatta,pacceka-bodhisam and ssvaka-bodhisatta
by ~harnmapidais certainly a new departure in the Theravada doctrine of Bodhisatta. This development is no doubt the result of a
=]ear distinction h e Therav8dins tried to make among the enlightened. Emphasis is laid on the supremacy of Buddl~ahood.As aresult,
the compartmentalisationof ~ m e n tbys different individualscame
to be formulated. The division of bodiu' into three types suggested
by Buddbaghosa and later dearly demarcated by Dhammapda in the
Theragatha-a@akaiha [ThagA i 81 is indeed a precursor of such a
development in Theravida Buddhism. When the path leading to
Buddhahood was made more difficult as the process of exalting
Buddhas advanced, the Theravadins had to ernphasise the importance
of following sivaka-bodhimore than before as the alternative and
easier way to emancipation. Here we can detect two levels of religiousness in the Theravida tradition. That is, the apotheosis of Buddhas bears the emafiond and devotional significance for the Buddhists, while the accomplishment of savaka-bodhi is practical.
CHAPTER VIII
THE CAREER OF A BODHISA'ITA
The career of Gotama Bodhisatta starts from the time of
Dipmikara Buddha who inspires him, then known as the ascetic
Sumedha, to tread upon the path leading to the final attainment of
Buddhahood. In the Pdi tradition, the meeting between DipBuddha and Sumedha is introduced in the Buddhavarpsa of the
Khuddaka Nikiiya for the first time. The ascetic Surnedha had attained great spiritual advancement and was capable of attaining what
the Buddhists tern as 'arahantship' in that life itself. He gave up the
idea of attaining it, and instead, aspired to became a Buddha in future
like Dipzllikara so as to cause the world together with the devas to
cross over smps&-a.' Diparikara Buddha predicts that the ascetic
Sumedha would be aBuddhanamed Gbtarna innumerable aeans away
in future (apa&eyye ito ka~pe).~His parents, place of birth,
attendant, two chief disciples, two chief female disciples, Bodhi tree
under which he would attain Buddhahood, etc., are also predictedd3
This is the beginning of Gotama Buddha's career as the Bodhisatta.
A perusal of the Buddhavaqsa reveals that the generalization of events associated with the life of Gotama Buddha and its application to other past Buddhas is evident. The N i y a s other than
the Khuddaka speak onIy of seven previous Buddhas with. Gotama
as the seventh? Gotama Buddha is thus sometimes referred to as the
seventh sage ' i s i n q i s i ~ a ~ or
a 'isi~attama'.~
' ~
The concept of
seven sages is pm-Buddhistic and Buddhism appropriated it.' How
the development of the Buddha-concept, particularly the increase of
the number of past Buddhas from seven to twenty-five including
Gotma Buddha, took place within the canonical texts themselves is
Yet to be determined. The venerable R@livEtsa attempts to show
similarities in the story of Maigala Buddha between the Mahavastu
and the Buddhaviqsa and concludes that the latter (i.e. Bv) is later
BUDDHA INTHERAV&A BUDDHISM
than the former (i.e.Mvu) in their compositi~ns.~

He further contends
that with the help of the Mahavastu, the number of Buddhas could be
traced to nine. twelve and sixteen & intermediary developments
between the MahSpadZma sutta where seven Buddhas are mentioned
and the Buddhavarflsa which has twenty-five of them.' It is clear
that the Buddhavqsa presents a form of further development in the
number of past Buddhas. Another important fact is that along with
the Cariyapitaka, it introduces for the first time in the Pidi tradition
the ten 'pizramr' (perfections)that Gotama Bodhisatta is to fulfillfor
the attainment of Buddhahood. The date of composition of the
Buddhavaqsa is therefore an important issue for consideration in
order to determine when such a developed concept ofBodhisatta and
the Buddha-lore came to be incorporated in the Pdi tradition. It is
generally beIived that the Buddhavqsa we have today is somewhat
different from the one on which the Commentary,
Madhuratthavilasini. was composed and the conclusion drawn from
this fact is clear. The present Buddhav-a
is a mixture of original
verses and later additions spanning several cenhrries of uncerlainty
until attaining its final form; some verses are in fact later than the
time af its commentatorBuddhadattaof the fifth century A.D. 'O The
Buddhavapsa, therefore, cannot be taken as a text embodying the
canonical development of the Euddhaconcept; it should rather be
considered to be more of commentaria1nature as far as some of its
contents are concemed.I1
Owing to a growing trend of the apotheosis of the Buddhr

resulting apparently from an acute need arisen within the Buddhis
community, the Therav3dins too had to conform to the genera.
thinking of the masses within the framework of their tradition. Or:
the other hand, this development ironically gave rise to the searck
for a compromise,on the time duration required for anyone to attain
final emancipation from says&. When the Buddhists -know thal
Gotma Bodhisatta had to receive an 'assurance' to become aBuddha
in a distant future and to fulfill the ten perfections for an immeasurable
length of rime, ordinary beings will have to be contented with only a
little progress, ifany, in this life. They will have to practice for many
THE CAREER OF A BODHISATTA

aeons to attain the final goal. This sentiment has been expressed by
many Buddhists in the past. The Theraviklins, therefore, continued
to differentiate between the bodhi of disciplm Isfivakas)and that of a
Buddha. The message intended here is clear enough that disciples
aim at the bodhirecornmended to them. The Bodhisatta (Buddhato-be) is the sole person who could attain sammDambodhi. This
demarcation was a necessity and continued to be emphasised in the
AtthakathS literature. The disciples are, however, rest assured that
thLy too cwld attain final emancipation, if right attitude is adopted,
without resorting to the path of Bodhisam the path that appears more
difficult in their eyes.I2 The gradation of periods ranging horn one
incalculable and a hundred thousand kappas ( e k e asadkheyya@
kappasatasahassay) to a hundred thousand kappas required by various personages such as the chief disciples (aggasavaka),eighty great
disciples (asFtimahisSvaka), parents, attendant (upar@&); etc., for
the acquisition of their respective places associated with the life of a
Buddha, thus, came to be formulated inthe AMakathii
This
provides a certain amount of encouragement and relief, though it may
appear negligible, that less time will be required for ardinq disciples
to attain the fiial goal. It is no doubt a circumstantial compromise
resulting from upholding the supreme ideal of arahantship in the
Theravida tradition.
j
Such a historical development initially started with the focus

on G o t m a Buddha and its consequences were natural corollaries.
The preliminaries leading to Buddhahood, thus, became a much
cherished topic among the Buddhists. A late^ Pidi work named the
Mahbampindanidiina, whose date of composition is ashbed to a
later part of 't1r;eAnurahapura period (betweenthe sixth and twelfth
centuries A.D.),l4 is said to contain a very developed concept of the
time duration required for the fulfilmen1 of perfections. According
to this text, theperiod is divided into three phases: (I) UanopanidhiWa,
(2)VacipanidhiTna,and (3) Mah~pmi&ilna,'~and the total duration
is said to be twenty a s m e y y a s . This is also found in a Sinhala
work called the Saddharmilankiira.'6 However, the Plli
commentaries do not know them except for the last one (i.e.

MahipanidhBna), which fact indicates that the concept was inmduced later than the F%li A f W a t h L . Although the commentaries
mention ~ emore
e Buddhas who appeared beforeDipaikkara; namely,
T&arikara, Medhaikara and Sar-a.l7
their periods have no
distinct bearing on forming a part of the manopanidhana or
vacIpmidhZna like in later works. But, the introduction of three more
previous Buddhas may well suggest that extending the Bodhisattacareer further into the past beyond Dipahkara Buddha was in the
making from the time of the Buddhavqsa through the commentaries. Reference must also be made in this regard to the fact that the
Dhmmapada-atgakatha mentions many hundreds and thousands of
past Buddhas (anekkipmaBuddhasa~ibiBoddhasahassiinialftiihi...),
when relating a story af the thera Cakkhupsa (or Mahgpda). When
the A f w a t h i litemure recognizes only twenty-eight past Buddhas
(i.e. twenty-five Buddhas including Gotarna and the three Buddhas
before Dipahkara already referred to above), the above reference cited
from DhpA may cause a difficulty for interpretation. There may be,
I~owever,two possible explanations. First, the Therayadins too
accepted the existence of innumerable past Buddhas by the time of
the compilation of DhpA. If so, this would become another proof to
support our earlier contention that the commentators had already
started extending the Bodhisatta-career into distant past beyond
D i p d a r a Buddha. But it must be admitted that this is a solitary
reference found in the Affhakathiis so far and, as such, cannot be
accepted as sufficient evidence to prove that the Theraviidins did in
fact subscribe to the view of innumerable past Buddhas in the
At$akathSi literature, though it could be a strong theoreticalpossibiiity considering the fact that each past Buddha also spent innumerable length of time fulfilling the perfections. Second, the
Dharnmapada-atfhakathiirepresents a different tradition from that of
the Theraviida school, at least, partially. This theory has been put
forward by some scholars.1g However, lhe conclusion is not yet find
and further investigation must be encouraged employing a11resources
available fur such a comparison.
Historically, two terms kappa (aeon) and asaddeyya (incat-
THE CAREER OF A BODHTSATTA
culabIe) are used first in the Canon.The Mguttara Nikiiya employes

kappa when describing the period of one cycIe of the rise d d fall of
a universe. It says that there are four phases in an aeon (kappa) and
each phase: is incalculable (asarikheyya) {Cattliri i m bhikkhave

~
kappassa a~arikheyym).~
Here 'awikheyya' is adjectival to 'kappa',
mile explainhg each phase of the aeon (kappa), the text states that
when the aoen cvo1ves [so are the remaining three phases], it is not
e s Y to count or measure saying,"so many years, so many hundred
years, so many thousand years. or so many hundred thousand
years".2' Those four phases are given the names of s q v a g a ,
samvaffa!&yl, viva,@ and vivaf~a@iiyI.~In short, the kappa, ac=&ding to the Canon, is a unit of time fmm the birth of a universe to
its destruction. The implicationhere is that asarikheyya is not intended
to be a unit of measurement, but is used in a qualifying Sense denoting
the immeasurable nature of a period. Beyond this, the Canon does
not provide any definite notion of kappa or asatikheyya.
The paucity of new materials for thc clarification of the notion of kappa and as&eyya
is noticeable in the Af@akath%as well.
They remain ambiguous. But the asarjkheyya in the comrnentarial
texts seems to be considered as a unit of time. Such expressions as
'four asarikheyyas and a hundred thousand kappas'. (cattarj
asa&heyyd
kappasatasahassair ca), or 'one asarikheyya and a
hundred thousand kappas' (emasarilrheyyq kappasatasahassail
ca), etc.," will point to this. While elucidating the appearance of
Dip-a
Buddha in the world four asarikheyyas and a hundred
thousand kappas prior to the present aeon, the Buddhavaqsaa@akatha states that 'four incalculables' means 'on the conclusion
of four asadkheyyas in addition to a hundred thousand kappas'
[kappasatasahass~dhikiinaycatunnq asarikheyiinay matfhake ti
a t c h ~ } This
. ~ too suggests that kappa and as&eyya
are treated as
two separate units of t h e .
Of the commentaria1sources, the Cariyi%pi@a-affhakathiis
the only text which provides some descriptions of kappa, asarikheyya
and other terms denoting time duration. The text employs the term
mahaappa, which appears to have been used in order to differentiate from the canonical use of kappa. The canonical descriptions are
that the aeon (kappa)constitutes four phases which are immeasurable (a~arikheyya),~~
whereas CpA says that the mahikappa is a
collection of four asarikheyya-kappas (Svayaq mahfikappo
sqvaf!adi-vama catu asairkheyyaka-ppasaligah0),2~or it simply
says that one rnahihppa consists offour asarikheyyas (imiini cat=
asarikbeyyiinieko m W a p p o ha^)." If the canonical notion of kappa
is brought in here, the mahaappa of the Aghakathiis can be equated
with kappa of the Canon. This does not however provide us witb the
exact meaning of the term in the commentarial texts, for the Word
kappa has different connotations in different context. in CpA. For
instance, the text states that in [one] mahidcappa, there are four
asarikheyyasand a hundredthousand of mahiihppas (mahIikappiinay
cattiSraa s a e y y e satasahasse ca m-appe
tiayap h 'etthaatrho).%
This suggests ambiguity of the whole notion. In addition, the text
also introduces a new term called antarakappawhen it says that sixtyfour antarakappasmake up viva-@#&yiand the other stages such as
vivea must also be known to have the same number [of antarakappas]
(imesu ca rusatfbi an tarakappasaiigaham vivarlatthasi, tena
sam~akdaparicched8vivalfadiiyo ~editabbi?).~~
This means that
each stage in the process of evolution and involution of a universe
has sixty-four antamkappas and rnahiikappa means four times sixtyfour antarakappas (i.e. 256 antarakappas for a mah&ppa].
Incidentally, it is interesting to note that Dhamrnapda refers
to the view of adiffmnt school that thenumber of such anrarakappas
is twenty (visati antarakappasarigahan ti ~ k e )In. ~
another instance,
'some' (eke) are said to beIieve that as&eyya is a certain number,
and having omitted from one to Fay-nine,the sixtieth place is the
as&eyya and it has ten rnahabalakkha~.~'This interpretation is
rejected by DharnmapFila. The first theory of 'some' above is found
in the Buddhist Sanskrit literature with its first reference in the
AvadSna Sataka;the date of its camposition being ascribed to a period
between the first and third centuries A.D.jZ Regarding the sencond
instance of 'some', Buddhist Sanskrit texts mention a unit of time
=agedmahtS-bdiT@a. According to them, one asairkheyya is ten times

a m&-baliiksa."
This is precisely tbe same as of 'some' h CpA.
These instances are testimony to the fact that Dhammap'tlahad indeed
a knowledge of the Buddbist Sanskrit tradition.
The notion of kappa and asarikheyya in the cornmenfarial
literature continues to be uncertain as seen above. Dhammapda also
admits that asarikhefrya is mt countable and goes beyond counting
(aariWliye ti eh!ha sarikhilt~q~
na sakk3 ti asatikhiya, g q m g
atikkmrii 6 artb~).~"This interpretation in the commentaries is
consonant with what is found in the Canon. Har Dayal says that the
word as;uikheyya is really intended to create an awe-inspiring impression of vast and sublime grandeur.=
In terms of the appearance or non-appearance of a Buddha/
Buddhas, the commentaries give a new classification of kappa into
two types: (1) suii-a-kappa (period with the absence of Buddhas)
and (2) asuaa-kappa (period with the presence of a Buddha or
Buddhas).% With this background, all twenty-five previous Buddhas
are arranged in a spectacularcosmic time span. The Sumaiigalavibhi
gives a chronological sketch of all the twenty-five Buddhas,37 which
is very much akin to that of the Buddhavqsa-affhakath~The latter
source seems to be an elaboration of the former and gives all the
mathematical cdcu~atioasin between Buddhas. However, one note.worthy difference among the sources giving time durations of all
Buddhas is the calculation of length of time between SujZita (the
twelfth Buddha) and Piyadassi (the thirteenth B~ddha).~'The
Buddhavaqsa-a~fhakathais in fact the only source which gives
'100,000kappas' as the duration without Buddha~,~?
while the others maintain '1,800 kappas'. BvA's explanations seem to bk erroneously arrived at. for the same source in another place gives the period
of Buddha-su=a-kappa between Dhammadassi (the fifteenth
Buddha), one of the three Buddhas who appeared in the same kappa
as Piyadassi, and Siddhattha (the sixteenth Buddha) as '1,706 kappas',
and Siddhattha Buddha ia said to have appeared in the world ninetyfour kappas prior to the present kappa according to B v A . ~ It is a
BUDDHA INTHERAVWABUDDHISM
simplecalculation that '1,706' plus '94' equals ' 1,800' (1,706 + 94 =

1,800). Such a discrepancy implies that the calculation of periods
for the appearance of previous Buddhas, particularly before Vipassi
Buddha, is a result of mere imaginary speculati~n.~'
Another development in the commentaries is a further ciasification of kappa into five categories. The Mndhuratthavilisini42
gives the following: (1) sh-kappa during which only one Buddha
appears, (2) magda-kappd3 during which two Buddhas appear, (3)
vaia-kappaduring which three Buddhas appear, (4) -+*-kappa
during which four Buddhas appear, and (5) bhadda-hppP during
which five Buddhasappear. The above five kinds af kappa belong to
asufiakappa." The Burmese edition of BvA is said to contain a
verse ascribed to 'PorFqS' (the Ancients) mentioning all the five kinds,
but the PTS edition does not mention it.46 The Visuddhnjanavil~ini
(ApA), on Lhe other hand, gives two classifications: one comprising
four kinds and the other five of therna4' T ~passage
E
referring to four
kinds reads as follows: ' Tattha kappo lava catubbidho: s2irakapp0,
varakappo, mqdakappo, bhaddakappo ti,, Then the text exphhs
that saakappa is the aeon in which one Buddha appears, varakappa
has two or three Buddhas, mq$akappa has four Buddhas, and
bhaddakappa has five Buddhas. The classification dealing with five
kinds of kappa gives them as follows: siirakappa, rnagiakappa,
~Srarnapdakappa,varakappa and bbaddakappa. And one, two7three,
four and five Buddhas respectively are said to appear in them. When
the two sources (i,e.BvA and ApA) are compared and examined for
a close analysis, the following points emerge: (a) only the first and
the last types of kappa (i,e.siirakappa and bhaddakappa)are common
to both with one and five Buddhas to appear respectively. This
suggests their antiquity; @) discrepancies are found among the rest.
BvA,for instance, says that mapdakappa is for two Buddhas,
varakappa for three and siiramapdakappa for four, while ApA 541
mentions that vzakappa is for two or three Buddhas and map@apP
for four. or rnapdakappa for two Buddhas, mamandakaPafor three*
and varakappa for four.48 Such discrepancies among sources s W gest that the classification of kappa into four or fivetypes is the mult
of a gaduaI growth and is also a later development even among the

com~nentarialtexts. Our contention may be supported by the fact
bat Buddhaghosa does not seem to mention any similar classifications in his commentaries except that the word bhaddakappa is refened to at DA ii 4 10.
The prolongation of the career of a Bodhisatta in t h e led to
a new dimention of development. With the incorporation of the
of twenty-four past Buddhas into the Piili tradition at a Iater

time, the time duration of the career of Gotama Bodhisatta also came
to be extended further into distant past beyong Vipassi. The Canon
describes him as a Buddha who appeared ninety-one aeons (kappa)
prior to the present
This necessitated an introduction of new
concepts of time duration in order to allocate periods to all the previous Buddhas before Vipassi accordingly. For the Canon has already
the tradition of six past Buddhas with the specific allocation of periods of their appearances in the world. Thus, by the time of the
Budclhavq~a?~
the concept of 'four asarikheyyas and a hundred
thousand kappas' as the total duration of the career of Gotama
Bodhisatta had come into existence.51 The actual assignment of periods, however, may have come about much later as it is found only
in t l ~ eAtfhakathiitexts. This is one of distinct contributions of the
AlfhakathH literature towards the concept of Buddha.
The commentaries further differentiate the periods required
for the respective fml attainmentsof Buddhas, paccekabuddhas and
discipIes. Paccekabuddhas require two asarikheyym and a hundred
thousand kappas (dve asaikheyyiini kappasatasahassap),whiIe the
two chief disciples (aggassvaka)require one asarikbeyya and a
hundred thousand kappas. Others require less length of time.52 The
commentaries further add that all Buddhas appear when the universe
is in the phase of involution and not in the phase of evolution
(sabbabuddhss a y vatanme kappe na uppaJanti vivaFfamilnc kappe
u~pajianfi.)~~
Differences of character among Bodhisattas are a l s consid~
ered as determining factors for the time required for training (the
fulfilment of perfections) before finally attaining Buddhahood. The
Affhakathatexts set it to be four, eight or sixteen as;arikheyyasand a
hundred thousand kappa^.^ Buddhaghosa in this regard simply
records the above three possible time durations Bodhisanas have to
spend in order to fulfil the perfections before attaining Buddhahotrd
( k a p p a s a f a s d m s i T d hc~a m ' vi3 a@a va sojasa va as&eyym j
pamiyopBrehsS... s a b b ~ f i u b u d dn;lms.)" The Suttanipgtaattlrakatha, on the other hand, explains the reasons for such a division
of time limit saying that it depends on three mental factors of
Bodhisattas; namely, wisdom
faith (sad&@ and energy
(viriya), and the period of training is determined by which one of the
Ehree is foremost. Bodhisattas who excel in pdia' will spend only
four asaikheyyas. If sad&a is foremost, it is eight, and if viriya,
~ixteen.5~Dhammapila also agrees with the explanations of SnA,
but makes reference to another view held by 'some' ( a p e )of a different school. According to that school, the time duration depends
upon the leveI of energy (viriya) CApare pana vkiyassa ti&majjhima-mudubhdvena BodhisatHnam ayaq ka'lavibhligo d
ada anti.)^^ He further states that time difference is also'due to the
ability of Bodhisatm' understanding of the Dhamma. Accordingly,
Bodhisattas are divided into th~eeclasses; namely, uggha!itaiMU
(Bodhisatta who can grasp the Dhamma before the completion of a
giithif), vjpacitA-6 (Bodhisatta who can do so after its completion)
and neyya (Bodhisatta who realizes it at the end of a discourse).5'
This appears to be a commentariaI expansion made on the basis ol
the classification of persons (puggala)into four types found at A i
135; Pug 41; AA iii 131; PugA 222-223;e t ~ It. goes
~ ~ without sayq
ing that GotamaBodhisattacomes under the category of the one whosf
paBa is foremost and has to be naturally uggatitaMii according tc
Dhammapsla's above ~Iassification. This indicates that the
Theravgdins placed the utmost emphasis on
in the process ol
attaining enlightenment more than the other two.
o,
The PaIi commentaries are unanimous that the career 01

Gotama Bodhisatta starts from the time of Dipdkara Buddha. It is
THE CAREER OF A BODHISA'ITA

fi.om him that Gotama Bodhisatta received the first definite k l a a tion (niyafa-vivaqa)in his career. The Pdi tradition maintains that
before receiving it, he,like anyone else who aspires to be a Bodhisattit,
had to satisfy the foIlowing eight conditions ( a a @ ! a d h m a : M
(I) a human being (manussattat,n)
(2) the male sex (litigasampatti)
(3) cause (heW
(4) seeing a teacher (sa#h&adassanq)
( 5 ) going forth (pabbaja
(6) possession of special qualities (gucasampam]
(7) fulfillment of proper deeds (adbikM)
(8) will-power (chandatij)
They are further elaborated as follows: (1) the aspirant must
be a human,not anyone else like naas, devas, etc., because of the
absence among them of (three skilled) rootcauses (aherukabhiivatu);
(2) he must be a male,because others will not complete the characteristics (lfiqapiiriphyaabhavata); (3) he must be endowed with
a cause for attaining arahantship; (4) he must aspim for Buddhahaod
in the presence of a living Buddha; (5) he must also be an ascetic
who has gone forth among ascetics or monks who believe in the
eff~cacyof kmma (kammakinyaviida).Only Bodhisattas who have
gone forth are said to be able to attain 'enlightenment' (sambodhi);
(6) he then must be the one who has gone forth and has obtained the
eight attainments (atthasamiipatti) a d the five higher knowledges
(paEcSbhiMif);(7) he must be endowed with the ability to sacrifice
even his own Iife for Buddhas; and (8) Ere must possess a resolve,
then only greatwill-power (mahanrochando),great exerti~a(mahantw
va'yitma)and endeavour (usmo) will succeed. The greatness of wiI1power is compared to the crossing over with his own amis of the
whole interior of the Cakkavga sphere that had turned out to be one
mass of ~ a t e r . ~ A
' n interesting explanation is adduced in the
ManorathapiiranF2 and Sammobavhodad3 regarding the second
item, i s . the endowment of male sex (iirjgasampatti): a woman cannot be a Buddhaor a cakkavatti king because of not having the char-
acteristic of male organ concealed in a sheath (k~sohifavatthaguyh~),

which is one of the thirty-two physical marks of a great man
(rnahapuri~alakkbapa).~The texts further state that the seven treaswes (s;lrtarafana) of a cakkavatri king are imcomplete without the
treasure of women (~tthirama).An attempt to relate figasampatti
to the concept of rnaha$urid-a
appears to be overdoing. For
canonical texts such as the Lakkhaga ~ u t t aamply
~ ~ demonstrate that
the acquisition of the thirty-two physical marks is a result of the accumulation of virtues practiced in previous existences of the Buddha, and those virtues are of socio-ethical nature. The accumulation
of virtues is another form of the practice of p;Sramis, or bodhi-plicana
or Buddhakiiraka-dhamma as the Buddhavqsa calls it; all of those
terms are found in the Atthakathiis. The Buddhavamsa and its
Commentary, for example, state that Sumedha reflects on the things
which make a Buddha (Buddhakara-dhamma)and realizes that they
are the ten perfe~tions.~This suggests that the canonical and
commentaria1 texts take the time of initiation into the Bodhisatta's
career as the starting point of the practice of various virtues. As seen
before, the tbrrty-two physical marks according to the Canon are the
result of the accumulationof virtues, and not the other way around.
Therefore, the state of being a female does not necessarily pose a
serious threat or hindrance to the accumulation of such virtues, unless
they arc the virtues that should be practiced exclusively by males.
An implication here is that the commentatorsfound plausible excuses
due, perhaps, to over-enthusiasm, to generalize everything possible.
Even the conceptof eight conditions is based on an inductivemethod
of fmt collecting data around Gotama Buddha and generalizing them
accordingly. This process is applied to the Bodhisatta-concept as
well.
Another question will arise here. That is, how did Sumedha,
who was to receive a niyata-vivqa from Dipaikara Buddha, come
to possess the qualities that would satisfy the above eight conditions?
The general thinking that continued along the passage of time was
based on the premise that the Buddha had practised numerousvirtues
for an incalculable length of time in his previous existences. For this

the jgt&as would have provided ideal materials. Thus the beginning
of Gotama Bodhisatta's career came to be linked to Dipdara Buddha in the Buddhavqsa for the first time in the P a tradition. Then,
the AtJhakat~texts (and Bv) added three more Buddhas before
~ i p d a r a This
. fact shows that the A
H literature had already
set out an a further expansion of the Bodhrsatta's career into the past
beyond Dipdara Buddha. OUTinference cannot be far ram the mth
s the Mahismpig@anicbais said to mention a prior training of an
aspirant Bodhisatta before reaching the state where he could obtain a
j~iyata-vjvarapa.~~
Differences among Buddhas, paccekabuddhas and disciples
are discernible even in the requirements for aspiration (abhidlira).
The Suttanip8t.a-atJhakathH says that paccekabuddhas are required to
satisfy only five conditions for abhinfima as against eight for a
Bodhkatta aspirant: viz., 11) a human; (2) a male; (3) being able to
see an enlightened one (Buddha, paccekabuddha,or arahant); (4) ready
to sacrifice one's life for a Buddha; and (5) having a fm resolve.
Disciples, on the other hand, art required to satisb only the last two
~onditions.6~
AbhinmSra is the initial ot baisc aspiration according to the

commentaries (abhin&&uii miilapanidhfiass'emadhivacana~p).~~
The word 'miIapanidIGna' (initial, first, or basic aspiration) implies
that the A+akathH texts are yet to develop the concept of mmopanidhgna and vaci-panidhgna as in later works like the
Mahfisampbdanidina. The Cariyipitaka-a~hakathacalls this
abhinih;~ra,
mahii-ab-a?'
It is the eight conditions which constitute the abhinfi;TFa. It is a combination of them that make up the
resultant rise of the mind (...tesq a,$hamp aigiit~aq~
samodhinena
QthBpavartocithrppBdo ti veditabbo.)" It is also interesting to note
that CpA enumerates four aspects each of condition @accaya),cause
(hew) and power (bald of abhir3lgra as follows:"
1. Four Conditions @accaya)
BUDDHA IN THERAVAI3A BUDDHISM
I. The Great Being (mahapurisa) sees aTathagata and wonderful miracles (acchsriyabbhutaypa~i&iyp)performed by the
power of a Buddha. On account of it and taking that as an object or
aim, he sets his mind on attaining great wisdom (rmhiibodbiyam
ci#m santilYmti.) So, because of seeing that great power [with his
own'eyes], he makes it a condition and with the inclination to
enlightenment, he places his mind thereupon. This is the first
condition of great aspiration (rnahabMiWi.)
2. If he does not see it [byhimselfl, but hears that such and

such is the Blessed One, then with the inclination to enlightenment,
he places his mind thereupon. This is the second condition of
maha'bhhihh.
3. If he does not see it, nor hears it from others, he hears the
Dhamma connected with Buddha's great power, such as, 'the
Tathiigata is endowed wit11 the ten powers,' etc. Then with the
inclination to enligbtenrnent, he places his mind thereupon. This is
the third condition of abhinIZra.
4. If he does not see it, nor hears it, nor listens to the Dhmma
of a Tathiigata, he thinks with lofty and noble inclination that he will
protect and p a r d the lineage, succession, tradition, etc., of Buddhas
a d will honour and respect the Dhamma. So with the inclination to
enlightenment, he places his mind thereupon. This is the fourth
condition of rnh-bhininlhiTra.
11. Four Causes (hetu)
1. The Great Being (mahiipurka) is possessed of sufficing

condition in nature (pakatiyg upanissayasampamo hod) and is one
who has exerted himself before previous Buddhas (purimakesu
Buddhesu katZdhTkZro). This is the first cause (hetu) of
rnah8bihiihiim.
2. He possessesnatural inclination of compassion and is de-

sirous of relieving beings of suffering ( s a t t & q d u k k h e
a p m e t u m ~ Further,
).
he is one who has sacrificed his own body
md life (api ca a t m o &yajivik?iy pariccajitva. This is the second
cause (heru) of rnahlibhin~&ira.
3. He is energetic and not weary of exerting himself for a

long time for the sake of beings [who are subjected to1 the ill of
transmigration and wrong deeds done and is fearless ( a o u t ~ ~inf i
respect of results desired. This is the third cause (hetu) of
mahdbhin&ra
4. He becomes a goad friend (kaly@anu'ttasannissitohob),

prevents beings] from harm and works for their welfare (ahitato
niviimti, hire pati@apeEi). This is the fourth cause (hetu) of
mahiibhh2B-a.
The CariyZpi@ka-a[+akatha in this regard mentions the attainment of sufficing conditions of the Great Being (mahiSpurisassa
upanissayasampad@ as follows: 'Just as his inclination is prone
towards enlightenment, so is the conduct of welfare for beings. Hence,
he makes resolution through mind and word for [the attainment of]
sambodhi in the presence of former Buddhas, [thinking] "I will be a
rightly enlightened one as such and will bring forth welfare and happiness to beings."'73 The text further states that in the case of one
who ispossessed of sufficing conditions,there are tllese characteristics
of the attainment of sufficing conditions (sampanndpanissayassa
pan'assa im&i upanissayasampattiy8Jitjgai bhavanri). 'The Great
Being endowed with sufficing conditions has pure faculty and
knowledge, and not othemise. He enters upon a path beneficial to
others, and not to himself. Likewise, he enters upon a path for the
welfare and happiness of the many through campassion for the world
and for the benefit, welfare and happiness. of men and gods, and not
Such descriptions of the Bodhisatta's mental attitude
regarding the act of asipration appear to come from placing more
emphasis on the primary objective of becoming a bodhisatta; that is,
compassion shown to the world. They are much similar to what is
BUDDHA TN THERAYMA
BUDDHISM
found in the Mahsiyiina traditi~n.~"
UL.Four Powers (bala)

1. Internal power (ajhattikabala)
2. External power (blihkabala)
3. Supportive power (upmissayabala)
4. Power of means or undertaking (payogabala)
1. Ajhattikabala is explained thus; 'that delight in the supreme enlightenment arising from the respect to the Dhamrna and
dependence on [one] seIf, and it is on account of the disposition
towards it alone; by that [reason], the Great Being becomes endowed
with aspiration (abhinihaa) and is the lord of himself, inclined to
shame, and having falfilled the perfections, attains the supreme
edightenment.'
2. Wrabala is given the following explanation: 'that delight in the supreme enlightenment is due to others and it is ody on
account of that; by that [reason], the Great Being, influenced by
society, inclined to honour or respect ( r n ~ j i & ~ a j l o is'the
) , ~ ~lord of
the world, and having fulfilled the perfecions attains the supreme
edightenment.'
3. Upanissayabala: 'that delight in the supreme enlightenment is due to the attainment of sufficing condition and it is only on
account of that; by that [reason], the Great Being, possessed of
aspiration, is of quick faculty and of pure nature and bent or
mindfulness, and having fulfilled the perfections, attains the supreme

enlightenment.'
4. Payogabala: 'the accomplishment of means appropriate to
the supreme enlightenment, [and] the quality of acting diligently
(sakkaccakiin'@;by that [reason], the Great Being. employing pure
means, being continuous in action and endowed with aspiration,
attains the supreme enlightenment.77
THE CAREER OF A BODHISATI'A
Dhiunmapaa concludes that great aspiration (mabhhl-h&-a)

is of many virtues and advantages, and is the foundation for perfections ( E v q anekaguno anekiZuis~so
mahfbhiniharo pjratninam
paccayo ti veditabbo.)''
Another interesting observation made by Dhmmapda regarding abhinaira is that it is in parallel with great compassion
(maha~inrga
and skilful means (upayakosalla)(Yab- ca abhinr'hao
evwmah&arung uMyakosalIan"~ a . He
) ~explains
~
that upZyakosalla
is the knowledge which is the cause for the acquisition of bodhi like
giving (Tartha up#yakosatlq niima daiidinay bodhisambhimbhavassa nimittabhiWpmf .) Because of kmn4 and upiiyakosalla,
great beings [bodhisattas] are indifferent to their own happiness
(attasukhanirapekkhaa and are always inclined to welfare and
compassion for others @arahitakarunapasuta@. Dharnrnapala
further elucidates some characteristics of kmn8 and paEa' which
are said to be the two constituents of abhinWra.
In addition to the above qualifications, the A~hakathatexts

mention six mental inclinations (ajhrZsaya)which lead to the maturing o f the enlightenment of a Bodhisatta. The Visuddbitnagga, for
instance, states that with the inclination to non-greed Bodhisattas
see the fauIt in greed (alobhajjbasayii ca Bodhisatta lobhe
dosadassiivino.) In the same way, with the inclination to non-hate
(adosajjhbaya), non-delusion (amohajjhisaya), renunciation
(nekkhaamajhlaya),seclusion(pavivekajbbaya),and relinquishment (nis~arqaji~saya),
Bodhisattas see the faults in hate (dose
d~sadass~vino),
delusion (mohe dosadassivino), household Iife
khargvaedusadassiTvino),society (sariganikiiyedmadassiivino),and
rebirth in all kinds of stations of becoming (sabbabhavagatisu
dosadassavino) respectively?' Buddhaghosa says that sotlipmas,
sakadiigamis, anfigamis, arahants, paccekabuddhas, and
satnmibambuddhas; all arrived at the distinction peculiar to each by
means of these same six modes.82 The above passage seems to be a
nll~tationfrom another source, since it starts with the phrase ' Yafh'

&a'. The Chinese Vimuttirnagga. unfortunately, is silent on it, and
where Buddhaghosa borrowed this passage from is uncertain.83 We

have a similarpassage in the Suttanip5ta-atJhakath~~
and Apakaaqhakatham where the six items are arranged in a different order
from that in Vism,though the content is the same. The order in SnA
and ApA is as follows: (1) nekkhammaji3Z&aya,(2) pavivekaj&aya,
(3) alobhajhiisaya, ( 4 ) adosajjhisaya, ( 5 ) arnohajhisaya, and (6)
nissarma$hBaya. Further, SnA and ApA say that with the inclination tAunciation, bodhisattas see the fault in sensuaI pleasures
(kmedosadass~vino)and with the inclination to relinquishment,they
see the fault in a11forms of existence (sabbabbavesudusadasdvino).
These are the two items which are somewhat dserent from each
other between Vism and the second group of sources; viz. SaA and
ApA.
On the other hand, whiIe following the above second group

of sources as regards the order of six aahiisayas in his CariyZpigkaai@akath$ Dhammapiila adds that with the inclination to renunciation
(nekkhmmajhbaya), bodhisattas s
a the fault in sensual pleasures
and household life (kmesu ghar8vBe ca d o s a d a s s ~ ~ h o In
) . ~an~
other place, he refers 10 six ajli&ayas as folIows: 'alobfraji~ay;Tdapo
cha BodhisatiZniq ajhiisayZq7 This reference, as far as their order
goes, is reminiscent o f that in Vism, if Dhammapfiia had intended to
list the dobhajhsisaya as fhe first item in the list. From the above
survey, we may infer that Vism borrowed the passage from one
source, while SnA,CpA and ApA seem to haik back to a different
source. If is likely that ApA would have borrowed or copied the
entire passage from SnA as the list in question occurs in the
Colnmentary on the KhaggavisTqa sutta which is included in both
sources.
When a Bodhisatta makes a vow or resolution @anidh#na)
to fulfill the ten perfections and receives a definite declaration (njyaravivarqa), he will not be barn in any of the eighteen 'impossible
states' (abhabba@iina).SnA i 50 and ApA 141 mention them as
follows:
(1) Blind (jaccandha)
(2) Deaf (jaccabadhua)

(3) Insane ( u m m a ~ a )
(4)Deaf and dumb ( e h i g a )
( 5 ) Crippled (pifimapp~)
(6) Among babarians (milakkl~esu)
(7)Born of a slave woman (dSiyS kucch@hi nibbatrati)
(8) One with confirmed wrong views (~yatamicchadif@ika)
(9) Of changeable sex (hermaphrodite) (lidgap parivattat~)
(10) Among those gudty ofcommitting the five actions which result
in Lhe immediately following (pm5cihmtanjrakamma)
(1 1 ) A lepper Ikutfh1')
(12) Smaller than a quail or larger than an elephant in size, if born an
animal
(13) Among the khuppipiisikmi_ijh&natqh.ikapelas
(14) Among the kQakanfakasor in Avici or lokantarika nirayas
(15) If born in krimiivacara world, a M&-a
(16) If born in the rCpavacara, among those lacking in conscious(asaZbhava), or in the pure abode [suddhi~v~sa)
ness
(17) In the &pa world
(1 8) In another world-system (ma-c&av@a).
The venerable R ~ v i s writes

a
that the concept of abhabbatii
is a later introduction by the Theravabins, insinuating that it is later
than Buddhaghosa's time.88 The term abhabba-@&a is not new to
the commentaria1 literature. It is used in the Saigiti suttanta of the
Digha NMya where the arahant (kh@&rava) is said to be free from
thecommitment of five things. They are described as 'paica-abhabba(five impassible places).Eg Even in relation to the
.tthihdni'
.
Bodhisatta's places of non-birth, it appears that such a concept, at
least in its incomplete form, had already been incorporated in the
Theravada tradition before Buddhaghosa as can be seen in the
following reference in the AAgut~ara-at&akathH: 'Bodhisartas do not
take conception in the realm of the formless. Why ? Because it is an
hpossibile state' [BodhisattSnq pana m-pivacmpatisandhinEna
na hoti. Kasms ? Abhabbaf&naft&)w
BUDDHA IN TFJERAV~ABUDDHISM
It may be assumed that the theory of abhabbatais a devebpment based on the gathiis found at JA i 44-45 = ApA 49, EVA 271
and CpA 330. A perusal of them reveals that the order of items
mentioned is different between the two groups of sources: viz., (A)
IA i 44-45 = ApA 49, BvA 271 and CpA 330. and (B)SnA i 50 and
ApA 141.
Group A
1. in Avici
2. in spaces between the worlds (lokantare)
3. among [departed] beings consumed by constant
craving and tormented by hunger and thirst
(nijjh&?ata@a khuppipsZs3
4. k~akan7aka
5. tiny creatures (khudd&iTp@iifl
6. blind (jaccandha)
7. deaf (sotavekalla@
8. dumb (mega-pakkhika
9. women (itthibhava)
10. hermaphrodites (ubha~obyadjana~
11. eunuchs (pqdakii)
12. free from offences which bring immediate
results (muffs iinantwikehr")
13. places of [their] visit are pure in every
respect (sabbadla suddhagaczuii)
14. non-association with wrong views as they
behold the efficacy of kamrna (micchiidiF@iy
na sevmti kammakhiyadassaaa",
15. in the heaven of a non-conscious state
(vasam3ninBpi saggesu ashmena upapajare)
16. in the pure-abode (suddh~visa)
Group 3
(14)
(141
Notes:
a. * shows that Group B is more elaborate.
b. - indicates that no corresponding items are found.
c. The numbering in Group A is made on the basis of items sUgd

p t e d therein and does not necessarily show accuracy as some items
may be taken as grammatically constituting one whole sentence; e.g.

3 &4.
d. The numbering in Group B follows that mentioned earlier.
The above chart shows that two items (12 & 13) in Group A
are positive expIanations. This may be due to the fact that in Group
A the reference is to 'advantages*(lim'sarp) of abhirua#.ra, while in
Group B it is to 'impossible or inauspicious places' (abfrabbagi3W)
where the Bodhisatta is never born. Another significant difference
between the two is the inclusion of 'women' (itlhibha'va)in Group
A, while Group B is silent on it.9' Its inclusion reminds us of the
eight conditions (at$adhammaT that a Bodhisatta-aspirantmust satisfy
before a aiyata- vivarqa is given by a Buddha. Jataka stories were
intended to show the previous existences of GotmaBuddha and their
relations to the present in varied forms. But they do not seem to
include his previous births as a female; be it human or non-human.
As the ancient tales incorporated in the Jiltaka book were much earlier
in time than the historical development of the Bodhisatta-concept,
and as a chronological comparison between the JEtaka and the
Buddhava~psa~~
confirms it, it is clear that the notion of ar@adhmrna
of a Bodhisatta came into being much later. Thus, the inclusion of
'women' in the above tist is likely to have been made on the basis of
a thorough knowledge of the JBtakas. It also appears to be an extended
interpretationof the canonicaI concept that a woman who is an arahant
cannot be a Fully Enlightened One.93 However, the fact that Group
B does not include it appears strange. Does it imply that external
circumstances OT something else did not pennit the inclusion of women
in the list at the time of tho compilation of those texts in Group B ?
Whatever the reasons may be, we are inclined to believe that Group
A represents an earlier form than Group B on the following grounds:
(1 1Group B shows a more systernalized form and gives the specific
number of eighteen; (2) Group B incfudesmare items than Group A;
and (3) exly Buddhist Sanskrit works like the MahFivivastu also include
women as impossible state of birth for Bodhisatta~.~~
This suggests
a common ground between the early Buddhist Sanskrit and the Pdi
BUDDHA IN THER4V-A
BUDDHISM
traditions and their antiquity as a whole. However, another.possibility

may still exist. That is, both groups represent two separate traditions
altogether, This conjecture is drawn from the fact that ApA records
both lists [ApA 49 & 14 11. If, on the other hand, the giithils in Group
A could be tra~edin the Sanskrit literature earlier than the sources in
Group A, that evidence will suffice to suggest that those grit&& may
have come from a common source fromwhichboth Pali and Sanskrit
traditions were derived. These are open to further investigation.
'Preliminaries' leading to Buddhahwd are also expressed in

the AffhakathIiliterature in such terms as the following:bhiimi, badhjpacana, panidhaa, carjyii, a w a , patthan& e t ~ ? ~
[ 1) Bi~iimi[Plane or Realm)
This term is used together with 'buddha', 'bodhisattlr' and

'paccekabodhisafta'in the A@akathf in two separate senses. For
instance, Dharnmapda uses Bodbisathbhiimi in the explanations of
p H 8 and karunaof a Tathagata thus: Because of compassion, a
Bodhisatta enters s q s a a in the Bodhisatta plane/realm, but does
not take delight therein, because he has wisdom.' ( b n d y a vii
Budhisathbhiimiyarp saysiiri$hirnukha-bha'vo, paiifiiiya tattha
nnabliirati.)9d CpA 20 also mentions it in rhe sense of 'plane'or
'realm' as follows: 'The Lord, from the time he set out on his own
career in the plane of Eodhisattahood till the ripening of Great
Knowledge at the end...' (Bhagavg atfano Bodhisatrabhiimiyaq
caritam gram bhato ps[thaya yiiva pariyosgns Mahabodhipa
paripScanay evii ti...) While talking of the three levels of 'perfectian' (piirarna, i.e. p@arni, upapaami and paramarthapiirami,
Dhammapiila refers to a view held by 'some' belonging to another
school that what should be fulfilled duriug the time of initialjourney
is 'p&amF', what is completed during the time of Bodhisattahoad is
' upapI.rm7 and all that is accomplished in the field ofB~ddhahaod
is 'parmattbap&mr'.v KhpA 229 also says that 'buddhabhiim?
(the plane of a Buddha) is that which establishes supremcy aver
creatmes (yj ca sabbasarturramabh~vasBdhik~
buddhabhiimi.) These
examples show that the sense in which the word 'bhih~~'
is used is
I...

'plane' or 'realm', e t ~ . ~
The AtthasW gives the sense of 'fruition of a religious life'
(smaaphala) to the word bhCmi.* The other meaning of the word
is an extension of this deftnition in the A*akathi% and it denotes
crequirements' that lead to the attainment of the aim wished for. The
~uddhavamsa-a~[hakathB,for instance, defines the word
'buddhabhiimx' found at Bv FI v 175 to mean 'the perfection of
Buddhas' (Buddhabhiim-tib~ddhapiiraniq).'~SnA i 50 and ApA
141 mention that a Bodhisatta must possess the following four
qualities known as 'buddhabhimi' to accomplish his aspiration: (1)
diligence for realization (ussiiha); (2) wisdom (?) (ummagga); (3)
determination (avatthiina); and (4) beneficial conduct (hifacariya.
These are in turn explained as, (I) viriya, (2) pai%S, (3) adhimma,
and (4) methbh-am, respectively. The Cariyiipiwa-at~hakaths,
on the other hand, mentions them as 'conditions or requisites'
(paccaya)of pZrmJs (Tathd ussaa-umagga-ava~ma-fitacariyi
ca p~~
paccayfi ti veditabba')and says that they are the planes
because of being the place of the origin of Buddhahood (yg
BuddhabhSvassa uppafti!@.@aHyabhiimiyo ti vuc~anti.)'~~
It further
elucidates ihem in the following manner: (1) abbhussahanaviriya(incitement energy) for obtaining the necessary conditions for budhi
(bodhisambh&&~abbhussahanaviriy~);(2) upSyakosaiJabhiia
pmd (knowledge of the skilful means)in the constituents of bodhi
(Bodhisambh&su upiTyakossallabh613~ ~ 5(3) )a d;h w a (determination), the state of unshakable determination (adhigl&q,
acalii&Wa@; and (4)the development of friendliness and compa~sion(mettahhdvanil,karuqiibha'va~iica).~~
In another place, CpA
says that 'buddhabhgmi' is 'that which should not be though about'
(acinteyyqn).lM
(2)Bodhi-p-cana (Ripening of Knowledge)
The tern is canonjcaI. It is found in theBuddhavqsa @ V II

vs 12 1 ffl and Cariy@ifaka [CpI v I] of the Rhuddaka NUya. Hence,
the commentaries of the above tulo texts give some explanations to
the term. Bur Buddhaghosa in his commentaries does not seem to
use it. BvA 105 defines it as follows: "Bodhipgcaop ti

maggapanpican& sabban"n"u~aiT&mpanpdcandiva"' ("Ripening of
knowledge" means maturity associated with the way or with o b cient kn~wledge).'~
Buddhadatta, the author of BvA, alludes to the
fact that bdhi-@ma is the constituentsof piiramis.lMDhamrnap~~
on the other hand, gives the following explanations in CpA: In the
conditions necessary for the attainment of knowledge
(bobhisambhilra), there are (four) developments (bhivana of
sabbasambhiira, nirantara, cirakda and sakkacca respectively, and
bodfip2cana is sakkaccabMvand (thorough development of respect)
(bodhipScanan ti h i n g sakkaccab&vw- vutta huti.)lM
(3) Canyii (Conduct)
In the Buddhist Sanskrit literature, the word caryij is employed to denote thewhole duty that must be fulfilled by a bodhisattva
in order to attain Buddhahood.la7 In fie Piili tradition also, the word
cariyd is used to denote what a Bodhisatta has to fulfill and bring to
the highest point of perfection during a long period of his career.
The krm,for instance, is used by DharnmapUa in his commentaries
and is classified into three kinds: fiBtatthacauyi (conduct beneficid
to what is known), lokatrhacariyii (conduct beneficial to the world)
and buddhatthacariyii (conduct beneficial to the attainment of
Buddhd~ood).'~This classification, however, is not in agreement
with the Buddhist Sanskrit tradition of four divisions of it.lm
The foregoing discussions reveal that the Bodhisatta concept further developed in the AtJhakathFt literature, particularly in the
sphere of the preliminaries leading to Buddhahood. Such developments were no doubt a result of interaction between the Theravadins
and non-Theraviida religious groups both in India and in Sri Lafika.,
It has also been observed thal Dhammapda, when compared wih
other commentators, contributed much to a further development of
the Bodhisatta-concept even within the commentarid literature.
THE DOCTRINE OF P.&UMTA

1. ~tyrnologiesof the Word PSramior Pamiti
The perfections (p&mlorpizramit@are the most important

practicesa Bodhisatta has to fulfil in his career for the attainment of
~ ~ d d l l & o a d .Etymologies of the words pilraml and p&m'ta
discussed by several scholars are basically two types. One is to take,
for instance, the wmd piirarnitii as consisting of two components
sp@m'
(the opposite bank, the further shore) and 'ita' (gone).' Some
P~lh
i ~ o l a r shave also followed this method of etymological
explanations,2 perhaps because of such expressions as 'pf agiY3 and
**am garas' found in the Canon. The other is ta take it as a derivative
from ;he word parama (highest condition, highest point, best state,
perfection, etcJ5 In the Psi sources, the word piiramioccurs in the
Suttanip~ta,~
one of the early texts in the Canon, in the sense of
'achieving the very end' (nja@i9gamana)as the Commentary interprets
its7 The Anupada Sutta of the Majjhima NilGiya, wbile exalting
wisdom (pm-5of
) SUputta, also says that he has attained the mastery (vasippatto) and perfection @ilramippatto) in the noble moral
habit, concentration, wisdom and freed~rn.~Piirm'ppatta in this
case too is interpreted as 'nipphattipatta' (attained accomplishment
or completion), according to the Commentary? The Nettippakaraqa,
one of the three postcanonical works, employs the term in the same
sense of perfection as in the canonical texts when it refers to the
Pefiection of the fourth trance (catutthej h e p&mi~~yaa).'~
The
Mlindapaiha also describe the thera Niigasena as a person who has
attained perfection (phmippatta)." In the Aghalcath&, pBadconkues to be interpreted to mean 'the last. completedand highest state'
Iavasmam ni.+marp uttamabh~vq).'~These instances'confm
that fie.words paami and piirmitfi used in the canonical and portcanonical texts, and even in the commentaries are much closer to
Parama' in meaning and should therefore be transIated as 'perfec-
BUDDHA IN THEMVJ%DABUDDHISM
tion, completeness. highest state, etc.'
2. The Number of P a m i
The p&mi in the technical sense of perfections amounting

to ten in number occurs for the fmt time in the B u d d h a v q a of ae
Khuddaka Nikiiya in the Pdi tradition.I3 The Csuiyilpipkaelucidates
some of thep&-a.mf~.'~
They are also referred to in the Buddhavmsa
as 'buddbakara dhamma",15 which, according to its Commentary, are
said to be 'the things that make lhe state of Buddhahood and are ten
[in number] such as the perfection of giving' (buddhatkikm n m a
d h m s d&apiiramitiidayo da~adhamrn@.'~They are otherwise
called 'bodhipiicana' (ripening of knowledge).'' The Cariyiipifaka
too uses budhipZcma referring undoubtedly to pIirami@.18 These
references show that paamit& are the things every bodhisatta
(Buddha-to-be) must fulfil.lg However, the Madhuratthavikini
interprets 'bodhipacana' to mean either 'ripening of. the path'
(maggaparipscana) or 'ripening of omniscient knowledge'
( s a b b - ~ t ~ ~ a p m ~ c a nHere
a).~
its meaning includes the general
sense of 'ripening of knowledge' that is appIicabIe to both arahants
and Buddhas. This sense of budhi is in fact found at several places in
the AfDakathiitexts.21Therefore, given the context in which the ten
perfections are referred to in relation to the Bodhisatta (Buddha-tobe). the term Buddhakara-dhamrna is more apt and precise than the
term bodhipicma. The ten p&amis, according to the Buddhavaqw"
are as follows:
(1) DZna (GenerosityfGiving) - Bv I1 v 117. Cf. Cp Book 1
(2) Sla (VirtuejMorality)
- Bv I1 Y 122. Cf.Cp Book 2
(3) Nemamma (Renunciation) - BY LI v 127. Cf.Cp Book 3, I-V
(4) PaiinaiinS
(Wisdom)
- BY Il: v 132.
- Bv fi v 137.
(5) Vir3ya (Energy)
(6) Wlanti (Patience)
Bv ll v 142.
- Bv 11 v 147. Cf.Cp Book 3,
(7) Sacca (Truthhlness)
VII-XU
(8) AdhitLhaa (Determination) - Bv II v 152. Cf. Cp Book 3, V I
TRE DOCTRINE OF P&UMTTA
Bv II v 157. Cf. Cp Book 3,
(9) M eua ( ~ ~ ~ i n ~ - l d n d n e s s )
(10)upeJrkh3
(ti4~mimity)
m-xw
- Bv Il v 162. Cf. Cp Book 3,XV
The number of p&rniHs in Mayas Buddhism is generally accepted as six. They include d a a , sila, kwti,vjPa, dhy&a
and praj5a.p Lists of ten with supplementary p&uni&f&are also found
in the Buddhist Sanskrit literat~re.~
The Abhidharma-mah&ib&aggsh.aD records that 'Foreign Masters' enumerate six p m i t a s ,
wbicb, according to the Sarvibtivida sch0ol,2~is erroneous, and the
number must be four since k@ti should be included in sfla, and
dhygna in prajfia. This position was taken by the Kashimirian
~ a i b m i k a s .Further,
~
it is reported that the Tibetan literature has a
treatise on the five p f ~ ~ n i 8 s The
. ~ fact that various authorities
speak of different numbers may suggest that the doctrine of pa-as
was the result of a gradual growtb.
The question as to why pLamila's are six or ten in number

has been a focal point of discussion among scholars. E.J.Thomas
believes that the first six (as in the Bst of the Mahltyina tradition)
appears to be original, as it ends with the atbhment of full knowledge or wisdom, p r a j r ? ~War
~ ~ DayaI also says that d e first six are
the chief factors in a bodhisattva's discipline, and the four additional
pfiarnit& are mere1y supplementary in chara~ter.~
He surmises that
the number of p&amitiTs was raised to ten as a consequence of the
invention of the decimal system of computation in the science of
arithmetic in the third or fourth century A.D.3' Their arguments
cannot, however, apply to the countingof p-%
~JI the Theravua
badition, since firstIy, the order of them between the two traditions is
drffmntand secondly,thepaMH-p~amitiiisnot placed at the end of
the PZIi list, if we go by E.J.Thomas's contention. The Pgi list must
fierefore be examined in a different light from that of Buddhist
Sanskrit Iiterature.
In the TheravZidatradition,when the teaching of ten pLamiHs

came to be formulated and accepted is uncertain. The mention of
'dasadhamma' [ten things) at Bv II v 188referring to the ten P;Sramis

suggests that it is canonical and the Theraviidins accepted the
tions to be ten in number from the very inception of their doctrine?2
The antiquity of the teaching is suggested by a passage found in he
Cariyipitaka-at@akathSwhere dl the ten perfections are mentioned
under thc heading of 'buddhakiirka-dhamm8"said to have been
preached to S&iputta by the Buddha himseF3 What is significant
in this is that the ten perfections are cited as a traditional form of
counting @;Tliyaq~sdparo igata) and a gZithS is given as further
evidence of the canonical authority to the doctrine. Commenting on
this, D.L.Barua, the editor of the Cariyiipifaka-aghakathii, states:
'Though it remains dificult for us to trace the passage...,yet it cannot,
except by suggestio fdlsi,be assumed that Dhamrnapda invented it
just to supply acmonical authority to the ductrine of tenp&mit;~rs.'34
A somewhat sudden systematisation of the teaching in the Pali
tradition, unlike other doctrines whose germs are traceable in the
Canon, along with a developed form of the Bodhisatta doctrine in the
Buddhavqsa, prompted some scholars to infer that it was introduced
from another school.35 They believe that there existed a Sanskrit
form of the B~ddhavapa,3~
suggesting the existence of a commpn
source from which some of the Sanskrit and Pdi texts derived the
materials for the composition of the Buddha's biography. The venerable ~ . ~ f q ~ v . vhas
l s ain fact attempted to show some parallel
passages between the Pali Buddhavamsa and the Sanskrit
Mah~vastu.~~
However, this does not provide any answer for the question
of why the TneravBdins embraced the doctrine of ten p-ras,
while
other Buddhist Sanskrit sources are not unaoimous in the number as
seen before. P 3 1 - ~ t i ilike
s nemamnta, sacca, adhi~.t&na,mefr2
and upekkhi are mentioned only in the Pili list. Concepts and
practices expressed by these terms are as important as other items in
the list in Buddhism. Har Dayal in this ccmmction tries to see a
gradual growth of the doctrine of p2irmitii out of three fundamend
steps; namely, sTia, samiidhi and p a % , which are often cited as the
right direction of practice one must follow in order to attain the final
goal, Nibbaa. Based on the usually accepted enumeration of six
paami& in Mahiyla Buddhism, Vasubandhu in his Mahiiyaas,ugl*a

commentary explains that the six p&mi@s are fundamentally related to the three "siksas"; i.e. adhisfla, abhicitta and
a&iprajfi~?8 Har Dayal's contention and the authoritativeexplanation of Vasubandhu are based OII the Buddhist Sanskrit sources and
may not therefore be applicable to the Theravada tradition of mua prerequisite to
rneration, for the P$i list does not end in
entertain such a theory. One may be tempted to relate the tenpkaf~u'm
to the earlier doctrines in the Canon, since the practice of every item
in the list of ten is aimed at the sublimation af social, ethical and
intellectualexercises which will eventually become conducive to the
attainment of Nibbma. But such an attempt will not go beyond the
confines of inference, f o the
~ ten pSmmitiis are not even alluded to
collective2y, nor under a different category, in the early canonical
texts. The least we can say is that even the P3li list begins with d&a
and sr7a which are undoubtedly the first steps into a higher realm of
religious training in Buddhism.
However, DhammapSila, the author of the Caripapitakaatpakatha, sees it differently. Concerning the enumeration of
p;~ramJ@ in the Piili list, he strongly believes that some of them in
the list of ten are redundant and reduces them to six basic piirami-,
which are surprisingly identical with those generally accepted in the
Mahiiy~nalist of six. This suggests that Elhammapila sees
justification in placing pa%% at the end of the list as in MahSyha.
Perhaps, he also thinks that the training of a Bodhisatta must culminate in wisdom 0.
The passage in question reads as follows:
' ... yarha e H vvibhagato timsavidhii pi diInapiframi-8dibhd~ato
dasavidhi. Evam dJnasilakhantiviriydhBnapdfi#-sablra
~babbidh;S.'~~
(they [perfections] are thirty by classification and ten
by nature. Thus, in terms of true nature, they are six, namely, [the
perfections of] giving, morality, patience, energy, trance and wisdom.)
He further states as to how the ten piiramitPrs are reduced to six:
'~ekWlammap&miis included in sIIapirmi; saccapiiram1 is one
aspect of silapiiramf, rnettitp@ami is included in jh8napLami and
U ~ e k k h ~ Tis;
p kincluded
~
in both jhiZnapiirami and pairjSpiiramC
BUDDHISM
a&itr&napsTramiis
inclnded in all the [six]phamjs.'40 Tfiis can be
grapiI;ically explained u foUows:
Basic Perfections
SupplementaryPerfections
Dhmmapilila's above classification strongly indicates that

he had a knowledge of the Buddhist Sanskrit sources. Our contention is further fortified by the fact that he refers at another place tc
'some' among the Buddhists recognising six p&amit% instead of ter
(Keci pana chabbidhi ti vadanti). But he reiterates that they are a
further ~Iassification[based on ten] (Taq emsap satigahavasen~
v u t t y ~ ) .Such
~ ~ evidence p i n t s to the fact that Dhammapila, being
aware of a theory of the six p&mi@s, gave it a new interpretation of
his own, while adhering in principle to the way pw%
were counted
io the TheravHda tradition, either ten or thirty. It must be noted that
he is in fact the only commentator who ventures into a new arena of
the elucidation of the doctrine of pBmitd along with the Bodhisatta
doctrine hitherto unknown in the Pai Literature, as is evidenf
throughout our present study?
Although the basic perfections are ten in number, the

commentarid texts adopt thuty." They are ten perfections @&arnii,
ten higher perfections ( ~ p a p m z z i iand
~ ten ultimate perfections
(paramatthapiirmi). The PBli Literary tradition shows that the
Buddhavqsa is the first to employ terns like dasap&mi, upapiiid
and paramatthapDamr;45 although a certain amount of doubt can be
cast as to whether or not the author of Bv actudly had a clear vision
of classifying perfections into three grades as in laterpriods. Nevertheless, it can be presumed that a germ or an idea of their gradation
into three levels of intensity must have been in vague even before the
THE DOCTRINE OF P A R M ~ A
pesod of the Sihala A m t h i i . This enumeration is a special feature

p u l i = to the Pidi tradition. Dhammapilla also follows this Iike the
other commentators. Although he feels that the Mahiiyfina
enmuation of p&~repsents
the fundamentid ones as discussed
above, he defenda the Theraviida stand against the theses held by
othwBuddhist circles at that time. He quotes, for instance,that 'some'
classify the perfections on the basis of their qualities of 'darkness' (kqhadhamma) and 'brightness' (sukkadhamma) and the
ultimate perfections, according to them, are neither dark nor bright
in their qualities [CpA 3201. Yet 'others' ( a p )maintain that the
basic prefections are fulfilled during the preliminary stages of
godbisattahood(samu&manNesu vi7pWyarn~-ptZrmiyo);
the
perfections fulfilled on the plape of Bodhisattahood are the higher
perfections @~salta&hiimiyarp
p q 1 5 upapiiramiyo);and the perfections reach their completion in every respect on the plane of Buddhahood (Buddhabhdmiyam sa bb&Zraparipu~ii paramatthapiraniyo) [fiia. Some other people believe that the perfections
practised for the welfare of others on the plane of Bodhisattahoodare
basic ones (Bodhisattabl~iixniyay
v ~ p a r a h i t a k ~ a p a t ~ ~the
iyu)
perfections far the wdfare of oneself are higher ones (attaAihkqato
upapiimniyu); and the perfections for the welfare of both others and
oneself on the plane of Buddhahood are the ultimate perfections
(Buddhabhiimiyaq r~bhayahihpmpu~atoparamattha~amiyo).
The above classifications are all based on the three diEferent stages
leading to Buddhahood. The Cariyapifaka-at@akathI mentions that
'they' (apare)indeed believe the beginaing, middle and end of perfections to be the corresponding stages of the resolution, undertaking
and accomplishment respectively ( e v q SdirnaJhapariyosiiaesu
~ar?i~ambhapa&ig&inesu
C o s q vib&go d spare) [Ibid]. The
neravilda tradition of gradation, on the other hand, rests on ?he inknsity of perfections practised and fulfiied during the entire career
of Bodhisattahood Thus. EVAand JA quote agreat number of JMaka
stories to illustrate different Ievels of perfections, but aU of them are
Performed and fulfilled by Gotarna Buddha when he was the
B0dhi~att.a.~This is also anorher area where the Theravidatradition
d*m from others.
....
BUDDHA IN T H E R A V ~ ~BUDDHISM
A
3. The Order of Pdrami
The order of pZrmifZs in the Theravada tradition is another

issue worthy of consideration. Canonical sources like the
Buddhavamsa and the Cariyapi!aka do fiat provide any clue for it.
Here again; we have to wait till the commentuial period to find d;n
answer to the problem. The Pdi Ayhakathii literature recognizes a
meaning in the order of p&miEis as they stand in the Theravada
tradition. At least Dhamrnapga finds legitimacy in their order when
he discusses them under the heading of 'KO
kaao ?' (What is
the order of perfections ?) in Ihe CariyapiIaka-affhakatha.47He says
that the order (kama)means the order of preaching (ettha kamo ti
desa~iikkamo).~~
'It is rooted in [the order of] the fist undertaking'
(So ca pa@amasamdd&ahetuko). He explains that each perfection
must be fortified by the following one. 'Giving is the great support
of virtue and easy to practise' (daam silassa b&iipakLaq sukc i to. 'Giving possessed of virtue is of great fruit and advantage. It
is [therefore] said that virtue comes after giving.' (DDam
silaparjggabiram mahapphabm hoti mahinisamsam ti
d r n a ~ ~ t a r ada
~ rp,n~v~u t k q ~ ) .All
~ ~ the pSrmit&s are explained in
this manner. Dhammapaa gives another reason (aparo nayo) for the
order of p&mitas thus: 'Giving is mentioned at the beginning,
because if is common to dl beings; of a little fruit; and easily
executable among many people' (pacurajanesu pi pavatriya
sabbasattasi7dhfi~attjiappaphalattii sukarattii ca adimhi diiiurp
vuttq). 'In respect of the purification of both giver and recipient by
the practiceof virtue, it is the prevention of harm to others after giving
becomes a help to others; it becomes a non-action after an action; it
is also the cause of the attainment of existence after it becomes the
cause for the procurement of wealth; virtue is said to come &er
giving.'5' The rest are also explained similarly. Thus,~hammapda
recognizes a sequential validity of perfections as found in the
TheravZida tradition.
4. The Usage of P3mfand Its Related Expressions
THE DOCTRINE OF PAUAMITA
Many passages of reference to the term p&am-are found in

the AtthakathZs. TWO
types of its usage can basically be identified;
ch~'usagein compound phrases, and 0 the singly used o m s . The
below-mentioned are some of rhe references which will show an overall view of its usage diagonally cutting across the entire commentaries. Let us h t see the usage of p&mi in compound phrases.
(I) Expressions like 'ukkqsa-paami-ppa~yS,..
' (the attainment of the perfection of excellence)said of Sariputta and MoggaJlIina
are found." Both Siriputta and MoggallSna, the two chief disciples
(agga-~B~&i?)of Ootama Buddha, are said to have attained 'the
bowledge of the disciple's perfection in front of the Teacher'
(dvinnarp pi agga-sdvak&q Satthu sarnme eva savaka-piiramifi@am matthakam p a t t a ~ ) h, ~
a n~ d a is often described as not
obtaining the benefit of pikamilike S3riputta and Moggalliim: 'Why
don't you, Ananda, penetrate the knowledge of the disciple's
perfection like Siiriputta and MoggallZna who spent more than one
asankbeyya (an incalculable length of time) and a hundred thousand
kappas (aeons) [to fulfil them] ?'54 'The thera b a n d a did not h o w
that the entire path d religious life was abtained through good fiends,
because he had not attained to the summit of the knowledge of the
disciple's perfection, But the General of DDhamma (SSiriputta) knew
as he stood at the summit of the knowledge of the disciple's perfect i ~ n . MoggallZina
'~~
is also described thus: 6M&&noggalliina,
accumulating the constituents of merit and knowledge necessary for
becoming a chief disciple of the Buddha for one asarikheyya and a
hundred thousand aeons besides, gradually fulfilled the disciple's
perfections and reached, in their entirety, the summit of the knowledge of the disciple's perfection, occupying the position of the second
chief disciple...'56
In addition, the term s8vaka-pibami-fi@a(the knowledge of

the disciple's perfection) is met with at several places in the A#akaMi
literature.5r Here are some exampIes of this type. Names within the
brackets &e those on account of whom the phrase 's~vaka-piirami-
3qa' is used:
* SA i 122 (Saiputta), ii 62 (Sapntta). ii 95 (hands, Siiriputta a
Moggalliina), iii 1 18 (handa, S&iputtaand Moggdina)),

iii 208 (agga-silvakas).
* ThagA iii 95 (Siiriputta), iii 162 (Moggdliba),iii lfl0 (Mogg-),
iii 206 (a@-sJvakas), 208-209 (Siiriputta and MoggaIliina).
* UdA 2.44 ( S ~ p u t t aand Moggalliba),27 1 (Sfuiputta).
* VVA2 (Moggalha)
* CpA 8 (Silriputta}.
Qf the references made above, SA ii 95 and SA iii 118 mention h d a . A perusal of the contexts, however, reveals that he is
depicted as not having attained the knowledge of the disciple's per-
fection (siivaka-pBami-iea)like S&iputta and Moggalliina, as

already seen above.
The term sgvaka-pami is explained at KhpA 229 as that
which accomplishesthe disciples' excellencereachabk by the Blessed
One's disciples ( y a cayam BhagavaCo sdvakehi pattabbij
siivakas@aftisd&s ~ v a k a p ~ iThis
) , definition is important
as the term p&m-refers undoubtedly to the state of a disciple, and
not to the technical sense of perfections. It therefore justifies OUI
stand in pursuing the meaning of pami in two separate senses.
Continuing the literary evidence, ThagA iii 208-209states that one
of the origins of the following characteristicsor determiningprinciples
is desired at the moment [one attains] the supreme path (i-e,the path
of arahantship) (Agga-magga-kkhape pana sesitnam pi indriyB~iq
eka-sambhava icchit.3 ti): They are five kinds; namely, those whose
perfection is accomplished (pirami-ppatta), those whose analytical
howledges are accomplished @a.&ambhidi-ptfa), those who become endowed with six higher howledges (cha!abhm@ and three
kinds of knowledge (t~v@jiT),
and those who become the ones
supported by bare-insight (sukkba-vipassaka. Of disciples, some
accomplish the topmost of the disciple" perfection (s~vakap&?mO
like Sfiriputta and Moggallaa Some accomplish four h d s of
THE DOCTRINE OF P&AMI~%

malytical knowledge like the Analytical Knowledge of the True
Meaning (aftha-patisambhida,...etc. Thus, there are five kinds beginning with those who have accomplished perfection ( e v q pamippattadi-vmenapaiica-vidha33ThagA iii 209 further states that among
those who attained deliverance, there are nine divisions (vimuftibhedena nava-vidha->and the two chief disciples who accomplished
in both the deliverance through wisdom and the deliverance of mind are mentioned @ar%U-vimuttiy;a;n ceto-vimutriyaij ca
p&ami-ppattii dve aggasgvaka ca fi) KhpA 178 discusses two types
of arahants, namely, sukkba-vipassaka(bare-insight worker or one
who has bare-insight) and samarhaylinika (one whose vehicle is
quiet).ss In terms of the attainment of disciple's perfection, the latter
is divided into two groups as 'sivakapkamippatra' and 'appana'.
The text concludes that one who has attained the disciple's perfection is the foremost [sfivakapiirarmppattq aggay alckhayatr).
(II) The following are some of the instances where the word
p&amiis used singly:h a n d a is said to have spent a hundred thousand
kappas of h e to fulfil p m i (Anandatthmpi~kappasatasahass~
pGitapr~ramfariyas~v
ak-~...)~~Pa%irZi had also fulfilled pikamifar
a hundred thousand kappas ctf time and her earnest wish accarnp l i ~ h e d .The
~ Dhammapada-at$akathI in fact summarises that all
great disciples of the Buddha; namely, the two chief disciples
(S5iputta and MoggallSna), the two chief female discipIes (KhemB
and Uppalavannii), the two chief lay disciples (Citta and Hatthaka
A~avaka),and the two chief female lay disciples (Ve!ukan&alub1
and Khujjutarii) - In short, all the disciplesbeginning with these eight
persons made earnest resolves, fulfilled the ten perfections and
acq~iredgreatmerit.~~
It is warthy of note here that even lay disciples
of the Buddha are said to have fulfilled the ten perfections. It is
similarly the case with the Euddha's mother who too is said to have
fulfilled 'perfections' for a period of a hundred thousand kappas
@ u d d h a m ~ t..~. kappasatasahassaypma pO~itap&armS).~~
The foregoing references show that the term pikamiused in

compound phrases Iike s8vaka-paatni, savaka-pbamippalta and
P&miypafta basically means 'the highest state, completeness, per-
BUDDHA IN THERAV-A
BUDDHISM
fection, etc.' and refers particularly to that stale of the two chief
disciples of the Buddha, Si4riputta and Moggalliina. This is weU
supported by the definition of sjvakil-pk- given at KhpA 229 as
cited above. Further, d~aica-p&~-r?@a
is an expression describing
the highest state of knowledge the two chief disciples' achieved,
Moreover, whenever the commentators intended specifying it,
expressions like ' sa'vaka-paami-wassa-matthake fhiro ' etc., are used
as at SA iii 118, VVA 2, etc. Our above observations are also
supported by the contention ofthe Puggalapaiiiiattithat s l ~ a k a - p m i
is exclusively far the two chief disciples, Skputta and MoggJIma.64
However, one important point must be noted h m . VVA2,
as cited above, has the expression of ' s ~ v a k a - p i k d y piretva.
o
..'
said of Moggalliina. This is the only place af reference to the ploral
form of p&arniused together with savaka as far as our investigations
go. It undoubtedly denotes the perfections of a disciple. It is therefore
likely that when the phrase ssvaka-pBml is used in the singular, ii
ineans the highest state, completeness, perfection, etc., of a chiel
disciple, while it denotes the technical sense d perfections when
employed in the plural. Our observation is tenable since the reference
given in the Puggalapaatti is only to the two chief disciples of the
Buddha, and not to any other disciples who am equally capable 01
practising the perfections, according to the commentaria1evidence.
On the other hand, the single word piWmi is nsed when
referring to the perfections fulfilled by great disciples of the Buddha
including lay followers who occupied prominent positions in his dispensation and personal life, Saiputta, Moggallma. h a n d a ,
Mahimiiyii. PatScibB, etc., are said to have fulfilled the perfections
(piiritap&ami, etc.) Further, the Dhamrnapada-afthakathiispecifically refers to this usage even to the extent of saying that d l the
disciples who attained their [respective] positions [in the dispensation of G o m a Buddha] fulfilled the ten perfections (...mmtmpatG
sabbe pi sSvaka ekadesena dasannq pikaminary pii&aa- ...),as seen
before. This position of the Af&akathiiliterature has not been hitherto
highlighted in the leaching of pami or p;SiamiH of the neravitda
tradition, for the generally accepted notion is that the perfections are
practised and hIfilled only by Bodhisattas.
The above references cited particularIy in (11) give rise to the

f~llowingthree important issues for consideration: (A) Whether or
not paamis are fulfilled only by personages of historical and religious importance in the Buddha's personal life and dispensation; (B)
Whether or not one must make an earnest resolve to be qualified to
fulfil p;Zramig and (C)Whether or not the contents of pirmis for
disciples are the same as those of Bodhisartas.
(A) Buddhism often speaks of great disciples of the Buddha.
The Theravgda tradition gives eighty of them known as the
mahgsiivaka. A list of their names is found at ThagA iii 205-206.65
The text further classifies s a ' v ~ i n t three
o types: agga-siivaka,mahasr~vakaand pakati-sdvaka. The two aggasZvakb are included in the
category of maha-sgvaka (Tathihi dve agga-sivakipi mahEs5vakesu
a n t ~ g a d . & .What
~
makes them maG-siivakasis the greatness of
their aspiration or resolve (Kasmz pana te eva theH rnahIsSvakiT ti
vuccanfi ti ? AbhkiXrassa mahanta-bhivat~).~They are also so
called because of the greatness of aspiration and former canaection
(abhinih5a-mahanfa~-p~bbayoga-mahanta@.~
This suggests that
ma&-ssvakas are those who made a resolve at certain given points
of time in their former births.69The commentaries in fact make this
point clear when the position of maha-savakas is said to be obtainable
a hundred thousand kappas after they make a resolve (abhinlhiira)
(mahBivaka-bhiviiya...kappaam sata-sahasse eva)?O Even other
great personages in the life of the Buddha are said to have made an
earnest resolve to attain their respective positions. For instance.
MahFun~iy~,
the mother of Gotama Buddha, is reported ta have made
her wish to be the mother of a Buddha in the future during the time of
Vipassi Buddha ninety-one kappas ago, according to the Ji3taka.71
Incidentally, the Atfhakathis in the process of generalising
everything possible as regards the events associated with the life ctf
Gotarna Buddha and his career as the Bodhisarta have formulated
BUDDHA I
NT H E R A V ~ ABUDDHISM
the theory that even the mother and father, the attendant and the son
of a Buddha must spend a hundred thousand kappas practising the
perfections after making their resolves to obtain their respective
positions." Accordhgly, the A@akathH texts make an adjustment
in regard to the time in which MahWyii made her wish stating that
she fulfilledp m - f o r a hundred thousand kappas, and not ninetyone ka~pas.7~

Our foregoing investigations therefore reveal that the wmd
pZr-used in connection with persons who wcupy important positions even as laymen in the life of the Buddha, has the sense of
'perfections [fulfilled by those who make resolves]'. It is often the
case with them that they made a resolve in the past. A causal relation
between the fulfihent af perfections and making a resalve is therefom
a key factor in this regard. In other words, one must fust make a
resolve and then fulfil the perfections. This observation can therefore
be treated as an answer to (B).
(C)The most important issue is whether the contents of

pamiaf a Bodhisatta are the same as or diirent Ikom those of the
Buddha's disciples, both monks and lay followers. The AffhakathZi
texts mention several instances of using the term p&mI for the
homeless and lay disciples alike as seen earlier. A summary of this
usage is found at DhpA i 340 as repeatedly cited. Unfortunately,
these ten perfections are not even mentioned by name in the text. A
similar problem is encountered in the case of siivaka-pitrami, which
expression is employed for MoggallSnain VVA.Our inference, however, is that they are indeed the same as those practised by a Bodhisatta.
The commentarial development of increasing the number of
perfections from ten to thirty may provide a cIue for such an inference.
The perfections are regarded as those which make a Buddha
(Buddhakm-dhamma) in the Buddhavaysa. This suggeits that the
ten 'perfections are the only way to Buddhahood. The question is
why they have to be graded or given three leveIs af intensity as piirmi
(perfection), upapaami (higher perfection) and paramatthap2irmi
THE IXICTRXNEOF PARAMITA
(ultimate perfection), if the perfections are meant solely for a

BodEsatta. Does it imply that if a Bodhisatta practices only p&mi
and not the rest (i.e. upap-iand
pmaRhap&am!) according to
the stratification of the A f w a t h a literature, he would not become a
Buddha ? The answer is obviously in the negative. The reason for
a stratiltcation is no doubt to place emphasis on the greatness of
the career of a Bodhisatta. The Bodhisatta's practice of perfections
can undoubtedly vary from occasion ta occasion in its intensity. But
the commentarid stratification as found in BvA and elsewhere
suggests that the Bodhisam is the only person capable of fulfilling
the paramatthap;Irami, which will therefore make him a de fact0
Buddha. On the other hand, the contents of he Bodhisatta's p i r m i
suggest that they can be related to moral, mental and intellectual
wining of anyone aspiring for a higher religious Life.74 For example, every item of perfections has its importance in the life of a
Buddhist. Giving (diina) and morality (sfla) are often told as the
foundation of acquiring merit (pwEakiya3, The Buddha's gradual
talk (aupubbikathil)include them and also the advantages of renunciation (nekkhamma). The Noble Eightfold Path (anya-aftharigikamagga) enumerates equivalents of most of the items in the list of ten
perfections. Energy (viriya) is one of the five powers (paiica-bnla).
Friendliness or Ioving-kindness (metfaand equanimity (rrpekkha
are the two factors involved in the four sublime or divine abidiigs
(brahmavihik~)?~
A Iess frequently discussed item in the religious
life of a monk or a layman compared with others may perhaps be
'patience' (khanfr).But the Suttanipiita states that one whose strength
is patience (khantibala) is a brahrnin.'6 It is also one of the ten
ejadhamma Inoms of king~hip).~
Taken individually, therefom,
the importance of all the items in the list of ten perfections cannot be
more than adequately described in the quest for truth in Buddhi~rn.~~
Anyone is thus capable of practising perfections, but not necessarily
to the extent required for a Bodhisatta, i.e. the fulfilment of
ParamartbapamT, It is in this that varying gradation of the practice
of ~*arnit#s can accommodate differea levels of perfections by the
disciples of the Buddha. They are perfections when fulfilled by
Bodhisattas, but are given different designations if practised by others.
The development of its concept appears to be similar to that of the

distinction of bodhi between Buddhas and disciples made in the
AtthakathB
,literature. The Bodhisatta aims at smrm9ambodhi. DiscipIes target their aim at ssvaka-bodhi.The Bodhisattapractices perfections to the highest. Savakas do so to the extent needed for the
attainment of arahantship. This distinction comes to the fore because
of the initial resolve (abhinlhilra). The commentators are therefore
likely to have had in mind the ten identicd items of perfection for
ssvakas when they refer to the ten perfections as in DhpA.
Such an inference as above is not without literary evidence.
At least, some of the MahSyIma texts support it. For instance, cIassi-
Qing the six perfections of Mahiiyiina Buddhism into [three degrees,

the La&iiviit&a siitra [ed. Nanjio. 237 Efl states that it is ordinary
when practised by ordinary worldly persons for the sake of happiness in this life or the next; it is extra-ordinary when cultivated by the
Hinaymists for the sake of personal N b m a ; but it is the highest
when acquired by the Mdyiinist bodhisattvas for the welfare and
liberation of all beings.79
A question may arise as to how long the Buddha's disciples
both monks and lay followers must practice paamjor how long the
resolve or wish made by them wpdrttiiL5 to be materialised in order
ta gain their aspired places d t h e dispensation of Gotama Buddha.
The Aghakatha literature says that the mall#-sivakas excepting the
two chief disciples, and even the mother and father, the attendant and
the son would spend the minimum of s hundred thousand kappas to
achieve their expected ends.* Their former connections told in the
Affhakau texts should therefore start from the time of Padumuttara
Buddha who is said to have lived a hundred thousand kappas ago."
Then, how about other disciples of the Buddha (i.e., pakati-siTvak~)
who do not belong to the above category ? The Atthakath5s
unfortunately do not address this issue directly. We may &netheless
surmise on the basis of the below-mentioned statement found in V i m
that they attain ordinary discipleship after wandering in sapsitra for
a hundred to a thousand kappas. The passage in question, referring
to the ability of recollection of former births @ubbe-nivj&a-anussa@
by various categories of people, says that ordinary disciples (pakatisavaka) can do so as far back as a hundred kappas to a thousand
kappas @akafisP~rtki
kappasatampi kappasahassampi an~ssaranti)!~
In summary, a perusal of the usage of pihami, either in compoundor singly, in the commentarial literature reveals that there are
~0 distinct senses attached to it; one is to show the state particularly
the two chief disciples of the Buddha - tbis is often when used in
compound; and the other is the technical sense of peffections, ten in
number specified or unspecified, In these instances, it has been
that the ten petfections are practised and fulfilled not only
by Bodhisattas, but also by disciples, a new departure in the Theravacia
tradition. They are sometimes termed as savaka-pilramIas at VVA 2
when referring to those fulfilled by disciples. These two senses could
be the result of a practical application of the definition of pr7rami
found in the commentarial literatu~e.CpA 277 and &A ii 653,as
will be discussed in detail later, define p&mito mean either the
condition (bh-va) or action (kamma)of the highest [person]; be it a
Bodhisatta or a disciple. The former correspondsto the first meaning
of pikami mentioned above, while the latter shows individual
perfection. Therefore, the perfections can be practised by disciples
as well. We have also suggested another supportive reason that the
stratification of perfections @5r-S) ininto three levels of intensity
may have played an important role in developing such a theory. It is
also pertinent to another development of the Bodhisarta doctrine in
TheravZida Buddhism. DhammapBa classifies Bodhisattas into three
classes; namely, rnahiibdzisatta or rnahBmbadhisattn, paccekabodhisam and sa'vaka-bo&hisactain his Therag@l@-alfiakaG[ThagA
i 9-12].a3If disciples are also called 'bodhisattas', the application of
Pafections to them is a theoretical outcome. It has been generally
viewed that 'bodhisatta' in Pai Buddhism is an appelIation for the
Previous existences of GotmaBuddha or any Buddha, past and future.
But the commentarial tradition reveals a more complicated natu~eof
the doctrine of Bodhisatta. Whatever the reason may be, the notion
&at even disciples including lay followers can practise and fulfil the
[ten] perfections would have been a result of the influence and

interaction amongst new developments of the Buddha-concept in
general and the Bodhisatta doctrine in particular in the A&hakatb
literature.
5. The Meanings of Paaini

Dhamrnapiila states that perfections are the virbes such as
giving, which are not destroyed by craving, conceit and [wrong]views,
and are possessed of compassion and skilful means? Bodhisattas
are the best among beings, the highest and great beings in respect of
virtues. such as giving and morality, etc. Perfection is their state/
condition or action, like the act of giving, etc. (Tena d&asijBdi
guywisesayogena sattuttmauyo parama mahiisatfa bodhisattd.
T e s q bhavo k a m m q vilp&xmi; ciZnSdkiziy@. It is otherwise called
the highest, because it fulfils (Afhaviipureti ti paramo). The
Bodhisatta is the best ar highest as he is an accomplisher and a
guardian of virtues like giving (DAnHdinaqg q & q p&&o pdako
cGti Bodhisattoparamo). Perfection is the state of the highest [person,
i.e. Bodhisatta] or [his] action like the act of giving (Pwmassa a y e ,
paramassa va bhavo kammam viipiiram2. d;Toiidikin'yii~ a ) . ~ ~
A similar definition is given to a disciple. While explaining

the meaning of sivaka-pIiramippatta at PtsA iii 653, its author,
MahinCna, states that perfection is reaching the end of the knowledge of a disciple (...sivakaTi@&ayp ~ a g a m a o a r p p ~ TIn
) . this
instance, he repeats the expression of 'paramassa bhdvo kammap
viip&am!- referring to the disciple. This shows that the termpfiami
has two meanings;one is to refer to the highest state or condition and
the other is the technical sense of perfections themselves. The fonna
is 'bhiiva' and the latter 'kamma'.This definition therefa shows
that the term paamican apply not only to Bodhisattas, but also to
disciples. Jt is because of such a definition of paarni tbat the
A@akathH literature could expand its usage and the scope of its
teaching, as discussed before.
OF P
THE DO-
The commentaries often describe the spiritual height of the

two chief disciples of Gotarna Buddha by using the expression of
~,~~&-~grami-fi@a'
(knowledge of the disciple's perfection), as
observed earlier. Its meanings are suggested in various places in the
VA i 139 [= AA iv 85-86],for instance, states: 'Does
the path of arahantship become the highest knowledge for others
or ODt ? NO, it does not. Why ? Because [it is] the
giver of not the whole virtues. To some, the path of wahantship
indeed gives the fruit of arahantship (arahattaphala);to some, it gives
three knowledges (tisso
to some, six higher kndwledges
(cha!abmn'@; to same, four kinds of analytical knowledge; to some,
the knowledge of the disciple's perfection (s#vakapatamIn'@a); even
to paccekabuddhas, [it] gives the knowledge of the enlightenment of
pacceka[-buddhas], and to Buddhas, the attainment of all virtues like
consecration that gives all the worldly authority to a king. Therefore,
[the path of arahantship] does not always become the highest
knowledge for others (disciples).'87 A similar idea is also expressed
at SA iii 208 that the two chief disciples procure sSvakap&-amjfii@a
only throagh the path of arahantship (dve hi agga-sSv&fi arabattamaggen ' eva savaka-pliramj-n'@qpa$Iabhanti)...and, therefore, the
knowledge of the path of arabantship (arahatta-magga-ZrZpa]
is called
: the highest wisdom (~arnbodh)?~
SWiputta is said to have become
the possessor of 'quick or slurp wisdom' fiom the time he penetrated
s#vaka-psiramf-fi@a after destroying all the defilements (...sabbakilese chinditva siivaka-pfirmamr-fi@ay
pagviddha-kgato pa$Bya
tikWIa-p&-o nMa
While talking of what giving (&a) can
give, UdA 282 states that it gives, among other things, the knowledge
of the disciple's perfection, the knowledge of paccekabodhi and the
knowledge of sammbamhdhi (diifiap hi ...sBvaka-paan~i-j@~e
~acceka-Whi-n'@arpsammg-sambodhi-5@ap deti Dl.
vua;
PpA, on the other hand, says that the accomplishment of the

disciple's perfection means that perfection is reaching the end of the
sixty-seven kinds of extremely intelligent disciples' knowledge of
fie chief and great disciple.,. He who is the protector and accomplisher
Of the sixty-seven knowledges of the disciple is the best and a great
disciple. Perfection is the state ar action of the best in terms of

knowledge which is classified into sixty-seven kinds.'' This passage
reveals that the interpretation of p@mT is based on the f ~ l l o w ~ ~
premises: (A) pgmnIis 'going to the end' @&gamma) of the sixtyseven kinds of sjvaka-flea In other words, it is the fulfilment
accomplishmentof those sixty-seven knowledges meant for disciples.
(B) the best or chief disciple (parama) is determined on the basis of;
(i) his fulfilment of knowledge (fiiigdcinyi)which is of sixty-seven
kinds, (ii) his state or condition (bhava), or (iii) his action (ha)
In other words, these rhree are the requirements to attain to the position
of the chief or best disciple.
,-,,
The literary evidence cited above shows that sSvaka-paamjii@a is the knowledge obtained through the path of arahantship
Carahattamagga). It is a designation of qualities for a certain class of
arahants [cf. ThagA iii 2091;more specifically the two chief disciples,
The only reference to the concrete contents of the knowledge of the
disciple's perfection (s8vaka-pami-C@a) is the 'sixty-seven kinds
of knowledge of disciples' (sattasaff6i-sdvaka-fi~a)
found at qsA
iii 653 [cf. also UdA 2441. But, as for these sixty-seven kinds of
knowledge, we are clueless as the commentaria1texts do not mention
their contents. Nevertheless, judging from a reference found in the
opening chapter called 'MBtikS' of the ParisambhidEunaggathat of
the seuenty-three k i d s of knowledge, sixty-seven are common to
disciples (sauasa.@ d@iini siZvakasiidhiimp@ij,while the remaining
six are the knowledges possessed by the Buddha only (cha fiqni
ast?dh&-aptinis3vakehr"),g1
it is probable that the Commentator of PP
had these knowledges in mind when he mentioned s~vaka-pi&mjfiiina, although they are not referred to as such in the
Patisambhid~magga. Further, on the basis of the fact that the
acquisition of the sixty-seven kinds of knowledge is common to all
disciples who are arahants, we can safely presume that the phrase
savdra-pfirami-ai@ais an additional expression for the two chief disciples who are already the possessors of other designations of an
arahant, such as cha&bh&-a, ubhatobhagavimutta, etc.
Even while exalting the two chief disciples of the ~ u d d h a
for their intelligence, the commentators had not forgotten to add

of praise for the Buddha's greatness. For instance, when the
bowledge (fima) of the dlciple's perfection is referred to, it is said
to be profound and not possible to delimit it (dvaka-p3ami-nl;Tna.m
. ,
hi gmbhirarp, f a t t h vavatth&q n
But even so, nothing
can be compared with profundity of omniscient knowledge
(sabban'nluta-fii@a)of the Buddha which is the highest of
Saiputta is reported to have uttewd thus: 'Even by the knowledge
like mine who is established in Ihe knowledge of the disciple's perfection, I am unable to clearly discern the virtues of the B ~ i d d h a . ' ~ ~
Such evidence points ta the fact that a Badhisatta who is destined to
become a Buddha through the practices of the highest perfections in
his career is undoubtedly a focus of attention in the doctrine of
piramiri in the commentaries.
The contribution made by Dhamrnapala towards the development of the teachings of psiramik? together with the Bodhisatta
doctrine is amply demonstrated in the PakinnakakathZ of the
Cariyiipipka-atjhakathi [CpA 276-3321.= The importance of this
section of the book lies in the fact that he uses his own discretion to
discuss the doctrine of paamit& but well within h e framework of
the TheravEda tradition. Of the points discussed by him, some have
already been referred to in the course of our discussions above. But
in order to have a clear picture of his systematic treatment of the
subject, we give below a list of all the topics discussed by him.
( 1) What are the perfections ? (KOpan 'eta piiramiyo)
(2) In what sense are they perfections ?

Ken ' atthena p~azniyo)
(3) How many of them ? (KatividhB c' eri )
(4) What is their order ? (KO@ s q kamo )
(5) What are the characteristics, functions, appearances
and proximate causes ?
(Kiini I ; i k k h a p a - r a s a - p a ~ c u p a . t ~ t h ~ - p a d a ~ . ~ ~ ~
(6)What is the reqvisite ? (KOpaccayo )
(7) What is the defilement ? (KOsafkiIeso)
(8) What is the purification ? (Kim Vodlharp )

(9) What is the opposite ? (KOpagpaWr60 )
(10) What is the practice ? (Kspafipatri )
(1 1) What is the division ? (KOvibMgo )
(12) What is the collection ? (KOsdgaho)
(13) What is the means of effecting ? (KOsampHdanUpaYO)
(14)What is the length of time required for effecting ?
(Kittakena kgiena sampiidmap )
(15) What is the advantage ? (KOiinisapso )
(16) What is the fruit ?
c' e t i i s q p h d q )
The following have not been referred to or discussed before.

(5) What are the characteristics, functions, appearances and proximate causes ?
lakkhqa-rasa-pccupaf@&a-padaffliina )
CpA summarises them at the outset as follows: 'There without any remainder, all the perfections possess "helping others"'a:
[theid characteristic, "the deed of support for others or non-wavering" as function, "desiring for others' welfare or the state of being
awakened" as appearance and "great compassion or compassionate
skilful means'' as proximate cause.'% Then each p a m i i s given tht
details for its characteristics, essential properties, appearances anc
proximate causes [see CpA 280-28 I].
(mi
(6) What is the requisite or condition ? (KOpaccayo )

'Aspiration' (abhinTh2ra) is said to be the requisite ol
perfections (abhinih~oMva ~ ~ W L I I I Epaccayo
~I
hoti) [CpA 2821
The text gives eight things (atJhadhaamay7 with detailed explmations as preconditions for the aspiration of Bodhisattahood [CpA 282,
2841. Abhiru-h3a is further classified into various categories and thei
elucidation follows. For instance, a b M i r a is said to possess folu
paccaya (requisites),four hetu (causes) and four bala (powers) [Cp)
284-290]." Then the text mentions that the four things are the requi.
sites or preconditionsof the perfections @hmZrxqpaccay,G),namely
ussIiha (effort), ummagga (skilf~lness),9~
avarthaa (stability or firm.
ness)lw and hitacmyd (beneficial conduct) [CpA 290].ln1 Six in
THE DOCTRINE OF P A R A M .
clhations (a&Msaya) are also mentioned as conditions for the perfections. The Bodhisatta is said to become inclined towards each perfection having seen the faults of its opposite [CpA 290-2911. The
text goes on to elaborate on the various aspects of paccaya of the
perfections, etc. [CpA 291-3021.
(7) m a t is the defilement ? (KOsadrileso)
The defilement of perfections is said to be 'craving', etc.
(avisesena r;uihgdihi paramatthabha'vu piiramihq s&eso)
[CpA
3021. Then, defilements of each of the ten perfections are enumerated. For example, 'thought of hoIding onto things given as gifts' is
said to be Ihe defilement of the perfection of giving
deyyadhammapaFiggdSka vikapp8 diinapiiramiyz saikileso).
'Thought of beings and times' (satra-kdavikappa) is considered to
be the defilement of the perfection of virtues. In the same m m e r ,
the rest are explained as follows: 'thought of delight and non-deIight
in that appeasement of sensual pleasures' (krTmabhva-tadapamesu
abhirati-anabhirativikappa)is the defilement of the perfection of renunciation. 'Thought of "I" and "mine" ( a h q mamati vikappa)is
the defilement of the paiinapaarn1 'Thought of shyness and
distraction' (brrddbaccavikappa)is the defilement of viriyap&ami
'Thought of oneself and others' (attaparavikappa)is the defilement
of khanfipgrami. 'Thought of seeing in the not-seeing, etc.'
(adjghddTsu dittbiidivikappa) is the defilement of saccap&am~.
'Thought of the fault in that opposite of the necessary conditions for
enlightenment' (bodhirambh&atabbipakkhesu dosa-gunavikappa)is
the defilement of adhiffhiinapiirmi: 'Thought of welfare and nonwelfare' (hiliihitavikappa)is the defilement of mettiipaami. And
'thought of pleasant and unpleasant [things]' (i@&'t!bv&appa) is
the defilement of upekkhppisrami [CpA 3021.
(8)What is the purification ? (Kim vadilnap )

Dhammapala says that the removal of the taints of craving,
etc., and the absence of the said thought are its purification (Tatihbdihi
anupaghato yathf vuttavikappa-virilho ca erayam vodZnap) [CpA
3023.
BUDDHA TN T H E R A V ~ BUDDHISM
A
(9) What is the opposite w enemy ? (KOpalipakkho )

The opposite or enemy of the perfections is said to be all the
defilements and unwholesome things (sabbe pi sadciiesg sabbe p~
akusalj dhammii e @ s qpa!ip&o)
[CpA 302-3031. Some explanations then follow for each perfection [CpA 3031.
(10) What is their practice ? (G-pagpatti 1
As for the perfection ofgiving, for instance, the practice is
the act of [extending] assistance to beings in many ways by the
sacrifices of happiness, belongings, body and life; by the removal of
fear; and by the advice on Dhamma.Ioa The text then explains
multifarious aspects af giving ( d a a ) . For example, giving is categorised into three kinds: 'gift of material things' (imisa-daa), 'gifi
of amity' [abhaya-daa) and 'gift of the dhamma' (dhamma-dfina),
It is also classified inta two types as 'internal gifts' (ajjhattika-daa:
and 'external gifts' (bars-dma) in terms of things given as d t s
The rest of the perfections ate also given lengthy elucidation [CpA
303-3201.
f 13) What is the means of effecting ? (KOsampiidaniipdyo )
The means of effecting of the ' p & m ~ ~ sis' said to be f l ~ c

following four types of endeavour or method (caturarigayoga)in tbt
accumulation of all the merits towards the supreme enlight~men
(sammbambodhim uddissil) [CpA 3261:
a. Performing everything without deficiency
(anavasesasambharqarpa vekall&Bit;ry~gena),
b. Performing with respect, affection and veneration
(sakkaccakiirit3adarabahumlinayogena).
c. Performing continuously without interruption
(slitaccmtg
nirantarapgena).
d. Enduring effort, etc., without producing a halfway achievement.
(cirakUiidiyogoca antari-avusiinifpa~anena]
It is further explained that whatever of a Great Being's selfcommitment to Buddhas is the method of effecting all the p2rdtSS
(yam rnahisattassa Buddhinazp attasanniyy2itanq, f q sammadeva

~abbapfkmjnarp
sampidandpdyo) [CpA 3271. The text in this way
goes on elucidating its meanings.
(14) What is the length of time required for effecting or accomplishing the perfections ? (Xittakena &!em sampaidanq )
The text [CpA 3291 in this respect records that some
Bodhisattas take four asalikheyyas and a hundred thousand
mahaappas. Same take eight or sixteen asadcheyyas plus a hundred thousand mabiikappas. Bodhisattas are classified into threetypes
depending on theit maral and intellectt~altraits; narnely,pmHdhib:a,
saddh-d&a and viriyIdhika. They are again categorised ihto three
groups as ugghatitafin"ii,vipacitaiXf8 and neyya.Ia
(IS)What is the advantage ? (KOiDzisayso)

The advantages are that a Bodhisatta is never born into certain woeful states. The commentaria1 literature generally talks of
eighteen such places known as 'abhabbatbiina' (impossible states),
This seems to be the result of a gradual growth of its notion within
the commentarid tradition, since there are basicaIly two different
Lists advocated in the AtlJnakathltexts; one list consistmg of exactly
eighteen such places is found at SnA i 50 = ApA 141, while h e other
list can be found at JA ii 44-45 = ApA 49, BvA 271 and CpA 330
with less number of items. The contents of these lists are somewhat
differentfrom each other. A marked differenceis the item concerning
'women';the former sources give the item of 'born of a slave woman'
(dRsiyakucchi@inibbatbtr) as one of the impossible states of birth
for a Bodhisatta, whereas the latter sources refer specifically to
'women'(ifrbibhgva)as one of thern.lm
(1 6) What is the fruit ? {Kirp p h a i q )
Dhammapgla says that the state of supreme enlightenment,
in short, is the fruit of the perfections (Samisato tiva samma-
smbuddhabhavo ewaqp h a l q ) [CpA 3321. He also mentions that

a8 a result of practising the perfections,a Bodhisatta wilI be endowed
with thirty-two physical characterislicsof a Great Man, eighty minor
BUPDRA IN THERAv&IA BUDDHISM

marks, a fathom long halo, and many resplendent physical features,
determination (a&i@Tna),'05 ten powers (bala), four confidences
(vescirajja), six knowledges not shared by others [a~c&Zr+an"lina),
eighteen unique qualities of a Buddha (8ve~hbuddha&amma},and
the splendid ocean of endless and limitless virtues
(anan~parim@agvnashudayopasobhin~
and glory of the Dhamma
body (dhammakgyasiri),etc. [CpA 3321.
The importance of the doctrine of p a m i or psTrmiB in the

career of a Bodhisatta is beyond any refutation. It is the only way
through which a Bodhisatta can attain Buddhahood at the end. The
perfections @&amis) are therefore called Buddhakara-dhamm81T'06
or Buddhakiraka-dhdmm~.~~~
The Itivuttaka-a!fhakathii also shows
moral and intellectual significance of p&amitB when it says that the
perfections along with other things are called 'the necessary conditions for meritorious deeds' ( p ~ ~ a s a m b h i i r a'the
) , necessary
conditions for knowledge' (fi@asambhrZra)and 'the things that make
a Buddha' (13uddhakiDakadhamma).'m The perfections ark therefore
meant for the accumulation of merit and knowledge; the two important
factors often emphasised in Buddhism. Even for the disciples these
two are the main purposes for which the perfections are practised.
The following passage will bring out this point clearly: Moggallaa
is said ta have fulfilled the perfections to become a chief disciple of
the Buddha accumulating merit and knowledge (... buddhassa
Bhagavalo aggasa'vakabhdviiya puihiafi@asam b h sam bharmto
aaukkamena siivaka-pZmniyoprSretvrT...lo9
The Buddha practised the perfections for an immeasurable

period of time (Bhagavaappameyyq k;TIqpiiramiyo piiretvd. ..)."'
More precisely, a Bodhisatta must spend the minimum of four
asarikeypas and a hundred thousand kappas to fulfil them.'l-hile
reiterating the time duration of the practice of pi?ramitiis by the
Bodhisatta, the Manorathapiran1 brings out probably the most
important aspect of the fulfilment of perfections in their intensity. It
says that giving one time, two times, ..., or one day, two daya, or
one as&e~a, two asahkheyyas or even three as-eyyas,
...,
THE DOCTRINE OF P A ~ ~ A M ~ T A
not make one a Buddha So are the rest of ten perfections. The
Bodhisarta must fulfil them for the minimum period of four

asarikbeyyas and a hundred thousand kappas to be able to attain
Further, it is mentioned that the Bodhisatta must
~uddhahood.'~~
fulfil them before he is born in the Tusita Heaven.'13 It is believed
that the fulfilment of perfections is not possible in a heaven which
has long life span.'I4
Some explanations as a set of ten or thirty perfections ate
found in the VisuddhimaggaH5and B ~ d d h a v ~ s a - a ~ @ a kThe
:a~.~~~
firmer gives them in relation to the four brhavib& (divine abiding)
and says that the divine abidings, after having fulfilled the ten
perfections, will perfect all the good states (kdy@adharnw3 classed
as the ten powers (dasabala), the four confidences (catuvesaaja],
the six kinds of knowledge not shared [by disciples] (chaas;rdh&y~@a) and the eighteen qualities of the Buddha (afIh&sabuddhadhammii). Here are the ten perfections explained at Vism
325:
'To all beings they (Great Beings, Mahasatti) give gifts,

which are a source of pleasure, without discriminating
thus: "It must be given to this one; it must not be given
to this one". And in order to avoid doing harm to beings
they undertake the precepts of virtue. They practice renunciation for the purpose of perfecting their vimes.
They cleanse their understandingfor the purpose of nonconfusion about what is good and bad for beings. They
constantly arouse energy, having beings' welfare and
happiness at heart. When they have acquired heroic fortirude through supreme energy, they become patient with
beings' many kinds of faults. They do not deceive when
promising, "We shall give you this; we shall do this for
you." They are unshakeably resolute upon beings'
welfare and happiness. Through unshakeable loving
kindness they place them first [before themselves].
Through equanimity they expect no reward.''17
BUDDHA IN THERAVUA BUDDHISM
These descriptions reveal that the career of a Bodhisatta is

focused more on the mission of bringing about welfare and happiness for beings. This aspect is in fact emphasised time and again,
Referring to the reason of entering the path of Badhisattahood, the
SumarigalaviI&i~mentionsthat the aspiration for Buddhahood a d
the fulfilment of the ten perfections is for the weal of the m a y
(...budd6att;TyaabhinihSiram2uino ...&sap&mnij,opientopi bahujanahitgya palipann~).''~Vism 13 also considers that the virtues of perfections practised far the deliverance of all beings are superibr (pqita).
Buddhaghosa in the same context grades the practice of virtues and
says that the virtue practised for the purpose of one's own deliverance
is medium (aflmo vimokkhatthEya pavatlitmy m a j h i m q ~ ) . ~This
'~
suggests that the cmer of a Bodhisatta is given more prominence
than the deliveranceof oneself. The careerof a Bodhisatta is altruis.tic.
The birth of a Bodhisatta is indeed for rhe welfare and wed of the
many. I*
However, these clear-cut divisions of psSramb are mentioned
often of d&a (giving or generosity) and in BvA and elsewhere refer-
ence is made only to some examples of paramati%apiirdfufilled

by the Bodhisatta. BvA61 and JA i 47 refer to the Cariygpifakafor
details, As a summary of our discussions of p@ami, we give below
some explanations of the ten perfections found in the AtJl~akathb:'~~
(1) D
m (Giving or Generosity)
The sacrifice of external possessions is a perfection

(b&iratlhqQapariccagopmiha}. The sacrifice of any of one's
limbs is a higher perfection (arigaparicciigoupapminiima). The
sacrifice of one's life is an ultimate perfection (j7vitaparicc@o
pmamatthapiWaminiima).'* It is further explained that &ing is just
like a jar of water. When it has been overturned, it discharges aIl she
water and takes none of it back, even so,reckoning of neither wealth
nor fame nor wife and children nor any of the limbs, but giving
completely of everything wished for for the prosperity of all supplic a n t ~ . ' It
~ is aIso said that there is no limit for the fulfilment of the
Bodhisatta's perfection of generosity or giving (bodhisattassa
di5napmkTyapi%itatta
bhavmayparim@q n h n 'atih).'" Then
THE DOCTRINE OF PARAMITA

the text gives the Sasapqdita Jataka [J No.316. Cf. Cp I 231 to
illustrate the perfection of giving. CpA 272 further elucidates this as
follows: 'Having given what should be given as gifts' means 'having
given and abandoned things that should be given, i.e., such external
things as kingdom, etc., or internal things as limbs and eyes of a
Great Being who has entered upon the path of the highest vehicle
(aggayiinapafipadarn)in order to attain the incomparable supreme
edghtenment.' Then the text gives for illustration the farmer births
of the Bodhisma as A k i t t i b r h q a , S a d c h a b r h a p , Visayhaseflhi,
Veliima and S a s a p ~ d i t a . ' ~
(2) Sda (Morality)

BvA says that making a sacrifice of one's self in the perfection of morality (sila) is classed as the ultimate perfection
Iparamatthapi&m.i). It quotes the SarikhxpiilaJiitaka [J No.524. Cf.
Cp 11 1071 for illustrati~n.'~Explaining morality it says that the
foundations of all skilled states are in morality. Founded in morality
one does nut deteriorate as to skilled states, one acquires' all the
mundane and supramundane special q~a1ities.I~~
Moral habits are
explained in terms of 'plane' (bhim)and are said to be four: 1. cmtrol
by the P2timokkha (piifhokkhasamvara),2. control over the senses
(indriyasamvara), 3. complete purity of mode of livelil~ood
[iijjvaparisuddhi), and 4. reIying on the requisites
(paccayasanni~sita)~~~
CpA 273 explains slla as the compIete restraint in bodily and verbal [actions], the restraint in both bodily and
verbal [actions], the restraint in senses, the pure life which knows the
measure as to food. They are caIIed the virtues of a Badhisatta
(bodhisartasfla). The text then gives the following Jiitakas for illustration: SilavanBgarSja, Campey y anHgaraja, C haddanta and
Sa~ikhap&.'~~
(3)Memamma @enunciation)
The highest perfection of neWdramma is said to be the abandonment of akingdorn without amchment [to it]. Gotama Bodhisatkt
too did so.130It quotes the Cullasutasoma Jataka [J No.5251. CpA
273 states that 'having gone to the perfection of renunciation' means
'having gone to the perfection, the supreme and the highest in the
three-fold great renunciation' (rividha mahBbhinikkhamee

p ~ a m i p a r a m u k r k q sgantvi).
~
The text gives the following illustrative Jitakas: Yudhafijaya, Sornanassakum&a, Hatthipiilakum%a,
Makhadeva and Ciila~utasoma.'~~
(4) Paiira (Wisdom)
In this Instance, EVA60 quotes the Sattubhattaka Jat&a [J
No.4021 in which the Bodhisatta is known as Senaka. CpA 273274, on the other hand, explains that the perfection of wisdom
@aiii~pi%ami)
is to realise the wholesome volitional actions and their
fruits, such as knowing what is good and bad and what is blameable
and blameless, etc. The former births of the Bodhisatta given in the
text for illustration include Vidhurapwita, Mahiigovindapqdita,
Kudddapandita, Arakapqqlita, Bodhiparibbajaka, Mahosadhap%$ita
and ~enak&apdital"
(5) Viriya (Energy)
It is explained at BvA 60 with a simile of crossing the great

0cea11.l~~
This is considered as the ultimate perfection. Then the
majanaka Jiitaka [J No.5391is quoted. CpA 274 says that energy
(vlriya) is the highest effort (uttmaypadhiimq),because it is able
to bring one to supreme Enlightenment (smmiisambodhil;npiipefum
samatrhafiya). The following former births of the Bodhisatta are
mentioned in this connection: Mahisilavarija, Paiicavudhakumiira,
Mahgvmarinda and Mah~ijanaka.'~~
(6) Khanti (Patience)

This is illustrated by the Khantivaa Iiitaka IJ ~ o . 3 1 3 ] . ' ~ ~
CpA 274 says that 'having gone to the perfection of patience' means
having attained the supreme and highest state of patience such as
'adhiviismakkhanti' (endurance-patience), etc. For illustration the
follawitrg former births of the Bodhisatta are given: Mahiikapi,
MaErisarSja, KiiriimigarZija,Dhammaclevaputta and Khantiviidi.
(7) Sacca (Truth)

This perfection is explained by means of the Mahasutasoma
THE DOCTRINE OF P A R A M ~ ~ A
Jstaka [J No.537.Cf.Cp UI 12 61 at BvA 60 md JA i 46. CpA 275

adds that the speech of truth ta be protected means having protected
the authful speech, shunning like excrements,ignoble expressions
harmful to one's life. having avoided [them] and having protected
Ehe state of being a speakcr of the truth. The Bodhisatta's former
existences are also cited here as follows: Kapiaja, Saccatipasa,
Maccharaja and Mahiisutasorna. It is interesting to note here that at
CpA 274-275 the order of elucidation of sacca-piicmiand adhidhimap ~ m isi reversed. However, this seems to have happened, because
CpA followed the order mentioned in Cp [Cp Book 3 XV v 10: 'katvg
&@am adhit$Mnat;n s a c c a v ~ c ~ ~ ~ y iThe
i ' ] Cariy
.
Spitaka is
the elucidation of perfections. But only sevenpiimnis are mentioned
in the text; viz., diina-piiramj (Book I), sila-ptlrm- (Book 2) and
oekkhamma-p&m-, adlzi,&Wa-p&m& sacca-pZr-amrimet@-pirami
and upekkha-p3amI (Book 3 and in the order of their mention). The
order of adhi-gkTna-p&ami and sacca-piiramiinCp as shown above
is reversed The order of preaching of the ten perfections is specifically referred to at CpA 278 and according to the text, it is saccapami (No.7) and then a d h i i ~ ~ a(N0.8).
- p ~ In
~ passing, it
may be said that the evidence of this nature fortifies the inference
that the Cariyilpipka we have today preserves an older version of the
text and not the one to which the N i m h t h f of JA refers.'%
(8) Adh&@@na(Resolute Determination)

This perfection is the determination to seek omniscient
knowledge which is the only thing dear to a Bodhisatta. It is illustrated in the MugapdckhaJataka fJ Na.538.Cf.Cp I 6;3 10;6 18].13'
CpA 274-275 further states that it is the determination of the
observance of skilled [deeds] (kusala-smiid#nBdhi@iinap). The
former births of the Bodhisatta mentioned here are Jotipaa,
Sarabhruiga, Nemi and T e m i y a k u m ~ a . ~ ~
(9) Mettg (Loving-kindness)
This perfection from the point of view of the altruistic nature
of the Bodfiisattacareermay indicate the most important motive to
tread upon the path of Bodhkattahuod. It is illustrated by theEhZija
k t a k a [J N0.5401.'~CpA 275 says that mega has the characteristic
of 'bringing together limitless welfare to all beings' (sabbasattesu
anodhiso hitupasaqhilralakkhaniya mettiiya), The B ~ d h i s a t t ~ ' ~
former births mentioned are Ciiladharnmapila, MahBsilavat~ja,
S&napan$ta and Suvqnasima.
(lo) UpeM.18(Equanimity)
The perfection of upem is explained by the
Istaka [J N0.941.'~ CpA 275 explains it in reference to the phrase
'respect and disrespect' ( s a m m ~ I v m ~ mine the
) CariyFi~i!~k~
[Cp Book 3 XV v 111that its meaning is, 'I have attained the highest
and incomparable omniscience, having become steadfast, level
minded and unperturbed everywhere in worldly things; [Be it] respect
[shownby people though] honour, devotion, hospitality q d the Like,
or disrespect [shown by them] by spitting, etc.' CpA 275-276 gives
the former births of the Badhisatta as Vgnarinda, Kiisiraja,
Khemabr$mqa, Arfhisenaparibbajakaand Mahiilomahaqsa.
Dhammapda's contribution to the doctrine of p 3 m i t g besides its general development in the commentaries, can be surnmarised as follows:
(1) By defining the word prSrami to mean ' bhava' (state) or
' J c m m i i (action) of the best (person); be it a Bodhiiatta or a disci-
ple, he expands the scope of its application; whereby it is possible to

uphold that not only aBodhisatta,but also a disciple can practise the
perfections.
(2) By classifying bodhisattas into three types; namely,
mahiTbodhisatta, paccekabodhisatfa and slivakabodhisatta in the
Bodhisatta doctrine, he fortifies his contention with a theoretical
background that even the disciples, who are also called bodhisattas,
can practise the perfections.
(3) While adhering in principle to the Theravaa position of

counting the perfections to be ten or thirty, he contends that they can
be reduced to six basic piirarniHs as in MahByaa Buddhism. This
evidence and others cited throughout our present study points to a
THE DOCTRINE OF PARAMITA
very significant fact that he had the knowledge of the Buddhist

sanskrit literature. He even utilised some ideas embedded in it to the
extent that they did not become contradictory to the Theravada
tradition.
BUDDHA IN T H E R A Y ~ A
BUDDHISM
CONCLUSION
Our investigations into the concept of Buddha in the Pai
commentaries have shownnew dimensions in the history of Theravda
~ u d d h i s mNew developments emerged by the t h e of the AtJhakatha
literature and some of them are in fact common to the Buddhist
s-krit sources. This evidence gives rise to various questions such
as; 'Did the P
a commentators borrow soxne notions relating to the
development of Buddhology from the Buddhist Sanskrit sources or
did they develop them independently ?'; 'Did the Buddhists in ancient
times have common sources from which both traditions, Pdi and
Sanskrit, derived their materials to develop the concept of Buddha
?', etc.
Further, possible dates of introduction concerning some
Buddhological concepts found in the commentaries are other areas
of difficulty to determine. Confining ourselves only to the P$i tradition, problems such as; 'How far faithfully did the Pa commentators translate the Sihala Affhakathi without introducing their own
interpretations or what they had considered to be in consonance with
the Theravada tradition ?', etc., are the major obstacles to determine
the dates of certain Buddhological concepts. For there could be two
layers of information embodied in the Awathiis; one is the information possibly contained in the Sihafa AtJhWhb. If so, the lower
time limit of the introduction of new Buddhological notions found in
the commentarieswould be not later than the third century A.D. The
other is the information presumably introduced and added by the Psi
commentators. If that is the case, the dates of such information are
as late as the commentators themselves, i.e., not earlier than the f~
century A.D.
Being restricted by these difficulties, OUT inquiries h v e primarily been centred on the task of finding out what data and rnaterjale can be gleaned from the At&akathii literature to evaluate and as-
sess the development of the Buddha-concept in the Theraviida tradition. And it has been found beyond any doubt that the Buddha-concept
in the commentaries rest on two major premises: First, Buddha is the
personification of universal truth and there can be many Buddhas
appearing in this world from time to time as and when such a figure
is needed. Thus; the multiplicity of Buddhas is an underlying
principle. However, it must be stressed that universality of Buddhahood in the commentaries is no way akin to the universal principle
equated with Buddha in Mahiiyiina Buddhism. In the commentaries
Buddhahood is universal, because dl Buddhas have common properties in important spiritual. and physical attainments. Differences are
minimal and do not interfere in any way with the fundamentals in the
attainment of Buddhahood. Secondly, though the first premise prevails, the commentators have still preserved a specialplace for Ootama
Buddha. He is treated withmuch affection and honour. This sentiment
is understandable as he is the Buddha in the present era close PO the
Buddhists in space and t h e . Further, our investigations have revealed
the following:
(1) The Milindapaiiha is the first Pdi text which introduces
the epithet of devafideva (god of gods). Although it:has historical
relations with the canonical texts, the notion to regard the Buddha as
being above gods came to the fore as a popular epithet of the Buddha
from about this time in the history of Theravida Buddhism [Chapter
r].
(2) The concept of omniscience (sabbaiiu@ undoubtedly
started its development in the Canon itself. The Paiisambhidiimagga
of the Khuddaka Njkilya is largely responsible for its expansion. The
commentaries basically follow the interpretations given to
omniscience in it. However, the commentaries are not without
contribution to its further development. The ~ d d h m m a p p a k B k i
[PfsA i 581 and Saddhammappajotika [NdA i 386-38q introduce a
classification of omniscient ones (sabbaEii) into five types unknown
before their times. The five types are, 1. kama-sabbMn'i, 2. sakiIPsabb-ii, 3. sahta-sabban'fiii,4. satti-sabbaiinaiinfi,
and ~ . ~ a t a - s a b b ~ - ~
CONCLUSION
[Chapter LZ]. It is significant that Buddhaghosa seems to be unaware

a classification. However, Dhamrnaplila, though he does not
specifically refers to it, gives an allusion to different categories of
tsab&aiinaiinii'
or 'knower of everything' when he says: '... ekajjhq
vjsm vjsurp sak@ kamena vfiicchlnumpaqsammPs@nan'cassabbad h k l i i n a p buddhatta sammii-sambuddho Bhagavii, taq~sammds a m b ~ d w . '[ItA i 1421.
of
(3) The concept of great cumpassion (mah-3

possessed
by a Buddha is another area of importance. The A@akatk texts
geatly emphasise compassion associated with Buddhahood. In this
regard Dhamrnapiila is a commentator who highlights its importance
more than any other commentators. Further, some of his comments
come much closer to the Mahiiyiina descriptions of a bodhisatta. One
significant departure fromthe Theraviida notion of Bodhisatta is the
idea that he attains the cycle of births and accepts suffering for other
beings of his own accord because of his compassion. Tbis is a s a n g
contrast to the notion of kmma advocated in the Kathavatthu which
says that even a Bodhisatta is not exception to its working. [Chapter
UI
(4) The most important and distinct contribution the AtJhakatha Literature made towards the development of the concept of Buddha
is perhaps the notion of eighteen qualities of a Buddha
IaghiirasabuddhadharnmZ). The idea of Buddhadhmma comprising six items is found in the Khuddaka Nikiiya [e.g., Pis ii 195; Nd i
178, ii 357; etc.] This suggests that it is a precursor of a later
development. Bat the number of items suddenly reaches eighteen in
the Digha-atthakatha IDA iii 99415s The list given in the
is somewhat peculiar and indudes the absence of
~utnah~davilisini
wrong deeds (duccarita) in a Buddha. This gives rise to a great
difficulty in determining the relationship between the list of DA and
other lists found in Vim and some Buddhist Sanskrit sources. We
are, however, inclined to believe that the Mahiv.vih&avSsins (part i c u l a r ~the
~ Digha-bmakas) did in fact develop the notion of the
eighteen qualities of a ~ i d d h independent
a
of other Buddhist schools.
It may also be infered that they developed it in opposition to o&er

Buddhist schools including the Abhayagiri school. Nonetheless, in
order to be more impmtial we have examined pros and cans for the
theory that it may be a later interpolation. But such an interpolation,
if at all, had been definitely made before the rime of Acariya
DhammapHla, the author of the Digha NikHya Afwakathit tika
( L i t t h a v ~ a u 2 as
) he specificallydenies credibility of the list found
in DA. Further, other possibilities are also examined for a fair
treatment of the subject.[Chapter ZI]
( 5 ) Of the physical endowments of a Buddha, the commentaries greatly contributed to the popularisation of eighty minor marks
(asiti-anuvyaijana) and marks of a hundred merits
( ~ a f a p ~ a l a w r h a pThe
a } . former is the concept which became indeed
inseparable from
notion of a &ear Man (mahiipunsa) in the
commentaries. But it is always associated with Buddhas and not
with a cakkavaltiking who, according to the canonicaltexts, is another
personage endowed with mahapurisaiddcbqa. This shows that later
Buddhists focused their attention on the apotheosis of Buddhas and
not on cakkavattikings,whom they would have perhaps thought too
secular a subject to take into account for further developments in the
commentaries. However, no list with the complete eighty items is
found in the AythakathL, except four or two that are referred to using
the expression of 'ad? (etceteras) P v A 247; ThagA iii 46-47]. This
suggests that at least the commentators of BvA and ThagA took it for
granted that such eighty items designated as anuvyaiTjma were
commonly h o r n among people at that time.
The concept of satapuiifialakkhay can be regarded as a distinct commentaria] development, although references to it are found
in the Lakkhap sutta IDiii 1491 and some of the texts in the Khuddaka
Nikaya [e.g. Bv I v 9; V v (Mahiratha-vimiina, v 27); etc.] md the
hililindapaiiha [Miln 1111. Detailed explanations are found at DA iii
925 and BvA32. This concept in fact becomes popular in the Sinhala
Buddhist literature in the post commentaria1periods. [Chapter IU]
CONCLUSION
(6) An examination of the Nine Titles or Virtues (Navagupa)

of a Buddha has shown that the commentaries elaborate greatly on
their exegeses which are not found in the Canon. Of them, the
commentators give special importance ta the title of 'Buddha'. Here
again Buddhaghosa and Dhammapiila are the two commentatorswho
venture into details. DhammapSIa in particular pIays a siecant
role in this too. [Chapter IV]
(7) The term &&igafa is defined in the A!@akathSi literature

with some details. Buddhaghosa gives eight definitions to it while
Dhammapiila gives another set of eight amounting altogether to
sixteen. However, the commentaries seem to give more importance
to two basic definitions, viz., tab--gata and tathij-Iigata as they are
often cited in various contexts discussing the achievements of a
Buddha. What is noteworthy in this regard is that Dhammapiila is
the only commentator who gives additional definitions. The
commentarid position regarding the interpretationof tatheam is well
brought out in the foIlowing sentence: 'sabbikhna pana tat&gafo
va tarhZgatassa tathagata-bhavq v e e y y a .' [Chapter V]
(8) The notion of general rules or general nature (c!hmma@
among Buddhas was further developed in the commentaries. Events
and anecdotes associated with the life of Gotama Buddha became
objects of generalisation applicable to all Buddhas past and future.
A motive behind this move by the Buddhists appears to perpetuate
the supremacy of the Dhamma. Buddhas have common properties
both spiritually and physically. Universality of Buddhahood is thus
established. However, it is in no way similar to the Universal
Buddhahood conceived by the Mahiiywsts. The Theravadins at the
same time put forward the theory of differences (vemami or divisions/
determining factors @ai~~heda)
among Buddhas amounting to thirtytwo of them at the final stage of development in the Aifhakath%. But
these differences will not change the spiritual attainmentspossessed
by Buddhas. [Chapter VI]
(9) The term bodhisam in the A w t h b is not always a
designation for those who work hard towards the attainment of
Buddhahood. Bodhisatta is classified into three categories: 1. m a h ~
bodhisatfa,2. pace&-bdhkalta and 3. sHvaka-bodhkatta.This ciasification is found in Dhamrnapiila's commentaries [e.g., ThagA i 912. Cf. CpA 286, 315, 317; etc.] and seams to be a result of the
comentarial d e f ~ t i o nof
s the term bodhi(awakening) [Chapter WT]
.
The categorisation of bodhi into three classes places Buddhas far
above other liberated anes, i.e., paccekabuddhas and =ahants and is
no doubt a part of the apotheosis of Buddhas in the commentaries.
(10) The career of a Buddha-to-be (Eodhisatta)' is demarcated as far more difficult one than the other two careers, viz., the
careers of a pacceka-bodhisattaand a siivaka-bodhisatfa. However,
once anyone makes a resolve to tread the path leading to Buddhahood, he is assured of not being reborn in eighteen impossible states
(abhbba~g&m}.It is an advantagefor anyone to become abodhisattaThe theory of 'abhabbaf-@a' is a commentaria1 development and i s
a gradual growth even within the commentaries. There are two lists
and the list in SnA and ApA i s mare elaboratethan the other found in
JA, BvA, QA and ApA. [Chapter VIII]
(1 I) The generally accepted nation that perfections
(pIiramitiiiii are the special practices a Buddha-to-be has to fulfil is
denied by the evidence found in the commentaries. The AUhakathis
mention that disciples are also expected to fulfil the p&rzuniB which
are named as sSv&a-pIlrami. Even important lay followers in the
Life of Gotama Buddha like his mother Mahiimiiyii are also expected
to fulfil them [e.g- DhpA i 340; JA i 49; BvA 273; ApA 54; etc.].
However, the question as to whether the perfections @ikamif&for
Buddhas-to-be and those for the disciples are the same or different
from each other is not directly addressed in the commentaries.
Evidence found in the Saddhammappakashi R s A iii 6531 indicates
that when the slvaka-psarni is referred to together with ii@a
(knowledge], i.e. &aka-prarnI-BEpa, it refers to the sixty-seven kinds
of knowledge mentioned in PIS. The A~yhakarhbtheref01.e seem to
use the term pkamiin a broader sense and importance attached to it
CONCLUSION
6 the accumulation of merit accrued from their practices. They are

ofethical value when used for disciples. However, we must not lose
sight of the fact that they have specific connotations when used for
Buddhas-to-be.
The doctrine of piiramiti is further emphasised by
~hamrnapalain his Cariyiipitaka-atthakathii. Dhamrnapda tefers to
fie themy of six pak@ put forward by 'some' (kecfi, which he
initially rejects as unwarranted in the Theravada tradition. At tbe
same time he tries to reduce the number of ten pikamitiis to six by
way of amalgamation. For instance, he says that sacca-piiramiisone
area of s i l a - p m i (saccap&mi silapilmniyii ekadeso eva) [CpA
3211. However, it must be emphasised that Dharnrnapda like other
commentators also follows the theory of ten or thirty piirainjt& in an
enthusiastic manner. [Chapter
A careful examination of spiritual attainments and physical
endowments of a Buddha has brought out one striking feature of the
development of the concept of Buddha in the Pdi tradition. The
concepts that came to prominence in the Affhakathiiliterature such
as sa bban"r7uta-iiiiga, ma&-karuns,
asiti-anu vyafijana,
satapufifialakkhqm, etc., have their beginnings in some of the late
texts in the Khuddaka Nikgya If one were to follow the traditional
chronology of the P5li canonical texts, then these concepts could be
traced to the time of the king Asoka of India. But the nature of late
texts in the Khuddaka Nikaya such as the Buddhavamsa,
Vimiinavatthu, Petavatthu, Niddesa, Apadsna and even the
PafisarnbhidSunaggadenies such a view. The question of which tradition, the PSili or the Buddhist Sanslcrit, is the first to introduce what
are considered to be late Buddhologiocal developments such as the
notions of a.@2rasabuddhadhamma, asiti-anuvyaiijana, etc., is the
matter that involves a comparative analysis of both traditions and
requires the determination of the relevant sources as a precondition
for such a study. We hope that further attempts will be made in this
line in the future.
BUDDHA IN lKEFAV&lA BUDDHISM
Finally,our investigations have revealed that the commonly

accepted view to regard the Affhakathb as representing one single
tradition of Theravsda Buddhism must be re-examined with caution.
It is often the case that Dhammapda provides new or additionaI information on various topics as we have seen. He appears to be more
conversant wich and influenced by the Buddhist Sanskrit sources than
his predecessor Buddhaghosa. It is therefore suggested for a future
study that these two great commentators must be compared in their
interpretations of various subjects, doctrinal or otherwise, with full
details found in the AtJhakathg literature, so that Dhammapda will
receive due recognition as a commentator as important as
Buddhaghosa.
NOTES
1 The Psi sources ascribe the Buddha's entering into Parinibbha to the
year 483 B.C. See W.Geiger, the MahPvqsa, Colombo, 1950, p.xxiv; etc.
mere have been controversies on the date of the Buddha's death between
the Southern and the Northern traditions. The difference betwen the two
mdilions is about a hundred years: the lalter generally accepts the date of
his parinirvaa to be around 380 B.C. However, this ql~estionis not yet
final. See H.Nakamura, Gotama Buddha - Shakuson no Shogai [Gotama
Buddha : TheLife ofSiikyamunii,p.49; hdo Kodai-shi (The AncientHj'siory
ofhdia, Vol.ll),pp.404 ff; Kogen Mizuno, Shakusan no Shogai (The Life
d Sakymuni), pp.43 f; etc.
3 Rhys Davids gives a list of references to the Buddha's personal fife in the
Cambriee History ofindia, Vol.1, pp.196 E
4 Fumio Masutani, Buddha oo Denki (The Legend of the Buddba), The
Works of Fumio Masutani, Vo1.5, p.431
5 For such genealogical accounts of the SZkyacIan, see D A i258-262 and
SnA i 352-356
7 Bv xxvii v 1 mentions three more Buddhas before Dipaikara Buddha;
namely, Ta@ahkara, Medhaiikara and Saqarikara.
8 See e.g. D ii Iff (MahSipadiina sutta)
LO 'Mayham pi ...p ubbe va sambodha anabhisambuddhma bodhisattass '

eva sato' See M i 17,91,163,240; S ii 169,iii 27,ir 233, v 263,281,317;
A i 258. iii 240; etc.
11 E.J.Thornas, The History of Buddhist 771ought.p.172
12 ~ . R w g v & a ,The Development of the Concept of Buddha in Pdi
NOTES TO C
mI
13 For studies on the stratification of the canonical texts, many scholars

attempted to analyze the textual development; some comparing the Pgli
Canon with its counterpart in the Chinese umsiations. To quote a few;
E.Mayeda, Genshi BuWcyo Seiten no Seiritfll-shiKenkylr ( A History ofthe
Formation of ChiOrigioal Buddhist Texts), pp.8 12 + 18 (Index) + 42 (English
Summary); H.Nakamura, Geosbi Bukkyo Seiten Sein'tsu-shi Kenkyu no
Kijun ni rsuite (A Methodology of the Study of &&eFormation of Early
Buddhist Texts) in Genshi Bukkyo no Shiso Vol,II (The Thought o f W y
Buddhism, Vol.II), Selected Works of Hajime Nakamura, Val. 14, pp.259479; G.C.Pande,Studies in rhe 0n''ns ofBuddhism, Third Edition, India,
1983, pp.606; etc. See also H.Nakarnura, Indian Buddhism A Swey with
Bibliograpbical Notes, 1880,1987,1989(Buddhist TraditionSeries, India),
pp.22-31 for a bibliography on the subject.
14 E.g. H.Nakamura, Gurama Buddha - Shakuson no Shogai (Gotama
Buddha - me Life of Siikyamuni), Selected Works of Hajime Nakamura,
Vol. 11, Tokyo, 1974. Nakamura's aim in his study is to construct a life of
Gotama Buddlia based on the earliest availabIe sources and evidence, and
for that he gives three rnethodologica1 approaches. One of them is the
application of critique of original texts researched and developed in rnodern
times. Such a philological critique is a must. Furnio Masutani is another
scholar who says in his Buddha no Denki (The Legend of Buddha) that
some descriptions about the life of Gotama Buddha in the early canonical
texts can become intelligible, if only such a hypothesis is accepted (See
specially Chapter 9. pp.340 ff). Kugen Mizuno, Shakuson no Shogai (The
Llfe of Sayamun~]. Egaku Mayeda, Shahson (Sfiyamuni). Also see
H.Nakamura,Indian Buddhism,Delhi, 1989, pp. 16 ff for bibliographica1
riores on the study of the life of Gotama Buddha.
I5 E.g. Bhikkhu 6&anoli, The Life of Lbe Buddha, BPS, Kandy, 1992
(ThirdEdition); PhraKhantipalo, me Splendom of fiiighcenmenr - A Lit;:
of the Buddha 2 vols, Bangkok, 1976; etc.
16 Thag 1 179,1199. An etymological explanationis givea by H.Nakamura
who believes tbat m&ka is of the same meaning as madisa (one like me)
NOTES TO CHAPTER 1
md the Sanskrit counterpart i s mS46a. See H.Nakamura, Garma Buddha
S u u s a n no Shogai {Gofama Buddha - The Life of Sayamuru),p.488
17 E.g. Sn228,448,1057,1083,12
17,1135,1136;S i 127,143,180;Thag
375,536, 1251;Thig 136; D ii 123; ek.
I 8 Thag 119; Sn 699; etc.

19 H.Nakamura, Gotama Buddha - Shakuson no Shugai (Gotama Buddha
- The Life of Skyamurn], pp.487-502 (especially pp.494-496)

20 Sn 518,1064,Dhp 383-423(Bdun~a-vagga);etc.
21 H.Nakamura, Gotama Bnddha - Sbakuson no Shogai (GotamaBuddha

- Tbe Life of S@amuni), p.488
23 Dhp 184. See also Sn 267; Dhp 194; etc.

24 H.Nakan~ura,Genshi Bukkyo no Shiso, Vol.1 (me Thofight of Early
Buddhism, Vol.T),p.452f. Also see H.Nakamura, Buddhano Kuroba (Words
of the Buddha) ( ~ u t t a n i ~ ~pp.364-365
a):
25 H.Nakamura, Goiama Buddha - Shakusan no Shogai (Gatma Buddha The Life of Sgk-ramumJ.p.189
26 See e.g. M i 77-79 (Mah%ihaniida sutta), 240-246 (Mahhaccaka sutta);

where the Buddha rejates to his disciples his experience of severe
austerities before he attained Buddhahood and says that those austerities are
of no use. H.Nakarnura says that these lexts are of late origin in the Canon.
See H-Nakamura, G o t m a Buddha - Shakuson na Shagai (Gorama Buddha
- The Life of Silkyamuni), p. 188
etc.
27 H.Nakamura, Gotarna Buddha - Shakuson no Shogai (Gotamaf3uddhaThe Life of SLikyamum],p. 190

28 i.B.Homer, The Earfy Buddhisr neoqv afMm Perfected, pp.87-88
30 H.Nakamura, Genshi Btlkkyo no Seiritsu (The Establishment ofEarly

Buddhism),pp.378-390.
NOTES TO C
W RI
rnan~lrn~
angsavq
p
/
munimoneyyasampamaty iShu niflhitapipakan ti //
J.Hartley Moore (SayingsofBuddha. TheIti-Vuttakaofthe Buddhist Canon,
p.77) translates 'munimoneyyasampa~nq'in the above gBh-as 'possessed
of the quality of silence of a Munib. See also H.Nakamura, Gotama Buddha
- Shakuson no Shogai (Gofama Buddha - The Life of Sikyamuni], p.490,
498 (footnote 28); Encyclopedia of Buddism, YoI.III, Fascicle 3, s.v. Buddha, p.363; etc.
3 1 Cf. It 67: k~yamumNIp
v-unk
32 Sn 544; S iii 91; It 52; Thag 623; T M g 1M,etc.
33 Thag 1240. ThagA iii 195 gives two meanings to this word: {1) the best
among disciples and paccekabuddhas and (2)the seventh sage in the lineage
of Buddhas. Here the meaning is the fmt one.
34 Thag 623; Thig 157; etc.
35 D ii 287; etc.
36 It 100; A ii 9; etc.
38 H.Nakamura, Genshj Bukkyo no Sein'tsfu (The EstabIishmmt of Ewi'

Buddhism), pp.391-393
40 Nathan Katz, Buddhist images of Human Perfection, p.146

41 Eg.Takayoshi NamUwa, GenshiBukkyaniokem Buddha tuBuddesh
- Ryosha ni ~~RSUIUHyogen no Ido to Kosho yori mite (me Merencc
between the Buddha and His Disciples A Shldy of Their Common Epi,
the& and Referential Expressions in Early V e m of tire Nkiiy11s), pp.285
(4923-304 (477); Ryu Takeda, PsiJuh' Kendo Butsuden ni miru Koshc
Kho (Oral Function Remaioed in the Pa'Scriptur~Cansidered in the Par;
of the Life Story of the Buddha in Mahllkhmdhaka of the Vhya-pitaka]

pp.5 1-74. Takeda" aim in his article is to see the functions of om! traditior
of transmissionby examiningexpressions (language) employed in the test
ek.
NOTES TO CHAPTER T
42 Nathan Katz, op.cit, p-xvii
45 D i 178 ff; M i 484; S iv 393; Ud vi 4; etc.
47 ~ i l de
y Silva, The Buddha and tbe Arahant Compared, p.38
50 Vin ii 161
51 H.Nakamura, Censbi B W o no Shko, Val.II f The Thought ofEarly
Buddhism. Vol.IQ, p.255. He further elaborates that (1) 'beings' are those
who are in saqs&a and are yoked to sensuality (kZtnay6ga)and becoming
(bhavayoga);(2) 'those who do not return to the domain of dmire' are those
who have still the yoke of becoming. although they have abandoned
sensuality @ma); and (3) 'hose who are gone beyond' are those who have
completely achieved the desuuction of passions (iisavakkhaya).
52 E.g. Nathan Katz, op.dt., especially, pp.117-146.
53 See for studies of the philological development of the Buddhist texts,

Eg&u Mayeda, Gensbi Bukkyo Seiten no Seizi~su-shiKenkyb ( A History
of ihe Formation of Original Buddhist Texts), Sankibo-busshorin, Tokyo,
19M, G.C,Pande,Studies in the Origins of Buddhism, Third Edition, Delhi,
1983; H-Nakamura, Genshi Bukkyo Seittn Sein'tsu-shi Kenkyu noKijun ni
tsuite (A Melhdology of t6e Study of the Formation oforiginal Buddhist
Texts), Genshi B e y o no Shiso. Vol.11(The 7bought of Early Buddhism,
VolJI), pp.259 ff. Nakamura in his above work (pp.396-397) says in a
summary that (1) the Suttanipiita and the Saggthhagga go back before the
king Asoka's time; (2) specially the A@iikavagga and the Pmyanavagga
Rpesent thoughts close to the time of the Buddha; (3) most of the ~W in
the original Buddhist texts appear to be earlier than the king Asoka's t h e ;
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
and (4) the five Nkayas of the extant P a k x t s or the original texts of thr
four Chinese Agamas con- in them fairly old materials. but their prost
parts appear to have been composed and compiled mostly after the king
Asoka's time.
54 G.C.Pande. Studies in h e Ongins of Buddhism, pp.29-30
55 Mii 133ff
56 Cf. Nalinaksha Dutl, Early History ofthe Spmad ofBuddhism and the
Buddhist $chool~,1980, pp. 1-105
58 See H.Nakamura, Gotama Buddha

Buddha: me Life of Siikymuni), p.504
- Shkusou no Shogai ( G o t m
62 E.g. MA ii 25-26; SA ii 43-45; AA v 10-1 1; BvA 4243; VibhA 391398; etc.
63 The term Navagga is used here for convenience. It does not seem to
occur in the Piili Canon nor in the AiJhakaU. It is mentioned in a SinhaIa
work called Amiivama, one of the oldest texts in Sinhala ascribed to the
authorship of Guru!ugomi who lived in the twelfth century A.D. (See
Piyaseeli Wijemanue, AmiSvatura: A Syntactical Study, Colombo, 1984,
p.3) Tiis shows that the origin of the term Navaguna can go back at least to
the twelfth century A.D. See Amdvatura, ed. Ko&goda W@aloka, 1967,
p.164 E-g.,D i 49, iii 76; M i 267;A i 168; Sn 103.132; etc. I n the Northern
Buddhism, the ten titles or appellations are usually grouped inm a set and
are called the Ten Titles of a Buddha. A marked difference between the
PZli tradition and that of the Northern Buddhism is that the latter includes
'brhifgata' in the list while the former does not.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
68 Dhp 195 : piij&ahe piijayato buddhe yadi va s&v&e.
(59 See H.Nakamura, Gotama Buddha S6akuson no Shogai (Gotama

Buddha - 73e Life of Siikyamum-, p.506; Gotma Buddha II (Gotama
Bud& ll,Early Buddhisn~II ). Shunjusha, Tokyo, 1992, p.481
70 See H-Nakamura, Genshi Bukkyo no Seiritsu (The Establisment of
Ear@Buddhism),p.388
71 See H-Nakamura, GofamaBuddha - Shakuson no Shogai (&&ma
Buddha - The Life o f SrSkyamunl), p.504; Gotama Buddha ll (Gotama
Buddha TI, Early Buddhism JI ), p.479
72 See H.Naksmura, Gotama Buddha - S h h s o n no Shogai (Gotama

Buddha - The Life of Siikpmunl), p.505; Golama B~lddba 11 (Gofama
Buddha II,Early Buddhism I1 ), p.480
73 E.g., S i 153,167, ii 284; D i 99, lii98, 196 f; M i 358; A iv 238;etc.

74 See, meBhagavadgita,commentaryby Swami Chidbhavananda, Tamil
Nadu. India. 1984, p.342. He translates the passage as "one endowed with
learning and humility."
75 H.Nakamura, G o t m a Buddha - Shakuson no Shugai (Gotama Buddha

Gotama Buddba U (GotamaBuddha 11,
M y Buddhism II ), p.485
- The Life of Siikymuna, p.509;
76 Sn 595,1019; etc. See H.Nakamura, G m h i Bukkyo na Seirifsu (me

Establishment of Early Buddhism), pp.49-50. SnA ii 447 mentions thus:
'Tinnmp veilman ti irrtbbedayajubbedas~aved&q '[i.e.Rg-veda, Yajurveda and Saa-veda). Cf.DA i 247
77 E.g. Sn 656; It 99; Thig 363,433; A i 165, 167;etc.

78 E.g. M i 482 (Tevijja Vacchagotta sutta); etc.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
80 See PED,S.V. Abb=Z@.64)
81 See H.Nakarn= Genshi Bukkyo no Shiso, Vol.Tt(7'k Thought of

Early Buddhism, VoI.11 ), p.178
82 The list is found at Thag 379 (the list here comprises five minus
Bavakkbaya);D iii 28 1; etc.
84 T.W.Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, part 1, p.272
85 D i 78,212; etc. See also PED s.v. Iddbifor further references.
86 Vin i 24 ff
87 H-Nakamura, Gotama Buddha - Shakuson no Shogai (Gotarna Buddha
Life ofSiikyamunii, p.293
- fie
88
M i 375. Cf. A ii 190
89 E.g*Vin ii 1 10 f; J iv 263; etc.
90 E.g. D ii 213, iii 221-222; M i 103; S v 2.57;A i 39,297, ii 256, iii 82;
etc.
92 Lw.cit.
93 S iv 260
94 Nathan Katz. op.cit..p. 112
95 D i 214
96 Kogn Mizuno, Shakuson no Shaogai (The Life ofS&yamvru), p.86.
See also Kogen Mizuno, Genshi B&yo ( M yBndhism), p.238
98 E.g.
i 125; Mih 106, etc.
100 A iii 417418. They correspond to one,two, seven, eight, nine and ten
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
ofthe items f w d in the MahMhan~dasutta.
102
See also A v 32 ff
103 My translation based on the idea expressed in the text which reads
pi ~ v a ~ v i v a ~ a p p e Later
- . . ' texts are defmite about this time
limit of the Buddha's power of remembering fomw existences and it is
always the case that he can remember limitless number of former existences. See e.g. Vism 411, etc.
104 Lily de Silva's translation in her article. me Buddha and thk Arabant
Cornpad, p.39 is adopted here as it conveys the contents very clearly.
1Q6 Lily de Silva, The Buddha md the Arahaat C o m p d , p.42
111 Nathan Katz, op-cit.,p. 145
112 Mi482
1 13 Lily de Silva, T6e Buddha md the M m t Compared, p.40
115 See Lily de Silva, The Buddha and the Arahant Compared,pp.40-41.
She cites several instances of this nature found in the Canon. In the
Patisarnbhidimagga of the Khuddaka NiBya [Pfs i 133-1341 his knowledge is consided as one of the six knowledges of the Buddha not shared
(by others) (asgdhkana-figna). Even in the Afthakatha texts the
~driyaparoparij,atta-n'zyis regarded as a knowledge not common to the
dixiple. See e.g., W A iii 630;KvA 63; etc.
NOTE3 TO CHAPTER I
1 17 See also M i 519 ff., ii 126 ff.; etc.
119 K.N.Jayatilleke, Early Buddhist 73eory of Knowledge1p.380. Tht:

tevi)ja is also claimed by the Buddha's disciples. See e.g. S i 19 1, ii 217,
222; etc.
t22 Lily de Silva, The Buddha and the Arahant Compared,pp.43-44.

S iv 15 (Sabba sutta)
Cf
125 Sa 160,405,540,562,570,5%, 599,956,992,1028,1115,1127; D

ii 123,166,167,256,262,272; S i 121; Thag, 149,995; Dhp 273;etc. All
these references are in giiehb.

126 S i 137; Sn 346,378, 1063,1068,1069, 1073,1090; etc.
127 D ii 254; Dhp 273;Thag 905; etc.

128 E.g. Nd i 354 ff, 448 ff; etc.
129 See for references in the Canon, PED, S.V. C a n (pp.259-260).
There is arefernce to a set of three comprising mapa-cakkhu, dibba-cakkhu
and paElZ-cakkhu at It 52 and D iii 219. This also supports the view that
Lhe laterBuddhists gatheredrelevant notions d cakklru together and f m e d
them into a set of five.
133 Oliver Abeynayake in his book A Textual and Histoncal'Andysis of

&heKhmddaka NikBya,pp.183-196 alsa gives a brief account ofthe development of Buddhology in the Khuddaka N i y a .
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
134 Ap i 1 speaks of thhy paamit& without giving their contents. hey
came to be specified in the AtfhakathS literature and as such this isolated
reference is not strong enough to prove historical antiquity of the theory of

thirty p8amim in the canonical texts.
135 See ~ . f i @ i i v l a ,up-cit., p.281. Cf. ibid., Appendix viii, pp.454 ff.
AISO
ERE,s-v. Apadaa
136 SIX e.g., Oliver Abeynayake, op.dt, p.171
137 Kogen Mizuno, The Position of the Pafisambhidmagga and the

Niddesa in the History of the Formati04 of the P&!i Sacred Texts, Bukkyo
Kenkyu (Buddhist Studies) (Old Series), Vo1.W - 3,1940, pp.55-83, Vo1.W
- 5 , 1941, pp.49-79,v01.W - 6, 1941, pp.41-64.
138 Kogen Mizuno, Kenkyu no Kaiko (Retmspectiunof Researches),The

Felicitation Volume for Professor Kogen Mizuno on His Eighty-eighth
Birthday, pp.302-303
142 Other references to saman&-cakkhu in the Khuddaka NikSya are at

MNd ii 360; CNd 138,268; etc.
145 Pts i 121-133

146 B h i u fi@amoli, 'lhe Path of M c a t i o n , footnote 7 in Chapetr
VII,pp.771-773
147 Sn 345,378, 1063, 1069. 1090, 1133; etc. Cf.S i 137; etc.
148 See H.Nakamura+ Gotama Buddha Shaknson no Shogai (Gotama

Buddha - The Life of Sayamuni), p.494 & p.501, footnote 74
149 MNd ii 354-360; CNd 133-138,235
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
151 ~ i 4 8 2
152 The Commentaries are specificabout the knowledge of the past, present
and future through the knowIedges of former existences and clairv~yance,
Set e.g. MA i 128: '... pubbeniv&aiiFt:na atitatpsaMi@ay dibbacakkhun~i
p a c c u p p a n o ~ ~ g a ~ a t i j ...'
%pq
157 See also Vism 378;BvA 25-26; etc.
158 E.g. Ap i 20; etc. Cf. the word balijtibalapiiragii;. See Oliver
Abeynayake, op.cit.,pp.187-188 for a list of epithets of the Buddha found
in the Khuddaka W y a .
159 E.g, A ii 80; etc.
16t Ap i 4.5.26,29. etc.

162 See Eugene Wsllson Burlingame, Buddh;stParabIa,pp.264 ff, 279 ff
163 BV XXVI v 22
167 For studies of h e concept of Paceekabuddha in the Pitti tradition, see

Ria Kloppenborg, me Paccekabuddha:A Buddhist Ascetic - A Study d
of the Paccekabuddha in P
a Canonical and Commentadd
Literature,Leiden, 1974. She published an abridgedversion under the same
title in the Wheel Publication Series, Nos. 305/'306/307, Kandy, 1983.
the Concept
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
168 Pug 14. Cf. ibid.70
169 See for a comphemive examination of the controversiesconcerning
puddbahood in the Kathiivatthu, S.N.Dube. Cross Currents in Early

Buddhism, pp.120-150
171 For a detailed study of the concept ofBuddha in the Miliidapaiiha, see
Kyasho Hayashima, ShoJn' Buklcyu to Shakai Seikatsu (Early Buddhism
and Sueid Life), pp.405446
172 M i n 285
173 Ibid. 235. Cf ibid.216
174 Ibid. 236-239
176 T.W.Rhys Davids. 77ie Questions ofKingMiliada, pp.123-124
177 Miln 80
178 See also T.Endo, Some SigmficmlEpithersand Qualities d h eBuddba
as Found in the Milindapaiiha, pp. 163-167
179 Miln 74
180 Ibid. 76
182 Ibid. 76
183 KNakamura, Gotama Buddha Shakusoo no Shagai (GofamaBnddha - The Life ofSiikymuni),p.511
184 Miln 102
186 Ibid. 105
187 Ibid. 106
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
188 hc.cit.
f 90 Miln 142-143
191 Ibid. 272-273
I94 See Kyosho Hayashima, Shoki Bukkyo to ~h&dSeikatsu (Early

Buddhism and Social Life), pp.414-418
I95 Miln 216,239,393, etc.
196 fid.209,224,362, etc.
198 Ibid. 74, 102, 105, 107, 117, 134, 139, 157, 188, 203,214,226-227,
233,244-245,272-273,279-281,287,332,360, etc.
199 See Asao Iwamatsu, Ten-cbu-ten Ko (A Note an "God of Gods"),
p.204 and p.2 15, footnotes 17 & 18
200 H.Nakamura,hdo Kadai-shi(AncientHistory ofhdia),Vol.lI,pp. 103104. See also H.Nakamurzt, Indo Shiso-shi (History of Indian Tbaught),
p.85 where he says that the first king of the SakaEmpire was Maues (c. 120
B.C.)
201 See Asao Iwamatsu, op.cit.,p.215, footnote 20
202 H.Nakamura, h d o Kodai-shi (AncientNistoq~of India), Vol.11,p. 186
203 H.Nakamura, h d u Kodai-s6i (AncientHistory oflndia), VoLII, p. 186
204 Asao Iwamatsu, op.cit., p.206

205 Asao Iwamatsu, op.cit, p.212
206 Sn 553 = Thag 823 = M ii 146: khattiys bhojm-i&o anqyana bhavanu'
te; rJjSbhira-ja manujindo rajiarp ksrehi Gotama.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
207 mag 823. Here the text gives riT$iiSdhir;sJa as a variant reading in the
footnote. See H.OIdenberg & R.Pische1, ed. Then-and Theri-GI*, 1883
208 PED, S.V. Adhi
209 See H.Nakamura, Buddha no Kotoba (Words of the Buddha)

(Suttanimta), pp.435 & 438. See also Egaku Mayeda, Genshi Bukkyo
Seiten no Seiritsu-shi Kenkyu (A Histoy of the Formarion of Orjginal
Buddhist TetrB),
pp.725 ff, etc.
210 Vv 62
211 CNd 173,307
213 Miln 111, 137,217,230,241,258,281,333,362,366,367,371,372,

377,378,379,381,384,385,386,387,391,399,402,403,405,4Q8.409,
411,413.414,415,417, etc.
214 I.B.Horner, The Early Buddhist Theory dMan Perfected. p.202.
215 Asao Iwamatsu, op-cif.,p.20B

216 Miln 34,36,66,74, etc.
217 Thag 489
218 Thag 1179. Thag 533 uses the term for Suddhodana as well. This
suggests that the word devadeva was not an exclusive tenn of epithet for the
Buddha alone.
219 It 100; A ii 9; etc.
221 1s. Miln 111 & 137
224
D iii 143,154; J ii 104; etc.
NOTES TO CHAPTERS I - I1
225 Sn 1041-1042
226 S v 158. See also BellanwiIa Wialaratana, Concept of Great Man

(M-urha),
pp.13 ff. for further references to such passages in the Psi
Canon.
227 See D ii 17 f; iii 142 ff; M ii 136; etc.
228 D iii 142-179

229 The list appears at D ii 17 f, iii 143 f; M ii 136 f; etc.
230 BVXXT v 27
231 Api 156
CHAPTER I1
2 This enumeration occurs at Vism 675; etc. See Bhikhhu N@amoli, A

Ptli-English Glossary of Buddhist Technical Tenns, p.61
9A ii 80. See ItA i 14 1-2; etc.
lOBvIv64
11 MA ii 295. Ci.DA iii 877:Buddhagw anan@ apan'miini ti.
12 DhsA 160
NOTES TO CHAPTER
n:
13 Cf. Bv I v 64,BvA 52, I35
15 M i 482 (Tevijja-Vacchagottasutta)
18 PNA ii 429. See also. NdA i 387, etc. Cf.PtsA i 58-59
19 Miln 102
'20 'Dibba~akkha'(Divine-eye) is usually equated with 'yatbH-kammcpqaiiqa' (knowledge of how beings vanish and reappear according to their
kammic deeds). This implies that one may be able to see what happens to
beings In h e fumre according to their kammic deeds, if this knowledge is
understood in that extended sense.
22M i 71; Vibh 335-44. Cf.A iii 417

23 K.NJayatilIeke, Eady Buddhist Theory of Knowledge, p.469
25 MA ii 63-54.Cf.DhsA 354
26 DhsA 294-295. Cf.Ibid. 354
32SA i 193. Cf. SA ii 243 where 'sabba' includes khan&&
ayatana, d k t u
NO'TES Tn CHAPTER II
and three bhava. MA ii 189 I= VA v 9641 says that 'sabba' in 'sabbabhibhr

means dhammas belonging to the three planes of existence. 'Sabba' in
'sabbavidii' means dhammas beIonging to the four planes of existence. MA
ii 63-64 states that 'sabbar3fiii'and 'sabbadasHv? mean that our Teacher
knows and sees everythingconcerningthe past, fume and present (sabbaiiiifi
sabbadasssviti so amh#kay sattbth8 atikXn#gatapaccuppaunays a b b e jagti
passati ti dassenu').
33 ThagA iii 17: 'Sabbafifiii ti paropadesena vinH sabba-ppakacnasabbadhamm3vabodhana-samatrhassaPaiTyatta-ps@baddhH-vuftino
anZvary-diipssa adhigamena alitiidibheday sabbarp jiiuifti ti.'
34 ItA i 52; CpA i 1 S; SA ii 357; etc. Cf. MA i 38
35 See Nd i 360;etc. Dhammapda, on the other hand, quotes a different

passage to explain 'sabba-sabba' as follows: "Sabbe dhamma sabbiikihna
Buddhassa Bhagavato B@amukhe iipitha agacchanti" ti ddisu sabbasabbasmitp iigafo'' [Cf.Nd ii 4511. See ItA 152; CpA 1 8; etc.
36 Cf.S iv 15
41 Sn 558; Thag 828. Cf.Visrn 201; PpA 235; etc.
42 Pfs i 132. It counts these four things as a part of the Buddha's omniscient knowledge (sabbaMuta-iiea).
43 Vism 201
44 Bhikkhu fi~amoli,7'he Path of Purification, p. 196.
48 Pfs i 131; ThagA ii 11. CL PpA i 58; etc.
NOTES TO CFUFIER II
49 Miln 106.
52NdA i 386
53 See S.Mori, Pili Bukkyo ChushakuBunken no Kenkyu (A Study of tbe
Commentaies), pp.549-558
54 S.Mori, PZi Bukkyo Chushaku Bunkm no Kenkyu (A Study of the
mi Commentaries), p.551
55 S.Mori, P3li Bumo Chushaku BlIllken no K e n . (A Smdy of &heP ! i

Commentaries), p.553
56 This gZilhS occurs at @s i 133, etc.

57 This ~Iassificationis also found at NdA iii 56. Cf. PtsA iii 646 w h m
only the term occurs.
H.Niin~visa strangely calls this
'paiica~idbajfieyyam+dala'using a Sanskrit term while correctly giving
the saurce reference, Both PTS and SHB editions of the
Saddhammappaklisinigive the term as 'pa5cfieyyapaatha'.See ~.&igvasa,
op,cir.,p.259
58 ft appem from the context that the word 'nibbiina' is used here not in
the sense of 'liberation' as usualIy understood, but refers to one and the
only unconditioned (as-ata)
dhamma according to the TheravMa lradi-
tion.
60 See Junjim Takakusu, Tk Essentials ofBuddhist Philosophy, pp. 16716%; Hisao Inagaki, A Dichbat-y of Japanese Buddhist Tenns,pp.349 &
368; etc.
61 See e.g., AA [i 12.4 ffl, DhpA, ThagA. ThTgA, APA,ex!.
63 ItA i 140-141: 'yadi tW sakim yeva sabbasmitp visaye pavattati,

ati~~gata-paccuppma-ajhattabahiddhidi-bheda-bhinn~~
s&atacJhammZnaqasarikhata-sammuti-dhammzSnafice' eva ekajjhay upaffhae
NOTES TO CHAFTER
II
diirato citrapatm pekkhanrassa viya visaya-vibh&endvabodho na siys.

Tathaca sati sabbedhamrnaanattil ti vipassa~t;SnqanattSikZwna viya sabbamj6pib-nipena Bhagavato n'massa visayg hontr ti a'pajati yeva.'
However, the words underlined are cmected according to the SHB edition
of ltA 113
64 ItA i 141: 'na hi jm'-bhimi-sabi@vSdi-vasma dkZ-desa-miid;-vasena
ca aueka-bbeda-bhinnefieyye kamma gaflamhe tassa anavasesa-pativedho
sambhavati apmymta-bbsvato fieyyasssa.'
65 Loc.ciL: 'asmi2s a k b yeva fi@appavatfati ti na yujatj. Atha kamena
sabbasmk visaye f i @ q pavaUatlatlti e v e pi na yujiiati.'
70UdA 144 = ItA i 130.Cf. ThagA iii 17. This point is discussed in detail
by Bhikkhu fii@amoli. See Bhikkhu fi@amoli, The Path ofI'unEcation,
p.77 1, footnote 7
71 Aparisesata sabbajSnanasamatthatra sattisabbaiir?uta vvl siyit,
vidi&abbadhammaltS ii8tasiibb&-ut5 vZ. Consider the word underlined.
72 ItA i 142: 'Sabbe dhammij Buddhassa Bhagavato Svajma-patibad&-,
&aWSpagibadm, manasikaa-pa.tib~ddhLcitt ' appiida-pafibad&&'
73 The word 'sabbau-bodhisatta' is used in s m e commentaries to differentiate the bodhisatta [Buddha-to-be) fiom 'pa~ceka-bodhisam'a d 'siivakabodhisatta'. S e e T.Endo, Bodhisattas in the Pdi C m m t m . a , pp.65-92
74 See DPPN,Vol.1, p.408, S.V. Upai for further information on these.
77 E.g. M i 69 ff (MahDThanlda sutta)
79 E.g. MA i 25; SA ii 43; AA v 25; PpA iii 62%BvA 42; VibhA 397;etc.
80 See abuve
81 MA ii 26; AA v 11; &sA iii 625; VibhA 397; etc.
83 NdA i 269
84 M i 7 1 : 'ImSni kho Siiriputta dasa TathSgalabalEni yehi balchi
samannZgato TathtQato & a b h q - + @ q ~ p a - t i j ~ n ~parjsiisu
i,
sTha~ddq
nadati, brdunaczdckaq pavatteti.'
85 ItA i 16: 'tesu bala-sam;7yogena parehi na abhibhuyyati+ vesiirajasamiTyogena p&i abhibhavati. Balehi sat~usampada-siddhi,ves3txjjehi
siisanasampadif-siddhi. Tathi7 balehi Buddharatana-siddhi. vesfirajehi
dhammararana-sibdhiti. '
86 Vism 524
8 8 U v 12
89 VibhA 3994M
90 See aIso PJsA iii 627
91 KvA 63;SA iii 263; etc.
92 PpA iii 630
NOTES TO CHAPTER I1
98 M A ii 3 1-32 = AA v 16-18 = RsA iii 629-630; VibhA 464
99 See B h i i u fihamoli, The D i s p e k ofDelusion(Sanmohavinodani),

part It,pp.212-213
101 @s ii 174,205.207. See also the list of ten iddhismentioned above.
102 Vism 373 ff
105 Vism 378;DhsA 31; BvA 26; &-,
108 Sabhsgasantath pana parivartetvi visabhBgigasantatikaraqe vi

sabhggasanrativasen 'eva ciratmppavattafle vayesay a r h a kmffati,t e s q
pu.tifiiWbik-&iyf&;TnjnissiSya katthaci ijjhati. Bhikkhifnqatrharhaya
p;fruiya&;
sappikhiriidikorane
viya
mahldhdtunidhane
dfppldina~
cirasantiinappavattane viya d ti. See also 7jbe Debates Commentaty,p.234
109 Vism 393
110 Miln 106
111 D A i 57; SA i 103; etc.
1 12 Cf. also DA i 57; KhpA 132; etc.

113 See Eugene Watson Burlingame, Buddhist Legends. part 3. p.35;
G.P.Malalasekera, DPPN, s.v. Ya&aka-pa@mya,Vel.II, p.683; etc.
1 14 E.g. D iii 220; S iv 290; A i 170; etc.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I1
117 Cf.I.B.Horner, The C I a d k o f h e Sweet Meaning, p.44 for the translation of this passage.
1 19 EVA34.See I.BHorner, The Cider of tbe Sweet Meaning, pp.5lf

120 SnA i 15. Cf. DhpA iii425 ff and JA i 182 for similar stories. h both
cases the term boddhaveoeyya [DhpA iii 426 & JAi 182) is used. A similar
story is also found at SnA i 33 1.
123 DhpA i 319. Cf.lbid.ii 58; etc.

124 Many people got benefits from this practice of the Buddha,and such
instances are recorded at DhpA i 3 19,413, ii 37,58,80, 193, iii 25, etc.
125 See e.g. Fumio Masutani, op.cit., p.244; Egaku Mayeda, Shakuson
(Siikyamlmi), p.28; Hajirne Nakamura, Gotma Budd&a- Shahson no
Shogai (GofamaBuddha - The Life of S%yamuni), p.220; etc.
I27 The Vinaya Mahavagga Wln i 4 TfJ mentions only Sahampati as the
one who requested the Buddha to preach. But the Af$akath5i texts, though
the gist of the incident is very similar to the canonical tradition, are not
consistent as to who requested the Buddha to preach. For instance, JA i 81
states that Sahampati was accompanied by Sakka and other deities (e.g.
Suyha, Santusita, Sunimmita, Vasavatti, etc.). MA ii 278 says that $&a
accompanied by deities himself requested the Buddha to preach. See also
AAi 124 f. All these &tails arenu~foundin the canonical texts. According
to the Sanskrit sources,different stories are found. See ~.hqh@a,
op-cit.,
p.125.
130 See Chapter V on Tathsgata in the present study.
NOTES TO CHAPTER II
133 See below. The four 'vemam' at Miln 285 include (1) kula (family),
(2) addfiaa (period), (3) iiyu (life-span)and (4) p e a (size).
136 ItA i 122; UdA 134: ' Y g y maha-kartrni

~
lakan8thassa, yaya mahadukkba-sampdta-patipannsupsatta-aikiiyq dhva 'tassa n ' atch' aiinaiino
kmi
patismapam, ahameva ito samsdra-d~kkhalomutto mocessfirni' ti
samnss~ta-miinasomahiibhmib&ay ak&i.'
138 Vism 203 = VA i 116'

139The translation is by Bbikkhu ~ ~ a m o me
l i , Parh offification, p.198.
An alternate translation may be as foIlows: '... he causes them to engage in

the beneficial, leaving aside the harmful'
140 V i m 203 = VA i 116
141 Bhikkhu 6J@amoli, m e Path of Purification,p.3 10
144 UdA 142-144. Cf.ITAi 130
147 ThagA iii 17: 'Hinadi-vibhgga-Mione sabbasmiv satta-nikiiye

adhimotti-wttiuya maharipskiuu?iTya sarnann&aram mahamniko. '
148 A similar passage is found at ItA ii 15
149 See discussions on the concept of Bodhisatta and related topics below
for the understandingof Bodhisattahood and Buildhahood as conceived by
Dhammapda.(especially Chapters W-IX)
NOTESTOCHAPTER II
150 CpA 289-290
151 See Har Dayal, op.cl&,p.178 ff

152 Kv XXlII 3
153 KvA200
I54 See Bhikkhu fi@amoii, The Path of PunXcation, p.773. footnote 9.

155 DhpA i 249
156 H.Saddhatissa, u: The Surta-nipm, p.122

157 Sn 1064
158 E.g. SA i 68. See also VA i 197, v i 1279; SA i 319; AA i 322; etc.
159 E.g. AA i 100 f; etc.
160 Nd i 354 ff, 448 ff, ii 235
162 See Chapter 1 for the list of five eyes in the Khuddaka Nik2ya. See
also Nd i 354,448, etc.
163 E.g.DhsA 306; @A i 77;ItA i 99; etc.
166 When one is used for the classification of two types of 'c&u',
the other is used in the ~Iassificationof five types.
then
167 DhsA 306, ItA i 99,PpA i ?7-78. See also The Expositar, pp.402-403
168 SA iii 298. Cf.M A v 99; SA ii 354 (heghimi tayo mag@ tini ca
phal;z011
169 DhsA 306. Cf.DA i 183 (myamaggattaya),237 (t&arp rnaggihad,
ii 467 [rinnam
.. . maggan'@&ap); MA i 179; SA i 200; UdA 207; NdA ii 383;
ek.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I1
171 DA i 237
172 See also Encyclopedia ofBuddhism, Vol.IV. Fascicle 3. pp.478 ff, s.v
Dhmmacakkbu for its canonical usage.
173 See Lily de Silva, 7he Buddha and tbe Arahant Compared, p.40
174 Mvu i 159
175 Cf. Encyclopedia ofBuddhism Vol.lV, Fascicle 3, p.481

176 DA ii 467; MA ii 179; SA ii 354; VA v 963. Cf.BvA 33
1?7 See the section on Tath@atabala above.
178 DhsA 306; PfsA i 77;ItA i 99; DA i 183; etc.

179 SA ii 354 = BvA 33. See also MA ii 179; DhsA 306; PlsA i 77; ItA i
99; etc.
18 1 See Chapter I
188 DAi 278. SeealsoPpAiii617
189 MA ii 33: SA ii 45; AA iii 7; etc.

190ItAi 16
191 Cf.~ . & ~ ~ v vop.cit,

b a , pp,265ff for a discussion on the subject.
192 DA iii 897
NOTES TO CHAPTER It
193 Vism414: VA i 59. Cf.m
A i 368
194 MA iv 11.4;
+ii 9. Cf.VibhA 430
195 DA ui 897; MA iv 114; AA ii 9;VibhA 43th etc. Cf. Vism414; VA i

159; VsA i 367;etc
196 DA iii 897; etc. Names of paritfa mentioned among sources are
sometimes different from one another. For instance, VA i 159 and PpA i
367 give pm'ttas of Ratana, Khandha, Dhajagga, A w u y a and Mora while
AA ii 9 gives a shorter list. AA ii 342,on the other hand. gives pariffasof
A@S!iya, Isigili, Dhajagga, Bhojwga, Khandha, Mora, Meta and Ratana.
See also Vism 414; MA iv 114; VibhA 43043 1; etc.
197 DA iii 897; MA iv 114; AA ii 9: VibbA 43 I; etc. Cf.Pp ii 195
198 Vism 414; VA i 160; PfsA i'368; etc.

199 See ~.fl@fivisa,op.cit, p.267 for a chart showing different calculariaus adopted by various authorities.
200 DA ii 659. See also ~.fi@i%v&a,
op.cif.,p.267 for a chart showing
discrepancies in equation.
201 E.g.D ii 224 f plahilgovinda sutta]
202 Miln 237 f
203 E.g. DA iii 897 f

204 Thag 1087: yivatg buddhakhettarphiflapayitvai rnahlimunim /
dbutagqe visi-gho'hap, sadiso me na vjjati//
205 ThagA iii 142. See also ApA 287 where buddhakkhem is equated with
*a-kherta.
206 E.g.DA iii 897; AA ii 9; etc.
208 See ~ . ~ ~ g v &op.ci&,

i a , p.274. See also Eucyclopedjja of Buddhism,
vol.m,Fascicle 3, p.428,s.v. Bud&+etm.
NOTES TO CHAPTI% II
210 DA iii 848: AA ii 10; VibhA 431; etc.
21 1 DA iii 897; M A iv 1 14; AA ii 10; VibhA 431; erc.
212 DA iii 898 f; MA iv 1 I5 f; VibhA 431. Cf.AA i 87 ff; SA ii 202;

213 See also SA ii 203; AA i 91-92.
214 DA iii 898; MA iv 115; VibhA 43 1. Cf. AA i 9 1; etc.

215 Loc.cit.
216 DA iii 899 f; MA iv 116 f; VibhA 433; etc.

217 S.Mori, Pdi Bukkyo Chushaku Bunken no Kenkyu (A Study of the
Pzli Comrncntaries). p.52; S.Mori, tr-by T-Endo, Types of the Pai
Commentarid Literature and Their Value as Research Material, Bukkyo
Kenkyu (Buddhist Studies), Vol.XX, 1991, p. 138
218 DA iii 899; MA iv 116- 117; VibhA 433; etc.
220 D A iii 900-903;MA iv 1 17-121; AA ii 10-14; VibbA 433-436; etc.

221 AA iii 108
222 AA i 126. Cf.ItA i 142; SnA i 154; etc.
224 ThagA iii 142
225 NdA ii 383
227 VibhA 50
228 SnA i 228
229 See Har Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist SmskritfiteraNre, p.27
230 N.Dut1, MahZyiina Buddhism, p.142
NOTES TO C H m R II
231 See Takeuchi, Buddha-ran (me 7%eory of Buddha), Iwmamikoza,

Toyo Shiso, Vo1.9, Indiaa Buddhism, part 2, September, 1988, p.136
234 N.Dutt, Mah5yaa Buddhism, pp. 136- 142. See also Encyclopedia of
Buddhism, Vol.lV, Fascicle 4, pp.528 ff, S.V. Dhmakgya
235 Vism 234

236 Vism 211 = VA i 124 = KhpA 108
237 D A iii 865: 'KsmB TathiigatoDhmmh-yo ti vutto ? Tathiigaro hi

tepitake Buddhavacanay hadayena cintetva viicgya abhhl-hari. Ten ' assa
kayi DhammamayarCi Dhammo va.'
238 SA ii 3 14. Cf. ItA ii 116
239 Cf. M A i 10 (dhmmsarfra)
240 UdA 87
24 1 DA iii 865
243 ItA ii 1 16
244 See ~.%@v&a, op.ciL,p.164
245 PED s.v. V,an& p.6 10
246 F-Edgerton,Buddhist Hybrid Sanslar't Gammarand Dictionary,Vol.II,

p.478
247 See MSaddhatissa, The Sutfa-nipata, p. 116

248 This is the ttansiation for gatapaccbatavarra by Bhikkhu Ibpmoli in
his A Psi-English Glossaty of Buddhist Technical Terms, p.41 See also
for a detailed explanation of the term 'gatapaccigatavatta', SnA i 52 ff
NOT3ES TO CHAPTER I1
250 Miln 10
25 1 Cf.also Miln 263 where 'vbita-v&ana" is explained in a positive sense.
252 See Ud Chapters 3,6; AA i 27 fi DhpA iv 181 E UdA 193; etc.

253 Vism 198 = VA i 112; SnAii 441; etc.
254 TtA i 127 = UdA 139. Cf.UdA 335
256 John D Ireland, The Udaa, BPS, Kmdy, 1990, p.133
257 Visuddhimagga MaIGitikZ, Chapter 7, Burmese edition.
258 a See F.Edgerton,Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Gmmar and Dictionq,

vol.n,p.107
259 I have written an article sometime ago on this subject with less material availabIe a1 h a d at that time (See T.Endo,Eighfeeu Qualities of the
Buddha, Sri Lanka Journal of Buddhist Studies, The Buddlrist and P%Ii
University of Sri Lanka, Vol.N, 1994, pp.151-161). The present section is
a more comprehensive and improved one on the same topic.
260 See Har Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit Literature, p.23.
261 See Mochizuki Buddhist DjcEionary, Vol.IlI, 6th print, Tokyo, 1968,
pp.2361 ff
262 SeeH a j i e Nakamura,Indo to Girisha tona Shisa Koryu flnterchange
of fioughts between India and Greece),pp.81-87.
263 Har Dayal, op.cr'r,p.23.

264 See also S.Mori,Pgli Bukkyo ChusfiakvBunkenno K d y u (A Study
of the Pili C m e n t d e s ) , pp.86-88
2
265 Kogen Mizlmo, Ke-
no Kaiko (3?mspectionofResearches),p.286
266 published in Poona,India, 1937
NOTES TO CHAPTER I1
267 P.V.Bapat, op.cit., p.1v

268 Quoted by Kogen Mizuno in his book review on P.V.Bapat's said
work in The IoumalofBuddhirt Studies, Vo1.m. No.2, Tokyo, 1939,p. 115.
See also G.P.Nalalasekera, Z l e Pi3i Literature of Ceylon, f i t published in
Colombo, 1928, ~leprint,1958, p.86
Bukkyo Chushalnr Bunken no Kenkyu (A Study of the

269 S.Mori,
pi8 Commentaries),pp.458-66 (especially p.460)
270 See T.W.Rhys Davids, n e Questions of King Mihda, part II. SBE,
Vol. XXXVI, pp.133-135
271 See B h i u fi~amoli.271ePsi% of Purification, p.318
272 The autharship of ItA, VVA and CpA is ascribed to Dhammaph who
lived much later than Buddhaghosa. Some scholars believe that bis Iiterary
activity was as late as in the sixth or seventh century A.D. (See Aloysious
Pieris, The Colophon of the Paramatthman'jtisii and the Discussion on the
Date of ~ c a r i y D
a h m m p & ~ ,MWG, 1978, p.74; K.R.Norman, PL,p.137.
See for a summary of the history of researches on Dhamrnapila, S.Mori,
PSli Bukkyo Chushaku Bunkea no Kenkyu {A Study of the Pili
Commentaries),pp.530-539. Another important factor which points to a
likelihood of Dhammapdila being influenced by Buddhist Sanskrit Literature
is that his works, though he followed the Mahgvih%atradition when writing
his commentaries,are believed ta have been written in South India, and not
in Sri Lanka. [See SM&, W BLlkkyo Chushaku Bunken no Kenkyu (A
Study of the PBIi Commenmes), p.5351
273 See Franklin Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Saaskrif Grammar and Dietionarq:Vol.11,p. 108
274 See Kasho Kawmura, Ubuna Buddha-ron me Theory ofBuddha in
&heSarv#stiv$da School),pp.301 ff; MochmkiBuddhistDictiunary,p.235 1;
Encyclopaedia ofBuddhism, Vol.II, Fascicle 3,CoIornbo, p.450; etc.
275 See the chart at the ead of this section.

276 See Shinkan Murakami and Shidcai Oikawa, Hotoke no Kotoba-chu
m
e Commentm'es an the Buddha's Words Paramatthajotika'),Vol.lI,
pp.222-223. Sanskrit ~enderingsof the Chinese words are taken from
M01:hiztlk.iBuddhist Dictionary, p.2362
NOTES TO CHAPTER I1
277 V.P.Bapat renders it this way. However, orher Pdi and Sinhala sources
use the term 'avygvata-mmd. See the chart at the end ofthis section.
278 See Shhkan Murakami and Slsinkai Oikawa, up.cit.,pp.222-223
279 Mochizuki Buddhist Dictionary, p.2363

280 The identical phrases are found in the JiniilahkEra-vtqanii,p.21
282 D iii 275
283 Cf- also ILA i 124; UdA 135-136; DhpA ii 8; etc.

284 Nd i 178,ii 357; Pp ii 195. See also Netti 17; NdA i 268; etc.
285 Cf. S v 75; etc.
286 DAT iii 256
287 See S.Mori, Fdi Bukkyo Chnshaku Bunken no K e w u (A Study af

the P a Commentan'es),pp.597 ff.
288 See S.Mori, fili Bukkyo Chvshaku Bunken no Kenkyu (A Study of

the P;Tli Comentan'es), pp.602-604 where he discusses one example in
which ~uddhaghosahas taken a view of the AbhayagirivBins to supplement the view of his own schoot.
289 DAT iii 257
292 See S.Mori, Piili Bukkyo Chushaku Bunken no Kenkyu (A Study of

the Piili Commentmks),p.213; E.W.Adikaram, Early History of Boddbism
in Ceylon, pp.13 f; etc.
293 S.Mori, Piili Bufiyo Chushaku Bunken no Kenk-yu (A Study of the
Fdi Commenm'es),p.280; S.Mori,tr. by TEndo, me Origin aad theHistory

oftheBh@&a Tradition,Ananda. Essays in Honour of Ananda WP.Guruge,
Colombo, 1990, p.127; ew .
NOTES TO CHAPTER II
295 Lily de Silva, Dghaniksya-A!,fiakathSIIka' Lfnatthav~ang,Vol.1,
m,London, 1968-197 1, p . h x i ; Aloysious Pieris, op.ci2, p.78; etc,
296 See S.Mori, Plli Bukkyo Chusbaku Buoken no Kenkyu (A Study of

the Pdi Commentaries), pp.96-97 Cf. Ibid., p.536
297 P.V Bapat in his study speaks of a P$i gantbi on the Visuddhimagga
which is supposed to contain lhe same list as that of Vim (P.V .Bapaf op.cit,
p.65. footnote 2). I could not lay hands on this ganthi for rechecking the
contents thereof. G.P.Malalasekeradoes not speak of this work in his P a
Literatw of Ceylon,nor does S.Jayawardhana refer to it in his Handbook
of P s i literature.K.Mizuno gives them quoted by Shinkan Murakami and
S h ' i a i Oikawa in their trmsIation of the Paramatthajotikii. But a perusal
of the list shows that the said Visuddhirnagga-ganthipadaspeaks of 'n'atthi
satiyg hai' in glace of 'n'attbi dhammadesaniiya hiini' and 'n'atthi
dhvedhayir;ittq' instead of 'n'atlhi vegayitaq' of DAT (S.Murrikami
and S.Oikawa, op-cit..pp.224-225,footnote 34). Our investigations reveal
that subsequent sources both in,Pai and in Sinbala follow DAT and even
the standard Sinhala glossary an the Visuddhimagga called the
Visuddhimirga Mahbannaya gives TI identical list as in DAT. The above
two items mentioned by Mizuno are included in the list of Vim, and
Dhammapda specifically refers to this kind of enumeration as that of 'keci'
(some) who are likely the Abhayagirivisins. Therefore it is rather surprising that the Visuddhimagga Ganthipadamentions a list of this nature, if it is
an ancient work with some degree of authority.
298 Also found at DAT iii 67is an identical list which is an explanation on
the term 'aghiiFasabuddhacfbama' appearing at DA iii 875.
299 See also Lily de Silva, DQhanikiya -Ar&akatha-@is hF.altbavap.@?&
pp.lix ff
--
300 JinW'ira-vqnanft, e d W.Deepankaraand B. Dhammapga, Bentota,

Ceylon, 1913. For the details of this text, see G.P.Malalasekera, me PHi
Literature of Ceylon, reprint, Colombo, 1958, pp.109 ff and Somapala
Jayawardhana, Handbook ufPili Literam, Colombo, 1994, p.33
301 See S.Mori, PHi B u w o .ChushakuBunken no Kenkyu (A Shdy of
the Pai Comenhries), p.334
303 F r d m Edgerton, Buddbist Hy brid SanskritGrammarand Dictionary,

Vol.11,p. 108
304 Franklin Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit t%munarandDictionary,

VoLII,p.108
CHAPTER III
1 Cf. Kyosho Hayashima, Buddbs-kan Tenkai no Kicho (The Basis of tbe
Developm~ntof the Cmcept of Buddha), Nippon Bukkyo Gakkai Nenpo
me Journal of the Nippon Buddhist Research Association) Vo1.53,Tokyo,
1988, pp. 1 ff.
5 Vism 21 1; VA i 124. Cf.KhpA 108: etc. See also Bhikkhu R@amoli,

The Path ofPurification.p.207; The Illustrar~rof Ulthace Meaning,p.118
7 E.g. MA ii 25; SA ii 43; AA v 10; UdA 403; NdA iii 55; FsA iii 625;
EVA 42; VibhA 397; etc.
8 KhpA 172
4 VibhA 397. Other sources such as SA, AA, UdA, etc. have satikha~an.
See above for references.
11Bhikkhu fi$amoli, The Dispeller ofDelusion, 11, p.214,Footnote 5
13 See Minoru Seki, Shakuson-karr no Ichi Danrnen (An Aspect of the

Concept of Buddha), Nippon Bukkyo Gakkai Nenpo, The Journal of the
Nippon Buddhist Research Association, Vol.50, 1985, p.49 f
15 Cf.Miln 285,; etc.
16 See e.g. V i m 211,234; VA i 43; DA i 40, iii 972; MA ii 167, iii 22; SA
iii 48; A A i 181; KhpA 108;DhpA ii dl, iii LO2; JA i 444, ItA i 10; UdA 87;
ThagA iii 46-47; CpA 332; VVA 315,323; BvA 45,87,247; etc. It seems
that among these sources, rhe thirty-twobodiiy marks, eighty minor marks
and the halo are o h n mentioned together, while other physical marks are
sometimes treated hdependeluly.
17 E.g.M ii 133; S i 89, 114,120; A i 163; etc.
18 Ven. B.Wimalaratana+Concept ofGreat Man (MahSpvrisa}, Singapore,
1994 (?).
19 B.g. Thig 333
20 See Hajime Nakamura, Gotama Buddha - Shakuson no Shogai (Gotama

Buddha- The Life of S&yamunfi, pp.513 & 523, fuotnote 39
21 Hajime Nakanlura, Gatma Buddha Shakuson no Shogai (Ootama

Buddha - The Life ofSSkyamun~),p.513
23 See c.g. DPPN, Vol.11, p.534, S.V. Mahispurisa, etc.
28 Dhp 352
29 DhpA iv 71. See for further references to mh-putisa in tlre NikSyiyas,

H.%qav&a, op.cir.,pp.182 ff; etc.
30 D iii 287. Cf,Aiv 229. See also Dialogues ofLheBuddha,paTtiii, pp.261262
31 Cf.B.Wimalaratana, op.cit.,p.19
32 Various authorities speak of different lists of bodily marks of Budclha ot
Bodhisattva. See Mochizuki Buddhist Dictionary, pp.1554 ff;

B.Wimalaratana, op.cit,pp.73 f; etc.
33 SA iii 154-155
34 AA iii 283. See a list showing the different meanings attached to those
qualities possessed by a cakkavatti king and a Buddha, B.Wimalaratma,
op.cit.,p.69
35 S i 33,55;D i 88; DhpA i 35;BvA 3; etc.
36 E.g. CpA 332
37 ItA i 13
38 DA iii 919
39 D iii 145
41 Minoru Seki writes that the causal relations between former good deeds
and their resultant marks may be considered as a Buddhist characteristic
which differentiates Buddhism from other religions. However. in the light
of Indian philosophy or religions in general, such a concept (adopted by the

Buddhists) is not so conspicuous in the fundamental way of thinking (of
Indian people). M.Seki, Shakuson-kan no Ichi Danmen (An Aspect of the
Gncept of Buddha), Nippon Bukkyo Gakkai Nenpo (The Journal af the
Nippon Buddhist Research Association). Vo1.50, 1985, p.56 .
43 DA i 248 = MA iii 363
44 Lm.ci$.(DA 1 248 = MA iii 363)

45 MA v 106. Cf.Vin ii 304. See also Kyvsho Haystshims Shoki Bukky0
to Shakai Seikatsu (Earfly Buddhism and Social Life), pp.269 ff.
46 DA i 249 = M A iii 364 = SnA u 448-449
NOTES TO CHAMER I I J
48 Ap i 156. The Apacha specifies the number eighty.
49 E.J.Thomas, TBe Hkloly of Buddhist Thought,p. 172

50 AHirakawa, Indo Bukkyo-shi. Vol.1 (A Hisfow of Indian Buddhism,
Vol.11, p.334; A.Hkakawa, tr.by Paul h n e r , A History of Indian Buddhism, p.263
52 Pre-comrnentnrial references to the tern asid-anuvyafijwa are found,

for instance, at Miln 75 where it is mentioned together with the thirty-two
bodily marks and a fathom long halo of the Buddha.
54 See I.B,Worner, me Clarifier af Sweet Meanings, p.352
56 See for the list in the Mahhastu, B.Wmalaratana, op.cir. Appendix II,
pp.193 ff
58 The Dharmapradipika [Dhmpdpj, ed. Badddegama Wimalavarnsa,

Gunasma & Co.,Colombo, 1967, pp.13 f
60 Miln 75
61 Various opinions have been expressed with regatd to the date of the
composition of the Apadha. Some believe that it belongs to a period three
or four centuries after the king Asoka. Some say that it is a b u t the first
century B.C. Yet others maintain that it is definitely beforc (he Ai?hakath$
l i t e m . See Egaku Mayeda, GenshiBukkyoSeitenno Seiritsu-shiKenkyu
(A History oftbt Fonnalion of On'giaal Buddhist Texts),pp.765-767.Cf.
Oliver Abeynayake, op-cit.especially pp. 108- 113
62 Taisho Vol.25 255 e. See Kosho Kawamura, Ubu no Buddha-ran (A

Study of the Concept of Buddha of ihe Sarvlistiviida School), p.201:
NOTE!3 TO CHAPTER III
Mochizuki Buddhist Dictionary, p.44213
64 Mtu ii 43
66 See B.WimaIaratana, op.cit., p.30. See also for a comparative analysis

of lists found in the Buddhist Sanskrit sources, F.Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Saoskn'f Orammar and Dictionary, Vo1.4 p.34.
68 JinalT 198. See the MiljndapaiTha-pkiI, FTS, p.17, Footnote 1
71 E.J.Thomas, The fife of Buddha as k g e n d andHistory, p.222

72 See Kosho Kawarnura, Ubu nu Buddha-mn (A Study of the Concept ol
Buddha of the Sarviktivgda School),p.201
73 DA i 249. Cf.Vism 301
75 See Ehcyclopedia of Buddhism, Vol.II, Faacicle 3, p.380
77 T.W. & C.A.F.Rhys Davids state with reference to the abwe anecdote
that it was the commencement of the legend which afterwards grew into an
account of an actual 'transfiguration' of theBuddha See Dialogues, part ii,
p.146, footnote 1.
78 Thig 333
82 See Encyclopedia ofBuddhism, Val-II, Fascicle 3, p.380
84 BvA 36. Cf. ibid., 171 (adicco viya), 204 (divasakam viya). The term
sa6assarru;nsiyois also used in the VimWavatthu [Mahiratha-vim-a v S]
to describe the beauty d a chariot.
85 E.g. DA iii 918,972; MA ii 167; SA iii 48; ItAi 10; JA i 89; VVA 213,
323; BvA 41,87; elc.
86 E.g.JA i 89;ApA 94; etc,
87 E.g. DA i 39,iii 860,972; M A iii 21; SA iii 47; JA i 444;DhpA ii 41, iii
102; ThagA iii 124; VVA323; etc.
88 Encyclopedia ofBuddhipm, Vol.II, Fascicle 3, p.381 S.V.A m .
89 See LB.Hamer, 7 h Clarifieroffhe Sweet Meaning, p.46

90 UdA 105;BvA 31; DhsA 13; etc.
91 SA iii 47
92 'Hattba' (hand) is said to be a unit of length between the elbow and the
fingertips. See B h i h u ~ ~ o lA Pa-En@'&
i ,
Glossary of Buddhist
Technical TermsI p. 141
93 The first appearance of this word [is. chabbea) in the Pai tradition
seems to be in the PaciambhidSmagga [@ i 1261 of the Khuddaka Niba
in connectionwith the Buddha's yamakap@?ra-fiilpa.However, the cmkxt
in which the reference to it is made is somewhat peculiar and problematic as
will be discussed later.
94 DhsA 13
95 See also PpA ii 404-405 where h e same passage occm up to this point.
But rnahjeFfisand pabhassm are more detailed in @A than here as wiil be
shown later.
NOTES TO CHAPTER N
98 Cf.D i 115
102 Loc.cit.: 'na sakalanilanetto, nilayuttafgb8ne pan' assa

ummiipuppbasadiscna arivisuddhena ni7ayqqena samann8gami nett^
hoati.'
105 How far faithful the PZli AjJhakathBtexts are ~their

II tmslations, rearrangements, etc., to their respective SZhala Atmakathiis, is the matter that
bas to be investigated carefully. &~wever.evidence points to the likelihood
that the T i Commentators used varied amount of discretion to re-arrange
the base sources and even to introduce views of other schools or individuals
where and when necessary. See also So& Mori, Pi% B m y o Chushakubunken oo K e e u (A Study of& P.%lj Co~nmentan'ie},
pp.469 ff.
109 DhsA 14
1 10 DhsA I5
1 I4 See Paravahera VajiraZiqt, Buddhist Meditation in Theory and Rwrice, Colombo, 1962, p.139
115 I.B.Horner, ?%e Clarifierof tbe Sweet Meanhg, pp.4647. ?%e orignd Psi passage reads as follow: . . r d s u pans dvtiys duu'yi rami
'.
pmm@a purimsya yamaka nya ekd&b?7e pavattati, dvM ca citriinay

ekakkhqe pavafti nima n ' aIthi. Buddh&+~ pana bhavarigapananvDassa
lahukatfiya paijcah' i i k k h i cinnavasjtBya erg rasnuyo e k a k k h ~ eviya
pavattanti. TassCpana ra~miy~a~ajianaparikammadlii~~i
vispq yeva.'
p v A 31 = DA i 571
116 DhpA iii 214-215
1 17EVA8 also refers to the fact that h e BuddhadisplayedthTwin Miracle

on the eighth day after his Enlightenment in order to clear the doubt of
devalas.
119 DA iii 899;MA iv 117;VibhA 433; etc.

120 E.g. DhpA i 22, iii 102; VVA323; etc.
121 DhpA ii 41
122 BvA 143
123 BvA 143. See also BvA 297;SnA ii 408; CpA 97

124 SnA ii 408. See aIso BvA 297
125 Lot-cjt.
126 BvA 297
129 Miln 157; BvA 298; VA i 179. Lisb appearing at these places are a
little different from each other in their contents. The Chinese version of the
SimantapasZdii gives a different list compared with VA i 179. See,
P.V.Bapat in collaboration with A.Hirakawa, Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha,
Poona, 1970, pp.130-131
131 ApA 112
132 SnA i 140-141
NOTES TO CHAPTER
133 VvA 323
134 JA i 89 = ApA 94
135 D iii 149
136BvIv9
138 Vism 21 1
142 See Sodo Mori. Pdi Bukkyo Chushaku-bunkenno Kenkyu (A Study of

the P a Commentaries),pp.264 ff for the origin of PmSnii.
143 See Chapter I for a discussion on the notion of deviitideva
149 BvA 32
150 The Sinhalaeditionof the Sumahgalavilbini[DA ii 674 (SHB)] begins
the passage as follows: 'Sata-pun'da-1akkha!1rnti satena satena pufifiakammena nibbattay ekekaq lakkhyaip. ...' The rest we the same.
151 The Buimese edition (Chams-migayana) ads ' p a - W f t a p '(rejected)
instead of ' p e t - '
(inserted). See LB.Homer, fie ClderdtheSweet
Meaning, p.49 Footnote 2.
152 A iv 241
153 DAT iii 139
154 DAT iii 1 39
156 Sodo Mori, Pa!'Bukkyo Chudaku-bunkea no Kenkyu (A Study of the

Pdi Commentaries), p.4460
157 DAT iii 139
158 See C-E-Godakumbura,Sinhalese Literature, Colombo, 1955, p.31
160 Visuddhimgaya Mahaanne, ed. Bentara Saddhatissa, Ralutara, Sri

Lanka, 1949 fB.E.2493),Vol. I, p.509
163 See for a detailed study on views attributed to 'some' (keci, etc.), Sodo
Mori, P3fi Bukkyo Chushaku-bunken no Kenkyu (A Study of the PHi
?J
Commentaries),pp.111 ff & 561 ff
164 See for the canonical development of buddhap~tia,Encyc10pedia of

Buddhism, Vol.IU, Fascicle 3, pp.430 ff, S.V. Buddhapida
165 See B.Wimalaratana, apeit,,pp.75 ff
166 PED renders this phrase as 'having net-like hands and feet', s.v.
Jalahatthapgda
168 AA iii 76
NOTES TO CHAPTERS
m-IV
I72 DhpA iii 194-195

173 SnA ii 543 gives the word padanikkhepa for the Buddha's footprinl
while other sources give padacetiya or padavalaija.

174 AA iii 77-78
175 See Encyclopedia ofBuddhism, VotIII, Fascicle 3, p.451. The original passage at AA iii 77 ff reads as follows: 'Budihiinq hi sukhwacchavitsya akkhantatjhihaq tiilapicuni patitibita[fl#nag viya hoti.
pada valafijo na paiiiiziyati; yathai ca bala vat0 viitajavasindhavassa
padurnhipatre pi akkantamattq eva hoti, e r e rnahgbalatilya Tamatem
akkanta!#Znam akkantamattay eva hoti, tattha padavalafjo na @iiiiyati;
buddba~ca a n ~ a d a mah@anakaiogacchati
y
Tassa safthupadav&jarfl
disvB madditum avisahantassa gamanavicchedo bhaveyya, rasmii
;Ikkantakkanrac$iine yo pi padavalaiijo bhaveyya so antiwadh~yateva '
176 See for detailed references to the relevant commentaria1 explanations,

B.Wmalaratana, op.cit,pp.77 ff.
177 See Encyclopedia of Buddhism,Vol.m, Fascicle 3, p.452
180 MA iii 375. See for the lists. H-fi-v~a, op-cit,p. 189 Footnote 4
and Encyclopedia of Buddhism.Vol.III, Fascicle 3, pp.451-452. The latter
reference counts the number of items to be nearly forty, while the for me^
says that the number is thirty-two. This discrepancy in the number seems to
be due to the fact that the list in DA includes 'ahkusala' and 'setuppala'
which are nor f w d in the list of MA and some items are either callectiveIy
or separately counted. ~ e n . ~ . f i E g a v bbases
a his argument only on MA
while the Encyclopedia of Buddhism quotes only DA.
1 The term Nsvaguua is used hen: for convenience. It does not seem to
occur in the P&liCanon nor in the AtthakathL It is mentioned in a Sinhala
NOTES TO c!HAFER IV
work called the AmSvatura, one of the oldest texls in Sinbala ascribed to the
authorship of Gw!ugomi who lived in the twelfh century A.D. (See
Piyaseeli Wijemanne, Am;Svatltra: A Syntactical Study, Colombo, 1984,
p.3) This shows that the origin of the tern N a v w a c a n go back at least to
the twelfth century A.D. See M v a t u r a , ed. Kodagoda Nwaloka, 1967,
p.1.
2 E.g., D i 49, iii 76; M i 267; A i 168; Sn 103, 132; etc. In the Northem
Buddhism, the ten titles or appellations are usually grouped into a set and
s e called the Ten Titles of the Buddha. A marked difference between the
PBi tradition and that of the Nozhern Buddhism is that the latter includes
'tath2gataYin the l i t , while h e former does not.
3 There is an excellent work on the concept of &mt in Buddhism. See

I.B.Horner, The Early Buddhisr T b e q ofMan Perfected Oriental Books
Reprint Corporation, New D e b , 1979,328 pp.
4 'Asavas* are defined at DhsA 48 as 'iSsavagocchakeLavantf ti isava'

(Pavas are things which flow.) It is also explained that Ssisavas are those
which beget mrffering of sqsiimfor a long time (fiyatq vB squ@adukkharp
savilnti pasavantj ti Zsisava) [DhsA 481, See dso DhsA 369-372 for a
classification of tavas.
5 PED, S.V. Arahant
6 I.B.Horner, The Early Buddhist Theory d M m Perfected,p.154
7.There is a comprehensive study of the contents and their intqreratians

found in theKahavatthu. See S.N.Dube,Cruss CurrentsinEarly Buddhism,
Manohar, Delhi, 1980, pp.xui + 375
8 Even canonical texts mention that there mIess arahants than before. e.g.
Sii224
10 See I.B.Horner, The Early Buddhist Thco~y

of Man Perfected, specially
pp.183 ff
11 Miln 3 1: 'Kin ti rnahaya i d q dukkbaq~nimjeyya maica dukkhaq~

na uppajjeyyati etadaatthl maharlija amhiikam pabbajjs, anuplid#
~ ~ m ' b b & -kho
q ~ pma amhiikaq paramattha fi'. See T.W.Rhys Davids,
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV
me Questions ofKing Milinda, p.49
12 Miln 32
13 Vism 425 also refers to lay sor@wma (gihisotapma)
14 Miln 162-If54
17 Miln 149
19 Cf. Dhp 114,374, etc. DhpA iv 110 supplements the word amamp a!
Dhp 374 to read amatamahiinibbtinq.
21 Miln 207
22 Miln 266
23 Miln 267
24 Kv 11 2. See also S.N.Dube, op.cit,p.101
25 See T.Endo, Some Signifcant Epithets and Qualities of lhe Buddha as
Found in the Milindapaiiha, Ananda, Essays in Honor of Dr.Ananda
W.P.Guruge, ed. Y.Kannadasa,Colombo, 1990,pp.160-171
26 Cf.Miln 266
27 K.Hayashima, Shoki Bukkyo to Shakai Seikatsu (Early Buddhism and
Social Life), p.615
28 I.B.Homer, The Early Buddhist Theoy of Man Perfeered,p.182
29 Vism 198. Similar passages are atso fonnd at VA i 112-115 (theentire

explanations are almost identical with those in Visrn except that VA does
not mention the verses on pp.198 and 201 of Vism); DA i 146;'MA i 52, ii
328;AA i 112, ii 286-287; SnA 441; ItA i 12; UdA 84,267 (Here the word
ari is not used, but Mesas are said to be destroyed); NdA i 184-185;
PlsA
NOTES TO CHAPTER TV
213-215; VVA 105-106 PvA 7;etc. (these are brief in explana~ionand
some refer to Vism for details)
30 B h i u fi@amoli, Tbe Path of Pulificatim,p. 192

31 Vism 198
32 Bhikkhu R+.tnoli, The Palh offification, p.192
33 Vism 198
36 Vism 20 1
38 Vism 201. The W e s e Vimuttimagga enumerates ody three definitions of the word arahan. They cmspond to Nos. {4), (2) and (3) of Vism
in descending order. Here again kilesas as enemies are prominerlt. but the
fact that 'worthy of gifts' is placed first. may suggest that the Chinese
Vimuttimagga tries to maintain and give importance to the aspect of
'worthiness of gifts' of arahantship, which seems to be more of original
sense than the rest. See N.RJA.Ehara, Soma Thera and Kherninda Thera,
The Pafh of Fteedom, BPS,Kandy , 1977, p. 141. A Chinese translation of
the Samantap~gdiki(CSmp), on the other hand, gives the following: He is
called 'A-lo-han'(afahan)because, 1. the Tathagata breaks down the spokes
of the wheel of the three Dhatus; 2. the Tathiigata has killed the thief of
defiIemats. Also 'A-Iokeans all evil Karma; 3. 'Nan'means to stay fat
away from the wheel of the three DMtuq 4. he deserves [special] offerings;
and 5. 'Raha' meam something to hide, 'A' means 'not'. That is to say:
nothing to hide. (See P.V.Bapat, t ~ .in collaborationwithA.Hdawa, ShanChien-P'i-P'o-Sha[A Chinese version of the Samantapb%diU],Poona,
1970, pp.80-84. Here we notice that the spoke of wheel is given a prominent
place in the interpretation of arahant. The Pidi VA, as seen elsewhere, is
almost identical with V i m in this instance.
39 MA i 42. See also MA ii 44; SnA 470; ItA i 165; DhsA 349; etc.
40 MA ii 8; AA v 84. See also MA ii 198
NOTES TO CHAPTER lV
41 M A iii 13
42 SA i 138. Cf. DhpA iv 228
I
43 PvA7. See idso AA ii 3

44 SA iii 88. Cf. SA ii 20
45 IB.Homer, The k l y Buddhist l71eoryof Man Perfected, p. l SO
46 1.B.Horner. The Early Buddhist Theory of Man Perfected, p. 18 I
49
ii, S.V. the Vimokkha-kathZi
50 Vism 658, etc. See also DhpA ii 172 where three types of vimokkha are
enumerated.
51 KhpA 178,183
52 Vism uses the word suddhavipassaka(pure insight worker) instead. See

for further discussions on these two terms, Bhikkhu fiipiunoli, TheIllush-ator
of Ultimate Meaning, PTS, 1978, pp. 192 f, footnote 25
53 See S i 4; Sn 177,556, 559- 560,596-597,992,993 Thag 287,354,
513,907,912,1046,1239,1253; Thig 135,144,154,309; Dhp 181; etc.
54 See S i 140: etc.
55 See H-Nakamum, Gotama Buddha IT, Early Buddhism 11, p.479
57 Nyanatilrrka says that the closest aIIusioa to the t h e e kinds of attainment in the cmonical texts is found in the Nidhikkqh sutta d the
Khuddakapaiha. See Buddhist Dictionsry, p.34.
60 Pug 73
"
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV
61 For a historical devebpment of the concept of Omniscience in Buddhism, see Tilak Kariyawasam, The Development of the Concept of
Omniscience in Buddhism, Ananda, Essays in honour of Dr.Ananda
W.P.Gunrge, d Y .Kmadasa. Colombo, 1990, pp.223 ff
62 Vism 201. Other A#akathl texts that follow the Visuddhimagga are,
VA i 115-1 16; P A 215; M A ii 8; AA v 84; ItA i 134; VVA212; etc. The
following sources directly refer to the Visuddhimagga for details: MA i 52;
AA i 112, iii 72; UdA 84.268; etc.
63 Vism 20 1: 'tath8 hi esa sabbadhamme s ~ m b u d d h oamiTeyye
,
dhamme abhir?ieyya& bucddbqpanXiIeyye dhammepa%&yyato, p&M&
dhnmepahStabbato, sacchIk&labbedhamme sacc~-tabbato,bhhvetabk
dharnme bfivetabbato.' See Bhikkhu fi@moli, The Path ofPurification,
p.196
64 SA ii 197. SA ii 20-21 states: ' s ~ a r n b u d d h a s tis ~sammii nayena

beimd s&na@ paccatta-pun'sSk&ena catlifi sacc&u*Buddhassa.' See also
h4.A ii 189
66 Cf. S v 433 (Sammiisambuddhas

u
m
68 DhamrnapSla specifically refers to the Visuddknagga for detailed explanations at UdA 85,268.
70 See N.R.M.Ehara,SomaThem and Keminda Thera, ThePatb of k e d o m

(Viuttimagga), BPS,Kandy. 1977. p. 141. CSmp [84-853 also follows a
similar explanation as Vism.
71 See S i 153,167 ii 284; D i 99; iii 97,98,196 f; M i358; A iv 238; etc.

In all these instances,the term occurs in gi4tbiis.
73 See E/Hayarhima. Shoki Blrlrkyo to Shakai Seikmo (EarlyBuddhism

and Social Lr'fe),p.4 14
NOTES TO CHAPTER lV
75Di 100
76Vism 202;VA i 116. See also EVA 14. Cf-alsoM A iii 33; SA i 219.247;
ItA ii 84; etc. In some places onIy three kinds of 'vijja" along with fifteen
types of '-a'
are referred to; see AA iv 125. The Chinese Vimuttimagga speaks of only three kinds of knowledge, see N.R.M.Ehara,
Soma Thera
and Kherninda Thera, 7Ee Path ofFreedom (Virnuttimagga),pp.141 f. CSmp
[85] mentions three & eight kinds of knowledge, and a classifiiation of
'carapa' too is very similar to that d Vism.
77 Vism 203;VA i 116
80 See Ii-Nakamura, Gotama Buddha - Shakuson no Shogai (Golama

Buddha TIre Litk afS&yamlroi), p508
81 See H.Nakamura, Gotama Buddha

Buddha Thefife of Siikyamruu),p.508
- Shakuson no Shogai (Gotama
82 See Mrs. Rhys Davids. A Manual of Buddhism, p.116;H.Nakamura,

Gotama Buddha - Sbakuson no Sbogai {Gotama Buddha - The Life of
Siikyamun~,p.508; etc.
83 Vism 203; VA i 116. See Bh-~kkhuReamoli, The Palh ofPurification,

p. 198. Cf. also CSmp 85-86 where similar explanations are given.
84 MA iii 440
85 SA ii 197.
Cf.SnA ii 470
88 Cf. SnA ii 442
89 Cf.SnA i 43
91 See Vism 203; VA i 117
NOTES TO CHAPTER N
92 Vism 204-2207
94 Three kinds of worlds ax also enumerated at D A i 173; AA i 97; ItA
8 1-82; etc.
95 See N.R.M.Ehara,SomaThera and Kerninda Thera, me Path ofFredom
(Vumittimagga). p.143. See also P.V.Bapat, Vimuttimagga and
Visuddhimagga:A Comparative Study, p.63. Cf. CSmp 86-89 w h m similar explanations are given as in Vism.
96 See, for instance. Mochurrki Btrddhist Dictionary, pp.2242 f. Some

MahSyfinatexts, however, do consider 'anu~-pun-as-chi'
as one
combined title. See e.g. the Mahapjfiap&mitZ-9Stra, chapters 21 & 24;
etc. Thecommentary or glossaq on the MahZparinirvZna-siim (Mahaygna
text), chapter 18 mentions that the Satyasiddhi-SBtra and Agamas combine
anurrara and purisadar~masZrathias one title. See Mocbizuki Buddhist
Dictionary, p.2243.
97 Vism 208; VA i 120-121
-"
98 See N.R.M.Ehara, Soma Thera and Kheminda Thera, be Path of

Freedom (Vimuttimagga), p. 1 43.
99 Vism 207; VA i 120.'Attangpanag@& vis&hafarassa kassaci abhdmto
natfhi emsa uf&m ti mrrl&m. Tam h' esa silagupena pi sabbaql l o w
abltibhawti, samlidhi-parTia-vimutd-vimuttin"~adassanagunena
pi'. See
also MA iv 154 (Amttaran ti trtlaravimhitap sabbase!$q), i 41, ii 69
(Anuttarasd ti s e ~ ~ b s aSA
) ; i 52 (Anuifara ti sabba-sq$a asadisP 01, iii
122; DhpA i 423 (huttaro asadiso appatibheo 01; SnA ii 443 (Atrano
pana gugehi visiIfiatarassakassacr'abMvB anutltm); VVA 164 (Anuttaroti
segho). KhpA 193 qualifies 'gup' with ' l a k u ~in' the followingpassage:
'lokutmgunehi adhikxsa kassaci abhivato ann&uw.'; etc. Cf. CSmp 8990 where ideas expressed are similar to those in Vism.
100 The phrase 'sassata-vlide anu#wo7 here appears to pose a serious
problem for interpretation at first sight. But the Buddha is said to be an
excellent exponent of the doctrine of eternalism in the Sampasiidaniya sutta
of the Digha Nikilya [D iii 108 ffJ. According to the texl, the dochine of
eternalism includesthree kinds which are discussed in the BTatunajiila sutta.
The SumaigalaviILinialso refers this to the Brahmajitla sutta [DA iii 8941.
NOTES TO MAPTER IV
A strange thing, however, is that the Buddha is not considered as ar
incomparable exponent of the doctrine of uccheda-vgda.Both views usualll
find mention together:
101 D A iii 875
102 D iii 108 ff
103 Vism 207; VA i 120

104 SnA i 151
105 SnA ii 443
106 Amavatura, ed. ~odagodaRiploka, Colombo, 1967, pp.lxviii + 494
307 Nd i 446
108 Vism 208; VA i 121
104 Vism 208; VA i 121

110 SnA ii443-444
111 Vism208; VAi 121
112 See also Vibh 422; KhpA 123; VVA30,25 (only two); VibhA 518;
etc., for a similar classificationof devas.
113 See Vin ii I94 ff; J v 333 ff; etc.
114 See VVA216 ff. CSmp 90-91 gives this story to illustrate the point and
quotes stanzas from the V'Mnavatthu [v 6491. This is not found in Vism.
115 See DhpA iv 46 in which is mentionedthat acertain hen listened tothe
voice of a monk preaching and subsequently was In>m as pihess Ubbari
116 See DhpA iii 223 where it is said that there lived little bats in a cave
and they overheard two monks reciting the Abbidhamrna. By virtue of this
merit, they were lam bornin heaven.
117 N.R.M.Ehara, Soma Thera and Kheminda. The Path of Feedom

(Vimuttimagga), p. 144
NOTES TO CfIAPTER TV
119 Cf:SnA ii 444
120 Vism 209; VA i 122
121 Ndii 457
122Pfsi 174
123 ApA 100
224 See S.Mori, Pdi Bukkyo Chlrshaku-bunkenno Kenkyu (A Smdy of the

Pgli Commentmes), p.554 ff.
125 See S.Mori,Pdi Bukkyo &shah-bunken no Kenkyu (A Study of the
Rli Comrnenraries),pp.549 ff & 557
126 Cf. B h ' i u ~~inamcsli,

The Illustrator of UltimateMeaning, p.8
128 Vism 209; VA i 122. Cf.also KhpA LO6
129 Nd i 143
130 pls i 174
131 Nd i 142
132 See Bhikkhu Ihpmoli, The P&
ibid.,p.777,footnote 25.
ofPunEcation,pp.205-208.Also see
133 Vism 211; VA i 124. Cf.KbpA 108

134 Bhikkbu Q@moli, The Path ofpurification, pp.207-208
135 Vism 211; VA i 124. Cf.KhpA 109

136 CSmp 92-94
137 Nd i 143,212
138 CSmp 93
139 CSmp 94
140 ItA i 5-6; UdA 23-24
NOTES TO rnAPTER
141The content of what follows in Ibe detailed explanations suggests that it

should read 'bhatavgti bhagava' instead of 'bhiigavativa bhaga*. See ZtA
i 8. SHE edition
5 J also has 'bhatav8 ti bhagavs,'
243 E.g., UdA 335-336; CpA 6-7;etc.
145 ItA i 8
146 PTS edition of ItA 8 gives this number. But it must be 'cafuvJsati-kutisata-sahassa' (twenty-four hundred thousand koti~)as mentioned in SHB
edition (p.6) The version of SHB edition is supparted by the fact that the
Buddha's swapatti elsewhere [e.g. ItA (Fl'S) 71 is said to be 'catrrvisatikoti-=fa-sahassa'
148 ItA i 9: ' VinABato paoa padesmja-issmya-cakkavatri-sammdevarajja-sampafti-8di vasena jhaa-vimokkha-samidhi-samapatti5 B ~ a d a s s a n a - m a g g ab- h 5 v a n a ' - p h a fa s a c c h i k i r i y L d i
uttatimanussadhammavas~a
ca meka-&re anan'fia-sadb;Sr;~lte
bhage vani
bhaji sevi.'
149 See FED, s.v. Bhattavant
150 IlA i 10: 'Ye tma oviidepati$i@ a v e c ~ a p p ~ d e smanniigabhonei,
na
kenaci asaqhwyif tesatp sarnbhatzi smayena VSbrifhmyena vii devma vi
mlirena vfi brahrnw- vB,Tat& fri te a m ojivita-paric-e pi tattbapasa'dg
aa paricc~jautitassa vfi
dgh-bhatti-h-vato.'
151 ItAi 11
152 TtA i 12: 'AthavS bh&e vami ti sabh pi kusaliikusde dvajjinavaje
hinappanite kanha-sukka-sappap'bbiige ca dhamme ariyamagga@Ia??I~khenA vami uggiri anapekkhopim'c~jipajaiii paresan" ca rathatW
d14ammarp deseti.'
NOTES TO CHAPTER V
1 See H-Nagasaki, Tahgaata-ka(Tbe Meaning of Tnthaata), p.25

2 Sn 455486. This sutta is otherwise called the fim!ba sum.
3 CfSn 494 where these are repeated. See also H.Nakamura, Buddha no
Koroba (Worbsof the Buddha) (tr. of the Suttanipgta), footnote p.343 for
verse 469. Nakamura says that &ese passions me in a p m e n t with those
of Jainism and are anterior to the time of a sptematization in
Buddhism
5 However, H.Saddhatissa takes this word as a title of fithe Buddha, not as

being adjectival to the words, Buddha, Dhamma and Sahgha. See
H-Saddhatissa, 7&e SottmipiTta. p.25
6 See e.g., H.OIdenberg, Buddha 9.312.He translates it as 'dm Vdlendek'.
The English translatian of same by W.Hoey adopts the ward 'PerfectOne',

pp.126,278 ff,etc. Bhikhhu fi-Tupmoli, 23eLife of& Buddha, pp.183 ff,
302 ff, etc.
7 See KMizuno, Tath5gata [Nyursl1 no &i-yoho (Meanings and Uses of

lhe tnn 'Taa-gata '),IBK, Vo1.5-1, 1957, pp.46-48; K-Watanabe, kinakyo Bunken ni okem Tath@ata [I] flathilgata in the Jaina Sources ( 1)),
IBK. Vo1.27-2,1979, pp.172-173; H.Naga~aki,Tat&@ata-ko ( 7 h Meaning of Tathggata),pp.2549. H.Nakamurapoints out that the term trr&&ata
is employedin the ~ b ~ t a X I I , 1 4 6 . to
2 mean
6
'to have achieved superb
or wonderful state.' - H.Nakamma, Gotama Buddha Shakuson no Shogai
(Gotma Buddha The Life of Siikyammo,p.506. Also see H.RwvFisa,
opeit., pS5.
8 H-Nagasaki, TabZgata-ko(me MeaDing of TaEha'gata},pp.33-34. For
further discussionson tdh8gatain Jainisrn, seeK.Mizunci, Tatbeata [Npom.
no Igi-yoho meanings and Uses dTathBgaea'),JBK, Vol5- 1,1957, pp.4648; K.Watanabe, laina-kyo Bunken ~i o k a TathSigata [I] (Tatheah in
the Jaina S o u r n (I)), IBK, VoI.27-2, 1979, pp. 172-173; etc.
9 H.Nagasaki, Tamatti-ko (The Meaning of Ta&b@ata),pp.3843

10 H.Nagasaki, Ta-ata-ko
(The Meaning of Tathiigata),p,44
NOTES TO CHAPTER V
11Such instances where the term tathligata is meant what is otherwise called
arahant, are many in the canonical texts; e.g. S iii 109- 115; M i 331,230,
280,464,487; Thag 1205;etc. See also H.RZQtiIvba, op.cit,pp.54 ff. In
the context of the avy&ara questions, some scholars believe that the term is
used in the same sense as above. See, for instance, EJ-Thomas,lBe History
&Buddhist TZloughl, p.125 Footnote 1; etc.
13 DAi 118,iii915;MAii201,iii 141;SAii 201,311;AAiv33;DhsA
371;etc.
14 UdA 340; ek.SnA ii 389 interpreting 'satto' at Sn 435 also equates it
with 'atta'
For details, see S.Murakami & S.Uikztwa, op-cit.,Vol.IiI,
pp.68 ff, footnote 16.
16 Fw his literary activities. see SMori,Pdi Bllkkyo Chushaku-bunkenno

Kenkyu (A Study of the PSli Commentaries),ppS49-553
17 For historical relations between Buddhaghasa and Upasena, see S.Mori,
Pidi Bukkyo Chnshaku-blmnkmno Kenkyu (A Study of the PiSIi Cornmentmies), especially pp.552-553
18 See, for instance, Udagama Sumuigala & KXnami, The Use of the
word Tarheara, Honen Gakkai Ronso, No.6.1988,Japan, pp.23-33
19 Kenji Watanabe, San"jaya sem no tath5gata Saiko ( A Re-examination

of Saiijya's theory of Tamara),Journal of Taisho University Research
InstiMte, Vo1.4,1982, pp.63-7 1; quoted by H.Nagasaki, Tamgata-ko(The
Meaning of Tathiigata),p.45
20 Quoted by H.Nagasaki, Tathiigaara-ko(The Meaning of TathiQata), p.45
22 S iii 109 ff
23 NdA i 244: 'Hoti &thB@o tifidisu satto fath@atoaiima; sopamy marand

hotirigarihabpa@xma s a s ~ t a d i Na
~ ~hofitigatihtu
.
dutiya ucchedadighi.'
Cf. also DhsA 371; UdA 340; etc.
27 The English translation of the passage at MA ii 117 is by K.R.Norman,

Death and the Tathigata, p.776. The PSIi original reads as follows:
'Tab-gatassa ti eftha sathpi tathggato ti adhippeto, uuttamapuggalo
pi. Ananuvejo ti ~ S ~ M ~v i avindeyyo
~ & O v8. Tath8gato ti hisakte gahite
asaq?vi~arnZ.aoti attha vaflati; @@eve gahite avindeyyo d attbo
vat!ati ....Bhikkhave, aham dlL!he va dhamrne dhararni~nakaqyeva
kb@%avq, tarhfigato sampuggalo ti na p&-Zpemi; appatisisan&ar;npana
parinibbutay kh@%avar;n satto ti vii puggala ti va kip paGEpssami ?
hanuvejo hfhiigato. Na hiparamatthato satto niTtna kuci atthi.,..'
wave
28 M i 484; etc.
29 NdA i 243: 'Kecipana tatheato ti ararahii ti vadanti.' Also see NdA i

193: '(tath2gat.ati satto;)aaha ti eke.' This evidence goes certainly against
the view expressed by M.Manda who believes that the tathagah in the
a v y h t a formula and of Saiijaya means the same as 'enlightened or liberated
person' as tatbiigata in the general sense,and it also means such a liberated
person who is now living with his corporal body. See M.Manda, Zoku
Salfj~yaSetsu no Tathiigata-ku ( A Study of Safijaya's T a m a t a (continued)), Jomal of Indian and Buddhist Studies, IBK, Val.XL No.2 March,
1992, p.535 (or 19)
30 D i 188- I 89 (F'!ghaprSdaSutta): 'Nab 'etwPo!hapiTda altba-smphL!aq
na d h m a s a @ i t a y na ~ d j b r a h m a c m jna
, ~nibbidaya oa vkiigifya na
nirodlzaya aa upasamiiya na abh552ya na sambodh-ya na nibbiinaya
sapvattanti ti. TasmS fay mayti avyaatao ti.'
31 Vini9;Dii 142-3;Mi5,
171;Si220,iii65,iv 127,v257;Ai22,767, 110,ii 34, iii 242; Fp ii 194; etc.
32 See also H.Nakarnura, GDtama Buddba - Shakuson no Shogai (Goma

Buddha - The Life of S&yamuni), p.506
33 Vin i43; D ii 1 14, 150, iii 273;M i 171-2; Sn 1114; etc.
34 Cf. S i 140: 'Yem afire sambudciYi.!iye ca buddJ~iimiigafZ..':A i 21;
See also H.Nakamura, Gotazna Buddha Shakusm no Shogai(Gotama
Buddha - T h Life ofS&yamu), p.5 16.
etc.
35 See H.Nakamura, Gofama Buddha - Shakuson no Shagai { a h m a

Buddha - 7hc Lac ofS&yarnun~),pp.489,491. He says that the concept of
seven 'pi'had come down From the time of Rg-veda Buddhism inherited
this i&a
36 Thag 49049 1' ' Yen bva rnaggena gato Vipassiyen'eva maggena Siklrj
ca Vessabhii, Kakusandhakop@gamanoca Kassapo ten 'aijasena agmiis~
Gotamo. [490j Vitatadha anifdiinl satra bud&- khayogadhii, yeh'ayq
desito dbammo dbammabhiitehifsdihi. [49 11'
41 Mochizuki Bud&ist Dictionary, p.4141 b states that the Buddha fulfdled six pi%arni%according to the SumsuigalavilLini. However, it is yet
to be located in D k
42 D A i 60 and MA i 45 give the following five: atiga-pariccilga,nayma-,
&ma-, raja-, and putta&a-, while AA i 103 mentions aria-pariccSga,
&ma-, raja-, putra- and &xi-. EVA15 gives a yet another list as follows:
ariga-pariccgga, jivita-, dhana-, raja-, and puttad&-. The list at CpA 272
reads varadhana-paricc&a,pum-, &a-, ariga-, and raja-. UdA 128 gives
onIy the number and simply says, 'pajrca-mmpariqep~mjihBB..'Discrepancies in the order of items mentioned in the above sources suggest that
a systematic order is not important, but the items enumerated.
43 UdA 128 mentions the following sentence which the other sourcw lack:
a y q pi Bhagavi? @lo.'
It appears that
'eight qualitie' (am-guns) meant here are the eight conditions which are
requid for anyone to be a bodhisatta and subsequently attain Buddhahaod.
See e.g. JA i 14.
'...tena affha-pea-sam-gatena
45 See Vism 486; VibhA 82
NOTES TO CHAPTER V
\,
\ 47 DA i 65-66; MAi 49-50; AA i 108-109; U d . 130-131; BvA 16

48 DA i 66; M A i 50; AAi 109-1 10; UdA 131; EVA 17
50DAi67;MAi51; AAi 110-111; UdA 131-132; BvA 17

5 1 For literary activities of both. Upasena and MahZhWa, see S . M d , Piili
~ u k k y Chusfiaku-bunken
u
no Ke(A Study of thePBfiCommentaries),
pp.549-558
52 'Api ca tahaya gato ti pi tathi3gat0, fathapgato ti pi tathigato. Gato ti
avagato atfttopatto patipan00 ti attho. Tatthnsakala-low tirqa-parhliliiya
tathjiyagatoavagato ti tatheato, loka-samudaye pahiina-pa-sya tat&ya
gato atifo ti tathiigato, loka-nirodhaq sacchikiriyiya tafhdyagato patto ti
tatfiggato, laka-nixodha-gmini-pafipade tathaq gat0 palipanno ti
ralhiigato... I d q pi ca tawatassa tathigab-MEvadrpane mukbamattaxp
eva. Sabbiik-na pana talhagato va tarbIgatassa ra&iigata-bh8varp
vqqeyya.' DA i 67-68; MA i 5 1-52; AA i 1 11-112. This passage is also
found at ItA i 120-121, ii 186-187; m A 212-213; UdA 132-133; NdA i
183-184
53 See S.Mori, Paj B-r.~ Chushaku-bu&n no Kenkyu (A Srudy ofthe

Piili Commentaries),pp. 530-539.
54 Cf. JA i 14; etc.
55 Cf.above (A)-]. where onIy six previous Buddhas are referred to.
56 ItAi 121-122; UdA 133-134
57 I t . i 122-123; UdA 134-135

58 Cf. D iii 275; Netti 17
59 ItA i 123-132; UdA 135-148
60 ItA i 132-135; UdA 148-151
61 ItA i 135-136;UdA 151-152

621tAi 136; UdA 152
63 Corrected according to ItA i 136
NOTES TO CHAPTER
V-VI
64 ItA i 136; UdA 152
66 Quoted in Mmhizuki Buddhist Diciionary, p.4142
67 Taisho Vo1.26, p.20 ff The DasabhEmika-vibhea-SBWa is a work

translated into Chinese by Ktm&ajiva at the beginning of h e fifth century
A.D. See Buddhist Dictionary,H.Nakamura,Eitor-in-chief. Taipei, 1977,
p.130 f
CHAPTER VI
1 PED, S.V. Dharnmau
2 Walpola Rabula, Zen and r;he Tamkg of the BUD,p.88
3 Walpola Rahula, Zen and the Tamhg ofthe Bull, pp.88 ff

4 M iii 119 ff
5 Cf.JA i 48 ff where some more commonfeatures or general rules among

Bodhisattas are mentioned. Also see DPPN, Vo1.n. p.298
6 BvA 298
7 I.B.Homer, The CIanEer of the Sweet Meaning, pp.429-430

8 DA ii 479
9 DhpA iii 164. It is said tbat the Buddha was visiting his birth place
Kapilavatthu and dlected that all Buddhas of the past went from house to
house for alms, and he too followed the tradition. Tradition says that
Suddhodana was agitated over his son's act and told him that he put shame
ta his father. But tbe Buddharepliesthat he is merely keeping up the tradition
of his lineage (...attan0 kulavarpsq anuvattiim1].
10 D A ii 424; BvA 13 1: MA ii 166 where these four places are designated

as itcalacerjat@i4n&ti@lacesof unshakable monuments): etc.
11 Cf. Mih 157 whcre the four thigs are differently enumerated.
12 DA i 173; MA ii 200,AA i98; etc.
NOTES TO CHAPTER VI
13 DhpA iii 205. See ~ B DPPN
Q
VoLn. pp.296ff for further elucidations
of common features among all Buddbas.
15 See also Dialogues, Part II, pp.6-7
20 See E.W.Adikaram, Early Histay of Buddhism in Ceylon, pp.38 ff
22 Cf.the Buddhavamsa and its Commentary for the sections dealing with
the six previous Buddhas.
23 Cf. the Buddbavqsa and its Commentary for seclions dealing with the
s.ix previous Buddhsls.
24 BvA 13 1 also speaks of two divergences for Gotama Buddha only.

25 See T.W.Rhys Davids, The Questions ofKing Milinda, Part II,pp. 132133, Footnotes
1
26 ' P a W (striving) may be as a Buddha while (xx) 'padhiina' is as a

Bodhisatta. See I.B.Homer, 7he Clarifieroftbe SweetMeaning,pp.3
Footnote
3
27 Here tbe term u p a r w a suggests chief lay-supporters.
29 BvA 128-124: 'Yassa yadi B' eva jaranagaram na piti'na mitfi

pafiilgyeyya, immassa pana o ' eva JSta~agampna pita na mHB p&ayati,
devt, vii Sakko v , yakkha vS M2lro va' Bram viJ e s q &e ddeviinaq~pi
i d s q pafihm'yar;n aoacchari'yq timaixam%ins na sotabbq rnan'n'eyyq
tab abhisamayo na bhaveyya, asati abhisamayr: nitatthako buddhappfido
bhsveyua, m i y y W a q siisanq.'
NOTES TO CHAPTER W
CHAPTER VLI
1 See Sodo Mori, PdIi Bukkyo Cbushaku-bunken no Ke-u
the P5li Commentaries),especialIy p.460
(A Study of
2 See for a detailed study of the doctrine of Bodhiiatra anditsrelatedsubjects

in P&liBuddhism, T.Sugimoto, PBIi B U U ~ InIi miraren! Bosabu (Bodhisatta
as seen in the P
a Buddbist Canons),pp.97-120; Sanatb Nanayakkara, The
Bodhisattva Ideal, Buddhist Thaugbt aod Riiual, ed. David Kalpahana,
Paragon Hause, New Yo&, 1991, pp.57-68; etc.
b.
3 T.Sugimoto, Pai Butten ni miraren! Bosatsu (Bodhisaftaas see in tbe

P&!i Cmuns), pp.98-101
8 See for a detailed discussion on this concept of affha--,
vm
Chapter
9 See alio ~.fl@avBsa,op.dt., p. 150

10 Cf. M.Wintdtz, History of lndian Literature, Vol.lI, p. 158
13 Apart h m this issue discussed in the KaMvatthu,I have made refmces

M i s a r t a in the KaThilvatthu, T.Enh, The
Lkvelopment ofthe Concept ofBuddh in bbe P a C o m m e ~ ~ ethe
s , thesis
submitted to and approvedby the Postgraduate Institute of Pm and Buddhist
Studies, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka. for the degree of Doctor of
Philos~phy,1935, pp.331-338
Lo the other usages of the term
15 Cf. T.Sugimoto, Bosaau no Gogi (Various Memings of BodhisatWa
NOTES TO CHAPTER W
25 Cf. T.Sugimoto, Bosatsu no Gogi (Various Meanings of Bodhisartva
(Bodbisatta)), p. 280 (501) f
16 A detailed study regarding the Bodhisatta Ideal discussed in the

Kathsvatthu has k n carried out by S.N.Dube, Cross Cumnfs in Early
Buddhism,pp. 151-173
17 KvA 199-200 says that the proponent of this point quotes the Rtaka
(No.5 14), etc., to show that the Bodhisatta was born freely at his ownfreewill. However,this position in later Buddhist texts became rather ambiguous.
For example, the Buddha refers to a former birth as an animal at DhpA ili
212 as follows: '... ahetukathcchiinayoniympnibbatkdde...' (when I [the
Buddha in his previous biab] was born as an animal withoul any cause...).
The word 'ahehrka-' signifies that the Bodhisatta was born without any
cause that makes him born in that state. Because of this implication of the
word, Burlingame (BuddhistL-egends.Reprint by PTS, 1979, Part 3, p.45)
in fact translates the passage thus: 'In previous states of existence, also, in
which, solely through my own volition, I: was burn as an animd,...'This
passage may suggest that the Bodhisalta is indeed capable of choosing any
form of birth at his own will. If the above assumption were co~l-ect.it
would be difficult to say how far the TheravIdins maintained the position
that the Bodhisam could not be born into various states at his own will,
particularly in later works.
18 Sec Points of Conh-oversy,PTS, 1979,p.367, footnote 1 and me Debates
Commenw, ITS, 1969, p.244
20 See N.Dutt, Buddhist Sects in India, p.104
.-'
21 KY W r 4
22 See Points of Conkorce~~y.
$275 f
23 S.N.Dube also says: 'By calling one a Bodhisatt&the Theravsdins do

not attribute to him spiritual predestination for Buddhahood on any special
virtue unattainable by the SHvakas.' See Cross Cuf~ents
in Early Buddhism.
p.163. Some other scholars also point out that &me is no distinction in the
Southern TheravSida Buddhism between arahant and bodhisatta, see
T.Sugimoto, Bosatsu no Gogi (Various Meanings of Bodhisattva
[Bo&ihtta)), p.284 (497) & p.288 (4931, footnote 45
NOTES TOCHAPTER W
24 See Nathan Katz, Buddhist Images ofHuman Brfeca'on, pp.270-276
25 11 appears that Miln is the onIy PiUi source which enumerates five previous
teachers of the Buddha. It is interesting to note that the devata whose wor&
the Bodhisatta was agitated at is regarded as one of the five tekhm. See
T.W.RhysDavids. me QuestionsofKingMiIhda,part ii, SBE, Vol.XXXVI,
pp.45 f, footnote 4; I.B.Homer, Milinda 's Questions,VoLlT, p.39, footnote
4
26 Miln seems to be the only source in the Pdi tradition where the eight socalled investigations are mentioned in connection with thelife of the Buddha.
It is generally counted ns five, as in the case of JA i 48, for example. See
also T.W.RhysDavids, The Questions of King Milinda, SBE Vol.XXXV,
Part I, p.271 footnote 1
27 Miln 194
28 Miln 245
29 It is recorded at Ap i 301 that the Bodhisatta reviled and abused Kassapa
Buddha in his previous bbirt aud nd a result, Gotama Bodhisatla had to
practise austerities for six y e m .
30 Miln 285
32Miln 287
33 Miln 288
34 Miln 289
35 Miln 274 ff
37 Miln 276
38 K-Hayashimaalso says that the Bodhisatta-conceptis discussed (in the
Milin&paiiha) within the formational framework of the Buddha-concept.
See K.Hayasbima Shoki Bukkyo to Shakai Seikatsu (EarlyBuddhism and
Social Life), p.427
NOTES TO CHAPTER W
39 E.g. S v 423; etc.
41 E.g.,Vibh 244, 249; etc., and it is also found in the ACthakathS texts.
See Mrs.Rhys Davids, Preface to Lhe edition ofthe Vibhiga,ITS. pp.xivxvi far acomprehensive list ofreferences to the term hdhipakkhiyaalhamma
in the Piwas.
42 E.g. Netti 112; etc.

43 Bv II vs 121, 126,131; Cp 73 I vs 1; etc.
44 E.g. Sn 503; etc , See T,W.RhysDavids, Dialogues drhe Buddha, pm
1, pp.190 ff for a discussion on sambodhi,
45 VA i 139; M A i 54; SA ii 153; etc.
46 See for a detailed disfussion on the epithet sammif-sambuddha,Chapler
TV
47 Pe Maung Tin, The f i p s i t q PTS. 1976. p.294
48 The knowledge of four paths (cammaggaiI@a) as a meaning of bodhi
can be seen in the Mahiiniddesa [i 4561. References to catumaggm-Spa as
bodhi can also be found in AtlhakaWi texts such as at VA v 952; MA i 54,
iii 326; AA ii 19,95 ((heretogether with ~abbaiiiiutan'@;i),
iii 257; ek.
5 1BvA 145. See I.B.Hmer, The Cider of the Sweet Meaning,p.209
54 See VA i 139; M.A i 54; SA ii 153; AA ii 95; BvA 118; etc.
55 MA i 54; VA i 139; SA ii 154. SA ii 154 reads as follows: 'idhapma

3h;lgavatoatahattamagga gdhi'pto. '
NOTES TO CHAPTER VIT
57 See Sodo Mori, P@i Bukkyo Chtlshaku-bunken no Kenkp (A Study of

the Piili Comme~t~es),
pp. I16 & 654
58 CpA 18; UdA 27;etc
59 CpA 18
61 F i published in London in 1932. Repints in India in 1970, 1975,

1978, etc., pp.xix .t 392
62Har Dayal, op,ck,p.9
63 T.Sugimoto, Bosatsu no Oogj (VariousMemings of Bodhisattva

[Basat@),
pp.275-288 (506-493)
64See Bhikkhu fiqamoli, The L!lustratorof UltimateMeaning, p.223, etc.
65 The word fathzgata in this context appears Lo be out of place. It may
have been a deliberate attempt by later copyists of the text to use it. For
they would have seen the slructure of the following sentence '(Tath@aro)
.. agafo'in [he original. 'Agata' being one of tbe etym01ogicaI exgeses of
tahiigata, the copyists immediately conuected it to tathagata. Hence its
insertion there. SHB edition of AA [i 4531 also has tarhagata. There may
be yet another possible interpretation. That is, whenever Buddhaghosa
interprets the wmd tathiI'gata in the context of avySkata questions,he gives
h e meaning of 'sath' (see Chapter V, footnote 13) to it. Here the Satfa
implies a being who has not yet attained liberation from dukklla. If so, h e
tahagah in this context may mean simply 'a being' who tries to attain bodhi.
ETowever, the only hitch here is that the context is nothing to do with the
avyaata questions.
67 SnA ii 486
68 T.Sugimoto gives a classification of sixteen meanings d Bodhisaltva

that crrn be arrived at from various sources of both Northern and Southem
traditions. See T.Sugimolo, Bosatsu no &gi (Various IlIeaniogs of Bodhisattva (Bodhisalfa)).pp.275 (506)-288 (493)
69 See Has Dayd, op.cit., p.7; T.S~rgirnota,Bosatsu no Go@ (Various
NOTES TO CHAF'IER
Meanings of Bodhisattava (Bodhisam)),p.284 (497)

70 See ~ . ~ u ~ i r n oPUi
t o ,Buffenni m h m Bosatsu (Bodhisatta as seen io
ofBodhisattva
(Bodhisatfa)),p.284 (497)
the Pdli Canom), p. 102; Busmuno Gogi (VariousM
B*
7 1 For re'ferences to catumaggai@taas a meaning of bodhi, see VA v 952;

MA i 54, iii 326;AA ii 19.95, iii 257; etc.
72 For references to dal'tamag;g&@a as a meaning of bodhi, see VA i
139; MA i 54; SA ii 153;AA ii 95; EVA 118; etc.
73 See ag., ThagA i 9;Q A 17; etc. where ma&bodhisatta occurs obviously
to distinguish Buddhas-to-be from other bodhisattas. The word mWatta
is found, for example, at DA ii 428 (referringto Vipassi Buddha); SA ii 1 17
(Gotarna Buddha); AA i 144 (Gotama Buddha), ii 240 (Gotama Buddha);
DhpA iii 195 (Gotama Buddha); and at numerous places in CpA. ete.
74 It is wrongly observed in the EncycIopedia ofBuddhism moI.III,Fascicle 2, p.178, footnote 3, s.v. Bocllu] thus: 'It is noteworthy that the term
sivaka-bodbidoes not occur in Pili canonical and c o m m e n ~Litmature
l
though its Sanskrit equivalent s'r-iivaka-badhiis quite common in Buddhist
Sanskrit texts.'
78 See PED s.v. KalyZya
79 The same passage occurs at Vism 214.

80 a.
also m A iii 645 where siivakabodbi,paccekabodhi and abhisanibodhi
are referred to.
81 Vism 116
82 However, one may think that the word mahi?sambudbisatta can be parsed
as 'mahd + sambdhi + sam' (great + enlightenment + a being attached to)
as parsing it as 'malri + sam + bodhisatha is rather unusual. Then
mahiisambodhisaftameans 'a being attached to the great enlightenment+'In
the same way,'paccekabodhi+ satta' (a being attached to the unproclaimed
NOTES TO (XAFITR W
edightenment) and 'sa'vakabodbi+ safta' (a king attached to the anlightenmenr of disciples),although F'TS edilion of ThagA has paccelur-bodhisdta
and siivaka-bodhisatta.This particular method of hyphenation gives a
different shade of meaning. On the other hand, if the transcription in PTS
edition be accepted, mahasambodhisatta is to be parsed as ' m a h ~+
sambadhjsatta.' But yet the wword'sambodhisattaappears to be unusual and
in fact, as far as my investigations go, it cannot be found anywhere else in
the A r m t h i i literature,though I do not claim that my investigations are
comprehensive. As for the other two, because of the context in-which they
are used and referencesto them at other places [see below for references], it
is very likely that they are diffmnt types of bodhisattas pnefixd by ma&&
pacceka and Mvaka respectively.
83 ThagA i 9-12. 'SBaka-bodhisatta' and 'pacceh-bodhisattzr'are also
mentioned either together or independently at CpA 286.3 15,317; etc. The
word pacceka-bodbjsalta =curs at PfsA iii 645; SnA i 52,67,72; etc., as
well. The authorship of PpA is ascribed to M a h m a who is said ta have
lived during the fifth and sixth century AD. It is believed that PfsA was
written in 514 A.D. at Mahiivihwa. See S.Mori, P s i Bukkyo Chushakubunken no Kenkyu (A Study ofthe Piiii C o m m a ~ t ~ ep.557.
s),
84 See e.g., Fp ii 19; etc.
85 W.Rahula, History of Buddhism in Ceylon, p.96. Also cf,Nandasena

Muhyanse. MahayZna Monuments in Ceylon, pp.24 ff
88 See Nandaseoa Mudiyanse, op.cit.
90 References (e.gDA iii 870; AA iii 3 18; BvA 194; etc.)to it are countless
in the
texts.
91 His terminology when referring to Gotama Buddha or Buddhas in general
seems to be mahsatta or m&-bodhisarta [see CpA, etc.] as seen above.
The frequency of the use of the word rnahitsalta, which isv q oftenemployed
in Mahiiyma Buddhism to refer to the bodhisatta, may be further evidence
that D h m a @ a kept pace with the Buddhist Sanskrit badition+ It must
be admitted that Buddhaghasa along with the term sabbmIUIdu-bodhisattaalso
NOTES TO CHAPTERS VII-VIII

uses mahaatla at DA ii 428: SA ii 1 17; AA i 144, ii 240; etc.
94 AA iii 257
95 AA iii 318
98 VibhA 4 13
4 See e.g., D ii 1 ff (MdpadZina sutta); etc.
5 Thag 1240. The Commentary on this [ThagA iii 1951 gives two meanings as follows: 'Isinan isi sattarno ii savaka-pacc-uddha-ishe
uUamo
isi; Vipassi-sa~ambvddhatopa@iiya is*
va sattamako isi.' From
this, we understand that the phrase 'isisattamit' means; (1) the best sage
among disciples and paccekabuddhas and (2) the seventh sage in the lineage
of Buddhas. Takayoshi Namikawa says that in Early Buddhism the frst
meaning is to be adopted. T-Narnikawa, Genshi Bukkya ni okeru Buddha
to Buddeshi - Rymha ni kansuru Hyogen no ido to Kodo yori mite m
e
Difference Between the Buddha and His Disciples A Study of Their
Common Epithets and Referential Expressions in Early Verses of the
Nikiiyas), p.299 (482)
6 M i 386; S i 192; Sn 356; etc. SnA i 351, commenting on the verse 356 of
the Snttmipiita, says that Gotarna Buddha is ?heseventh sage countingfrom
Vipwsi Buddha. Cf.MA iii 97

7 See H.Nakarnura, GolamaBuddha - Shakwon no Shogai (Golama Buddha
- me Life of SSkyamuna, p.489
9 H.&@Yw, op.cit, p.7. See also Bid., pp280 ff for detailed discussions on the development of the idea of past Buddhas.
10 See for discussions on the Buddhavaysa and its related subjects;
M.Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol.11, pp.155 ff;
E.W.Adikaram, Early Hirrrory of Buddhism in CeyIon, pp.34 ff; Oliver
Abeynayake, A Textual aud Historical Anal-ysis of the LUfuddakaNh-ya,
pp.108 f ; E.Mayeda, Geoshi Bukkyo-seiten no Seikitsu-shi Kenkyu {A
Hiistory of Ihe krmation of Origrd Buddhist Texts), pp.767 ff; S-Mori,
Pdi Bukkyo Cbuslraku-bunkenno Kenkyu (A Study of the Pdi Cornmenfaries), pp.540 ff; etc.
1 1 For instance, E.W.Adikaram (op-n't.,p.38) points out that Ihe commentator of the Buddhavamsa states that the ten sections known as
'sambahulavara' must be inserted there. But in the Buddhavqa, they are
found precisely the same as in the A9akathI. The inference drawn from
here, says Adikaram, is hat those tea w m insertPd in the Buddhavaya at
an appropriateplace after its Commentary wascomposed. For, if that section
was originally in the Buddhavamsa, the commentator would not have
specificdty mentioned that those ten items should be inserted here.
12 The AtBakathB texts differentiatethree kinds of aspiration (abhinihw)
specified for Buddhas, paccekabaddhas and skakas respectively
(bud&apaccekabud&asH~akiin~ sabbesq patthmii ca abhinihdro en
icchitabbo.)[SnA i 47j. Cf.ApA 139; etc.
13 E.g. SnA i 51; ApA 142; etc. fii$iv&samistakenly remarks that the
idea of eight types of persons who are to fulfill their respetive aspirations is
a post cornmentad development. But,this evidence suggests that it is a
commentaria1 one. See ~.fi-@vba. op.cit, pp.152 f. CI. also BvA 273
where BuddhamiTtiZ [mothers of Buddhas) are said to fulfil their perFections

(paami) for a hundred thousand kappas.
15 ~ . f i i $ i v & a , op.cit., pp. 160, 166
16 See SaddhdahkZra, ed. Kalutara SaranandaThera,CoIombo, 1953,

p.59. The PBli work called the RasavHhini based on which the
S a d d l x m d m W a is said to have been written does not contain this infar-
NOTES TO CHAPTER Wl
mation.
17 E.g. DA ii 410; AA iii 44-45; JA i 44; CpA 15; EVA 131;' etc. The
Buddliavarysa F v XXVn v 11 also mentions lhree more previous Buddhas
beforeDipanksn, but this porlion of lhe text togelher with the last Chapetr
(i.e. C11.XXVIIT) seems to :b a later addition as its commentary does not
comment wit. Therefore, ilcan bc s i d lllnt hose three Buddllas appeared
fm the first Lime in !he eornmenkiries in thc Pgli tradition.
I8 DhpA i 11
19 E.g.Sodo Mori. Pgi Eukkyo Chushaku-bunkenno Kenkyu (AStudy of
Commentaries), p. 101 After examining m s s quotations among
the A\!haka& texts, Mori thinks that DhpA and JA belong to a dilferent
tradition from that of other AmlathH texts.
the FZh
21 A ji 142: ' YadZbhikkhave kappo sqvaffati @ I na s u k a r a sarjk&atum

~
ertak2ini vzrss5nfti v3 cttak-' vassnsatiiniti vi3 elfah-ni vavsasahassZniti va

e t t W vassasatasabassiinFti v2..' Cf.CpA 11: 'IXghukho bhkkhve kappo
oa aukaro ertakmi v a s s ~ tii va ettakai vassasatSnj ti vs sttakiTni
vassas&asssSbl ti vii eFt&Bi vassasatasahassiini ti va s&atufl
ti.'
22 Visrn414,419. Sce also A ii 142; D i 14, iii 109;CpA 11; TtA ii 135; etc.
23 E.g. SnA i 47,51; ApA 142; etc. {See Ihe reference above)
24 EVA 65
25 A ii 142; etc.
26 CpA 11; Cf. BvA 65
27 CpA 12
28 CpA 12
29 Loc.cit.
3 1 CpA 12:'AsariW~eyymti eku gqana'visesoti eke, te hi ekato pa!?hiSya

mahibalakkhaparr'yos3da'~i. ekiinasafthitthiilla'ni vajjetvL dasa
NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII
32 See Sharmishtha Sharma, Buddhist Avadiinas, Delhi, 1985, p.49.

M.Winternitz in hif i k f ~ r yofhdian Literature, V0l.11, p.268 ascribes it to
the second century A.D.
33 See Har Dayal, op.cit., p.78
35 Har Dayal, op.cit.,p.79
38 D A ii 41 1; BvA 208; JA i 38 = ApA 42
41 When the Southern tradition of the names of previous Buddhas as, for
instance, found in the Buddhavqa is compared with the Northern tradition 1e.g. theMahTi~astu,pp. 110-120 & 136-1391, both traditions recognize
Dipahkara as the Buddha from whom Gotarna Bodhisatta received
'declarationVor the first time and the six previous Buddhas starting from
Vipassi are also common to both. Other Buddhas are anmged differently.
See J.J.Jones. MahSvasrU, pp.87 ff. & 108 ff.
43 Of the five kinds of kappa, 'mqdakappa' seems to be the only term

appearing in the Buddhavaya [Bv XI v 23.
44 D ii 2 mentions the w a d bhadda-kappa. However, the context in which
it is used, suggests that its meaning is simply 'auspicious aeon', and not in
the technical sense as found in the Atfhakatha texts. Cf.DA ii 410: 'Bhaddakappe r i p & Buddh ' ~ p p i i d a p t i m q d r sundara-kappe
't~
ski-kappe ti.'
46 The Sinhala edition of BvA does not give this verse either. See EVA
(SHE) 159. Also see I.B.Homer, The Ci'der of the Sweet Meaning, pp.X
NOTES TO CHAPTER VlII
47 ApA 541 f
48 ApA 542
50 See Bv li v 1. Cf. Miln 232
5 1The Northern Buddhism generally believes that Gotama Bodhisatta spent

three asankheyyas and a hundred kappas before his attainment of
Buddhahod, See e.g., Taiken Kimura, Shojo Bukkyo Shiso-m ( A Study
ofHinay2na Btlddhjsr 'Ihught), p.5 1. The Sarvbtivildaschool, on the other
band, considers it to be three asmikheyya-kappasand ninety-cme kappas.
The reason why Gotama Bodhisatta cut short by nine kappas is because of
his extensive and hard training (i.e. viriya) [Cf. Abhidhanna-mahiivibh@aSam,Taisho, VoL27, p.890 (b)]. See Kosho Kawamura, LTbu noBuddharon (A Study of the Concept ofBuddha ot'rheSarviistiviida School). p.2 19
52 SnA i 50-5 1; ThagA i 11; ApA 142; etc. Cf. also SA i 349; AA i 115, iv
92; etc.
53 SnAi 51;ApA 141; etc.
54 SA ii 95; AA i 115; KhpA 133; SnA i 47; TbagA i 10-11; CpA 329;
ApA 139; etc.
56 SnA i 47 = ApA 139

57 CpA 329. This reminds us of the passage in the Mahaprajfiapaami@hstra [Taisho, Vo1.25, p.283 bj (extant only in Chinese bamlatioo) that
both Gotama and Maitreya made resolves at the same time, but Gotama's
period of training was reduced by nine kappas because of his excellence in
energy (vhya). See Chizen Akanurna, Indo Bulckyo Koyumeishi Jiten
(Dictionaryofproper Names oflndian Buddhism),p.422. The SmBtivBda
school also follows the idea of a reduction of nine kappas for Gotama
Bodhisatta, but witb a different explanation, See K.Kawamura,Ubu no
Buddha-ron (A Study ofthe Concept ofBuddha of the SafvifstivBdaSchml),
p.219
59 Cf; &A iii 646 where only three are explained. See also H. %@v&a,
op.cit., p. 162
60BvHv59;B~A91,271;JAi
14,44;MAiv 122;AAii 15;SnAi48;ItA
i 121; UdA 133; ThagA i 11; CpA 282; ApA 16,48, 140; VibhA437; etc.
Cf.CpA I6 & 284 and ThigA 1 where these are named affba-ariga. Of the
above s m e s , JA i 14 is the same as ApA Id; JA i 44 as ApA 48; and AA
ii 15 as VibhA 437. These passages becoming i&nticaI with each other are
quite clear because of the fact that ApA repeats the 'h-renidrSna'of JA.
ApA 140, on the other hand, is a repetition of the passage at SnA i 48
including the explanations that follow. Cf.@A iii 644 where only the term
OCCUTS.
61 EVA91-92. Cf. I A i 14- 15 wbere the explanations, though shorter, are
similar to those in BvA. CpA 16 and ItA i 121 do not give detailed
explanations. In the latter some, Dhamrnapaa gives them in the explanation of t a m a h . SaA i 4849 [= ApA 1401, while giving substantially the
same explanations as EVA,adds that the states of human existence and being
male should be aspired through the accumulntion of metitori~usacts like
giving (daddini puiiiiakammilni katvva' m a n ~ s a r r ~ p u t i s a b h i vyew
o
patlfietabbqdpat[hetabbo.)
64 See for adetailedstudy on this physical mark,Bellanwila Wimalaratana,

op.cit.,pp.95 ff ;etc.
67 See I-L R f q ~ v b acrp.citt,

,
(Appendix iv), pp.438 f
68 SnA i 51 = ApA 142
69 SnA i 48; ApA 140; etc.
71 CpA 284. The term cittupp-da is interesting and may be compared with
NOTES TO c%AETER VIII

citt-otpzida(the production of the thought of enlightenment)of the Buddhist
Sanskrit literature. See Har DayaJ, op.cit,pp.58 ff
72 CpA 284 ff
73 CpA 286: 'Ekanten'ev'assa yathii a@Bayo sambodhininno holj

sambodhip$o sambodhipabbh8m rathB sarmq hitacarjyZ.Yato ciinena
purimabuddhmay santike sambodhiiya p q ' d h m a q k a r q boti manass
va'c3ya ca: a h q pi ediso samrnBambuddha huh2 sammad eva s a t m q
h i t a s r r w ~@pha-deJprIti.'
74 CpA 286: 'Idha upanissayasamparnomahapurisa yathii visadindriyo
hoti visadafi@o, na tathi itare. ParahiBya pappanno hoti, na attahitgya.
Tatha' hi so yahd bahujanahitfiyabahujmasukhiiya lokfbukampiiyaatthiiya
bjtgya suk&ya devamanuss&q patipati, na tat& itare.'
75 See Har Dayal. op.cit,pp. 17 f.
76 The context here does not seem to accommodate the idea of 'pride'.
The sentence reads as follows: 'BZhirabal+: ya' samrn~sisambodhiyarp
pmanniisaya abhimci, eekantaninnaj&aya&;y#ya mahpuriso lok3dh;pati
m&ajihBayo Purmese edition reads 'm2mpassayo'.See CpA 288 footnote
71 abhinih&sarnpanno ca bufv3 pikamiyo piiretvs sammtZsambodhip
piipungti.'
77 CpA 289: 'ya sammLambodb& tajja'pyogasmp& sakkacc&rit&
ysya mcnhBpuriso visuddhapayogo niranrarakgrj abhif&irasiunpanno ca
hutvH samm~sarnbodhirn
paLpu@li.'
78 CpA 289
8 1 Vism 1 16. Bhikkhu &igamoli, The Pat% of M c a t i o n , p.115

82 Vism 1 16. B h i i u Rwamoli, The Path offirificatian, p.116
83 Cf. The Japanese translation of the Visuddhimagga in Nmden Daizokyo,

Vo1.62,p.230 & p.236, foomote 39.

85 ApA 141-142
86 CpA 290
87 CpA 27
89 D iii 235. Cf. D iii 133 =Aiv 370. Here too the term 'abhabba' (cannot
become) is found.
91 A Sinhala work named FGj3valiya also discusses 'abhavyas@iinasYof a

bodhisattva, but the number of them is given as thirreen (terasa) [p.58]. A
perusal of the list mentioned therein reveals that it comes much closer to
Group A and also includes women. See Piijikvaliya, ed BuddhaputraThera,
Colombo, 1953, pp.55-58
92 See for the chmnology of Buddhist P~ texts, T.W.Rhys Davids, Buddhist hdia, p. 188; Egaku Mayeda, Genshi Bukkyo Sejten no Seirism-shi
Kenkyu ( AHistory ofthe Formation of Original Buddhist Texts), pp.735 ff.
& pp.767 ff.; etc.
93 See M iii 65; A i 28

94 Mtu i 103. See J.J.Jones, me Mahavas&r, Vol.1, p.81. See also Har
Dayal, op.cit., p.223
95 See ~ . R w v b aop.dL,
,
pp.144 f
97 CpA 320: 'Samud~gamanakiilesu vii piiriyamsni pPramiyo,

BodhisattabhErniyam punpa' upapliramiyo, Buddhabhlrniyap
sabb&kapanpu~ip m a t t h a p P m y o . '
98 Miln 163 also uses the word bhcmi in this sense when it mentions
'arahantbhiimi' (the realm of arahants).
99 DhsA 214
NOTES TO CHAPTERS VIII - IX

102 Ibid. CCf.also CpA 27 & 3 19 where h e term 'ci~tasso
Buddhabhrlmiyo'
is referred to.
103 CpA 284

104 See 1.B.Horne.r. The Clarifier of the Sweet Meaning
(MadburafthavilPsini),p.I52
106 CpA 19
107 See Har Dayal op.cit., p.75
108 UdA 89; ItA i 8, ii 82; ThigA 1; CpA 17,330. The PTS edition of
ThigA has 'fi@atthacanya"instead of 'fiHtatthacariyI'. However, SHB
edition gives 'fiStatthacaiya"[ThigA (SHE) 11. Further, only TtA i 8 gives
its order as lokatthaeariyg, fiatatthacariy8 and buddhatfhacan'yS.
Buddhaghasa aho refers to these three kinds of canya'. See e.g. AA i 98. Cf.
PtsA i 207 where only two kinds, namely, iikratthacariya and
buddhartbacxiyB, are mentioned.
109 Hat Dayal, op.ciL,p.75 f
1 See Sir Monier MonEw-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, pp.6 19620. Har Dayal also makes references to other scholars who followed this
ethymological explatlation in iiis The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist
Sanskrit Liferamre,p. 165
2 See e.g. I.B.Horner,Milinda's Questions,Vol.1, p.28, footnote 5 & p. 166,

footnote 5; VenRSaddhatissa, The Birth-Stories of the Ten B~bfiisalras
and the Dasahdhisa~uppartjkatM,PTS.London, 1975, p.96, fmtnoie 12;
etc.
3 E.g.S i 195; Dhp 348; etc.

4 E.g.M i 135; S ii 277; Sn 803; etc.
5 See e.g. Har Dayal, op.cit., p.166; T.W.Rhys Davids and William Stede.
Psi-English Dictionary, PTS,S.V. PDmi.
NOTES TO CHAPTER IX
6 Sn 1018 & 1020
7 SnA ii 584. Cf.Hajime Nakamura, Buddha no Kofoba Words of tfle

Buddha), p.414
8 M iii 28-29
11 Miln 21. I.B.Horner seems to translate this in the technical sense of

perfections numbering Len. See LB.Homer, MLhda 's Questions,Vol.1, p.24
together with the footnote 5 .
12 NdA i 84
13 BY I v 77,II vs 1 17 ff (Here they are refered to as 'bodhipiicana')
14 Of the ten perfections, the text relates only seven; namely, d a a , sila,
neuamma, sacca, adhr'.tJ&ha, melt# and upekkh#. See also below.
16 BvA 104. Cf. CpA 277
17 Bv U vs 121, 126, etc.
21 See above (Chapter Vn). Also T.Endo. Bodhisaftas in thePai Commentaries, pp. 75 ff
22 See also Bv I v 76
23 See FIar Dayal, op.cit, p. 168; Moc6izuki Buddhist Dictionary, pp.5074
f; etc.
24 Has Dayal, op.cit,.p. 168. See also MochIzuki Buddhist Dictionary,pp

2367 ff.
NOTES TO CHAPTER IX
26 The Mahiivastu ii 226 also speaks of six p&runiGs. See J.J.Jones, The
Maha'vastu. Vol.IU, p.221
27 See K.Kawamura. Ubu no Buddha-ran ( A Stndy of the Concept d
Buddha oftbe SarvZstiviiiia School),p.228; A.Hirakawa,Indo Bukkyo-shi
( A History of Indian Buddhism),Vol.1, p.383. etc.
28 See Har Dayal, op-cit.,p.168
29 E.J.Thomas, The History of Buddhist Thonghf p.211

30 Har Dayal, op-cii..p .I67
31 Har Dayal, op.cit.,p. 167
32 Bv I v 76 in fact refers to the ten perfections jdasapiirama But, a doubt

has been expressed by S.Tachibana about a later interpolation of the first
chapter, i.e. 'Katanacaikarnanakantam' of the Buddhavamsa. See
S.Tachibana,Nandeodaizokyo, Vo1.41. pp.4-5 However, it is certain that
this section was composed before the Sihala Afthakathii.
34 CpA Editor's Preface, p.xiv

35 E.g. E.J.Thomas, The Hsto* of Buddhist Thought, p. 172
I
38 See Hzu Dayal, op.ciL, p.169

39 CpA 321
42 See above (Chapters W and Vm). Also TEndo, Bodhjsattds in the

P5li Commentaries, pp.72 ff, fat the commentarial development of the
Bodlisatta Doctrine.
NOTES TOCHAPTER IX
43 E.g.Vism 203; M A iii 22; SA i 21, iii 4% AA i 98, 103; DhpA i 84; JA
i 25,73; ItA i 8.117; UdA 89,128,413; BvA 15,59; CpA 3; esA i207; etc.
See also Ap i 1
44 PED gives the meaning of upapiramras 'minor perfection'. Rawever,
according to the gradation of perfections, its translation as 'higherperfection'
is preferred here and throughout as adopted by 1-BBornerinher translation
of the Madhuratthavilbini (i.e. The Clarifier of the Sweet Meaning, FI'S,
London, 1978). since it gives a clear meaning in the context
46 See below for a summary of the ten perfections discussed in the

Buddhavysa-a*ghakathi and the Jdtaka-aghakatbL
48 CpA 278
49 The PTS edition here reads as far^.' It is corrected according to
h e SHB edition of CpA 2 16
52 ThagA iii 206

53 ThagA iii 95. Cf. Bid., 162, 180,208-209; SA ii 62,95; etc.
54 SA ii 95: 'Kasmii v i sata-sahassa-kappSdhika~;n
e k q asarikbeyyap
pfiritap2ramino SiSriputh-MoggalliSna viya sfivakaparamlfiiinamna
pa$vijjhasi.'
56 VVA2: ' Tafrhslpiyebhuyyena yo so kappa* sat;tsahasst%ihik~eka+

asamkheyyan
buddhassa
Bhagavato
aggas@vnkabhg~liyi
NOTES TO CHAPTER IX
57 E.g. DA i 100; SA i 122, ii 95, iii 118,208; VA i 139, v 976; KhpA 229;
DhpA iv 75; UdA 244,271,282; etc.
58 Bhikkhu R w m o ~ i The
, MhorReadings, p. 192
59 DbpA i 327.Cf. DhpA i 340-341,AA i 296; ThagA iii 112 ApA 308;
etc.
...
60 DhpA ii 266: 'Saltha tat$ [Patiic&tther&] ;Sgacchamiioam addasa

kappasalasahassq pikitap&amiq abhinfiijri?smpamq.'
61 Incidentally, the identification of Velukanthaki as one of the two chief
female disciples has been subjected to speculation. See DPPN ii 934 f
(s,v.Velukauk&).
62 DhpA i 340: '...iti ime al$a sane iTcLitp katva' FhJSnmtarapatta sabbe pi
siivaks ekadesena dasannam pzraminam piiritatta rnahizpuiifiii
abhb~&rasampannl.'
54 Pug 70
65 Interestingly, h e list does not include female disciples of the Buddha.
69 Slriputta and Moggall'na are said to have made their resolves to become
the chief diciples of a Buddha during the time of Anomadassi Huddha one
asariWleyya and a hundred thousand kappas ago. See AP+ i 148 ff,DhpA i
1 lO; etc. See also DPPNii 542 (s.v. MahiIMoggallWa Thera). Similarly.
MahScassapa who is regarded as the third disciple in line (tatiya-sivaka) is
also said to have made his wish in the time of Padumuttara Buddha a hundred thousand Irappas ago [ThagAiii I21 ffJ.Seealso DPPNii 478 (s.v.hbhi4
Kassapa Theta].
NOTES TO CHAPTER IX
70 ThagA i I 1
72 ThagA i 11
73 JA i 49; BvA 273; ApA 54; etc. A conflicting view as regards the time in
which M&imZiyii made her wish between the Istaka version Bvi 4801 and
that of the A~nakathHsis suggestive of the following: (1)When rhis portion
of the Vessantara story in Lhe Jaaka was written, the accepted number of
past Buddhas was still six like in tbe canonical tradition. (2) The assigning
of periods for the fulfillment of pBamis to various categories of individuals
beginning with Buddhas was a commentarial development. As a result, the
commentators had to make certain adjustments even at the expense of the
canonical tradition. The discrepancy in MahFmiyP's case is one such
instance.
74 Vm.B .Wimalaratanatries to see a paranet between the pk&ikTand the
ethical norms mentioned in the Lakkhiqa Sutla of llle Digha ~ i k i %which
~g
produce the Ihiy-bvo physical marks of a Great Man (Md~iZpufisa)as a
resuItant end. Ven.B.Wimalaratana,Concept of Great Man (Mlhiipurisa),
pp. 180 ff.
75 See Nyanatiloka, Bud&st Dictionary,etc. For further discussions on
the relations of the perfections to basic Buddhist concepts, see Har Dayal,
op.ciL, pp.172 ff.
76 Sn 623 = Dhp 399.

77 See J iii 274; etc.
78 ~sv.I%@vasa also tries to see simiIar ethical principles among the ten
perfections @iiFlimi),the ten norms of kingship (dasa-rfijadhhammlland the
ten meritorious deeds for lay followers @un"fiak.kiy@.See, ~.Aaqav5sa,
op-cit,p. 157
79 See Har Dayal,op.cit.,p.171

80 ThagA i 11
8 1 For example, AA i 124458mlak stories of male, fen~deand lay disciples

of the Buddha. They show how lhe present existences are related to their
former b i h s . In all the cases mentioned in AA (except of course Sgriputta
NOTES TO CHAPTER
IX
and MoggallZna for obvious reasons), their previous storiesin fact start from
Padumuttara Buddha. Exceptions, however, may be noted that Bakkula's
story [AA i 304 ffJis traced as far back as the time of Anomadassi Buddha
and the story on 'Nakulamiu Gahapatiini' [Ibid. 4571 has no mention of
Padumuttara Buddha. Cf.DhpA, ThagA. ThigA, ApA, etc., for similar
stories.
82 Vism 411
83 See T.Endo,Bodhisarras in hemi Cumerttaries, pp.82 ff.

84 CpA 276-277: 'tarih8-m&a-dil(hfhi aniipahafa kampup;Syakosallapan'ggahit# daadayo gu$ip;iramijlo.'
85 CpA 277
86 See below. SA ii 154 substitutes 'sivahinap' for 'aiXesq'.

87 VA i 139:' A i i i c s q araharramaggoanuttarii bodbi hori na hat[ ti. Na
hati. Kasmii. Asa bbagv~adiiyakattii, lesam hi kassaci arahattamaggo
arahatlaphahp eva detikassacitisso vi;i,5kassacicha abhi56Lkassacicafasso
pa!isarnbhidB kassaci sgvakaparamEi7qam, paccekabuddhSnay pi
paccekabodhirj@aq eva deti, buddh3uiq1pana sabbagunasarnpatb'q deti,
abhiseko viya ran"n"osabbalokissa~iyabhIvarfl.TasmS aiin-assa kassaci pi
anuttarp bodhi na ho6 d' Cf. SA ii 154 where the word 'sivakiinaq~'
replaces the opening wort1 ' - e s q '
in VA, but the rest are identical with
each other.
88 SA iii 208: 'Sambodhiyq tisabbafir7ufa-Z@enaarabatta-magga-Wena
vii dam-maggen'eva hi Buddha-guna nippadesg gahitti honti. Dve hi
agga-sZvak8 arahatta-maggen 'eva Ilvaka-pizrml-n"@ampa$labhanti;
pacceka-Buddhii paccekabodhi-warp; Buddhd sabbaf7fiuta-fiean" c 'eva

sakaie ca B u d d h a g ~ se a b b q hi resay arahaffa-maggen'eva ijhati. Tasmii
arabatta-magga-%@amsambodhi n m a hori.'
NOTES TO CHAPTER IX
95 See BhiWEhu Bodhi, A Treatise on h e P&amfs, Buddhist Publication

Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka, 1996, 76 pp. for a translation of the
PakinnakakathB d the Cariyiipipka-afmakaths. Bhikkhu Bodhi's translation originally appeared in his book called 7Re Discourse on The Allembracing Net of Views, BPS, 1978, pp.243-317.
96 CpA 280: 'Ettha avisesena ava sabbapip~iyopamuggahdakkh+&

paresaq upak&akata.parasZi, avikampanarasa vi, hitesi~paciupaffh&I~,
buddha~ta-paccuptrhm8va, m a h & a r u n S p d a , karuniipayakosaUapadagh&P va.'
97 They include: 1, manussattarp (being a human being), 2. lirjgasampatri
(a male sex), 3. hem (cause), 4. sath&-adassanarp (seeing a teacher), 5 .
pabbajz (going forth), 6. guyasampatti (possession of virtues or special

qualities), 7. adhlkiira fulfillm men^ of proper deeds) and 8.chandaa (willpower). See, Bv TI v 59; BvA 91,271; JA i 14,W; MA iv 122; AA ii 15;
SnA i 48; ItA i 121; UdA 133; ThagA i 11; ApA 16,48, 140; VibhA 437;
etc. See also above (Chapter VIW
98 See above (Chapter Vm)
101 See also SnA i 50 where these four are called 'buddhabhiimi'.
103 Sw above (Chapter VlU)

104 See above (Chapter Vm) for a further discussion on the notion ol
'abhabbafhibla' in Piili Buddhism.
105 The inclusion of 'adhi.ghiZaarin this list of the Buddha's attainments

and virtues appears to be somewhat different from similar lists found in the
AtJhakathb. See e.g. V i m 325; etc.
198 ItAi 8
109 VVA 2
1I1 See SA ii 95, iii 63; AA i 115; WpA 133; SnA i 47; ThagA i 10-11;
CpA 329;ApA 139; etc.
115 Vism 325

116 EVA59 ff
119 Vism 13
120 A i 22.
121 See also N@a& M&I Thera, me Buddha and His Teachings,The
Buddhist Research Society,Singapore, 1986, pp.341-361
122 BvA 59,105,113; JA i 25. BvA 59 presents a confusion in the definitions
of p m r a n d upapiirmE So is $A i 25. The edition of these two
texts is said to have been based m the Sinhala mmuscripts. BvA (SHB) 50
also fuIlows the same mistake. However, judging from the cantent, lhe
correct readingsmust be those in the Burmese edition of BvA as 1.B.Horner
NOTEST0 CHAPTER TX
too claims. BvA 113, on the other hand, shows the correct reading. See
I.B.Horner, The CIa&er ofthe Swm Meaning,p.89, footnote 1.
123 EVA 103-104, JA i 20. See I.B.Homer, Tbe CIarifjerof rhe Sweet
Meanrng, p.150
124 BvA 59;
, CpA 272
,
125 Cf.1A i 45 where fhe list of Jitakas for h e illustration of &a-p3mi

includes the former births of the Bodhisatta as Akittibriihmana,
Sarikhabramana, Dhanafijayargja, MahHsuddassana, Mahggovinda,
Nlmirnahmja, Candakurnaa, Visayhase~w,SivkZIja, Vessantara and
Sasapqdita.
129 Cf.JA i 45. Here the Jltakas mentioned are SilavanSgar%ja.

Campeyyanagaja, Bhiiridattmiigar3jaChaddantanbariija,Jayaddisariija
AfInasattukumh-puttaand Smikhapaa.
131 Cf.JA i 45. JA gives the following Jstakas: SornanassakumWa.

Hatthipfilakurnikt. Ayoghmpqdita and Ciilasutasoma.
132 Cf.JA i 46. JA List is the same as that of CpA.
133 See also JA i 46; CpA 274

134 IA i 46 gives only the Mahaanah-jW a for illustration.
I36 JA i 47. See Egaku Mayeda, Genshi Bukkyo Seiten no Seiritsu-shi

Kenkyu ( A Histmy of the Formation of Original Buddhist Texts),p.770
NOTES TO CHAPT'ERS I l l X
138 JA i 46 mentions the Mugapakkhajltaka instead of TemiyakumSra.

However, they are the same. See DPPNii 647.
CHAPTER X
1 See e-g., Oliver Abepayake, A Textual and Historical Analysis of the
Khddaka N&-ya, pp. 1t 0- 113
3
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INDEX
at$adh222, 253, 263, 288, 371

a ~ a b u d d h a d h a m m asee
, ;also Eighteen qualities of a Buddha 36,
57,113,114,115, 116, 117,119,120,121, 126, 127, 128, 130,
131,132,303,307
Ariguttara-a@akaW 261
abhabba@tiina 261. 263, 306
AbhayagirivSh 130, 163, 230, 231. 340, 341
abbinihiira 2, 112, 222, 255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 263, 280, 282.
289, 379
Adikaram, E.W. 340, 377
agga-shaka 279
ajjh-ya 260
Akanuma C. 381
antaradhaa 104
antamkappa 248
anupubbasabbaGutS 74
aauttara 176, 180, 181, 359
Apaha-atJhakaa 185
aporheosis 11, 12,14, 19, 28, 83, 89, 114 117, 139, 147, 148,
149, 150, 169, 176, 180, 183, 222, 224, 231, 232, 236, 245,
246, 248, 309, 311
asiti-anubyafijana 47, 109, 149, 157
asiti-anuvyaiijana 138, 143, 144, 145, 304, 307, 345
asatikheyya 191, 245, 247, 248, 249, 251, 275, 293, 380, 381, 388,
389
asadhiiraqa-fSga 27, 30, 33, 36, 52, 54, 83, 87, 88, 89, 100, 109,
117, 292, 293, 317
Asoka, the king 4, 26, 42, 325, 363
aspiration 288
atidevadeva 43, 44
Attbasm 58, 61, 62, 149, 150, 153, 154, 228, 265
iivajanapafibaddha 38, f50, 66, 74, 77
itvea-buddhadhamm 1 14
Bapat, P.V. 116, 132, 335 340, 341, 349, 355, 359
Bhagavant 16, 136, 157, 178, 187,188, 189, 190
245, 254, 259, 264, 265, 266, 268, 282, 285,306, 373, 374, 375,
391, 392
Bodhisatta 2, 3, 15, 26, 33, 79, 80, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
104, 124. 127. 142, 155, 159, 162, 168. 169. 172, 191, 193, 204,
209, 215. 216, 217. 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227,
228, 232, 233, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246, 251,
252, 253, 254, 255, 259, 260, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270,
271, 272, 274, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 287, 2.89. 291, 292 293, 234,
295, 296, 297, 298, 303, 304, 332, 369, 370, 371, 372, 374, 375,
380, 381,387, 394, 397
bodhisatta 162, 168, 193, 204, 208, 209, 211, 220, 221, 222, 223,
224.225, 226, 227, 232, 233, 234, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 258,
268, 283, 303. 306, 328, 366, 370, 371, 376, 377
Buddha-gqu 52, 53, 57, 58, 391
Buddha-khetta 101, 103
Buddha-iica 5 5 56, 57, 58, 64, 75, 80, 101, 102
buddha-veneyya 88
Buddhadatta 100, 185, 229, 240, 244, 266
Buddhadbamma 57, 1 18. 124,131,303
Buddhaghosa 52, 57, 63, 64,68, 81, 86, 92, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100,
101, 1C%, 109, 115, 118, 125, 126, l27, 128, 136, 141, 142 145, 149, 150,
157, 172, 173, 174, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186,
187, 188, 189, 190, 193, 194, 197, 203, 206, 223, 229, 230, 231,
235, 237, 238, 239, 241, 251, 252, 259, 260, 261, 266, 294, 303,
305, 308, 339, 340, 364, 374, 377, 385
Buddhakara-dhamma 254, 268, 280
BuddhakBmkadhamma 254
baddhakkhetta 33, 335
BuddhapZda 164, 351
Buddhavqsa-aghakaths 88, 229, 247, 249, 265, 293, 388
Buddhavisaya 58
Buddhist Sanskrit literature 119, 121, 127, 132, 2.37, 248, 266, 269,
299, 336, 338, 339, 383, 385
Digha N i y a A l J W a W y 132
Digha-aifhakafhf 53, 120, 131, 138, 143, 315
Digha-bhiykas 126, 127, 129, 304
DipaiikaraBuddha2, 26, 222, 233, 243, 246, 247, 253, 254,
255, 309
dasabala 19, 36, 57, 60, 79, 80, 82, 99, 101, 109, 117, 121, 293
devatideva 33, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 257, 302, 350
d h a m m ~ y a107. 108
Dhammapada-atJhdathl 82, 87, 89, 140, 153, 161, 162, ,169, 173,
222, 253, 279, 314, 315
Dhammapda 52, 57, 63, 64,65, 68, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 80, 92,
93, 95, 96, tOQ, 101, 109, 110, 113, 118, 119, 125, 128, 130,
132, 136, 141, 157, 158, 177, 179, 180, 182, 183, 185, 190, 194,
197, 203, 204, 206, 219, 223, 231, 233, 236, 239, 241, 248, 249,
252, 259, 260, 264, 266, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 283, 284, 287,
289, 291, 303, 304, 305, 307, 308, 326, 333, 339, 341, 357, 376,
382
dhammaa 11, 91, 207, 209, 212, 221, 222, 226, 227, 305, 368
DhampiyH Afuva Ga!apadaya 160
dharmaya 110, 337
Dharmapd-pika 144, 345
Eighteen qualities of a Butldha 36, 57, 113,114, 119, 123, 130, 303,
304
Eighty great disciples 142, 245
Gotama Bodhisatta 2, 3, 209, 221, 222, 225, 226, 227, 239, -243,
244, 251, 252, 253, 295, 372, 380, 381
Gotama Buddha 1, 2, 4, 6, 13, 14, 15, 26, 31, 52, 90, 91, 104,
135, 13'7, 138, 146, 155, 169, 175, 176.184, 1% 203, 207, XB, 212, 214,
220. 221, 225, 226, 227, 237. 239. 241, 243, 245, 254. 263, 274,
275, 278, 279, 280, 282, 283, 285, 302, 305, 306, 309, 310, 311,
312, 314, 315, 316, 319, 321, 331, 343, 356, 358, 363, 365, 366,
369, 375, 376, 377
halo 109, 136, 138, 141, 146, 147, 155, 156, 292, 343, 345
HarDayal 115, 232, 249, 269, 270, 333, 336, 338, 374, 375,
380, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 390
Hayashima, K. 172, 321, 322, 342, 344, 354, 357, 372, 373
Hirakawa,A. 143, 345, 349, 355, 387
Homer,I.B. 6, 168, 172, 174, 175, 311, 323, 331, 345,347, 349,
350, 353, 354, 356, 368, 369, 372, 373, 380, 385, 386, 388,
393. 394
iddhi 18, 19, 32, 35, 53, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 153, 178, 181, 191,
316
lsibhiisiy3im 6, 7
I t i w t t a k a - a w e 53, 72, 80, 84, 98, 211, 222, 2%
Iwarnatsu, A, 41, 42, 43, 322, 323
Jainism 5, 16, 139, 196, 363

Jitaka-at@akathI 2, 89, 163
Jayatilleke, K.N. 23, 39, 60, 318, 322, 325
J ' ~ I I % I ~ & & X - V ~ H130, 132, 340, 341
kappa 191, 212, 214, 215, 2.7, 248, 249, 250, 251, 380
kamnii 15, 33. 80. 81, 89, 91, 92.93, 94, 95, 96, 101, 142, 223.
mqsa-cakkhu 97, 98, 99, 150, 318

Marigala Buddha 3, 154, 244
MadhuraUhavilDini 57, PI, 82, 85, 88, 143, 145, 147, 153, 160
161, 209, 215, 216, 230, 244, 268, 385, 388
mahB-balilkga 249
MahESammata 238
mah2i-sZivaka 279. 282
mahZbalakkha 248
mahilbodhisatta 94, 236, 239, 283, 298, 375, 376
m2lhlikarunH 81, 93, 95, 96, 97, 121, 178, 193, 259, 303
mah5kmn&amapaUi-%@a 33, 89
MahiimSyl 1, 278, 279, 280, 306, 39C)
M&&n@na 68, 186, 203, 284, 367, 376
mahiipurisalakkhqa 45, 108, 137, 138, 162, 254, 304, 351
mahaSambodhisatta 239, 283, 375, 376
rnahilsatta 234, 239, 293, 375, 376, 377
Mahhastu 3, 99, 103, 121, 130, 132, 144, 244, 264, 270, 345,
380, 384, 387
MahlivWa 68, 75, 125, 126, 128, 130, 132, 186, 194, 231, 339,
376
MoMviMravPins 75, 76, 78, 131, 163, 304

MahiiySnaBuddhism 107, 113, 114, 121, 162, 219, 222, 2M,271,
282, 299, 302, 337, 376
Malalasekern, G.P. 138, 330. 339, 341
Manorathapirani 24, 106, 140, 165, 176, 232, 239, 240, 292
Masutani, F. 2, 309, 310, 331
Mayeda, E. 310, 313, 323, 331, 345, 378, 384, 394
Milinda, the king 37, 38, 39, 67, 144, 170, 171, 226, 321, 339,
354, 369, 372
Milindapaiiha 6, 34, 36, 37, 40, 42, 43, 44, 60,66, 73, 74, 79,
87, 106, 111, 114, 115, 137, 143, 144, 147, 157, 169, 170,
171, 172, 178, 215, 225, 267, 302, 304, 321, 346, 354,372
Mizuno,K. 19, 26, 115, 309, 310, 316, 319, 338, 339, 341, 363
Moggalliina 88, 275, 276, 277, 278, 280, 292, 389, 391
Mori, S. 105, 116, 125, 160, 327, 336, 338, 339, 340, 341,348,
350, 351, 361, 364, 367, 370, 374, 376, 378, 378
Ep-bala 58, 137

fieamoli, the Bhildrhu 30, 93, 138, 310, 319, 324, 326, 328, 330,
332, 333, 337, 339, 342, 347, 355, 356, 357, 358, 361, 363, 374,
383, 389, 393
EqasambhW 80, 292
fi@&v&a,~.
244, 261, 270, 310, 319, 327, 331, 334, 335, 337,
343, 352, 363, 364, 370, 378, 382, 384, 387, 390
Nagasaki,H. 363, 364
Naasena 6, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 67, 79, 106.111, 170, 171, 172,
226, 227, 267
Nakamura,H. 4, 5, 7, 10, 17, 18, 37, 41, 115, 309, 310, 311,
312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 319, 321, 322, 323, 331, 338, 343, 356,
358, 363, 365, 366, 368, 377, 386
fi3a-sabbsii 303
NathanKatz 8, 19, 21, 312, 313, 316, 317, 372
fieyyivarqa 112, 113
Niddesa-amaka?b 80
Omniscient knowledge 27, 29, 35, 37. 38, 39, 52, 58, 59, 60, 62,
63, 66,67, 69, 71, 74, 75, 76, 78, 82, 83, 84, 100, 101, 107, 193, 210,
226, 229, 230, 231, 235, 266, 287, 297, 326
b a n d a 39, 146, 275, 276, 277, 278, 388
PaBambhidmagga-amakaa 15 1
pabhi 35, 146, 147, 156
pakati-siivaka 279, 283
paficaiieyyapatha 70, 71
Pande, G.C. 11, 310, 313, 314
pani245, 246, 255, 260, 264
Papaiicasiidani 57. 63. 81, 165, 232, 233
Parakkmabiihu I1 130, 161
pharni , see also perfections 2, 3. 15. 26, 222. 264, 267, 268, 272,
274,275,276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286,
287, 288, 292, 294, 297, 298, 306, 307, 378, 385, 388, 390, 391,
393, 394
Paramatthamaiijhl 96, 112, 339
pBmiE4, see also perfections 15, 141, 267, 268, 269, 270, 27?,
273, 279, 287, 292, 298, 306, 307, 390
paravai 83
pariNibbiina 102
parinibha 14, 90, 102, 105, 142, 154, 197, 198, 202, 211, 216,
228. 309, 354
PatScLg 277, 278 .
perfections 2, 3, 15, 26, 82, 117, 118, 141, 191, 193, 201, 221,
222, 233, 244, 245, 246, 252, 254, 258, 259, 260, 267, 268,
270. 271, 272, 273, 274,275,276, 277, 278, 279, 2&0,281, 282,
283. 284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 297, 298, 299,
306, 378, 386, 387, 388, 390
Por@B 137, 157, 189
Puggalapaiiiiatti-at+ahthS 175, 240
puiiiia-sambhZira 80, 141, 191, 292
purisadarnmas&ath'i 16, 22, 83, 167, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 359
STfia1aAt@akathii 116, 219, 230, 273, 301, 387

sabba 27, 28, 29, 31, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 70, 71, 7 2 76, 78, 84,
92, 129, la, 177, 187, 188. 285, 303. 325, 326, 328, 345, 359,
391
sabbali?iO 23, 32, 37, 38, 39, 40, 59,61, 63, 68, 70, 71, 74, 75,
303, 326
sabbafiau-bodhisatta 239, 240, 377
sabb-uta-iiip
27, 29, 30, 37, 38, 52, 58, 60,62, 63, 64, 66,
67, 75, 76, 77, 78, IQO, 101. 107. 154, 164, 176, 178, 326
SaddhammapajjotiE 68. 197
S a d d h m a p m i n T 59, 71, 82, 93, 149, 151, 152, 240,
302, 306, 327
Sahampati 90, 331
sdchpsabbafiiiii 68, 70, 75
S&yamuni 7, 309, 310, 311, 312, 314, 315, 316, 319, 321, 331,
343, 358, 363, 365, 366, 377
samanta-cWu 24, 29, 30, 32, 98, 100, 319
Samantap~iidikH235, 349, 355
sarnrn%ambodhi fS, 228, 229, 230, 233, 234,
245, 282, 285, 290, 2%. 383.
samrniisarnbuddha 16, 34, 38, 90, 175, 237
Sammohavinodani 57, 82, 228, 240, 330
SZiraUhappWini 140, 235
Ssputta 6, 7, 8, 16, 25, 45, 88, 89, 176, 267, 270, 275, 276,
277, 278, 285, 287, 329, 388, 389, 390
satapufialakkbafla 108, 138, 145, 149, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160,
161, 162, 188, 304, 307
satatasabbaiiflfi 68, 70, 75
satthldevamanuss~aq16, 22, 43. 83, 167, 179, 183
sattisabbaiifiii 68, 70, 75
ssvaka-bodhisam 236, 237, 239, 241, 283, 306, 376
ssvaka-p-i--a
275, 276, 278, 285, 286, 287, 307, 391
Siddhattha 1, 8, 51, 65, 126, 250
Suddhodana 1. 323, 368
sugata 8, 179, 180
Sugimoto, T. 220, 232, 370, 371, 372, 574, 375
ShmatigalavilBinI 62, 67, 103, 117, 127, 150, 153, 160, 213, 215,
234, 2A9, 294, 303, 350, 360, 366
Takeda, R. 3 12
TaWgata 19, 27, 30, 31, 36, 40, 60,69, 79, 80, 82, 84, 92, 102,
106, 108, I#, 117, 119, 124, 137, 142, 171, 172, 173, 1W,193. 200,
203, 2Q5, 229, 232, 240, 256, 264, 331, 355, 363, 364, 365, 366
tatheata 55, 91, 92, 109, 125. 180. 195. I%, 197, 198, 199, 200,
201, 202, 203, 204, 2W, 206, 305, 363, 364, 365, 367, 374, 382
tath3gatabalas 20, 30, 31, 34, ,82 83, 88
T h e r a g & t h % a m B103. 144, 145, 158, 236, 241, 283
Thomas, E.J. 3, 143, 145, 269, 310, 345, 346, 364, 387
TwinMmcIe 27, 29, 33, 38, 87, 153, 154, 212, 349

Buddha in Theravada Buddhism

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Buddha in Theravada Buddhism

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BUDDHA

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3. The Beginnings of the Buddha's Apotheosis.................11

and the Abhidhamma ............................................ 25

5 Physical Endowments of the Buddha ............................44

Tathbata Powers) ................r......................................

CHAPTER ITI : BUDDHA'S PHYSICAL ENDOWMENTS.. 135-165

CHAPTER N : THE NINE VIRTUES OR TITLES

CHAPTER Vl : THE GENERAL NATURE @HAMMAT&

CHAPTER VJII : THE CAREER OF A BODKISATTA......... 243-266

CHAPTER IX :THE DOCTRINE OF PWTA

MAPTER X : CONCLUSION ..........................

The Pali Commentaria1 literature as an independent source

A pioneering work was made more than 50 years ago by

concept in the Affhakathaliterature forms in itself an important and

influenced by other non-Theravada sources. The author, however,

Dr.Endo's work has set an example of how the Al@akathii

This book is a revised and slightly expanded version of my

The present work is therefore aimed at filling this vacuum.

Professor Sodo Mori uf Aichigakuin University, Japan is

A special word of thanks goes to ProfessorN.A.Jayawickrama

xhe University of Kelaniya where I studied Buddhism as an

Last but not the least, I offer my gratitude to Mr-Hionaga

. hdogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu

(Journal of Indian and

Gotarna Siddhatthawas born a S w a n prince to Suddhodana

of giving discourses or prescribing disciplinary ruIes for b W u s ,

The Buddhavqsa, one of the late canonical texts, is unique

relevant epigraphical,archaeolagicd and other data which may shed

On the other hand, some attempts have also been made to

Through a comparative study, it has been convincingly

Another field of study with regard to the concept of Buddha,

between them Is often described hat the Buddha is the discoverer/

While struggling to find a solution to the problem of human

BUDDHA IN THERAVADA BUDDHISM

can@ in early phases of development, according to a study by

It must be admitted that most of the data (which constitute in

3. The Beginnings of the Buddha's Apotheosis

BUDDHA IN THERAVADA BUDDHISM

naturally a focus of attention. Good reputation (kittisadda) about

Cmonical texts amply tesify this. For instance, some of tbe

questions and the Buddha's answers recorded in the AhgnttaralViya

Externally, on the other hand, the Buddha's apotheosis can

biographical sketch of Gotama and legendswere gathered around him,

4. Spiritual Attainments of the Buddha

Early Canonical Texts (the Four Nikgyiyas)

A. The Nine Virtues or Titles (Navaguna)"

cited in the following manner: 'Iri pi so Bhagavil arahq s m m &

The set of nine virtues of the Buddha in subsequent times

of the kamma.@a (objects or topics of meditation) in TheravZida

Taken individually, t e r n like arahant, buddba, @hagavant,

by many religious groups in ancient Indiaw The word buddha was

The tevijjii (tisso vijg refers in the early phase of Buddhism

1. Iddhividhd (magical powers)

4. Pubbeniv#sBussati (remembrance of former existences)

Miracles are sometimes expressed as p S ~ W y aor pa1;hira

The apotheosis or exaltation of the Buddha started in early

own kamma (dibbena cakkhunH visuddhen;

(I) An arahant sees all component things as impermanent.

(abhwq."6 Three aspects of the Buddha's personality emerge from

D. Sftbba-ii (Omniscient One) and Sabbmutij (Omniscience)

W h e n the Buddha's knowledge is discussed, the canonical

BUDDHA IN THERAV&IA BUDDHISM

corresponding mental phenomena.'"