THE CHRISTIAN MISSION ON THE

ROMANIAN TERRITORY DURING THE FIRST

CENTURIES OF THE CHURCH

On front cover: The Icon of St. Theotim I of Tomis

ISBN: 978-606-8001-05-0

CENTER FOR STUDIES AND HISTORIC-RELIGIOUS RESEARCHES OF

THE EUROPEAN SOUTH-EAST AREA HOLY APOSTLE ANDREW

THE ARCHDIOCESE OF TOMIS

The Christian Mission on the Romanian Territory

during the First Centuries of the Church
1600 Years since the Falling Asleep in the Lord
of Saint Theotim I of Tomis
The Acts of the International Symposium
at the Center for Studies and Historic-Religious Researches
of the European South-East Area Holy Apostle Andrew,
Ovidius University, 27 November, 2007

Published with the blessing

of His Eminence, TEODOSIE,
Archbishop of Tomis

Pontica Christiana
Collection
(No 1)
Constana
2009

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

THE CHRISTIAN MISSION ON THE ROMANIAN
TERRITORY DURING THE FIRST CENTURIES OF
THE CHURCH. SYMPOSIUM INTERNATIONAL
(1 ; 2007 ; Constana)
The actes of the international symposium "The
Christian mission on the Romanian territory during the
first centuries of the Church (1600 years since the Falling
Asleep in the Lord of Saint Theotim I of Tomis)" :
Constana, 2009 / Center for Studies and Historic-Religious
researches of the European South-East area "Holy Apostle
Andrew, The Archdiocese Of Tomis ; published with the
blessing of His Eminence, Teodosie, archbishop of Tomis.
Constana : Editura Arhiepiscopiei Tomisului, 2009
ISBN 978-606-8001-05-0
28

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Teodosie, Archbishop of Tomis,
Forward....7
Alexandru Ioni, St. Theotim I of Tomis and St. John
Chrysostom. Their Attitude towards the Truth
of Faith and towards the Civil Authorities ..........................9
Aleksander Minchev, The Mosaics of the Early Christian
Church at Djanavara by Varna ..........................................18
Georgi Atanasov, Sept martyrs de Dorostol qui ont
brl en lanne 304 .............................................................37
Doina Benea, A Christian Rush Light from
Tibiscum ................................................................................53
Victor H. Baumann, Old Christian Testimonies
at the Danube Rivers Mouths.....64
Mihail Zahariade, A Historical Commentary to a
Hagiographic Text: Passio Epicteti Presbyteri
et Astionis Monachi ..83
Dan Elefterescu, Marin Neagu, Little Crosses from
Dobruja Found in the Collections of Lower
Danube Museum ....112
Zaharia Covacef, Tiberiu Potrniche, Christian
Symbols on the Pottery Found in the Eastern
Sector of Capidava Fortress .121
Mitrea Ioan, The First Christian Communities from
the Central Area of Moldavia .......133

Dan Elefterescu, Two Gnostic Pieces from

Durostorum ....145
Ileana Ildiko Zahariade, Utilizing a Flask as a Piece
for Christian Ritual ....153
Nechita Runcan, Saint Nicetas of Remesianas
Missionary Work on the Right and the Left
Side of Danube River .160
Mihai Ovidiu Coi, Le christianisme au Bas-Danube
la veille de la Grande Perscution .186
Adriana Cteia, Inscriptions with a Dogmatic
Character in the Scythia Minors Epigraphy ..216
Claudiu Cotan, The Image of the Feminine
Monasticism in the Theological Works of
Saints John Chrysostom and John Cassian .229
Ionu Holubeanu, The Death Place of the Holy Martyr
Aetherius, Bishop of Cherson (The 4th Century A.D.) 241
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Florin Tuscanu, Saint John Chrysostoms Felonion

A Gift of Great Price of the Episcopate of Roman .253

Pontica Christiana

FORWARD

The Christianity of the Pontic area is as old as the Christianity

itself. The dissemination of the Christian faith in this part of the
Euro-Asiatic area is connected to the names of some Apostles of
our Savior Jesus Christ Andrew, Phillip, John or Paul. By the
agency of the first one mentioned here, the very Church from the
left waters edge of the Pontus was founded and she started to
assert herself as an integral part of the Apostolic Christian
community.
On the occasion of 1600 years of time elapsed since the falling
asleep in the Lord of the holy Bishop Theotim I of Tomis (c.390c.407), there was organized in the city of Constanta an international
Symposium under the aegis of the Center for Studies and HistoricReligious Researches of the European South-East Area Holy
Apostle Andrew of the Faculty of Theology within the scope of the
University Ovidius. On the occasion of this scientific event, the
participants have made presentations on the different aspects of the
life of the first Pontic Christian communities. It was an appropriate
occasion, seeing that St. Theotim I was the one who, by his service,
was a liaison element between Constantinople, the left side of
Pontus and the barbarian world.
Being driven by the desire for a much better affirmation and
knowledge of the ancient vestiges and documents with regard to the
ecclesiastical life of the Pontic area, the leadership of the Research
Center mentioned above has made the decision to organize
periodically this kind of symposia. At the same time, by the
agreement of those who participated in the first edition, there was
made the decision to publish the public speeches delivered by the
participants during the symposium into a volume symbolically
titled Pontica Christiana.

On this occasion, we greet the starting of this scientific project

and wish it a long life. At the same time, we hope that the studies
published in this editorial cycle, as its fruits, will be as valuable and
as useful as possible to all who are interested in going thoroughly
into the knowledge concerning the beginnings of the Church of the
Pontic area.
With hierarchical blessings,
Teodosie, Archbishop of Tomis,
Dean of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology
The University Ovidius - Constana

Pontica Christiana

ST. THEOTIM I OF TOMIS AND ST. JOHN

CHRYSOSTOM. THEIR ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE
TRUTH OF FAITH AND TOWARDS THE CIVIL
AUTHORITIES*
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by Alexandru M. Ioni
The Dobrujas regions, and of the Romanian southeast sides in
general, are a land loaded with history belonging to all the
centuries. A lot of worlds have met here, each one with its color
and perfume, each one with its pains and beauties.
From the golden time of the Hamangias thinker, to the
glorious times of the Daco-Getae, to the refined Hellenist world of
the colonies found on the shores of the Black Sea, to the Romans
who were all the time thirsty of conquering, to Scythian, to
Sarmatians, Turks, Tartars, and Lippovans, the entire zone of the
Romanian southeast is full of history, breathes history, and makes
history.
It is in this fabulous realm of culture and civilization that the
marvellous cave of the first called to apostleship by our Savior
Jesus Christ St. Andrew are found, as well as the caves from
the Dobrujas Keyes, and the cave of St. John Cassian. In this area
are, also, the amazing rupestral little churches from Basarabi
Murfatlar, in these places are palpable proofs about the existence of
some great basilicas with impressive architecture: Histria, Piatra
Frecei, Mangalia, and Constana, and here, also, is found the cave
La Movile for which the Americans from NASA came quite beside
themselves to see the first place uncovered so far on the blue planet
where life was discovered in an environment without oxygen, an
environment similar to the one which is found on the Mars planet.
Less spectacular than the mountain caves which are full of
stalactite and stalagmite the caves of Dobruja are equally
prominent and attractive, warmer, and more favorable to the living.

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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

10

In this land gave fruits relics of saints and confessors of Christs

and of the Gospels, among them the four martyrs from Niculiel,
Epictet and Astion from Halmyris Murighiol, and many others
known and unknown.
All these things are the concrete proof for this plot of land,
given by God, of being inhabited, proof of our living here and of
the growth in Christ. Let us not forget that here, in Dobruja, begins
and is developed our presence in history as an ethnic group, as
Romanians and as Christians at the same time.
Reaching the age of sixteen centuries since the passing on of
St. Theotim I, archbishop of Tomis, is a good and appropriate
occasion to be together, to dialogue and to mutually enjoy in
common ideas and feelings, as well as to mark in our history the
celebration of the great feast of St. Andrew in this current year of
salvation 2007.
We rejoice at seeing again some dear people, we are glad to be
together lovers and researchers of the historic past, we are delighted
at the presence of all of you, and hope that our communications
which are going to be presented here will bring new lights for the
revealing of the truth.
*
*

To truly remember God is tantamount to remember life;

to forget about God means to die. Of course, we recognized the
one who uttered and lived these words: St. Theotim I, archbishop
of Tomis at the balance of the 4th-5th centuries.
A lot of memorable pages have been written about this
personality of the Christian world; among their signatories we
mention here: Rev. Prof. Dr. Ioan G. Coman, Scriitori bisericeti
din epoca strromn (Ecclesiastical writers from the aboriginalRomanian epoch), Bucharest, 1979, Rev. Prof. Dr. Ioan I.
Rmureanu, Actele martirice (The martyrly acts), vol. 11 of the
collection Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti (Fathers and
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Pontica Christiana

11

ecclesiastical writers), Bucharest, 1981, and Prof. Dr. Emilian

Popescu, Sfntul Theotim I de Tomis (St. Theotim I of Tomis), in the
volume Sfini romni i aprtori ai legii strmoeti (Romanian
saints and defenders of the ancestors law), Bucharest, 1987.
Even if they are uncertain, the dates concerning the biography
of this hierarch of Tomis, who shepherded sixteen centuries ago,
places him in the second half of the 4th century and the first decade
of the next one, if we keep in mind that Blessed Hieronymus speaks
about Theotim I as about someone who wrote some works and goes
on writing, and the fact that he was an intimate of St. John
Chrysostom with whom he had cordial relationships1.
Theotim I was a man and a hierarch of deep and choice
culture, admired by his contemporaries for his life and his writings,
for the decisive intervention favoring St. John Chrysostom at
Constantinople who was accused of embracing Origens heresy
for St. John of Damascus excerpts taken from Theotims works for
his work Sacred Parallels2.
He shepherded at Tomis, an Eparchy which has marked and
has placed at intervals the road of our historic becoming in ethnic,
cultural and spiritual plan. Tomis is the oldest eparchial seat from
our current country, and it held the first role in the concert of the
Romanian Eparchies during the Byzantine Emperor Anastasius I
(491-518), when its jurisdiction was advanced to the Metropolis
rank, having under its jurisdiction fourteen eparchial seats. These
things are mostly in character with those quoted in the work
Synecdemus of Hierocles, which appeared before the better known
and quoted work Notitiae Episcopatum3.
Tomis as an eparchy and through its presiding hierarchs, in this
case Theotim I, played a pre-eminent role not only in the spreading
and the strengthening of Christianity, but in the maintaining and
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Pr. Prof. Dr. Ioan G. Coman, Scriitori bisericeti din epoca strromn,
Bucureti, 1979, p. 186.
2
Ibidem.
3 H. Honigmann, Le synekdemos dHierokles et lOpuscule geographique de
Georges de Chypre, Bruxelles, 1939, p. 13-14.
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12

continuation of the Roman world in the ranks of the indigenous

Daco-Getan-Roman and Hellenist population of Dobruja.
Theotim I was present very often in Constantinople where we
find him in the year 400 when he participated in a synod held here,
which was presided over by St. John Chrysostom and was attended
by 22 hierarchs. In the list of those who sign the documents
Theotim I is in the first place and this speaks about the esteem and
prestige he was enjoying. We find him in the same place in the year
403 when the Council of the Oak a locality near Chalcedon
takes place; today both localities belong to the former imperial
capital. There, in the prefect Rufins palace, St. Theotim I defended
the Constantinopolitan patriarch with warmth and courage, against
the accusation that he was favoring the monks who were embracing
Origens heresy, and who were banished from Egypt, as well as
from other aberrant accusations and intrigues woven to please the
Empress Eudoxia the one who became the intransigent enemy of
the great minister of the Church and of the neighbors who was St.
Chrysostom, after having been a respectful admirer of his. Even if
Theotim I knew that the Emperor Arcadius, and his wife Eudoxia,
has already ruled against the Constantinopolitan hierarch, he has
not take into account anything but the truth and the love for God
which, as we know, and point it out, also, on this occasion, to
emphasize that the love for God is always fulfilled only through the
love for the neighbors. He defended with dignity the unchangeable
and referential values of our bodily living as an earnest deposit of
attaining to the state and level of consummation.
I, Epiphanius, do not want to scorn the one who long ago fell
asleep in a beautiful manner, we talk about Origen, our note,
admired by St. John Chrysostom, who received the four Long
Brothers banished by Theophilus from Egypt, and do not dare to
carry out a blasphemy by condemning things which have not been
removed by our forebears4. We do not believe that Theotim I was
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***Actele martirice, Introductory study, translation, remarks and commentaries

by Pr. Prof. Ioan Rmureanu, in coll. Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti, Bucureti,
1989, p. 349.
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Pontica Christiana

13

the only one of all the opponents; however, the acts of the synod
quote only him, the one who was listened to as long as it was
coming from a man very bright through his devotion and the
holiness of his life.
Saint Theotim I has not disarmed neither has he fled while
having to face the migratory Huns, a tribe more brutal than any
savage beast5, and defended his shepherded ones through
kindness, through diplomacy and through wonder working. Despite
the fact that the Huns were wild by nature, he reasoned them out of
savagery to gentleness, by receiving them hospitably and offering
them gifts6. Theotim I even carried on a missionary activity among
them, and to this end he enjoyed the precious help given by St. John
Chrysostom; it is this activity that Blessed Hieronymus makes a
report on while he expresses himself in these terms: The Huns
learn the Psalter, and the Scythias colds are warmed up by the
warmth of the faith7. The Huns have admired and respected him,
and have not been shy to call him the Romans god for his
virtues8.
Through St. Theotim I, venerated and respected from the very
beginning on the days of twentieth of the month of April, the
Romanian Orthodoxy, the beginnings of which are closely and
fundamentally related to the places inhabited by us, revealed herself
in front of history, of culture, and of Christian civilization as loving
the truth and righteousness by defending the brightest hierarch of
the Byzantine Emperors capital.
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*
*

***Fontes Historiae Daco-romane, vol. II (De la anul 300 pn la anul 1000),

Published by Haralambie Mihescu, Gheorghe tefan, Radu Hncu, Vladimir
Iliescu and Virgil C. Popescu, Bucureti, 1970, p. 427.
6
***Sfini romni i apratori ai legii strmoeti, Bucureti, 1987, p. 167.
7
***Actele martirice..., p. 347.
8
***Fontes Historiae..., p. 427.
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14

The son of the excellent mother Anthusa and of the

distinguished Secundus, the illustrious pupil of Libanius, and the
choicest disciple of his Christian professors and of the ascetics of
Antioch and of Syria, the incomparable priest and bishop who was
John Chrysostom is quite known, and the multitude of pages
dedicated to him persuade us not to insist on his biography.
However, for our communication it is necessary to emphasize that
St. John Chrysostom was in the time in which he spent his life the
best one of what the Church had at the time, the best one of what
the world had at that time. Driven by his qualities, he was
electrifying the multitudes and was drawing them to him, was
filling the churches, was building spiritually, was attesting and
illustrating in an admirable manner the presence of the Christian in
the world. As a priest in Antioch and as a bishop in Constantinople,
St. John Chrysostom decisive and very conscious of his mission
brought to a stop the habitual march of the time, and turned it to the
Gospel. He dominated spiritually the people of his time; he raised
himself well above their standards, and placed on them the seal of a
personality controlled by strength and a morally sovereign value.
Even if he is well above his epoch, St. John Chrysostom remains,
however, one of its men. The principles and the very mission of his
life were truly coming from Christ; but he was interpreting them,
was applying them, and was living them in Antioch and in
Constantinople during the reigning years of Theodosius I the Great
(379-395), and Arcadius (395-408), among the ideas and the men
of his time, good and bad, friends and adversaries, under situations
and conditions which were especially belonging to his epoch.
The imperial Byzantine court was decisive for the destiny of
St. John Chrysostom as a shepherd of souls. As the supreme
authority of the state and, through this, as the element that was
generating the atmosphere in which the hierarch of the capital was
working, the imperial Court was the one which brought about both
his glory and his downfall: it raised the Antiochian priest on the
highest See of the Orient and, after that, it gave him a push from the
peak of glory and of the dignity to the misery of exile and to an
untimely death.

Pontica Christiana

15

The Empress Aelia Eudoxia was for a while very close to St.
John Chrysostom, by participating in the processions organized by
him, displaying faith and humility, even going long distances on
foot, and displaying a great magnanimity towards the Church. Yet,
being ambitious and poorly advised, she carried out some
scandalous deeds for which it was a normal thing not to have the
approval of the hierarch. Despite his kindness and gentleness, St.
John Chrysostom proved himself to be adamantly opposed to the
sins which were destructive to the souls and were yielding social
suffering, sins which were committed by the Byzantine imperial
Court.
As the great defender of Christianity, and censor of the
superstitions and of immorality, St. John Chrysostom could not
have been convenient to the followers of the heathenism either; a
heathenism which was still influent and strong, despite the fact that
it was dying. By eulogizing the Christendom while comparing it
with heathendom, he brought about pain to the followers of the
latter one much more than the imperial laws promulgated against
them.
If we add to these things, also, the dissatisfaction of the
Alexandrian hierarchs as far as the advancement of Constantinople
to the rank of first See of the Orient and equal to Rome is
concerned through the Second Ecumenical Synods canons
(Constantinople, 381) the things become much more delicate for
the one who had the courage to criticize kingly sins.
St. John Chrysostom was not a courtier bishop as,
unfortunately, were a lot in his time; suffice it to mention
Theophilus of Alexandria and Epiphanius of Salamina. Despite his
talent and his worth, St. John Chrysostom was not gifted with
political manners and he was not obliging, complaisant. He did not
know anything beyond the right and the duty. Had he not loved so
much his shepherded ones, whom he spared from arrests and from
every kind of persecutions at the cost of his quietness, and even at
the price of his life, St. John Chrysostom could have quaked the
imperial Court and the capital, maybe even the Empire.

16

By taking advantage of the weakness as well as of the

continuous nonage of the Emperor Arcadius and full of confidence
in his power and influence over him, the Goth general Gainas asked
for an Orthodox church to be given to his Arian fellows. It was only
a matter of time. St. John Chrysostom had to intervene and to stress
that the Arians have their church outside of the walls of the Capital.
Against Gainas complaint that a Roman general who
brought so many services to the Empire cannot be forced to look
for God outside of the city St. John Chrysostom had to remember
the barbarian without sparing his haughtiness and without being
afraid of his power how much he is indebted to the Empire which
raised him from the status of a simple man to the one of a high
official. The result was that the general Gainas and his ilk have
respected him as a saint and for no one else of the Empire they have
displayed so much consideration!
The one hated by the Empress Eudoxia and by the Alexandrian
hierarch, Theophilus, the one who was condemned by a passionate
synod and by a weak Emperor St. John Chrysostom was
encouraged and defended by the faithful people whose warmth and
affection he felt during the days of his anxieties and suffering. He
was deeply convinced that he and his faithful are a single body and
he was not deluding himself when he was stating that nothing can
separate him from them9.
They preserved their love for him in exile and beyond death;
they suffered for him from the state authorities as well as from his
successors who have not forgot him and have not given up.
However, some of his successors demanded strongly to have his
name registered again in the dyptichs and to have his bones brought
to Constantinople until they succeeded in doing that. In the year
438, at the command of Theodosius II, the son of Arcadius and of
Eudoxia, the body of the Great and Holy Hierarch who was grossly
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Prof. Teodor Popescu, Epoca Sfntului Ioan Gur de Aur, in Ortodoxia, IX

(1957), nr. 4, p. 533; Pr. Prof. Ene Branite, Sfinii Trei Ierarhi n cultul cretin,
in Biserica Ortodox Romn, LXXVI (1958), nr. 1-2, p. 180.
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Pontica Christiana

17

wronged was brought back to Capital an event which is written

down in the calendar, also.
They retrieved forever his name, his rights and his honor while
raising their voices in the very imperial church of the Holy
Apostles from Constantinople where Arcadius and Eudoxia are
interred, while facing the bones of the Hierarch and placing them in
the place where they belonged, in remembrance of him at that
very moment they were raising their voices, saying: Father, take
back your throne!.
SF. TEOTIM I DE TOMIS I
SF. IOAN GUR DE AUR. ATITUDINEA LOR FA DE
ADEVRUL DE CREDIN I FA DE AUTORITILE
VREMII
- rezumat Sfntul Theotim I, arhiepiscop al Tomsiului, i Sf. Ioan Gur
de Aur, patriarhul Constantinopolului au fost doi mari ierarhi ai
Bisericii drept mritoare i propovduitori ai Evangheliei, doi
aprtori de excepie ai autonomiei Bisericii.
S-au cunoscut i s-au respectat. Ierarhul de Tomis l-a aprat cu
cldur i curaj pe patriarhul constantinopolitan de aberantele
acuzaii i intrigi esute de Teofil al Alexandriei i l-a curtea
imperial.
Dei nu credem s fi fost singurul, actele sinodului de la Stejar
(403) l citeaz doar pe Theotim I, al crui cuvnt era ascultat de
vreme ce venea de la un brbat strlucit prin cucernicia i sfinenia
vieii sale.

18

THE MOSAICS OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN

CHURCH AT DJANAVARA BY VARNA
by Aleksander Minchev
(Bulgaria - Varna)
In the years 1915 and 1919, the eminent Bulgarian
archaeologist Hermin Shkorpil excavated south of Varna a very
interesting Early Christian church with mosaic floors1. It is situated
at a relatively distant site called Djanavara, located beyond the
Varna Lake, ca 4 km away of the ancient city of Odessos (fig. 1). A
unique set of three Early Christian reliquaries made of marble,
silver and gold discovered by him in a crypt beneath the church
altar, made this site very popular among the scholarly world2.
Unfortunately due to the unexpected death of H. Shkorpil soon
after the excavation was completed, the results remained
unpublished. There is no documentation left behind except a quite
popular description, part of a general museum report3. A not very
precisely made plan of the church was later published by V.
Ivanova in her profound study of the Christian churches and
monasteries in Bulgaria. In her publication she gave a very short
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H. Shkorpil, K. Shkorpil, Twenty Years of Activity of the Varna Archaeological

Society, Izvestiya na Varnenskoto arheologichesko druzhestvo, Varna, VII,
1921, p. 59-61; R. F. Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and
South Serbia, London, 1963, p. 219; Al. Mintschev (=Al. Minchev), Das frhe
Christentum in Odessos und seinem Territorium, in W. Shuller (Hrsg.), Die
bulgarische Schwarzmeerkste im Altertum (= Xenia XVI), Konstanz, 1985, p.
57-58; St. Doncheva, The Church at Djanavara Site: [Architectural]
Composition and Parallels, in The Black Sea between East and West (in
Bulg.), (ed. M. Lazarov), Varna, 2003, p. 126-133 and bibl.
2
H. Buschhausen, Die sptrmischen Metallscrinia und frhchristlichen
Reliquiare (=Wiener byzantinisch Studien, IX), Wien, 1971, p. 263-265, No C-1,
pl. C 1-3; Age of Spirituality. Catalogue of Exhibition (ed. K. Wetzmann), New
York, 1979, p. 631-632, No 569; Al. Minchev, Early Christian Reliquaries from
Bulgaria (4th- 6th century A.D.), Varna, 2003, p. 15-18, Nos. 1-3 and bibl.
3
H. Shkorpil, K. Shkorpil, op.cit., p. 59-61.
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Pontica Christiana

19
th

th

description and dated it to 4 -5 century A.D., according to

personal information submitted by K. Shkorpil. The mosaic
pavements found in three of the church premises were only
mentioned with no details given at all. There was also a promise for
a forthcoming general publication of the church and all finds in it,
prepared by him, which has never happened4.
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Fig. 1 - Map of Northeastern Bulgaria showing the main

Early Byzantine cities and strongholds of the region
V. Ivanova, Ancient Churches and Monasteries in Bulgaria (4th c. A.D. -14th
century) (in Bulg.), in Godishnik na Narodniya muzey (Yearbook of the
National Museum), Sofia, IV, 1922-1925, p. 460-461.
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20

The few available general photos of the church taken during the
excavation do not provide more information either because they did
not show the pavements in details. Nevertheless, due to the
publication of V. Ivanova and because of its unusual planning and
structure, the church has been mentioned permanently ever since
1925 in various publications on Early Christian architecture and art
in both Bulgaria and abroad5.
Between 1997 and 2007, the author of this article re-excavated
the church including the three premises with mosaic pavements
discovered by H. Shkorpil, which were later deliberately covered
by soil never seen after. Apart from undertaking some in situ
conservation of the mosaics, another aim of the research was to
obtain up-to date information about the plan of the church, its
construction and dating, as well as taking general and detailed
photos of the mosaics of which design nothing was known before6.
The Djanavara church has a very unusual plan (fig. 2). It is a
single-nave edifice with four rectangular two-storied premises
projecting north and south of it, which served as defense towers as
well. It has also a short narthex and a colonnaded atrium, partially
preserved at the time of Shkorpils excavation, but now covered by
a fifty years - old forest and thus impossible to be cleared up again.
The church itself measures 31 by 28 m and has very thick walls
built in opus mixtum.
The most attractive architectural part is the semicircular apse,
which is not projecting out of the church as it is typical for all other
churches on the Balkans. On the contrary, it is but incorporated
within its solid made and very wide east wall i.e. the apse became
part of the presbytery. The presbytery itself has had a marble
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R. F. Hoddinott, op.cit., p. 219, fig. 148; A. L. Jacobson, About the Periods of

the Mediaeval Architecture in Bulgaria (5th-6th c. A.D.) (in Russ.), in Kratkiye
soobshcheniya Instituta arkheologii, 172, Moscow, 1984, p. 47-50; N. ChanevaDechevska, Early Christian Architecture in Bulgaria 4th-6th c. A.D. (in Bulg.),
Sofia, 1999, p. 175-176, etc.
6
Al. Minchev, Two Mosaics with Eastern Motifs in the Region of Varna, in The
Christian Idea in the European History and Culture (ed. D. Ovcharov), Varna,
2001, p. 44-54.
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Pontica Christiana

21

chancel screen and there are also traces of a marble plated floor in.
The base of a large marble ambo was found by H. Shkorpil in situ
west of the chancel, which of only a little fragment is still available.

Fig. 2 - Plan of the Djanavara Early Christian church with the location
of the discovered mosaic floors

22

Two identical spaces of circular plan with spiral-shaped

staircases inside were also incorporated within the eastern wall, on
both sides of the altar. They have access to the projecting east side
rooms and consequently to the sanctuary. Their staircases led to the
second floor of the church where the defense tower-spaces were
situated (fig. 3). In the structure of the apse there existed a threestep synthronon, which speaks in favor of the possibility that this
church served as an Episcopal one for a certain Early Christian
community or congregation in this area)7.
The church was allegedly part of a much larger complex, most
probably a monastery. This suggestion was proved by the recent
excavation on the site outside of the church where remains of
additional structures were traced. They have been adjoined at a later
stage East, West and possibly North of the main building8.
Mosaic pavements executed in opus vermiculatum covered the
floors of only three of the four projecting spaces, namely the two
southern ones and the northeastern one while the nave and the forth
one, used as a baptistery with built-in cross-shaped baptismal font
have had most probably marble paving9. The mosaic decoration
was paved over a solid made stone-and-mortar base of 0.40 m
thickness, which is almost double in height to most other Early
Christian mosaics of the time. The tesserae used for the purpose
were of various colours. They have been cut-out of marble, (the
white and light grey ones) limestone (white and light beige), gneiss
(dark green) and terracotta (yellow and red). Their size varied from
0.8 x 0.8 to 1 x 1 cm. This multi-coloured material offered
possibility for applying interesting combination of patterns and
design compositions on the church floor of side rooms.
A few tesserae made of stone and glass, which differ in size and
material from the ones used in the floor pavements were found in
the debris over the floor of the nave and at the southern premises.
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Ibidem, p. 53-54 and the discussion there.

Al Minchev, Salvage Excavation of the Early Christian Church at Djanavara
Locality by Varna (in Bulg.), in Arkheologicheski otkritiya i razkopki
(Archaeological Discoveries and Excavations) - 2007, Sofia, 2008, p. 502-503.
9
Idem, Two Mosaics , p. 47-54, figs. 5-11.
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Pontica Christiana

23

They are much smaller (from 0.3 x 0.4 to 0.6 x 0.6 cm) and some of
them are made of coloured glass, which suggested that within the
edifice there were also some wall mosaics.

Fig. 3 - Recent situation and possible reconstruction

of the Djanavara church

Small plaster fragments painted in various colours (blue,

green, yellow and red) and a few specially shaped thin marble
plaques of Proconesian marble and green granite were also

24

discovered during the excavation of H. Shkorpil. They evidenced

for the existence of wall paintings or at least of painted walls and
opus sectile mosaics in the church too.

Fig. 4 - General design of the mosaic at the Northeastern room

The floors of all three premises with mosaic pavements are

showing various designs and use of tesserae of different colours.
Most probably, the mosaics were executed simultaneously by at
least two masters or groups of artisans, which used different
patterns when decorating the room floors.
The Northeastern projecting room is rectangular in shape (7.60
x 5.70 m) and its floor was discovered during the recent excavation
partially damaged by later intrusions. It has an ordinary in design
main mosaic panel, surrounded by a very sophisticated and
picturesque borders (fig. 4).The general decoration of its large
central panel consists of simple orthogonal pattern executed in

Pontica Christiana

25

white, green, yellow and red. It was outlined by a narrow cable

motif and framed by an wide border with elaborate design. The
entire border is covered by intersecting lozenges in elliptic- and
heart shapes with a lot of vine leafs and large grapes. They emerge
out of acanthus-shaped baskets depicted in three of the corners
(fig. 5). The grapes on the lozenges are doted in the centre (fig. 6),
which is an unusual way of depicting such motif on the Balkans10. I
could not trace in Bulgaria any other mosaic pattern identical to this
one. The only similar in design images of lozenges and dotted
grapes but executed in quite a different way are depicted on the
mosaic pavement of basilica No 2 of late 4th early 5th century
A.D. excavated at the ancient city of Nicopolis ad Nestum by
Garmen, Distict of Blagoevgrad11.
On the other hand, much closer in design are several mosaics
in Israel. The intersecting lozenges (scrolls) with dotted grapes at
the early Byzantine Monastery of St. Martyrius in Maale
Adumim of first half of 6th c. A.D. are very similar in their way of
execution to the one at Djanavara church12, as well as those at St.
Stephens basilica in Horvat Beer Shema of late 6th c. A.D.13.
Similar scheme of intersecting lozenges in oval- or heart-shape are
typical decoration of Early Byzantine mosaics in the Near East in
general: in Tunis14, Jordan15, etc.
The same goes for the acanthus baskets and vine leafs, which
are depicted at Djanavara mosaic in two colours, divided by their
length. Similar in shape baskets or vessels, which are formed by
acanthus leafs of the same type as at Djanavara church were
depicted at several basilicas: at Beth Shean (ancient Scythopolis) in
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10

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Ibidem, p. 48-51, figs. 5-7 and discussion.

V. Popova-Moroz, 24 Ancient Mosaics from Bulgaria (in Bulg.), Sofia, 1987,
p. 46, fig. 21.
12
Y. Magen, The Monastery of St. Martyrius at Maale Adumim, in Ancient
Churches Revealed (ed. Y. Tsafrir), Jerusalem, 1993, p. 173, pl. XI/a.
13
D. Gazit, Y. Lender, The Church of St. Stephen at Horvat Beer-Shema, in
Anc. Chs. Rev., p. 274-275, figs. 1-3.
14
M. Gough, The Origins of Christian Art, London, 1973, p. 166, fig. 161.
15
M. Picirillo, The Mosaics of Jordan, Amman, 1993, p. 144, fig. 425.
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11
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26

Israel16, at Sabratha in Jordan17, both of them dated to the first half

of 6th century A.D. This is a serious reason to believe that
mosaicists of Eastern origin (maybe of a Syro-Palestinian one?)
were involved in completion of this particular mosaic floor of the
Early Christian church at Djanavara.
The shape of the Southeastern projecting room of the church is
also rectangular and of same dimensions as the Northeastern one
(7.60 x 5.70 m). Here the central panel pavement has a more simple
decoration (fig. 7). It consists of quatrefoils, formed by intersecting
circles (fig. 8). The mosaic is outlined by stair-shaped triangles
followed by wide border along the walls decorated by multicoloured ivy tendrils on white background18. Tesserae of the same
colours as those in the Northeastern room were used in this one too.
In the mosaic border the ivy leafs are also often depicted
divided by their length and sometime using two different colours,
usually green and red. In the border band along the South wall of
the room, there are also two chalices (or stemmed glasses) with
wine, depicted among the ivy twigs (fig. 9).
This might be an indication about this room being connected to
some Eucharistic rites practiced there. The representation of the ivy
leafs divided in two sections is not typical for the Balkan region,
but they are seen more often in the East. Both main patterns the
octagonal one of the large panel and the ivy tendrils are widely
used in mosaic pavements of 5th-6th century A.D. in Bulgaria and
abroad and there is no need to list them here19. On the other hand,
chalices are scarcely represented on Early Christian floor mosaics. I
can point out for instance to a pair depicted in the main mosaic
panel of the 6th century A.D. church annex at Zipari, on the Island
of Kos in Greece20.
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16

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C. M. Dauphine, A Note of Laying Early Byzantine Mosaics in the light of

Inhabited Scrolls, in Levant, VIII (1976), p. 156, fig. 1.
17
Gough, op.cit., p. 166, fig. 161.
18
Al. Minchev, op.cit., p. 50-51, figs. 8-9.
19
Ibidem, p. 52 and bibl.
20
D. Parrish, An early Byzantine Mosaic Workshop Based on Cos: Architectural
Context and Pavement Design, in Antiquit tardive, 9, 2001, p. 339, fig. 11.
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Pontica Christiana

Fig. 5 - Detail of the mosaic border showing

the acanthus-shaped vase with lozenges

27

28

Fig. 6 - Detail of the mosaic border, showing intersecting lozenges

and grapes

Pontica Christiana

29

The Southwestern projecting room at Djanavara is almost

square in shape (6. 40 by 6. 10 m). Its floor is covered by mosaic
pavement of a simple but quite attractive polychrome design
(fig.10). The large square central panel shows a large square in
shape and colourfull chessboard pattern (fig. 11). The ancient
master used gneiss, limestone and terracotta tesserae of larger
dimensions (from 1 x 1 to 1.2 x 1.2 cm), carefully arranging them
on the panel in following diagonal rows of squares in red, green,
yellow and white. A narrow border of red and white triangles
outlined it all around. The room has an outer and much wider
border of ivy leaf tendrils executed in yellow, green and red on
white background (fig. 12), which made the entire decoration even
more picturesque21.
Both the patterns of the border and the central panel are quite
popular mosaic motifs in the Roman and Late Roman/ Early
Byzantine mosaics. They were found in many secular and religious
buildings. The chessboard pattern appears in several variations
since 1st century A.D. onwards up to 6th century A.D.22. I shall
mention just some of the chessboard patterns of Late Antiquity
excavated in Bulgaria: in a building at Djambaz tepe in Plovdiv of
4th-5th century A.D. and in a private residential house of the same
date at Stara Zagora ancient Augusta Trajana23, in the basilica of
5th-6th century A.D. at Partizanska Street in Sandanski24, etc.
The chessboard patterns were widely used on floor pavements
during Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods. They appeared on
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21

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Al. Minchev, op.cit., p. 52-53, figs. 10-11.

J. Meder, Ranocranski mozaici na istonom Jadranu, in Ranocranski
mozaici u Jugoslaviji (ed. L. Plesniar), Bitolj, 1980, p. 120, No. 1; H. Mitsuro,
Mosaics, in Preliminary Report on Excavation of a Villa Romana at Cazzanello,
Tarquinia, Italy (eds. M. Takano, S. Matsuyama), Tokyo, 1995 (= Annual
Report of the Institute of Cultural Exchange, 11, 1995), p. 106-109 and bibl.
23
Chr. Koranda, Geometrische Gliederungsschemata frchristlicher Mosaiken
Bulgariens, in Jahreseheften des sterreichischen Archologischen Institutes,
Wien, 1991-1992, p. 86.
24
D. Stoyanova-Serafimova, Die frchristliche basilica in der Ul. Partizanska /
Sandanski, in Mitteilungen zur christliche Archologie, Wien, 2000, p. 13-14,
fig. 5.
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22
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30

pavements edifices of various purposes and all around the Empire.

This statement has been proved by excavated mosaics in Greece: at
Oluntos basilica on the Island of Crete (end of 5th century
A.D.)25; at a private house on Olympiados Str. in Thessalonica of
late 4th early 5th century A.D.26; in Italy: at the late 5th-eraly 6th
century A.D. basilica of St Apostles in Ravenna27 and at the Parma
cathedral of late 4th-5th century A.D.28; in Croatia: at the 6th century
A.D. basilica by Rab and at a villa urbana by Solin of 5th century
A.D.29. The chessboard pattern is available at Christian churches
also in France and throughout the Near East30.
If we consider the dating of most mosaic parallels mentioned
above and especially the most significant Eastern ones referring to
the mosaic in the Northeastern room, the mosaic pavement and the
Djanavara church itself should be dated to the first half of 6th
century A.D.
The entire floor pavement was made obviously after a
carefully and of fully consideration premeditated plan. The
execution quality of all mosaic floors as well as that of the inner
marble decoration evidenced for a sophisticated and expensive
project, which was fulfilled in a short period. Combined with the
lavishly made marble architectural stones and the painted wall
decoration inside the building, it is becomes clear, that this Early
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25

St. Pelekanidis, P. Atzaka, Corpus mosaicorum Christianorum vetustiorum

pavimentorum Graecorum (in Greek). Thessaloniki, 1974, p. 115, No. 96, pl. 86.
26
P. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka (=. -),
E, (-).
1. , Thessaloniki, 1998, p. 248-249, No.
2.26, pl. 153d.
27
G. P. Galliet, Levergetisme monumental Chrtien en Italie et ses marges,
Paris, 1993, p. 43-47, pl. 34.
28
Ibidem, p. 55-58, pl. 45b.
29
J. Meder, op.cit., p. 12, fig. 1.
30
L. Balmelle et al., Le dcor gometrique de la mosaque romaine, Paris, 1985,
p. 172-173, pl. 114e; R. Ovadiah, A. Ovadiah, Hellenistic, Roman and early
Byzantine Mosaic Pavements in Israel, Roma, 1987, p. 77, No 111, pl. XCIII/3;
and bibl.
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Pontica Christiana

31

Christian temple was one of the most impressive spiritual edifices

of its time in the environs of Odessos.

Fig. 7 - General design of the mosaic in the Southeastern room

The influence from the Oriental world to the general concept

of some of the Djanavara mosaic floors is clearly visible. They are
quite different to the value and basic elements of the GraecoRoman mosaic heritage traced in the region. There are some
important data like some motifs and way of execution of some
pavements, which help to assume that some artisans of Eastern
origin specialized in mosaic paving, completed its simple in general
but rather multiform floor decoration. They have arrived in Odessos
most probably from Syria, which was the main source for
immigrants to the city in the Early Byzantine period, quite a few of
them being followers of the monophysite doctrine. A large Syrian
religious community existed in the ancient city during 5th and 6th
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32

century A.D., which has been confirmed by numerous grave

inscriptions of the same date. Some of them belonged to rich
families of merchants and ship-owners, while other ones mentioned
the presence of Christian priests of Eastern origin31.
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Fig. 8 - Detail of the large mosaic panel showing intersecting circles

and rosettes

It is quite possible that namely this remote but no so distant

from the city of Odessos hilly area, offering an wonderful overview
to the Black Sea coast and Varna Lake, was chosen by members of
a monophysitic congregation for erecting of their large and unusual
in plan church. It is well known that at certain periods they were
persecuted by the official Church and therefore a hidden in the hills
31

Al. Minev (=Al. Minchev), Die westliche Schwarzmeerkste und der Osten in
der Sptantike, in R. Pillinger (Hrsg.), Sptantike und frhbyzantinische Kultur
Bulgariens zwischen Orient und Okzident, Wien, 1986, p. 105-113 and bibl.
32
Idem, Das frhe Christentum, p. 58; N. Chaneva-Dechevska, op.cit., p. 175176 and the discussion there.
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Pontica Christiana

33

and forests place for praying was considered as a precaution for

some possible turbulent times to come in the future. Maybe the
church at Djanavara, which is so different from all other Christian
temples on the Balkans32, was designed according to the specific
rites used in their religious services, not very popular among the
other city congregations. The financial possibilities of the founders
or sponsors of this building and of the community in general
allowed inviting artisans and mosaicists from their land (or area), of
origin. This was done in order to have a lavishly decorated
Christian temple for their local fellow-believers, of which they all
would be proud.
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Fig. 9 - Detail of the mosaic border showing ivy tendrils and a chalice

The reason about erecting the church at Djanavara site must

have been the continuous tide connections of the citizens of

34

Odessos and to some extend of the surrounding region with a

number of Early Christian centres and communities in Asia Minor
and the Near East. These were the areas where from, some queer
religious beliefs, a lot of artistic inspiration and new art trends were
introduced to this Western Black Sea coastal city and its vicinity.
The newcomers from the East left behind a strong impact on the
rather poor local traditions in mosaic art and enriched it in ideas of
composition, motifs and techniques used. Odessos and its artisans
were the transmission, which transferred some peculiar and rather
sophisticated mosaic designs to other towns and areas in the NorthEastern part of the Balkan Peninsula.

Fig. 10 - General design of the mosaic in the Southwestern room

Pontica Christiana

Fig. 11 - Detail of the large mosaic panel showing chessboard squares

Fig. 12 - Detail of the mosaic, showing the chessboard pattern

and ivy tendrils of the border

35

36

MOZAICURILE BAZILICII PALEOCRETINE

DE LA DJANAVARA (REGIUNEA VARNA)
- rezumat n vecintatea cetii Odessos (azi Varna), la locul numit
Djanavara (fig. 1), au fost descoperite ruinele unei bazilici
paleocretine. n trei dintre ncperile anexe ale edificiului (fig. 2),
pavimentul este acoperit cu mozaicuri. Dei bazilica a fost excavat
pentru prima dat la nceputul secolului al XX-lea, studiul de fa
este primul n care sunt prezentate i analizate mozaicurile de la
Djanavara.
Mozaicurile bazilicii sunt executate n tehnica opus
vermiculatum. La executarea lor meterii mozaicari s-au folosit de
un material multicolor. Sunt reprezentate motive vegetale via de
vie cu ciorchini de struguri, mldie de ieder cu frunze , potirul,
inima i diferite combinaii geometrice (fig. 4-12). Pentru unele
dintre ele, cum ar fi ciorchinele de strugure sau potirul cu vin,
simbolistica cretin este evident.
Caracteristicile motivelor ornamentale realizate, precum i
modul de execuie al mozaicurilor au condus la concluzia c ele
sunt opera unor meteri venii din Orient, cel mai probabil din Siria.
Se pare c ele au fost executate simultan de cel puin doi meteri
sau echipe de meteri mozaicari.
Bazilica paleocretin de la Djanavara (fig. 3) este datat n
prima jumtate a secolului al VI-lea d.Hr. Ea fcea parte dintr-un
complex eclesiastic mai vast, probabil o mnstire. Este posibil s
fi aparinut membrilor unei comuniti monofizite.

Pontica Christiana

37

SEPT MARTYRS DE DOROSTOL

QUI ONT BRL EN LANNEE 304
by Georgi Atanasov
(Bulgarie Silistra)
Sous linfluence de son gendre Galerii, au dbut de lan 304,
lempereur Diocltien (284 305) fait diter le quatrime et le plus
radical dit contre les chrtiens, dans lequel est prononce la peine
de mort pour ceux qui ne voudraient pas renoncer leur foi33. Ni
avant, ni aprs cela, les chrtiens dans lEmpire romain ne sont pas
perscuts avec tant de cruaut, nont pas support tant de
souffrances et nont pas donn tant de victimes. Une pareille
tragdie a eu lieu aussi dans les communes basses chrtiennes dans
les provinces Scythie et Seconde Mysie, de laquelle tmoignent
assez de sources agiographiques34. ct des autres informations,
cest un tmoignage indirect du fait quici lhistoire du
christianisme est plus ancienne. Son dbut ne peut pas tre encore
prcis mais probablement dans les territoires du Bas-Danube et
plus spcialement Durostorum, la thorie et la pratique
chrtiennes pntrent ds la deuxime moiti du III-e s. Il parat que
cela se ralise par lintermdiaire des marchands et surtout des
soldats de lOrient, au service militaire dans la XI-e lgion Claudia
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E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire, t. 1. De lEtat romain lEtat byzantin (284

476), Paris, 1959, p. 80 81; A. H. M. Jones, The later Roman Empire 284
602, Oxford, 1964, p. 71-82; M. Velkov (. ),
, , Sofia, 1993, . 135137.
34
J. Zeiller, Les origines chrtiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de lEmpire
romain, Paris, 1918, p. 28-30, 165-166; . Delehaye, Saints de Thrace et de
Msie, Bruxelles, 1912, p. 265-268; Idem, Les origines du culte des martyres,
Bruxelles, 1933, p. 248-249; Em. Popescu, Martiri i sfini n Dobrogea (II),
Studii Teologice , XLI (1989), 4, p. 72-75; I. Rmureanu, Actele martirice, ,
tude introductif, traduction, notes et commentaires par ..., coll. Prini i
Scriitori Bisericeti , vol. 11, Bucureti, 1982, . 241-255.
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38

qui y campait vers les annes 105-10635. Dailleurs, on a dj prt

attention au fait que ds les II-III s. les cultes orientaux
commencent devenir populaires dans ces rgions, respectivement
Durostorum36. Spcialement parmi les soldats de la XI-e lgion
Claudia cest le culte vers le dieu Mitra qui jouit dun bon accueil.
Dans ce sens, il nexiste pas dobstacles insurmontables pour les
chrtiens de lOrient de circuler et de diffuser leurs ides en
Dobroudja ainsi qu Durostorum. Il y a mme des sources crites
catgoriques et surtout des monuments pigraphiques concernant
les vagues priodiques dmigrs de Syrie et dAsie Mineure vers
le littoral de la Mer Noire et des villes du Bas-Danube37. Dans cette
liaison, on peut prcisment affirmer que lors des grandes
perscutions des chrtiens dans les provinces de lOrient, pendant
la deuxime moiti du III-e s., une grande partie dentre eux
migrent dans les territoires du Bas-Danube. ce sujet, on cite un
pangyrique de 296, en lhonneur de Constance Chlore o lon
soutient que le dsert de la Thrace (pendant cette priode
Dobroudja se trouve dans le diocse de Thrace et elle est faiblement
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R. Ivanov, G. Atanasov, P. Donevski (. , . , . ),

, t. 1., (History of Silistra, I-st
Volume, The Ancient Durostorum), Silistra-Sofia, 2006, p. 77-98, 166-185.
36
K. Patch, Durostorum, Paulys Realencyclopdie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft (=RE), V, 1905, s. 1863-1864; Ia. Todorov (.
), Durostorum. , Sofia,
1927, p. 8 .; D. M. Pippidi. Scythica Minora. Recherches sur les colonies
grecques du littoral roumain de la mer Noire, Bucureti-Amsterdam, 1975, p.
281-297; M. Taceva-Hitova (. -),
(V . ... V . ..), Sofia, 1982, p.
345.
37
V. Velkov (. ),
(V-V.), Sofia, 1959, p. 236; , t. 1, Sofia,
1984, . 145, 150151; A. Mincev (. ),
, - , 22 (37),
1986, p. 31; A. Suceveanu, A. Barnea, La Dobroudja Romaine, Bucarest, 1991,
p. 243 245; Sur les influences architectorales syriennes a Dobrodja: R. Vulpe, I.
Barnea, Din istoria Dobrogei, vol. 2, Bucureti, 1968, p. 475, fig. 34; G.
Atanasov,
, , 3, 1991, . 33-41.
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Pontica Christiana

39

peuple) se remplit de gens qui viennent dAsie et qui amnent

christianisme et lumire38. Il parat que justement parmi eux il faut
chercher quelques-uns des premiers promoteurs du christianisme
Durostorum et en Dobroudja.
Daprs les sources, probablement 7 des 12 martyrs de
Durostorum ont trouv la mort de martyr au temps du
gouvernement de Diocltien, ce qui suppose quils sont les victimes
des dits des annes 303-30439.
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1, 2. Saint Jules et Saint Isihii

Nous obtenons les informations de base, concernant ces
martyrs de Durostorum, de lhagiographie de Saint Jules40, dont la
vracit est douteuse daprs certains chercheurs41. Mais on peut y
trouver de linformation authentique qui ne doit pas tre nglige.
Daprs le texte, au cours des grandes perscutions des chrtiens
(probablement vers lan 304) le vtran de larme romaine, Jules,
est arrt et jug par le substitut Maxim cause de sa foi en Jsus
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N. Iorga, Istoria Romnilor, vol. II, Bucureti, 1936, p. 34; V. Baumann,

Mrturii ale persecuiilor religioase din zona Dunrii de Jos in primele secole
ale erei cretine, vol. Izvoarele cretinismului romnesc , Constana, 2003, p.
101-102.
39
G. Atanasov, , vol. .
(V-V .). ,
, , , Varna-Veliko Tarnovo, 2007, p. 15-22.
40
A. Harnack, Les actes latins de Julies, (Bibliographia hageographica Latina)
(=BHL), Mnchen, col. 4555-4556), Analecta Bolandiana , 10, 1891, p. 5052. La supposition de V. Baumann que Saint Jules a t tu lors des perscutions
des chrtiens au temps de Svre Alexandre en 228, ne repose pas sur des
arguments convaincants, voir : V. Baumann, op. cit., p. 101. Ici V. Baumann
mentionne aussi Saint Priscus, dcd lors des perscutions du temps de Valrien
vers les annes 253-259 en le liant Dinogetia ou bien Durostorum. Dans les
sources authentiques Saint Priscus de Durostorum nexiste pas. Il y a un Saint
Priscus dcd de la mort des martyrs le 1 octobre mais il est li Tomis. Voir
Dix Mille Saints. Dictionnaire hagiographique, rdig par les Bndictins de
Ramsgate, Turnhout, Brepols, 1991.
41
. Delehaye, Saints de Thrace et , p. 261; R. Constantinesco, Les martyrs de
Durostorum, Revue des tudes sud-est europennes , V (1967), 1-2, p. 9.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

40

Christ. Il ne nie pas quil soit chrtien et naccepte aucune

condition deffectuer un sacrifice devant les idoles des dieux
paens. Il suit un cart lyrique dans lequel Jules dcrit son service
militaire honnte et impeccable (videmment dans la XI-e lgion
Claudia) et sa participation dans sept guerres avant de prendre la
retraite. Les essais obstins de Maxim de briser la volont de Jules
avec des promesses dargent et de profits restent sans rsultat. En
vrai chrtien, il prfre droger, aux lois crites mais non pas aux
lois divines parce quil croit dans la gloire ternelle quon peut
atteindre par la mort de martyr. Enfin, le substitut Maxim donne
lordre : Que Jules, qui ne dsire pas se soumettre aux ordres du
roi, soit condamn mort . Sur le chemin vers lchafaud
Durostorum, o dordinaire on ralisait les excutions, beaucoup de
chrtiens lembrassaient, malgr ses avertissements quils
sexposaient un grand danger. Un homme (chrtien) appel Isihii,
qui tait de mme sous escorte, se tournent vers le condamn avec
les mots : Je te jure, Jules, remplis avec joie ton vu et reois la
couronne que Dieu a promis de donner ceux qui croient en lui et
souviens- toi de moi parce que je vais te suivre. Et salue, je ten
prie, frre Valentian, serviteur de Dieu, qui, grce sa grande foi,
est dj arriv auprs de Dieu.
Aprs cette rencontre courte et dramatique, Jules embrasse
Isihii et lui dit : Dpche-toi de venir, mon frre. Et ton salut va
tre transmis (pour Valentian rem. G.A.). Enfin, Jules noue ses
yeux lui-mme et se dirige vers lchafaud o il est dcapit.
Lauteur de lhagiographie date la mort de martyr de Saint
Jules vers le 27 mai (probablement 304) tandis qu propos de la
dcapitation de Saint Isihii rien nest mentionn. Mais du contexte
on reste avec limpression quil a t dcapit peu aprs Jules. Et en
effet, daprs Hironym le Bat, le 15 juillet Durostorum est tu
Saint Isihii42. Sous la date du 27 mai, il y manque le nom de Saint
Jules, ce qui provoque une confusion parmi les chercheurs.
Dailleurs, daprs la mme source, le 4 juillet est mentionn un
TP

TP

42

PT

H. Delehaye, H. Quentin, Martyrologium Hieronymianum, Bruxellis, 1931, p.

241; . Delehaye, op.cit., p. 269.
PT

Pontica Christiana

41

certain Saint Jules mais il nest pas trs sr que ce soit un martyr de
Durostorum. Dans la hagiographie de Saint Jules, il est question
dun Valentinian qui
videmment est connu par Isihii et
probablement est dcd de la mort de martyr peu avant la
dcapitation de Saint Jules, cest--dire avant le 27 mai. Vraiment,
dans le Synaxare du sige de patriarche de Tsarigrad et dans la
Mnologie de Vasilii II, on mentionne Saint Valentinian de
Durostorum43, qui est dcapit le 24 avril, a veut dire un mois
plutt que Saint Jules et Saint Isihii.
TP

PT

3. 4. Saint Valentinian et Saint Passicrate

Ci-dessus jai indiqu que Saint Valentinian avec Saint
Passicrate sont mentionns dans le Synaxare du sige du patriarche
de Tsarigrad. On peut y lire les suivants: Le mme jour (24 avril
rem.G.A.) on fte la mort des saints martyrs Passicrate et
Valentinian. Ils provenaient de Dorostol en Mysie, taient des
chrtiens et soldats dans une lgion, commande par Avzolin44.
Pareil, mais rdig, abrg et un peu chang est le texte dans la
Mnologie de Vasilii II, o on peut lire que le 24 avril on glorifie:
Les martyrs chrtiens Passicrate et Valentinian de la ville de
Dorostol de Cappadoce. Ils taient soldats mais chrtiens.45 Cest
leur refus de participer aux offrandes publiques paennes ce qui est,
nouveau, la cause de leurs tortures et excutions. On disait mme
que Passicrate a crach sur les idoles. Leurs femmes aussi les
accompagnent dans leur mort de martyr. Lvocation du Saint
Valentinian dans la hagiographie de Saint Jules indirectement
montre que ces martyrs sont dcapits lors des grandes perscutions
des chrtiens en 304. videmment, la mise de Dorostol en
TP

TP

43

PT

PT

Menologium Graecorum Basilii Porphyrogeniti, coll. Patrologiae cursus

completus , Series graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne, vol. 117, Paris, 1894, col. 420;
Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (=Syn.Eccl.Const.), vol.
Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris , opera et studio Hippolyti
Delehaye, Bruxellis, 1902, col. 627.
44
Syn.Eccl.Const., col. 627.
45
Menologium Basilii, col. 420.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

42

Cappadoce est une erreur ennuyeuse et, en plus, la source plus sre,
qui est le Synaxare, lie correctement la ville la province de Mysie.
Cela est confirm aussi par le fait que les auteurs savent bien quau
IV s. Durostorum a camp une lgion romaine.
5, 6, 7. Saint Marcian, Saint Nikandar, Saint Kalinik
Nombreuses sont les sources propos de la vie et de la mort de
martyr, de Saint Marcian et Saint Nikandar mais en mme temps
les chercheurs sont confronts beaucoup de contradictions,
inexactitudes et imprcisions ce qui empche la restauration de la
ralit historique46. En se basant sur les hagiographies et les autres
documents, on peut gnraliser que Marcian et Nikandar sont des
soldats de la XI-e lgion Claudia. Lors dune certaine fte paenne
ils refusent dhonorer les idoles, cause de quoi sont arrts,
torturs et condamns tre dcapits. Daprs la version grecque
et latine de lhagiographie, cela est arriv Durostorum, le 27
juin47. Dans lhistoire des martyrs, de Hironym, ils sont de
nouveau lis Durostorum (Dorostoli Martiani, Necandri), mais
leur fte est indique le 26 dcembre48. Toujours l, la date du 8
juin, Durostorum, est mentionn un Marcian (Dorostoro civitate
natale Sancti Marci), et le 17 juin est indiqu Nikandr avec le
Saint Isihii. Dans le Synaxare du sige du patriarche de
Constantinopolis ils sont inscrits de nouveau ensemble, le 8 juin
mais sans mentionner le nom de Durostorum49. Il suit le calendrier
syrien dEdesa mais on y a mis Marcian Tomis et les 8 et 10
juillet il est mentionn avec un grand groupe de martyrs parmi
TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

PT

TP

46

PT

. Delehaye, Saints de Thrace..., p. 268-271; R. Constantinesco, op. cit., p. 810; G. Atanasov, 304 ., vol.
, 5, 2004, p. 7-8.
47
Bibliographia hageographica Graeca, Mnchen, col. 1194, 1330; BHL, col.
5260, 6070- 6073 daprs . Delehaye, Les origines du culte, p. 248-249; .
Delehaye, Saints de Thrace, . 268-270.
48
H. Delehaye, H. Quintin, op. cit., p. 265, 335; . Delehaye, op.cit., . 269-270.
49
Syn.Eccl.Const., col. 739
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

Pontica Christiana

43
50

lesquels se trouve aussi Nikandar . De nouveau dans lhistoire de

martyr de Hironym, le 5 juin, sont inscrits Marcian, Nikandar et
un certain Apolonii, mais cette fois ils sont lis Alexandrie en
gypte. Il existe aussi dautres versions latines et grecques de la
hagiographie, daprs lesquelles dans un groupe avec dautres
saints, Marcian et Nikandar atteignent la mort de martyr en gypte,
respectivement les 5 et 7 juin51. Enfin, quelques sources tardives
localisent les exploits de Marcian et Nikandar Athne et
Vnafro en Campania- Italie du sud52.
cause des contradictions videntes dans les sources, certains
auteurs sont enclins considrer lhistoire de martyrs de Saint
Marcian et de Saint Nikandar comme invente. Mais daprs moi,
H. Delehaye dchiffre assez bien ce rbus complexe53. Il admet
avec raison quil ny a rien dtonnant dans le fait que les deux
martyrs soient lis non seulement Durostorum mais Tomis
aussi. videmment, en suivant les sources primaires (notamment le
texte de Hironym le Bat), ils sont dcapits Durostorum, le 17
juin. Leur clbration Tomis, la capitale de la province Scythie
(Dobroudja) peut tre le rsultat du transfert dune partie de leurs
reliques de Durostorum Tomis, un certain temps aprs leur mort
de martyrs. On a dj indiqu que dune pareille manire, les
reliques du Saint Dasii probablement ont t transportes dans
lAxiopolis voisin (de nouveau en province de Scythie). Dans les
deux cas peut-tre, le prtexte en est la construction dglises parce
que pendant cette priode, il devient obligatoire que les temples
soient fonds sur les reliques de saints. Si lon poursuit les donnes
du Calendrier dEdesa et du Synaxare, cet vnement sest pass
le 8 juin.
Beaucoup plus difficile expliquer est la vnration de
Nikandar et Marcian en gypte. Daprs H. Delehaye, il est
possible quil sagisse de rptition dune erreur faite par Hironym
au V-e s. qui a confondu Tomis en Dobroudja avec Thmuis en
TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

PT

TP

50

. Delehaye, op.cit., . 269.

Ibidem.
52
Ibidem.
53
Ibidem, p. 270-272.
TP

PT

51
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

PT

44

gypte et de cette faon artificielle, le culte est transport des

Balkans en Afrique du nord. Aprs cela, pendant les sicles
suivants, ses adeptes involontairement approfondissent cette erreur
et aux noms de Nikandar et Marcian sont rajouts aussi les noms de
saints gyptiens locaux.
Quant leur vnration en Italie du sud (Vnafro) et en Grce
(Athnes), les sources sont trs tardives et probablement il sagit de
lgendes ou bien derreurs lors de diffrentes compilations. Mais il
nest pas exclu quavec le transfert des reliques de Durostorum,
vers la fin du VI-e s., des parties en soient transportes jusqu la
Grce du sud et lItalie du sud. Jai dj mentionn comment aprs
linvasion des Avares en 579, les reliques des martyrs de Dorostol,
Saint Dasii arrivent jusqu lItalie et celles des Saints Maxime,
Dada et Kvintilian jusqu Constantinople. On peut y ajouter
lanalogie avec le martyr africain Saint Felix dont le culte, dans de
pareilles conditions est transmis avec ses reliques Nola Italie du
sud.
La histoire commune des martyrs
On a vu que la mort de martyr de Saint Nikandar et de Saint
Marcian Durostorum est soutenu indirectement par dautres
sources aussi. Lors dune comparaison attentive des documents, on
voit clair que, dune part, la mort de Saint Jules est lie au martyr
de Saint Isihii et de Saint Valentinien. Dautre part, on a marqu cidessus que dans une autre source est enregistr un lien entre Saint
Isihii et Saint Nikandar. Cela suppose quil existe une histoire
commune de martyr de Saint Jules, Saint Isihii, Saint Valentinien,
Saint Passicrate, Saint Marcian, Saint Nikandar et il nest pas exclu
quelle inclut aussi Saint Kalinik54. Plus tard ( loccasion de la
dispersion des reliques pour la construction de temples
Durostorum au IV-e s.?) cette histoire est divise en plusieurs
hagiographies dans lesquelles, par couples, sont prsents Saint
Jules et Saint Isihii, Saint Valentinien et Saint Passicrate, Saint
TP

TP

54
PT

PT

Ibidem, p. 25-272; G. Atanasov, ..., p. 30-31.

Pontica Christiana

45

Marcian et Saint Nikandar. Dans les textes, il est catgoriquement

soulign queux, ils sont tous des soldats dans la lgion rsidant
Durostorum et quils sont jugs et dcapits pour une seule raison
refus de participer et de confesser le culte paen obligatoire. Lors de
la corrlation des sources diffrentes (trs importants dans cette
direction sont les renseignements dans la hagiographie de Saint
Jules) probablement, tout dabord, le 24 avril, sont dcapits Saint
Valentinien et Saint Passicrate. Aprs eux, le 27 mai est dcapit
Saint Jules. Le 15/17 juin suit Saint Isihii et enfin, le 27 juin Saint
Marcian et Saint Nikandar. ce groupe, peut tre, on doit ajouter
aussi Saint Kalinik, qui serait dcapit le dernier, le 28 juillet.
la diffrence de Saint Maxim, Saint Dada, Saint Kvintilian et
Saint Dasii, lexcution de ce groupe de martyrs serait en 304, donc
aprs le dernier dit de Diocltien daprs lequel envers les
chrtiens (surtout les soldats) on ne doit pas faire aucune preuve de
tolrance et dindulgence. Dailleurs, de la hagiographie de Saint
Jules on comprend quil sagissait dune perscution de grande
envergure, laquelle au printemps de lan 304 stend sur lEmpire
tout entier. On a aussi limpression que le christianisme a beaucoup
dadeptes Durostorum parce que sur le chemin vers lchafaud
beaucoup de gens montrent leur amour et leur compassion pour
Saint Jules. Pour mettre fin cet enthousiasme dans la lgion et
pour excuter lordre de lEmpereur, le gouverneur local agit
rsolument et pour donner un exemple aux autres, punit les soldats
chrtiens les plus assidus. Il nest pas exclu que cette activit
exemplaire soit provoque par les inspections des forteresses du
Bas-Danube, par lempereur Diocltien au printemps de lan 304,
lors desquelles deux reprises il visite Durostorum55.
Dans la hagiographie de Saint Jules commente ci-dessus, il est
indiqu aussi quau temps des perscutions en 304, Durostorum il
existait un endroit spcial56, o au cours de quelques mois sont
dcapits 7 chrtiens. O se trouve cet endroit spcial il nest pas
prcis, mais en tout cas, du contexte on comprend quil nest pas
TP

TP

55
TP

PT

TP

56
PT

V. Velkov, . ., p. 29.
A. Harnack, op. cit., p. 51-52.

PT

PT

46

hors de la ville ou bien dans les limites de la lgion. Pendant les

dernires annes, lors des fouilles archologiques Silistra, on a
tudi un couple de basiliques basses chrtiennes (piscopales ?)
avec un castel piscopal et non loin deux une troisime basilique57.
Celles-ci sont situes au centre de la ville antique tardive entre le
camp de la lgion et le castel sur le littoral du Danube (fig. 1 - L,
M, H). En connaissant la pratique affirme que les basiliques basses
chrtiennes soient difies sur des lieu sacrifis avec le sang des
martyrs58 et aprs quon ait compris que lune des basiliques du
couple de basiliques piscopales /?/ est relativement ancienne (les
monnaies et la cramique montrent un terminus post quem aprs la
deuxime moiti du IV-e s.) il nest pas exclu quelle soit difie
notamment sur un pareil lieu sacr. Aprs tout, la fin des IV-e Ve s., la pratique de fonder les temples piscopales aussi sur des
lieux lis au culte des martyrs dans les villes antiques tardives est
affirme fermement59.
TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

PT

La tombe avec lanneau palochrtien de Silistra

Au cours des actions de btiment en 1988 dans la partie sud-est
de Silistra, dans les limites de la ncropole antique (fig. 1 F) et
dans une proximit immdiate de la frontire bulgaro-roumaine, on
a dcouvert une fosse ovale, creuse profondment dans le terrain.
Au fond de la fosse on a trouv des os qui ont brl, de quatre

57

G. Atanasov, op.cit., p. 96-107; Idem, Le palais des vques de Durostorum

des V-e VI-e sicles, Pontica , XXXVII XXXVIII, 2004 2005, p. 275
287; Idem, Zur topographie des frhchrislichen Durostorum (Silistra) im IV-VI
Jahrhundert, Mitteleilungen zur Chrislichen Archologie , 1, 2008 (sous
presse).
58
Andr Grabar, artyrium. Recherches sur le cult de reliques et de lart
chrtien antique et Moyen age, vol. I., Paris, 1946, p. 28 tc.
59
W. Muller-Wiener, Bischofsrezidenz des 4.-7. Jahrunderts im stlichen
Mittelmeer-Raum, Actes du XI-e Congrs International darchologie
chrtienne , I, Roma, 1989, s. 704.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

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Pontica Christiana

47
60

individus humains . On y a dcouvert un anneau dor massif avec

un came. Sur le came est reprsente une ancre, flanque de deux
poissons. Sous lancre il y a une inscription en langue grecque
ZHGAW (ou bien ZHGALI) (fig. 2, 3). Cest exactement cette
trouvaille intressante et prcieuse qui nous aide prciser la date
de la tombe massive et elle nous suggre les vnements au cours
desquels la tombe est faite. En premire place, je voudrais poser un
accent sur la smantique et la popularit de lancre et des poissons
dans la culture et la symbolique palochrtiennes. Daprs laptre
Pierre, lancre signifie la vie dans le Royaume de Dieu la vie avec
le Christ en batitude et pour lternit. St. Ignatio laccepte
galement dans ce sens, qui la lie en principe la foi et
lesprance, la dterminant symboliquement61. Les poissons sont le
symbole traditionnel du Christ parce que derrire labrviation
IX (en grec -poisson) les premiers chrtiens lisent la formule
- Jsus Christ, Fils de Dieu
et Sauveur62. En mme temps il nexiste pas un texte antique qui
peut nous donner un dchiffrement exact de la combinaison de
lancre, flanque de poissons. Quand mme, nous connaissons la
parabole vanglique de Jsus Christ qui rgale 5000 de ses adeptes
avec deux poissons (Mathieu; 14, 17-21). Les compositions
connues les plus anciennes dans lesquelles sont combins une ancre
et des poissons, sont sur une plaque de marbre et sous une pitaphe
des catacombes de Priscilla Rome du II-e s.63 La tradition des
gravures de lancre et des poissons continue sans interruption sur
TP

PT

TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

60

PT

G. Atanasov, Anneau dor avec came du tombe des martyr de Durostorum de

dbut d IV s., Funerary Practices in Europe, Before and After the Roman
Conquest (3-rd century BC 3-rd century A.D.) , Sibiu, 2008 (sous presse).
61
F. Cabrol, H. Leclerq, Ancre, Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de
liturgie (=DACL), 1, Paris, 1924, col. 1909-2117; Real-Encyclopdie der
christlichen Altertmer (=RECA), I, 1883, s. 53 54.
62
F. Dlger, IX, Antike und Christentum , I, Mnster, 1929, s. 5; DACL,
XIV, Paris, 1953, col. 1246; RECA, I, s. 516 518.
63
E. Bock. R. Goebel, Die Katakomben, Stuttgart, 1930, s. 20-21, taf. 156; F.
Cabrol, H. Leclercq, op. cit., col. 2015-2017, fig. 569, 571; F. Dlger, IX.
Die Fisch Denkmler in der frhchristlichen Plastik Malerei and Kleinkunst,
Mnster, 1927, taf. 170.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

48

des pitaphes qui datent des III-e IV-e s.64. Cette scne est
prsente le plus souvent sur des gemmes et des cames des III-e
IV-e s.65. Il sagit de centaines de monuments du Proche Orient, de
lEurope du Sud et de lAfrique du Nord et leur numration est
inutile. Je vais mentionner seulement quelques des analogues les
plus proches de la trouvaille de Silistra, comme des anneaux des
III-e IV-e s. qui se trouvent dans des collections du Muse
Britannique, du Cabinet des mdailles Paris, du Muse de Tourin,
du Crime et des exemplaires dEgypte dans la collection de
Garucci66. Comme sur le came de Silistra, souvent sous les ancres
des monuments numrs il existe des textes grecs et latins des
noms, des formules gnostiques etc. On ne peut pas facilement
dchiffrer le texte ZIGAW qui accompagne lancre et les poissons
du came de Silistra. Dans sa premire moiti peut tre se cache le
mot ZIG/EC/ - ZHGEC forme de la conjonction du verbe Z67
(vivre, deuxime personne du singulier) et on peut le traduire
comme Je vais vivre, Que tu vives!, Vis!. Le plus souvent
nous voyons cette forme dans lexpression (Vis en
/avec Dieu). On peut supposer que sur les places limites des
gemmes et des cames, les textes de cette sorte sont abrgs. Et si
nous ajoutons au texte sous lancre, la smantique des poissons et
de lancre, nous pouvons proposer le dchiffrement suivant Vis
avec espoir, foi et esprance en Jsus Christ le fils de Dieu et
notre Sauveur68. Il est remarquable qu une tape donne, on
commence remplacer lancre par la croix et cela peut tre la
TP

TP

PT

TP

PT

PT

TP

TP

64

PT

PT

F. Cabrol, H. Leclercq, op. cit., col. 2015-2017, fig. 568-570.

O. Dalton, Catalogue of Early Cristian Antiques in the British Museum,
London, 1901, p. 6, pl. II; F. Dlger, op.cit., s. 262-264., taf. 208; DACL, VI,
Paris, 1924, col. 799-826.
66
DACL, VI, col. 802, 820, 824-826, 4928, 4955, 4974, 4975, 4979, fig. 49,
84, 85, 86, 88; P. Finney, The Earliest Christians of Art, New York-Oxford,
1994, fig. 6, 69; V. Iu. Iurockin (. . ),
. : , Kiev, 2002, p. 21-28,
. 10.
67
Sur une formule pareille in: RECA, I, s. 51.
68
Le text taite consulte par prof. Em. Popescu et prof. V. Gerasimova.
TP

PT

65
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

Pontica Christiana

49

priode aprs la fin du IV-e s.. Aux II-e III-e s. et mme vers la
premire moiti du IV-e s. les chrtiens ignorent la croix dans les
arts plastiques lacceptant comme larbre des tortures69. Vu cela, je
pense que la date la plus convaincante de lanneau avec le came de
Silistra est vers la fin du III-e s. le dbut du IV-e s. Le fait que
lanneau tait dcouvert dans la tombe de personnes tues, brles
et enterres la hte, suppose quil sagit de la mort violente des
premiers chrtiens. Ceux sont des chrtiens parce quun deux porte
sa main un anneau avec un symbole chrtien incontestable.
Malgr que ces personnes soient tues, elles sont enterres dans la
ncropole de la ville. Cela signifie qu Durostorum on observait la
loi romaine qui garantissait le droit de tombe et de funrailles
mme aux criminels70.
Il est difficile davoir une ide exacte de la priode de
lexcution des quatre martyrs mais en tout cas a devait tre avant
lan 311, quand Galre publie ldit de tolrance envers les
chrtiens. Mais il manque tout quipement martyrial ou
commmoratif, ce qui laisse entendre que la tombe de ces chrtiens
reste inconnue pour leurs descendants. Dans le cas contraire, aprs
le triomphe du christianisme en 313, au cours de la construction en
masse de martyriums au-dessus des tombes des martyrs, ce lieu ne
serait pas omis. Cela suppose que la dcapitation des quatre martyrs
a eu lieu au moins une dcennie avant lan 313. Mais leur
identification ne peut tre quhypothtique. Lors de lexamen des
hagiographies des martyrs de Dorostol, nous constatons que trois
parmi eux sont dcapits, un un (Saint Dasii, Saint milian, Saint
Jules, Saint Isihii et Saint Kalinik), trois ensemble (Saint Maxime,
Saint Dada et Saint Kvintilian) et quatre par couples Saint
Marcian avec Saint Nikandar et Saint Valentinian avec Saint
Passicrite.71 Ci-dessus il a t question que daprs les sources
TP

TP

TP

69

PT

PT

PT

A. Frolov, Le culte de la relique de la Vraie Croix la fin du IV-em et au

dbut du VII-em sicles, Byzantinoslavica , XXII, 2, 1961, p. 322-323.
70
H. Delehaye, Les origines , . 48-49; A. Grabar, op.cit., p. 49; R.
Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, vol. The Pelican
Hystory of Art , 4, 1981, p. 33 37.
71
G. Atanasov, ..., p. 49-55.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

50

crites, les derniers deux martyrs (Saint Valentinian et Saint

Passicrite) sont dcapits et enterrs avec leurs pouses, le 24 avril
304. Mais, si ce sont justement ces quatre martyrs qui sont enterrs
dans la tombe avec lanneau dor de la ncropole de Durostorum,
on ne peut que le supposer.
APTE MARTIRI DE LA DUROSTORUM
MARTIRIZAI N ANUL 304
- rezumat n studiu sunt analizate informaiile aghiografice referitoare la
unii dintre martirii cretini care au ptimit la Durostorum n timpul
persecuiei lui Diocleian (304). n acest important ora de la
Dunrea de Jos a staionat ncepnd cu anii 105-106 legiunea XI
Claudia. La nceputul secolului al IV-lea, muli dintre soldaii
romani mbriaser credina cretin. La Durostorum sunt
cunoscui apte soldai ai legiunii XI Claudia care au fost
martirizai pentru credina lor: Sfinii Mucenici Iuliu, Isihie,
Valention, Pasicrat, Marcian, Nicandru i Calinic. Autorul
coreleaz informaiile din documentele aghiografice referitoare la
locul de ptimire al acestor mucenici cu descoperirile arheologice
de la Durostorum.
Una dintre cele mai importante descoperiri de la Durostorum
este mormntul a patru mucenici incinerai. Este posibil ca
osemintele descoperite n acest mormnt comun s fi aparinut
Sfinilor Marcian, Nicandru, Valentinian i Pasicrat.

Pontica Christiana

Fig. 1 - Le plan de Durostorum palochrtienne de IV s.

A. Le camp de legion
B. Canabe
C. Vikus
D. Castle
F. La tombe avec lanneau palochrtienne

51

52

Fig. 2 - La tombe avec lanneau palochrtienne

Fig. 3 et 4 - Anneau dor avec came

Pontica Christiana

53

A CHRISTIAN RUSH LIGHT

FROM TIBISCUM*
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by Doina Benea
On the occasion of the archaeological researches done at the
west of the great Roman camp from Tibiscum in the S II/1996
section, at the 1,25-1,50 m in depth, a clay rush-light was
uncovered1. That section was drawn from north to south, close to
the west side of the Roman camp principia; at that time, it was
identified via decumana of the Roman camp as well as a small
portion of the first wooden barrack placed at the north side of its
headquarters. However, only a limited portion of the barrack was
uncovered, 2,75 m in length. The edifice was built of wooden
beams, made even with adobes covered with tiles. Inside the
barrack, in the debris layer, there was uncovered, also, among other
materials a rush-light which constitutes the subject of this paper.
The residing level belongs to the great Roman camp and can be
dated between the second half of the second century (the year 165
post quem, respectively)2, and the beginning of the third century
(Septimius Severus reign), that is, in the first level of destruction
of the great Roman camp from Tibiscum3.
The rush-light is made of a fine brick-colored paste,
containing a fine degreasing substance. On the whole surface of the
rush-light there are groove traces of red color, grooves which can
actually be seen on a few spots. Before being burned, the piece was
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

This piece was described in our work, Dacia sud-vestic n secolele III-IV (II).
Interferene spirituale, Editura de Vest, 1999, pp. 72-75.
2
Inscripiile Daciei romane, vol. III/1, Bucureti, 1977, 130 honorary altar
uncovered in principia of the Roman camp from Tibiscum and dated in the year
165 by Prof. I. I. Rusu, based on the Emperors title.
3
For the evolution of the fortresses from the place called Cetate (Fortified
Town), see our work D. Benea, P. Bona, Tibiscum, editura Museion, 1994, p. 2960.
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1
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54

poured into a mould with some decoration elements added on the

margin. (Sizes: length: 7 cm; diameter: 5,8 cm; height: 2,6 cm).
Conservation status: the beak, and partially the margin, are broken.
Description: a flat rush-light with a round body and the beak
drawn away, the lamellar ear having a central incision; the plain
margin was decorated with some dots and oblique lines and
incisions; these incisions make up a triangular ornamental camp in
which three dots have been arranged alternately, followed by an
incised cross which is inside another column. This succession of
triangles in which alternately can be seen incised crosses and three
dots are arranged as follows: the triangles, having inside the sign of
the Cross, are disposed away, toward the margin of the border, and
inside the triangles, which are close to the disc, there are three
triangles in a clear order, first one on the top, and the other two on
the bottom. If we take into consideration both the size of the
triangles and the shape of the rush-light, we notice that the
decoration elements have been repeated 12 times, of which,
apparently, 7 to the left of the onlooker, (unfortunately, the piece is
broken here), and after the lamellar ear, to the right, there are 5
more groups of two triangles each. The incised decoration was done
before the burning. The border is limited by the disc which is
slightly deepened through an incised concentric nervure. The disc is
ornate with a rosette, the decoration being realized in a mould, as I
pointed out above. It was made of a rosette with 13 petals, of which
only 12 are still extant, while one of them seems to be destroyed by
a fissure as far back as in antiquity.
At the bottom of the basin, which is limited by a round border
thrown out into bold relief, at the center, there is an incised cross,
made, also, before the burning of the rush-light.
Typologically, the rush-light can be counted among the rushlights with a round and flat body, circular disc, lamellar ear and the
beak drawn away4. This kind of lamps can usually be dated about
U

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D. Benea, Lampes romaine de Tibiscum, in Dacia, 34, 1990, pp. 142-143; D.

Alicu, Die rmischen lampen von Sarmizegetusa (I). Die Funde der Jahre 18821976, Zalu, 2006, type VII (with complete bibliography), type XI, pl. XXXVI,
8; XXXVII. It is possible for this rush-light to have a Greek origin which was
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Pontica Christiana

55

the II-III centuries. An analogy is offered by a piece discovered at

Tomis on a rush-light with a beak in form of rope5. The dating of
this kind of pieces can be placed in the II-III centuries A.D., also.
A typological framing of our piece in a much more accurate
way is not possible since the upper part of the beak is destroyed and
it doesnt allow us to identify the separating elements from the disc,
elements which are usually defining in accurately establishing the
date. Based on the stratigraphic context, this piece can be dated
sometime between the second half of the second century and the
beginning of the third century, as I mentioned above.
The discovery from the Roman camp of Tibiscum is the first
piece of this kind to the best of our knowledge from the Roman
Dacia territory, with such representation. The ornamental motifs
found on the rush-light suggest to us a novel significance of the
piece which probably was not used only as a source of lighting, but
it could have had a distinct cultic usage. The rosette decoration on
the disc appears represented usually on the round rush-lights6. On
the border of the piece, unfortunately only partially preserved, the
incised decoration suggests at first sight an ornamental succession
without a distinct symbolic value. However, the manner by which
the decoration motifs have been conceived must have a particular
significance.
The triangle with the base set on the exterior of the rush-lights
margin is made in such a way as to represent an equilateral triangle.
By this, in fact, the triangle reflects number 37. The triangles
symbolism overlays the symbolism of the number three8. The
depiction of the sign of the cross inside the triangle signifies the
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much simplified both as ornamentation and as workmanship by and large during

the Roman era.
5
C. Iconomu, Opaiele greco-romane, Constana, 1967, nr. 550.
6
D. Ivanyi, Die pannonischen Lampen. Eine tzpologischer bersicht, Budapest,
1935.
7
J. Chevalier, A. Gheerbrant, Dicionar de simboluri, vol. III, Bucureti, 1995,
s.v. Trei, pp. 367-372.
8
Ibidem, s.v., Triunghi, pp. 382-384.
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56

Christian character of the piece and implicitly the representation of

the Holy Trinity.
On the other hand, the triangles with the bases to the border of
the rush-light appear to be slightly deformed, representing the
reflection of the first ones, and, in this case, the three dots have the
same significance the Christian Holy Trinity (one God
worshipped in three Persons Who do not differ among Themselves:
Father, Logos, and Holy Ghost)9. The symbol of the Holy Trinity is
represented by the equilateral triangle.
In this way, the idea that the incised decoration elements have
been done by a knowledgeable individual, at the request of the
sleeping partner, comes to mind. In any case, they prove the
knowledge of the fundamental Christian dogma of the Holy Trinity.
Both the Cross incised inside the triangle and the three dots have
the same significance, they emphasize the Christian character of the
piece. However, at the first sight, the symbolism given on the
border of the disc was understood only by those who knew the
Christian religion. For all the others, such a piece could represent a
distinct form of decoration of a thing of common usage. We can
assert that we deal here with a dissimulation of the Christian
character of the lamp. Even for the modern man, this dissimulation
could not be easily recognized. Yet, what stresses the Christian
character of the piece is the Cross on the basis of the rush-lights
basin, which usually cannot be seen.
The rush-light uncovered in a barrack of the great Roman
camp from Tibiscum belonged to a Christian soldier. Moreover,
probably its manufacturing could have been made by someone who
knew the symbolism of the representations found on the piece
which we deal with. The lamp had a religious value for its owner,
also, not only as a thing of common use for the illumination of the
room in which he lived. The dating of the piece based on the
archaeological context in which it was discovered is early if
compared with any other Roman Dacia discoveries from the same
period.
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9
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Ibidem, s.v. Treime, p. 372.

Pontica Christiana

57

The representation of the cross inside the triangle is not unique

at Tibiscum. On the occasion of a poll done in 1983 in a zone
which is found at the west of the Edifice VII, it was discovered in
the military quarters a fragment of a small caolin mug with a
grooved body. This piece was used in a living room10. On the
bottom of the mugs stand (diameter: 3,5 cm) was depicted a cross
with uneven arms inside a triangle. These graphic signs have been
incised after the burning. In this case we may say that we are faced
with a Christianization of the vessel. Based on the stratigraphic
context, this piece can be dated as far back as the beginning of the
third century11. The little vessel, having reduced sizes similar to a
glass, could have been used in the liturgical service for the warm
water. At any rate, the writing of the cross inside the triangle proves
the knowledge of the dogma of the Holy Trinity by the faithful
Christians.
The two discoveries from Tibiscum are the earliest Christian
testimonies that suggest the existence of some Christian
communities at the end of the second century and the beginning of
the third century; the small caolin mug could have been certainly
used in the liturgical service. At the beginning of the organized
Church, the inventory used consisted of a glass and a plate or tray12.
There is no proof of other pieces being used during the early
Christianity. The evolution of the two types of vessels is not clearly
made visible by archaeology. There appeared some representations
of the chalice painted on the walls of the Christian catacombs in
Rome13. The chalice evolved from a simple glass to the great sizes
of the shape known to us today. The utilization of a simple small
mug made of clay seems to be possible, also.
A similar representation of the Holy Trinity, but given in a
different manner, comes from Moesia Inferior, from Tomis. A rushlight uncovered in the inventory of a tomb from the second half of
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10

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D. Benea, Dacia sud-vestic...II, p. 203, catalogue, nr. 16.

Ibidem, op. cit., p. 80-81.
12
H. Leclercq, s.v. Calice, in Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de
liturgie, 3, 1, Paris, 1921, col. 1595-1624.
13
Ibidem.
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11
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58

the third century had three times depicted, on the bottom of the
basin, the sign of a crux monogrammatica; well, the writing on the
same line of the signs is another way of representing the Holy
Trinity: God Father, Son, and Holy Ghost14. The three crosses
represent the Holy Trinity whose dogma took shape in the first
century, and whose final consecration was done at the first synod in
Nicaea, and reconfirmed at the second synod of Constantinople
(381).
The presence of the oriental elements in the Roman camp is
due to the troops stationed here cohors I Sagittariorum but they
are due particularly to a unit of Palmireni sagitari. The latter ones
have been brought to Dacia by Hadrian during the 117/118 year
events; they have been actually from Syria, the city of Palmyra, but
ethnically they were Arameans. Later on, during the reign of
Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius, their nationes unit was made
into a numeri, that is, irregular auxiliary units. Organized in this
way, they made three distinct military bodies, one of which was
permanently stationed until this province was abandoned by the
Romans. The two other units remained at Porolissum and Optatiana
(Sutor)15.
At Tibiscum, they behaved as worshippers of their own
traditional cults such as: Malachel, Bel, Sol Ierhabolus, as well as
of I.O.M., which indicates their integration into the provincial
environment16. It is, also, possible, that the new religious Christian
faith, as any other oriental religion, to have reached this land very
early, much earlier than any other areas of the province17.
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14

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A. Rdulescu, V. Lungu, Le Christianism en Scythie Mineure la lumiere des

derniers dcouvertes archologiques, in Actes du XIe Congres International
dArcheologie Chretienne. Lyon 1986, Vatican, 1989, p. 2565-2567.
15
D. Benea, Numerus Palmyrenorum Tibiscensium. Contribuii la istoria
trupelor de palmyreni din Dacia, in Apulum, Muzeul Unirii Alba Iulia, 18,
1980, p. 132-140.
16
Idem, Die palmyrenische Truppen aus der Provinz Dakien. Organisierung
,Struktur, Entwicklung, kulturelle Integration, Istoria aezrilor de tip vici
militares din Dacia Roman, Timioara, 2003, p. 147-156.
17
It is possible to see such forms of manifestation even at Porolissum, where a
Palmyrens unit was stationed.
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59

Bearing in mind the aspect of the piece, (paste, shape,

ornamental motifs, rosette), the rush-light seems to be a local,
provincial product. Despite this, thus far we hesitate to consider the
rush-light a product of the Tibiscum laboratories; but it may belong
to those from Ulpia Traiana, a center known for the production of
lamps as well as of other pottery products.
The Tibiscum rush-light, besides other discoveries made in the
south-west of Dacia (at Dierna, for instance), does prove the
penetration of the Christian faith under the influence of human
relationships, noticeable in the Empires provinces, quite early. For
the time being, the discovery from Tibiscum is the earliest one of
Dacia, and is dated sometime between the second half of the second
century A.D. and the beginning of the third century. It seems, also,
that similar pieces appeared in some other places of the province of
Dacia, at Romula, for instance18.
The phenomenon of penetration is not either slower or faster if
compared with some other oriental cults, a fact eloquently
ascertained in Dacia, where some oriental cults are documented
through a single or multiple epigraphic mention, or through votive
monuments representing the allegiance of the individual to a
certain cult.
The Christian religion was spread much less through written
works. The favorite form was represented by small talismans with
concealed representations of the faith: fish, peacocks, anchors, etc,
even the Cross incised on some objects, put in less visible places,
usually at the bottom of the vessels.
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Information given by Mr. G. Popilian at the National Session of

Archaeological Reports from Clrai (1998).
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Fig. 1 a, b Tibiscum. The rush-light with Christian signs

Pontica Christiana

Fig. 2 a, b Tibiscum
The rush-light with Christian signs

61

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Fig. 3 Tibiscum
Fragment of a small caolin mug having the sign of the Cross incised inside a
triangle, uncovered in the military vicus.

Pontica Christiana

63

UN OPAI CRETIN DE LA TIBISCUM

- rezumat Este prezentat un opai de lut descoperit ntr-una dintre
barcile castrului mare de la Tibiscum. Tipologic, opaiul se
ncadreaz n categoria opaielor cu corpul rotund, plat, disc
circular, toart lamelar i cu ciocul tras n afar. Este prima pies
de acest fel descoperit pe teritoriul Daciei Romane. Se dateaz n
intervalul cuprins ntre a doua jumtate a secolului II d.Hr. i
nceputul secolului III d.Hr..
Piesa a fost executat n tipar. nainte de ardere a fost
mpodobit cu diferite incizii. ntre ele se numr i semnul crucii.
Restul reprezentrilor triunghiul echilateral i punctele (perechi
de cte trei) sunt interpretate ca simboluri ale Sfintei Treimi.
Aceste reprezentri sugereaz c opaiul nu slujea doar ca surs de
iluminat, ci avea i rol cultic distinct. Locul descoperirii opaiului
sugereaz c proprietarul su a fost un soldat cretin.
Piesa ntrete presupunerea existenei la Tibiscum a unor
comuniti cretine la cumpna veacurilor II-III d. Hr..

64

OLD CHRISTIAN TESTIMONIES

AT THE DANUBE RIVERS MOUTHS*
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by Victor H. Baumann
0.0 The north of Dobruja is considered as a huge depot of
archaeological testimonies which point out the most diverse aspects
of the Danubian Roman world. Numerous fortresses and
strongholds, rural settlements and necropolises, represent a
remarkable cultural patrimony. A special category of archaeological
discoveries moots the phenomenon of early penetration of early
Christianity at Lower Danube. The commercial relationships of the
Greek cities from the Dobrujas shore of the Black Sea, with both
the Aegean and the Asia Minor inhabitants, as well as the great
number of Roman soldiers at the Lower Danube a lot of them
proceeding from regions of the Near Orient, who have been
converted early to Christianity justify the assertion which claims
that the new Christian religion was known in the Danubian area as
far back as the first centuries of the Christian era. With this
meaning, the archaeological discoveries from Noviodunum a
Roman center renowned for the flourishing transit commerce which
was carried on at the crossing of the right side of the fortress, as
well as from the Noviodunum territory enrich the Christian
archaeology with new proofs of the Christian beginnings at the
north-east border of the Roman Empire.
1.0 The oldest Christian presence at Noviodunum is presently
rendered evident by a rushlight, type 18 Kuzmanov, from the end of
the first century and the beginning of the second century A.D.1
(MIA Tl. inv. 43.274). The importance of this discovery derives
from the symbolism of the decoration found on the concave disc of
the rush-light, on which we find two stylized dolphins brought into
opposition and which are supported by a crux commissa, cross like
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

Ghiorghi Kuzmanov, Anticni lampi, Sofia, 1992, p. 19, nr. 63-66.

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65

letter T, overturned, a well-known symbol during early

Christianity2. The dolphin, by and large assimilated to the fish in
the Paleo-Christian symbology3, is the bearer of the defunct to the
netherworld in the pagan funeral symbolism, and its presence on
the Roman rushlights seems to be normal if we consider, also, the
usage of this kind of objects in the funeral ritual. The usage of
triangle in the oversimplified rendering of the heads and of the
decoration on the bodies of marine animals are suggesting to us,
however, the extremely early presence of the Holy Trinity concept,
in which the triangles symbology is identified with the one of the
number4. The decoration, noticeable for experts, reflects, in this
case, the knowledge of the fundamental dogma of the Holy Trinity
as far back as the first century A.D. We are faced with an imported
product, or, rather, an object brought by one of the followers of the
new Christian ideology, either soldier or merchant who came to
Noviodunum from the territory in which the new religion knew a
fast dissemination.
Among the archaeological discoveries that point out the early
penetration of Christianity in the region from the Danube Rivers
mouths, this rushlights presence is extremely precious inasmuch as
it proves that the Christian symbol of the Cross is prior to the third
century in these regions which are remote from the early
Christianitys birthplace5.
1.1 In the second century, Noviodunum had become a genuine
Roman city6, cosmopolitan, as was the case with all of the border
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Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie (=DECA), Paris, III, 2,

col. 3061-3062.
3
H. Leclercq, s.v. Dauphin, DECA, col. 293-295. See also C-tin Bjenaru, Un
opai cu simboluri paleocretine descoperit la Tomis, in Pontica, 25-26, 20022003, p. 220.
4
J. Chevalier, A Geerbrant, Dicionar de simboluri, vol. III, Bucureti, 1995, p.
367-372.
5
See N. Zugravu, Geneza cretinismului popular al romnilor, Bucureti, 1997,
p. 177 cf. V. Grossi, s.v. Croix, Crucifix, DECA, I, p. 592-594: catacombs
crosses from the end of the second century and monument crosses of Palmyra
(176), Medula Syria (197-198) and Dura Europos Syria (232).
6
Claudius Ptolemaeus, Geographia, III, 10, 2, 5, (ed. C. Mller).
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cities, with a motley population, particularly interested in the great

profits brought about by the trade with the populations from the
other side of the river7. Africans, Oriental-Greeks, Anatolians,
Italians, and Galo-Romans, soldiers, merchants, tradesmen and
farmers, Roman citizens and pilgrims from the Oriental and
Occidental provinces, were coming across each other next to the
great fortress of the classici from Noviodunum8. Hence, it is normal
for a series of artifacts, coming from this archaeological area, to
have had a strictly personal character, and, as such, to reflect the
ideas and religious concepts of those to whom they belonged. This
is true about the objects with a Christian character, among which
the Paleo-Christian gems, particularly the Gnostic ones, take hold
of a particular place.
Such a gem of red onyx was fortuitously uncovered in the
vicinity of the fortress in 19919 (MIA Tl, inv. 42.962). The
composition, apparently pastoral, has the image of a tree engraved
in a central zone, and on the trunk of the tree, upward, there is a
thick snake coiled up three times, and the snake seems to protect
the tree, becoming one and identifying itself with the tree. The
upper side of the tree is crowned with a crown covered with leaves.
At left there is a he-goat straightened up on the hind legs, with the
muzzle raised to the leaves crown of the tree. At the right side of
the composition there is a huge cock engraved, with strong legs and
open wings. The symbolical character of the composition engraved
on the gem is quite obvious. But are there reflected in this
symbology some concepts of the early Christianity? To this effect,
let us try to discern the secret meaning of the symbols.
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See in this sense, V. H. Baumann, nceputurile vieii romane la Noviodunum, in

Peuce, N.S., 6, 2008, Pl. III Telia Amza 1988. Horreum.
8
G. Simion, Rituri i ritualuri practicate n necropola roman de la
Noviodunum, in Pontica, 27, 1994, p. 90-105.
9
This gem was published recently by G. Simion in Peuce, N.S., 3-4, 20052006, p. 176, nr. 5, in an article titled Gemele din colectia ICEM Tulcea, p. 173182. The author deciphered in the engraving a bucolic scene and considered that:
The artistic realization and the technique are mediocre, and this fact persuades
us to date it in the II-III centuries A.D.
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In the lay-out scope of the gem there are three elements which
are perfectly individualized: the snake, coiled up three times on the
tree in the center, which is flanked at the right by the cock and by
the billy goat at the left; consequently, there are two elements
joined edge to edge to a central element. The tree seems to be an
olive tree, whose top crown is made up of three branches. In the
first Christian centuries, the artistic description of the olive, and of
the olive branch as expression of the cosmic tree partial totem,
respectively10, belongs to the series of the most frequent messianic
symbols of the non-Semitic Christians, besides the vine with
grapes, the fish and the dolphin11. In this case, the symbology of
sacred numbers by the presence of figure three is relevant to the
Paleo-Christian mytho-philosophy. In the process of transforming
the early Church into a universal Church, the oldest tendency of it
consisted in the assimilation and revalorization of symbolism as
well as of scenarios which were biblically, orientally or heathenly
originated12. In this context takes place, also, the assimilation of
the Worlds Trees symbolism an archaic symbol that was widely
disseminated in all ancient religions. It has to be pointed out that, in
the Gnostic soteriology, a part of the divine soul, that is, of Light, is
imprisoned in the body of the living beings and in the vegetable
species. The trees contain particularly a great amount of divine soul
= Light and they served as Christs cross during his passion13. The
snake is an archetypal and totalizing symbol14, truly a symbolic
model, an embodiment of primordial matter made up of water and
earth as the Cosmos itself. In this ideational context, the snake is
consubstantial with the cosmic tree, with the earth and the water.
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10

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R. Vulcnescu, Mitologie romn, Bucureti, 1987, pp. 89-90.

F. Tristan, Primele imagini cretine, Bucureti, 2002, p. 46 & 93. Even in the
Judaic religion the olive tree is looked at as a messianic tree see, J. Chevalier,
A Gheerbrant, op.cit., p. 462.
12
M. Eliade, Istoria credinelor i ideilor religioase, vol. 2, Bucureti, 1986, p.
387.
13
Ibidem, p. 379 (Jesus Patibilis).
14
I. Evseev, Dicionar de simboluri i arhetipuri culturale, Timioara, 1994, p.
180.
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For this reason, we find it in the early iconography of the world,

coiled up on the cosmic tree...15. At the same time, the snake is the
incarnation of the supreme reason, of divine Logos, or of Satanic
intelligence, as in the biblical Paradise, ideational concept
assimilated, also, by the followers of the Gnostic sect of perati,
who believed that, quite alike the snake which, by coiling up can
bite its tail, in the same way, the divine Logos, present in the
snakes body, comes back to himself16. The ophit or naasian
Gnostics assign to the biblical snake even the role of humanitys
deliverer17. The cock, the embodiment of cosmic and spiritual light,
is a solar symbol in mythologies, and in the Christian symbology it
signifies the light and supreme intelligence which proceed from
God, sometimes they being identified with the Savior. Associated
with the courage, the cock is a magic bird, protector against any
kind of evil and vested with the gift of knowing the secrets of life
and death18. In the Greek mythology, the she-goat and the he-goat
were demoniac creatures which furthered fecundity and
fertility19; hence, the ritual of sacrificing the he-goat. As a
demoniac and lewd animal, representing the wickedness and
brutality, the he-goat is the opposite of the lamb from the Christian
mythology, which had remodeled the demonological profile of the
she-goat and the he-goat, transforming them in the tools of the
devil20. Therefore, we consider that the Noviodunum gem,
described above, represents an exceptional Paleo-Christian
document and an excellent realization of the early Roman era. It
presents a Gnostic composition with symbols from a soteriological
scenario destined to emphasize to the initiates the release by the
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15

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R. Vulcnescu, op. cit., p. 522.

Cf. I. Evseev, op. cit, p. 180.
17
See V. Kernbach, Dicionar de mitologie general, Bucureti, 1989, p. 206
(s.v. gnostici). The denomination of naasian sect of this Gnostic group comes
from the name of the snake in the Hebrew language.
18
Cf. I. Evseev, op. cit., p. 43.
19
R. Vulcnescu, op. cit., p. 518.
20
Ibidem, loc. cit.
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16
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Pontica Christiana

69

Light, (the divine soul), of its part imprisoned in the body of living
beings and in the vegetable matter.
1.2 The presence of Gnostic gems in the Danubian Roman
centers is one more proof of the oriental cults spreading by the
agency of those who came from the oriental provinces of the
Empire21. Among them, there are, also, the bearers of the Christian
religion, under all aspects known by the new religion inside or
outside of the early Church22. The truth of this assertion can be
exemplified with the aid of an older discovery, made at the
southern border of the Noviodunum territory in the Alba locality,
where there is a center of Roman settlement, archaeologically
certified23. In the numismatic collections of the Museum of History
and Archaeology from Tulcea, there is a hoard of Roman imperial
denarii, uncovered in the Alba locality four decades ago, which
remained unpublished24. The hoard was formed in the first half of
the third century A.D. and contains monetary issues from Septimius
Severus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabal, and Severus Alexander, the
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21

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See G. Simion, op. cit.

O. Marucchi, Manuale di archeologia cristiana, Roma, 1933, p. 197. In
accordance with Z. Kosidowski (Povestirile Evanghelitilor, Bucureti, 1983, p.
149), the new religion appeared immediately following the death of Jesus inside
the frame of a phenomenon of syncretistic fusion of Judaic and Greek elements,
and in the period from the year 36 A.D. (the Hellenists revolt) to 70 A.D., (the
destruction of Jerusalem), it represented the border which separates the history of
the Church in two distinct stages: in the Judeo-Christian phase and in the
universal phase, of spreading of Christianity in the Greek-Roman world.
23
Open ground researches made in the year 1984 by a group of museographers
from the Museum of History and Archeology of Tulcea, made up of V. H..
Baumann, Elena Lzurc, I. Vasiliu and D. Dobre, have localized at Alba and its
surroundings more centres of habitation from different historical epochs, quite
significant being the one of the Roman epoch from the territory occupied by a
human settlement, and the mediaeval one from the south-west border of the
locality. The locality is mentioned by Radu Vulpe in his work Din istoria
Dobrogei, vol. II, Bucureti, 1968, the second map, the information being taken
over by Al. Suceveanu, in Viaa economic n Dobrogea roman, secolele I-III
e.n., Bucureti, 1977, p. 61 and figures 1 and 3.
24
The information was supplied by Dr. Gavril Simion, and we thank him for his
courtesy.
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22
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70

years 193-235 A.D.25. The 118 denarii of the hoard were

accompanied by a silver ring with a gem setting26. The gem, an
onyx of yellowish-red color, is a jewel engraved by excision with a
fantastic personage which is represented cruciform. The personage,
a humanoid, is endowed with a fusiform body, covered to the
bottom side with a pleat mantle, and with the waist wrapped three
times in a wide sash. Two open palms, oversized, in a praying
attitude, go away directly from the middle of the waist, being
propped up by two staffs with four vegetable symmetrical
protuberances. On the upper side, the head is render as a cylinder,
provided with two flagging ears and ophthalmic eyes, very much
protruded, and covered with a kind of bonnet as a lid; the personage
doesnt have a mouth. The whole composition, in a praying
attitude, is propped up by a pedestal. Doubtlessly, we are faced
with a very rare Gnostic gem which represents Achamoth (Greek
A; Hebrew: hahachmoth = wisdom, illumination)27,
which, in the mytho-philosophy of Valentinian Gnostics, is a
hypostasis of divine Wisdom (Sophia) born without the
participation of the masculine principle and, as such, it is a
shapeless, unfinished and un-harmonized substance, existing
outside of the divine beings. Achamoth is the captive spiritual
substance that contributed to the creation of material cosmos with
the seven Heavens, with the Earth, and the Man, being for the
Valentinian Gnostics the Mother of Light28. Considering that the
true human being is of divine origin and nature, but that it is
hostage in the material body, the Valentinian Gnostics were
militating for a purely spiritual rebirth, having the certainty of
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25

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These determinations are done by Cristina Opai, before 1990. Inv. nr: 10.83510.877; 11.206-11.241; 11.406-11.449; 39.502-39.507. Most pieces come from
Severus Alexanders reign, pointing out that the burial of the hoard took place
immediately after his death, during the reign of Maximinus Thrax.
26
Inv. nr. 11.217.
27
V. Kernbach, op. cit., p. 1 (s.v. Achamoth) cf. Irenaeus, Contra ereticilor, I,
2-4.
28
Gnostic sect founded by Valentinus, native of Egypt, who died in the year 161
A.D. (apud V. Kernbach, op.cit., p. 11).
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Pontica Christiana

71
29

salvation through gnosis . The cruciform representation of the

primordial matter, of vegetable elements from its palms and of the
head like a column, points out the phenomenon of assimilation by
the Christian gnosis of the Valentinians of the Cosmos Trees
symbolism, which is an archaic symbol universally well-known.
The image of the Cross as Tree of good and evil is originated, as
the Cosmic Tree, in the biblical tradition, the heavenward column
which assures the salvation of the Universe, perpetual renewal,
and cosmic regeneration30. After gemma abraxea uncovered in
tower 5 from Dinogetia31, and the gem from Noviodunum,
engraved with a griffon with a bird-like body and a snake tail coiled
up around a cruciform object32, the two Gnostic gems presented
above prove that, in the first centuries after Christ, the Christian
world was divided; this calls equally for the research of Gnostic
vestiges, besides the other Paleo-Christian vestiges. To this
hopefully correct conclusion, we are guided by the fact that, in
the Alba treasure, hidden during the Emperor Maximin the
Thracian, about whom we know that he was an avowed enemy of
Christians33, and that he confiscated the incomes of the middle and
lower classes of the population from provinces, the ring with
Gnostic symbols was brought in, also. The possessor, very probably
the owner of a villa rustica, must have been one of those exponents
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29

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Esoteric teachings (secrete, dedicated to initiates), mentioned, also, in

Evanghelia dup Marcu (cf.4:10 sq.; 7:17 sq.; 10:10 sq) and by Clement of
Alexandria who remarked that his teacher kept the true tradition of blessed
teachings which came in their entirety directly from the holy apostles Peter,
Jacob, John, and Paul, being transmitted from father to son [and which] came to
us by Gods grace, and which constitute the Gnostic tradition (apud M. Eliade,
op. cit., p. 358).
30
M. Eliade, op. cit., p. 388.
31
Published by Gh. tefan in Dacia, 7-8 (1937-1940), pp. 419-421, fig. 28
(drawing), and taken over by Em. Popescu in Inscripii greceti i latine din sec.
IV-XIII, Bucureti, 1976, p. 258, nr. 241A.
32
I. Barnea, Al. Barnea, Spturile de salvare de la Noviodunum, in Peuce, 9
(97-106), p. 102. The gem was attributed to Christian Gnostics by V. H.
Baumann, in Sngele martirilor, Constana (Bucureti), 2004 (2005), p. 35.
33
R. Vulpe, op. cit., p. 227.
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72

of Gnostic sects which had as basis the Christian doctrine, even if

they did not recognize the revealed truths34. Being considered
Christians by the Roman authority, the Gnostics were persecuted,
and had to endure the same reprisals, as all other followers of this
religion.
2.0 The existence of some Christian practitioners in the
Noviodunum territory in the II-IV centuries A.D., is, however,
rendered evident by the Paleo-Christian archaeological vestiges
uncovered in the rural sites from the area of Telita locality and by
the burnt off bones of the two martyrs found in the lower area of
the martyrly crypt from Niculiel, and, obviously, by the great
number of martyrs attested at Noviodunum by the hagiographic
sources35. We add to these vestiges a round bronze piece with the
borders rounded off to inside, uncovered by chance in 2001 in the
ancient civilian settlement from the south-east vicinity of
Noviodunum fortress36. The piece has a diameter of 6,5 cm. and is
decorated on the margin and on the inside concave register with six
stylized bunches of grapes, most often triangular, made of five
round grapes each, separated by six vine leaves. The central part,
deeper, is decorated by a crux quadrata, with even arms, having at
the end round grapes identical to those from the bunch of grapes
composition. The cross is perforated in the middle by a catching
orifice, since the piece is provided on the inner surface with small
bronze rings, soldered, with three of the initial four preserved,
destined to catching some small bronze chains for the catching of a
small recipient, probably a vigil lamp. On the body of the piece are
noticed traces of silver. The discreet ornament and the plating of
the objects points out the importance given to it and,
simultaneously, it urges us to include it among the Paleo-Christian
objects with liturgical character from the Noviodunum territory,
which may be chronologically enframed with the necessary
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34

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M. Rusu, Paleocretinismul n Dacia roman, in Ephemeris Napocensis, 1,

1991, (81-112), p. 93.
35
See V. H. Baumann, op. cit., p. 37; 59; 112.
36
MIA Tulcea, inv. nr. 45.625.
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Pontica Christiana

73

precautions at the end of the third century and the first half of the
fourth century A.D.
2.1 Who are these Christians, owners of the objects uncovered
by our archaeological researches? From Clement the Romans
accounts from the end of the first century A.D., and from the
Epistle to Diognet37, we learn that, together with the other
inhabitants, the Christians live as everyones fate came,
following the indigenous residents habits both in clothing and in
foods and in other way of living, but display a wonderful life which
is recognized by all as unheard-of,... participate in as citizens, but
enduring everything as strangers. During the first centuries after
Christ, the Christians do not confess their faith, and cannot be
distinguished from the other segments of the population, but
sometimes they could be identified. An example, to this meaning, is
offered by the inhumation tomb from Barbosi (M-7) uncovered in
1978, dated with coins from Claudius the Goth (a. 268-270 A.D.),
in which it was found a gold chaplet with the inscription Innocens,
name which, in accordance with some well-informed researches38,
express the moral qualities of the defunct, justifying the hypothesis
of his Christian affiliation. While accepting the veracity of this
hypothesis, we bring back for discussion a funeral inscription from
the second century A.D., uncovered in the year 1956 at
Noviodunum39 which sounds as follows:
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37

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Clement Romanul, Omilie numit a doua epistol ctre Corinteni, II, 3, p. 95;
Epistola ctre Diognet, V, 4-5, in coll. Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti, vol. 1,
Bucureti, 1979, p. 340.
38
S. Sanie, Civilizaia roman la est de Carpai i romanitatea pe teritoriul
Moldovei (sec. II i.e.n. III e.n.), Iai, 1981, p. 220-221. See, H. I. Marrou, in
Actes du colloque Ineternational sur lonomastique latine, Paris, 1977, p. 433434.
39
The inscription was initially published by I. Barnea and B. Mitrea in
Materiale, 5, 1959, p. 469-470, fig. 8 and after that taken over on the occasion
of realization of the corpus with inscriptions from Dobruja, by Emilia DoruiuBoil, Inscripiile din Scythia Minor, vol. 5, Bucureti, 1980, pp. 288-289, nr.
278, without commentary.
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74

D(is) M(anibus)/Maria Ing/enua vix (it) /an(nis) L et Au/fidius

Aq/[vila].... As I made more precise at other time40, the presence
of Aufidius at Noviodunum points out the aspect of this zones
early colonization with ethnically oriental-Greek elements of recent
Roman citizenship at the beginning of the second century A.D.41. It
is impossible for the name Maria Ingenua not to be shocking, a
name which has deep significances in the Christian onomatology
throughout the centuries. Certainly, we are facing one of the first
funeral monuments from the Istro-pontic province which belonged
to a Christian family. The lack of any Christian symbol from the
monument, and the worshipping of the underground gods, does not
contradict the above assertion since, in the second century A.D., the
Christian Church was fully organized, and the followers of the new
religion did not seek to be different from their fellow citizens42. As
in the case of the family of the Moesia fleet veterans, Caius Iulius,
settled in the village from Valea Amzei, from the vicinity of the
Telita locality, from the Noviodunum territory, contemporary to the
Aufidius Aqvila + Maria Ingenua family, we are faced with
personages who embraced the early Christianity, the latter one
native of Anatolia, and the others with genuine Roman names are,
possibly, Romanized natives43.
To the end of the second century A.D., another veteran, a
centurion of a Roman cohort, Aufidius Phebus, probably a native
from Anatolia, also, was a farmer on the Valea Capaclia, at 5 km.
south-west of the great city of Noviodunums classici44. The
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40

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V. H. Baumann, Ferma roman din Dobrogea, Tulcea, 1983, pp. 95-97.

See Em. Doruiu-Boil, op. cit., p. 252, cf. A. Aricescu, in Pontica, 6, 1973;
Idem in Actes de la XII-e Conference <<Eirene>>, p. 695, the author is
considering that the name of Aufidius from the Dobrujas inscriptions are due to
the governor of Cappadocia & Galata from the year 100-101, Aufidius Umber.
42
See supra, note 25.
43
V. H. Baumann, Autour de la pntration de lancien christianisme aux
Bouches du Danube, Hristianskov Nasavdiv Bizantii i Rusii, Simferopol, 48-60;
Idem, Vestigii paleocretine descoperite n mediul rural autohton de pe Valea
Teliei, Jud. Tulcea, in vol. Studia Historica et Theologica. Omagiu Profesorului
Emilian Popescu, Iai, 169-183.
44
V. H. Baumann, Ferma roman , p. 95-97.
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41
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75

funeral hillock of the family, placed close to the farm, contained ten
tombs, with interments done sometime from the middle of the
second century A.D.45. The archaeological researches of 1971
showed a micro-necropolis of early Roman era, with incineration
tombs from the second century, arranged in accordance with a
certain ritual, together with a sarcophagus, in the western half of the
hillock, and with interment tombs from the first half of the third
century A.D., placed at the eastern half. Our attention is drawn by
two of the four inhumation tombs, namely those with the defunct
put directly in the grave with the body stretched and the arms close
to it46. One of these tombs belongs to a woman, buried with some
personal objects: a bone comb, a silver filigree bracelet, and a
chaplet of the type with the foot turned under. which dates the
tomb in the middle of the third century A.D.. The second tomb,
similar to the preceding one, belongs to a man and the inventory
was missing. The archaeological researches made on the Valea
Capaclia set down that villa rustica from this valley was destroyed
at the middle of the third century by the devastating invasion of the
Goths and Carps led by Kniva47. from the years 249-250 A.D., and
this is an indication on the post quem moment of the inhumation of
the two defuncts. In the third century, the inhumation is spread and
in the following century is noticed a higher weight of the
inhumations with the arms close to the body, a phenomenon which
is brought about probably by the custom of covering the corpses
with shrouds, and burying them with the mummies such as,
otherwise, they are depicted in the Christian representations from
the third and fourth century of the Lazarus Resurrection48. In the
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45

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G. Simion, Descoperiri noi pe teritoriul noviodunens, in Peuce, 6, 1977, pp.

123-136; see, also, our commentary; V. H. Baumann, op. cit., pp. 67-69.
46
With regards to the funeral rites and rituals from the II-III centuries A.D., see
Nelu Zugravus commentary, Geneza cretinismului, p. 251, with the
bibliography at p. 276, note 283.
47
V. H. Baumann, op. cit., pp. 68-69.
48
N. Zugravu, op. cit., loc. cit. Cf. G. Filoramo, s.v. Eschatologie, in
Dictionnaire Encyclopdique du Christianisme Ancien, vol. 1 (A-I), Les
Editions du Cerf, imprime en Belgique, 1990, pp. 847-852.
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same period, the plain inhumations, without inventory, or with a

poor inventory, in rectangular graves, are multiplied. Certainly, all
these criteria, vis--vis the lack of Christian symbols, have a high
degree of probability. The two inhumation tombs from Valea
Capaclia seem to suggest the presence of some Christians, and, in
this sense, the most plausible indication consists of their laying
down in the eastern zone of the hillock; this could reflect an
extension of the sacred funeral area, a frequent phenomenon in the
early Roman world era, when the Christian cemeteries are born and
are developed as a continuation of the pagan ones49.
In the Noviodunum territory, these farmers native from
Anatolia, Romanized oriental-Greeks descendants of some veterans
as the former cohort centurion, Aufidius Phoebus, were attracted by
the new Christian religion, that could have been practiced in family,
in a period in which these practices were running counter to the
imperial cult, or had not had the chance to be noticed as yet, due to
the cult exclusiveness specific to Christianity. Let us not forget that,
at Niculiel, first martyrly tomb was built on a villa rustica type of
property, the two adult males who endured martyrly death by being
burnt at the stake, having been brought to Niculiel and deposed in
a private crypt, placed in the vicinity of a tomb of incineration in a
stony vessel from the end of the second century A.D.50. This action
could have been realized only in two situations: a) if the incinerated
martyrs were members of the farmers family; b) if the farmer was
a Christian, or a sympathizer of the Christian religion. At the
beginning of the fourth century A.D., both hypotheses could have
been real, since Christianity had strongly penetrated the entire
Roman society from the region of the Danube Rivers mouths. We
estimate, however, that only after the enacting of the Edict of
Mediolanum of 313 A.D., the Niculiel farmer brought on his
property the martyrly remnants from the Noviodunum necropolis,
what makes more plausible the second hypothesis.
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49

N. Zugravu, op. cit., p. 250.

V. H. Baumann, Cercetri recente la Bazilica paleocretin din satul Niculiel
(Judeul Tulcea), in Peuce, 10 (1), 1991, pp. 121-125; 10 (2), p. 147-156;
Idem, Sngele, Constana (2004), Bucuresti, (2005), p. 119; 125.
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77

The discovery of these Christian testimonies in the area of

Danube Rivers mouths stresses the unity in diversity of the new
religion at its beginnings, as well as the historical continuity of a
worship phenomenon of whose beginnings we catch only a glimpse
at Noviodunum, as early as the first century A.D.
VECHI MRTURII CRETINE LA
GURILE DUNRII
- rezumat Nordul Dobrogei se constituie ntr-un depozit uria de mrturii
arheologice de epoc roman, mrturii care evideniaz cele mai
diverse aspecte ale romanitii dunrene. n acest sens, descoperirile
arheologice de la Noviodunum, centru roman renumit pentru
nfloritorul comer de tranzit ce se desfura prin vadul din dreptul
cetii, ca i cele din teritoriul noviodunens, mbogesc arheologia
cretin cu noi dovezi asupra nceputurilor cretine la fruntariile de
nord-est ale Imperiului roman. O categorie aparte a descoperirilor
arheologice pune n discuie fenomenul ptrunderii timpurii a
cretinismului la Dunrea de Jos. Existena unor practicani cretini
n teritoriul noviodunens n secolele II-IV p.Chr. este evideniat de
vestigiile arheologice paleocretine descoperite n siturile rurale din
zona localitii Telia i de oasele calcinate a celor doi martiri aflai
n zona inferioar a criptei martirice de la Niculiel i, evident, de
numrul mare al martirilor atestai la Noviodunum de ctre
izvoarele hagiografice.
Cea mai veche prezen cretin la Noviodunum este
evideniat, n prezent, de un opai tip 18 Kuzmanov, de la sfritul
secolului I i nceputul secolului al II-lea p. Chr (MIA Tl.inv.43.274). Prezena acestui opai este deosebit de preioas,
ntruct dovedete c simbolul cretin al Crucii este anterior
secolului al III-lea i n aceste inuturi, deprtate de patria
cretinismului primar.

78

In secolul al II-lea, Noviodunum devenise un veritabil ora

roman, cosmopolit, ca mai toate oraele de grani, cu o populaie
pestri, interesat, mai ales, de ctigurile mari pe care le aducea
negoul cu populaiile de dincolo de fluviu. Africani, grecoorientali, anatolieni, italici i gallo-romani, militari, negustori,
meseriai i fermieri, ceteni romani i peregrini din provinciile
rsritene i din cele apusene se ntlneau lng marea cetate a
classici-lor de la Noviodunum. Este firesc, deci, ca o serie de
artefacte provenite din aceast mare zon arheologic s fi avut un
caracter strict personal i, ca atare, s reflecte ideile i concepiile
religioase ale acelora crora le aparineau. Este i cazul gemelor i
talismanelor, descoperite la Noviodunum sau teritoriul su.
Prezena gemelor gnostice n centrele romane dunrene este nc o
dovad a vehiculrii cultelor orientale prin intermediul celor venii
din provinciile orientale ale Imperiului. Printre acetia s-au aflat i
purttori ai credinei cretine, n toate aspectele pe care le-a
cunoscut noua religie n interiorul sau n afara Bisericii primitive.
Fiind considerai cretini de ctre autoritatea roman, gnosticii au
fost persecutai i au suportat aceleai represalii, ca toi ceilali
adepi ai acestei religii.
Descoperirea acestor mrturii cretine n zona Gurilor Dunrii
evideniaz unitatea n diversitate a noii religii, la nceputurile sale,
dar i continuitatea istoric a unui fenomen cultual ale crui
nceputuri le ntrezrim la Noviodunum, nc din secolul I p.Chr..

Pontica Christiana

Fig. 1 Paleo-Christian rushlight

from the end of the first century A.D.

Fig. 2 Gnostic gem of red onyx

from the second half of the second century A.D.

79

80

Fig. 3 Gnostic gem of orange onyx in silver setting the ring of the monetary
treasure from Alba from the first half of the third century A.D.

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81

Fig. 4 Censer lid of bronze, from the end of the third century and the beginning
of the fourth century A.D.

82

Fig. 5 Niculiel-Badil. The plan of the funeral hillock researched in the years
1970-1971

Pontica Christiana

83

A HISTORICAL
COMMENTARY TO A HAGIOGRAPHIC TEXT:
PASSIO EPICTETI PRESBYTERI ET ASTIONIS MONACHI*
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by Mihail Zahariade
After the enthusiasm and the abnegation hardly describable in
words for those who have not witnessed the birth of the project
aiming at systematic and long range research at the Murighiol site,
(Tulcea county), re-identified and certified in the meantime by a
thorough demonstration to have been the ancient city of Halmyris51,
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

It is worth noting that the original name of the present day commune was
Murighiol, deriving from the Turkish Mur = purplish-blue and ghiol = lake until
1983. After that year, the name of the locality was changed by the then
authorities into Independena. The commune took again its old name, Murighiol
only shortly after 1989, which it preserves it until present day. On Halmyris see:
C. Moisil, Ceti romane la Dunrea de Jos pe braul Sfntu Gheorghe, in
Buletinul Comisiei Monumentelor Istorice (=BCMI), II, 1909, p. 83-92; idem,
Unde a fost vechiul Halmyris, BCIM, IV, 1910, p. 93-94. Al. Suceveanu, M.
Zahariade, Un nouveau vicus sur le territoire de la Dobroudja romaine, in
Dacia, N.S., XXX, 1986, 1-2, p. 109-120; M. Zahariade, Vexillation in
northern Dobroudja, in Dacia, N.S., XXX, 1986, 1-2, p.173-176; Al.
Suceveanu, M. Zahariade, Du nom antique de la cit romaine tardive
d'Independena (dp. Tulcea), in Dacia, N.S., XXXI, 1987, 1-2, p. 87-96; M.
Zahariade, Al. Suceveanu, A. Opai,. C. Opai,. Fl. Topoleanu, The Early and
Late Roman Fortification at Independena, Tulcea county, in Dacia, N.S.
XXXI, 1987, p. 97-106; Al. Suceveanu, Aezarea getic i cetatea roman de la
Independena (jud.Tulcea), in Revista de Istorie, XLI, 1988, 6, p. 597-608; M.
Zahariade, An Early and Late Roman fort at Independena, Tulcea county, in vol.
Roman Frontier Studies 1989. Proceedings of the XVth International Congress
of Roman Frontier Studies, Canterbury 1989, Exeter 1991, p. 211-223; idem,
New Epigraphical Finds in the Roman Fort of Independena, Tulcea county,
Dacia, N.S., 34, 1990, p. 259-266; idem, Inscripia de fundaie din timpul
primei tetrarhii de la Halmyris (Murighiol, jud. Tulcea), in Pontica, 29, 1996,
p. 173-186; idem, The Halmyris Tetrarchic Inscription, in Zeitschrift fur
Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 119, 1997, p. 228-236; M. Zahariade, M. K.
Phelps, A Settlement and Fort near the Mouth of the Danube: interim report, in
Journal of Roman Archaeology, 15, 2002, p. 230-245; Al. Suceveanu, M.
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84

in the year 2000, and again in 2001, we got the stroke of luck to
uncover such a wanted and predicted basilica by Hypolite
Delhaye52; this happened exactly in the presbyterys area of a
bicameral crypt, which, following the archaeological, epigraphic,
and anthropologic expertise, was proved to have belonged to some
Christian martyrs53. Keeping in mind that the Christian martyrs
known in Halmyris from the only hagiographic text of a significant
dimension were named Epictetus and Astion54, the discovery
proved to have been, at that that time, so much more surprising, as
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Zahariade, Fl. Topoleanu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea, Halmyris I, Monografie

arheologic, Cluj Napoca, 2003.
52
H. Delehaye, Les martyres Epictte et Astion, in Academie Roumaine.
Bulletin de la section historique, tome XIV, 1928, p. 5: Halmyris leva sans
doute une basilique ses martyres. Nous souhaitons que les archologues
roumains, digne mules du trs regrett Vasile Prvan, soient assez heureux pour
la dcouvrir.
53
M. Zahariade, The Halmyris Episcopal basilica and the martyrs crypt, in Il
Mar Nero, V, 2001/2003, 143-168; idem, Despre nceputurile cretinismului de
la Dunrea de Jos: Martyrium-ul de la Halmyris, in vol. Izvoarele
cretinismului romnesc, Constana, 2003, p. 115-126; M. Zahariade, O.
Bounegru, The Basilica Episcopalis and the Martyrs Tomb from Halmyris, in
vol. Studia Historica et Theologica. Omagiu profesorului Emilian Popescu,
Iai, 2003, p. 157-159.
54
The known basic published critical editions of the text are the following: Vitae
partum, sive, Historiae eremiticae libri decem: auctoribus suis et nitori pristine
restituti ac notationibus illustrate, opera et studio Heriberti Rosweydi,
Antwerpiae, 1615, 211-224; Vita sanctorum Epicteti Presbyteri et Astionis
monachi. Vitae Sanctorum exprobatis authoribus et mss. Codicis, Promo quidem
per R. P. Fr. Laurentium Surium carthusianum editae. Nunc vero multis
Sanctorum vitis auctorae emendatae, et notis marginalibus illustratae, VII, Kln
1618, p. 148-155; De SS. Epicteto presb. et Astione Monacho. Martyribus
Almiridensibus in Scythia, in Acta Sanctorum Julii, Ex Latinis&Graecis,
aliarumque gentium Monumentis, fervata Primigenia veterum Scriptorum phrasi,
Collecta, Digesta, Commentariisque & Observationibus illustrate a Conrado
Janningo, Joanne Bapt. Sollerio, Joanne Pinio e Societate Jesu Presbyteris
Theologis, Tomus II, Venetiis MDCCXLVII; Julii VIII. Vita Sanctorum Epicteti
Presbyteri et Astionis Monachi, in coll. Patrologiae cursus completus, Series
latina (=PL), ed. J.-P. Migne, vol. LXXIII, Paris, 1879, novissimae corrigendae
et recensente at Rosweydus edition. Novissime corrigente et recensente / Apud
Garnier Fratres, editores et J.-P. Migne successores, Parisiis [France], 1879.
TP

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Pontica Christiana

85

there were expressed, either in a low tone or overtly, some doubts

on the authenticity of the hagiographic text, and even on the
identity of the two individuals55.
At that time, the discovery shocked and, as a consequence, was
followed by some of the most dissimilar reactions, running from
ecstasy, promises, or doubts to surprisingly aggressive efforts and
shockingly directed against the undersigned, the author of the
discovery, aiming at removing him from the management of the
archeological site of Halmyris56.
I mentioned all these, since I consider the events of the year
2001-2002 my first martyrdom. The second conclusion can be
drawn from the very discovery. At the moment it was done, morally
speaking, I consider myself doomed to turn to good account this
precious and exceptional source of information both from an
archaeological point of view by adding a book to the Halmyris
monographic series and from an historic-philological view point,
by a rigorous introspection of the text that describes the martyrdom
of the two. It is what I try to present in a synthesized and partial
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55

PT

The first to cast doubts on the authenticity and value of the text was even H.
Delehaye in Saints de Thrace et de Msie, in Analecta Bolandiana (=An.
Boll.), XXXI, 1912, p. 273-274: [] La Vie de ces deux solitaires venus
dOrient jusqueen Mesie nest quun tissue de prodiges et pisodes singuliers
[]. Nulle part on ne decouvre la moindre attach historique, et lagencement
comme le ton sont ceux des romans dimagination []. J. Zeiller, Les origines
chrtiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de lEmpire romain, Paris 1918, p.
119; idem, Die altchristliche Kirchenprovinz Skythien (Tomis), in Strena
Buliciana, Zagreb-Split, 1924, although H. Delehaye, Les martyres, p. 4-5
makes an honourable revision of his previous pessimistic view on the text; see
also R. Netzhammer, Epiktet und Astion. diokletianische Mrtyrer am
Donaudelta, Zug, 1937, p. 3-22.
56
C. Vilu, N. Amihulesei, Monument martiric paleocretin scos la lumin din
cetatea Halmyris, in Romnia Liber of August 22-nd, 2001; Cretinismul
timpuriu pe meleagurile romneti - Descoperire arheologic de importan
major, in Dimineaa of August 23-rd, 2001; D. Arhire, Senzaional
descoperire la Murighiol, in Acum of August 20-th, 2001; D. M., Mormintele
a doi martiri gsite la Murighiol, in Ziua of August 23-rd, 2001; L. Budin,
Cripta cu martiri de la Murighiol - ameninat de ploi i de hoii de vestigii, in
Adevrul of August 31-st, 2001.
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86

form; In what follows I will be trying to approach in a synthesized

and partial form only some aspects from a much ampler and more
detailed monographic study dedicated to the text which regards the
martyrdom of the priest Epictetus, and his younger disciple, the
monk Astion. There are two more reasons which made me to set
out on this endeavor: the reality of existence of a painted fresco
having in the middle an inscription in the Greek language which,
despite the texts quite precarious state, at least the name of one of
the two martyrs, Astion, can be clearly visible, and finally, but not
lastly, the recent anthropological analysis of the two human
skeletons, carried out with a remarkable probity and competence by
Nicolae Mirioiu and Andrei Soficaru from the Anthropological
Institute Dr. Rainer in Bucharest, and followed by important
conclusions regarding the concordance between the text and the
respective human bone remains57.
As the one who was relatively recent introduced to such a vast,
specialized and rigorous realm, I am ready to take upon myself the
smirks and sneers, as well as the harsh criticisms of the specialists.
Howlers and blunders which I assume myself might have still
remained, and I deeply apologize to the readers.
From the wide range of problems brought up by the
hagiographic text, I will subject to discussion the following three
aspects:
- the historical identification of the characters with a key role
in the development of the events;
- the trial of the two martyrs;
- the circumstances in which some sketchy notations together
with a possible and very probable official court report could
have been later coagulated in a first basic manuscript,
which, after being re-copied in the middle-Ages, became the
prototype first published by Rosweydus and found in
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N. Mirioiu, A. Soficaru, Osteobigraphical Study of the Human Remains

Discovered in the Crypt of Murighiol (Antique Halmyris) Basilica, in Il Mar
Nero, V, 2001/2003, p. 169-192.
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Pontica Christiana

87

unclear circumstances, in the archives of the church of the

Savior from Utrecht.
The Personages
There are a number of eight persons on whom the entire
account is based (Epictetus, Astion and his parents, Alexander and
Marcellina, Latronianus, Vigilantius, the bishop Evangelicus, and
the priest Bonosus). They can be categorized after frequency and
social importance with which they appear recorded in the text:
A. The degree of implication in the events:
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.

Epictetus: I III 30
Astion: I 5-III 30; IV 44-46
Latronianus: III 19-31; IV 32
Vigilantius: III 22; IV 32-49
Alexander & Marcellina: I 5; 10-11; III 25-26; IV 33-49
Evangelicus: IV 47
Bonosus: IV 48

B. The official position they held and the social rank:

I.
Latronianus: dux Scythiae ; dux provinciae
II.
Vigilantius: quaestionarius (within the frame of the
administrative structure from Halmyris)
V.
Alexander, Marcellina, Astion: characters (family) with
a high social position in the province (Bithynia?) in
which they resided: Alexander-pater: primarius urbis;
Marcellina-mater: de illustrium genere et Iuliani
senatoris extitit filia; Astion- filius
III.
Evangelicus: bishop at Tomis (possibly bishop of the
province Scythia): Pontifex et praepositus sanctarum
Dei ecclesiarum; Christi pontifex; sacerdos Domini
IV.
Bonosus: sanctus presbyter within the scope of a
structure of previous local incipient Christian organizing
VI.
Epictetus: presbyter

88

Epictetus/ is a very well known name as far back as

the Greek classic period so that we will not discuss the name as
such58. In the text discussed, this name holds an exclusive
representation in the first chapter, paragraphs 1-4. After the episode
of his meeting with Astion he still remains the main character, even
if in the course of the account the Astions parents Alexander, the
father, and Marcellina, the mother are also involved. Epictetus
dominates the entire scene of the first part of the text; he is the one
who takes all the important decisions; he decides to leave their
original province for Scythia; he bestows on Astion, and teaches
him the practice to heal miraculously, but harshly disciplining him
both when he left the surroundings without notifying him and
especially when he has great doubts quite probably with regards
to the faith; likewise, he is the main interlocutor of the duke during
the inquiry and he insisted that Astion should be the first one to be
executed. From the point of view of the eventful development, it is
quite surprising to see that after execution, the name of Epictetus
appears only one single time, at the end of the text (IV 49), while
Astion becomes the main character.
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Astion
Under the form mentioned in the hagiographic text, this name
appears in a quite exceptional way. There are some diverse
different readings of the name mentioned just in inscriptions:
Derveni: > 59.
Limoghardi (Narthacium) (Thessalia-Achaia Ftiotis): A list with
names inscribed on three columns: ACTIWN: 60.
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58

PT

W. Pape, G. E. Benseler, Wrterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen,

Braunschweig, 1862-1870, s.v. ; Lexicon of Greek Personal Names,
http://www.lgpn.ox.ac.uk/online, I p. 13 s.v.
59
Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (=SEG), 37, 1987, 549 (inscription on
a krateros; ca. 300 B.C.).
60
Inscriptiones Graecae (=IG) IX2, 91; N. Georgiadis, , Athena, 1880,
p. 213 ; B. Latev, in Bulletin Hellnique, VI, 1882, p. 588, 3 tab VI. col. III r.
70: ACTIWN: .
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Pontica Christiana

89

(Euboia) 4th/3rd century before Christ61.

Athena: (352/351 before Christ)62.
: frequent in Thessaly (Pelasgiotis) at: Atrax (3rd century
before Christ)63; Kranon (3rd-2nd centuries before Christ)64; Larissa
(4th century before Christ)65; Pherai (about 300 before Christ)66;
The Variant: (Larissa)67;
In Roman period: Astio68.
P

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The authorities appear to be represented by the duke

Latronianus and by the military judge Vigilantius. As a
consequence, in the course of the law suit Latronianus hold the key
role of the 3rd chapter. Latronianus is the one who inspects the
public works, convicts and orders the execution of the two
Christians and, as the text tells us, dies inside the praetorium after a
crisis of great rage.
P

Latronianus
The name is quite known but not widespread. Latronianus
ancestors could be identified in one of the two branches of
important characters of the military and administrative life of the
Empire.
*The Variant #1:
Flavius Iulius Gemellus Latronianus: between clarissimi pueri
who has sung at the secular games (204)69; cos. suff., ()
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61

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IG, XII, 246 B. 113.

IG, II 2, 1696, 22.
63
SEG, 44, 554.
64
IG, IX2, 459, 9; SEG, 23, 437, 13.
65
SEG, 30, 567.
66
SEG, 25, 664 I, 59; 29, 552.
67
SEG, 41, 568.
68
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (=CIL), VI, 7. 1.
69
Anne pigraphique (=AE),1932, 70.
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62
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90

(immediately after the year 231)70; legatus Augusti pro praetore.

Germaniae Inferioris (231)71; praefectus Urbi (
)72 (before 243); pontifex73; the father-in-law of Tib.
Pollienus Auspex, cos. order in 244 and the grandfather of Polliena
Honorata, the daughter of Ti. Pollienus Armenius Peregrinus (cos.
ord. 244)74.
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*The Variant #2: Haterius Latronianus, tribunus militum legionis

II Adiutricis, the son of Haterius Saturninus, legatus Augusti pro
praetore Pannoniae Inferioris, (161-164) mentioned at
Aquincum75; together they dedicate an altar to Dis Militaribus;
fistula plumbea: [Ha]teri Latroniani76
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At Halmyris, in the martyrdoms text, there appears a certain

Latronianus:
Dux Scythiae: the end of the years 80es and the beginning of the
90es of the 3rd century
Latronianus dux (Acta : II 18-20; 23; IV 49);
Dux (Acta : III 21);
Dux provinciae istius (IV 41)
Latronianus (Acta : III 21; IV 32);
Tyrannus Latronianus (Acta : III 22, 27).
III 19: Per triduum opera publica et imperialia ministeria quae
ibidem erant pervidisse (at Halmyris);
III 19: He arrests both Epictetus and Astion;
P

70

Inscriptiones Ggraecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes (=IGR), III, 618=ILS,

8841; Alfldi, Fasti Hispanienses. Senatorische Reichsbeamte und offiziere in
den Spanischen Provinzen des rmisches Reiches von Augustus bis Diopkletian,
Wiesbaden, 1969, p. 55.
71
CIL, XIII, 8017.
72
IGR, III, 618.
73
IGR III, 618; CIL, XII, 3220.
74
IGR, III, 618.
75
CIL, III, 3473.
76
CIL, XV, 21,7467.
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Pontica Christiana

91

III 19-31: He leads the trial against Epictetus and Astion and he
sentences them to death;
IV 32: he dies at Halmyris: violenter spiritum exhalavit. (!?)
Subsequent mentions, possibly about the same character:
Sicily: [Res]titutori libertatis [et] fundatori public[cae se]curitatis
d(omino) n(ostro) L[icin]iano Licin[io] pio felici invicto Aug[usto],
Domitius Latronianus, v[ir clarissimus], corr(ector) p[rovinciae
Siciliae d]evotus n(umini) maiestatiqu(e) eius77.
-Panhormus:
] / /
/ /
/ /
/.../...78.
Eusebius:

79.
-Carthago (year 319): D(omino) n(ostro) Constantino Fl(avio)
maximo, pio, felici, invicto, Augusto, Domitius Latronianus, v(ir)
c(larissimus), proco(n)sul p(rovinciae) A(fricae) et Vettius Piso
Severus,
v(ir)
c(larissimus),
cur(ator)
reip(ublicae)
80
Kart(aginensium) numini eius semper dicatissimi .
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Vigilantius
From an ephemeral initial role, and with a late appearance as the
events unfolded, Vigilantius acquires an absolute importance in the
77

CIL, X, 7284, on winter time 313/314; Ch. Tissot, Fastes de la province

romaine dAfrique, Paris 1885, 211-212; A. Pallu de Lessert, Fastes des
provinces Africaines (Proconsulaire, Numidie, Maurtanie) sous la Domination
romaine, t. II. Bas Empire, Paris, 1969, p. 32.
78
IG, XIV, 296.
79
Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, X 5, 21-24 (letter to Constantine, January of
314).
80
CIL, VIII, 1016=12465; Ch. Tissot, op.cit., p. 211-212; Pallu de Lessert,
op.cit., p. 33.
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92

second part of the text and becomes the main character. Acta E&A:
III 22; IV 32: IV 33: IV 34; IV 35; IV 36: IV 37: IV 38: IV 39: IV
40: IV 42; IV 43: IV 44: IV 46: IV 47:
In Acta E&A, (III 22), Vigilantius appears with the office of
quaestionarius (unus ex quaestionariis) at Halmyris. He is
probably one of the official persons who have arrested E&A at the
order of Latronianus: imperat aliquos ex quaestionariis ut post solis
occasum pergerent ad habitaculum Sanctorum et comprehensos
eos, ferro vinctos, perducerent in custodiam carceris.
- Possibly, he participates in the trial of E&A in its initial
phase
- Interrogates E&A: III 22.
- He becomes converted to Christianity: III 22: ego
Christianus sum, o tyranne Latroniane []
- He buries the bodies of E&A
- He gives hospitality to Astions parents, Alexander and
Marcellina
- He gives hospitality to the bishop Evangelicus
- He leaves off for Asia Minor (?) together with Astions
parents.
The name is known in the Empire being born by other
important personages soon after the events from Halmyris:
- comes domesticorum (equitum?)81 and magister equitum (409) in
Occidens82;
-metropolitan bishop in Larissa (Thessaly) (446), he participated in
the synod from Ephesus (449)83;
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81

PT

PT

PT

Zosimos, Historia Nova, V, 36, 3 (408).

Zosimos, Historia Nova, V 47, 2-3; 48, 1 ; A. H. M. Jones, J. Morris, J. R.
Martindale, The Posopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. I, A. D. 260395, Cambridge, 1971, p. 1165.
83
J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, Florentiae,
1761, t. V, col. 1273 C; t. VI, col. 610A; 846A; 930A; Council of Chalcedon, in
Mansi, op.cit., t. VI, col. 567C; 942C; Florentiae, 1762, t. VII, col. 100B; 139D;
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82
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Pontica Christiana

93
84

-born in Aquitania Secunda; priest in Barcelona and in Bethlehem

in 39685;
- a barber in the 5th or 6th century, he appears on a mosaic at
Aquileia, as a donor of a great amount of money for the renovation
of the martiriums floor S. Cantianus86.
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With an incidental role, which is, however, of a major

importance for the whole aspect of events at Halmyris, there come
into view the two ecclesiastical faces, Evangelicus, quite probably,
the bishop of Scythia, and Bonosus with an obscure role, but
because of his office, with some important historic implications, as
we will see below.
Evangelicus
IV 47: Christi pontifex; sacerdos Domini; pontifex et praepositus
sanctarum dei ecclesiarum.
Evangelicus appears as having likely been the bishop of the early
Christian community at Tomis.
Bonosus
IV 47: sanctus presbyter Bonosus
IV 48: sanctus ac venerabilis presbyter Bonosus
Possibly, the leader of the Christian community from
Halmyris, already extant prior to the event, according to the
assertion of Latronianus III 21: Nam eo quod de illa maledicta
perfidia estis, et ego novi, et universi circumstantes.

188 A; 681A; 724C; 729A; 731D; W. Ensslin Real Encyclopdie , VIII A, 1958,
2132 nr. 2.
84
Hieronymus, Contra. Vigiliantii. 1.
85
Hieronymus, Contra. Vigilantii. 11; W. Ensslin, Real Encyclopdie VIII A,
1958, 2132 nr. 3 s.v. Vigilantius.
86
PCBE 2, 2296.
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94

The trial of Epictetus and Astion

Unlike many other cases in which the progress of the trials of
some Christians is described in a detailed manner, by supplying
facts on the place of origin of the accused, the exact date of
execution, and even interesting ideological and dogmatic
controversies, as it happens in the case of martyrs Pionius and
Dasius87, the text concerning Epictetus and Astion leaves much to
be desired from these points of view.
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The arrival of the duke Latronianus at Halmyris

The event represents a key moment not only in the progress of
the trial, but in the subsequent events, also. But there is a notable
contradiction in the frame of the narratives structure for which is
obviously responsible the final redactor of the manuscript a
contradiction which is tied to the way in which the duke of the
province arrived at Halmyris. The arrival of the highest provincial
military authority, as the duke was, at Halmyris should have been
likely announced and expected. It is exactly what already comes out
from the redactors introduction, in the frame of the narrative, of an
entire passage which fancies the conversation between a puer niger
and Astion in which the last one is notified by the arrival of the

G. Lanata, Processi contro cristiani negli atti dei martiri, Torino, 1989, 2nd
ed; J. Zeiller, Lgalit et arbitraire dans les perscutions contre les chrtiens,
An. Boll., LXVII, 1949 , p. 49-54; H. Musurillo, The Acts of the Christian
Martyrs. Early Christian Texts, Oxford 1972, passim; H. Gregoire, Les
perscutions dans 1'Empire romain, in Mmoires de lAcadmie royale de
Belgique, 46, Brussels, 1950; V. Monachino, Il fondo giuridico delle
persecuzioni nei primi due secoli, Roma, 1955; repr. from La scuola
cattolica, 8, 1951-1953; For particular cases see: Passio beati Philae episcopi
de civitates Thmui, 2-5; H. Musurillo, op.cit., p. 345-349 (Phileas);
, 8-10; see also F. Cumont, Les Actes de
Saint Dasius, An. Boll., XVI, 1897, p. 369-372; T. M. Popescu, Martiriul
Sfntului Dasius, I Textul, in vol. Prinos I.P.S. Nicodim, Bucureti, 1946, p.
224-230 (Dasius).
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Pontica Christiana

95

high commandant and by the fact that he and Epictetus will have to
suffer:
II 18: [...] Confesso tua, Astion,magnas meas contrivit hodie vires,
et una oratio vestra me inermem in omnibus reddidit ac desolatum.
Ideoque egressus hinc, intrabo in cor Latroniani ducis, et
excitaboeum adversum vos celeriter [...].
It is a wondrous figure of speech which on one hand becomes
the echo of an announced visit and on the other hand adds a new
episode to the consistent dossier of the so-called <<anti-black
sentiment>> in the patristic writings as it was noticed by Ph.
Mayerson some time ago88. Thanks to the conditions of an
announced and expected visit, the adverb subito, employed by the
redactor in the next chapter which is concerned with the arrival of
Latronianus at Halmyris, can not mean anything else but the fact
that he will have arrived before the announced date:
III 19: [...] subito advenit Latronianus dux in Almyridensium
civitatem [...].
TP

PT

The accusations. It seems to me that an entire set of charges was

already prepared for the two individuals even before the arrival of
the duke, structured on the criminal and ideological fields.
Criminal:
II 18
Ingressi estis ut quidam latrones sive malefici in provinciam ipsius
III 19
quod malefici sunt et magi
Ideological:
II 18
multos homines a cultura deorum ipsius per veneficia vestra
avertentes, Deo vestro
sociatis.

TP

88

Ph. Mayerson, Anti-black sentiment in the Vitae Patrum, in Harvard

Theological Review, 71, 1978, p. 304-311.
PT

96

III 19
multos per sua veneficia averterent iam a sacrificiis deorum
There are, therefore, four important charges:
1. they entered the province illegally, as bandits
2. they are malefactors
3. they are sorcerers
4. they turned people from the faith in the pagan gods and from the
sacrifices brought to them to the benefit of their God.
The initial appearance of the two at Halmyris obviously would
have not gone unnoticed to the local authorities, but it was
permitted, and this fact by itself proves that they resided for 17
years in Halmyris, in accordance with a passage from the text,
without having to suffer, apparently, any consequence for their
faith. In fact, in the moment of their arrival at Halmyris, the
Christians were still under the incidence of the decree of tolerance
of Gallienus from 262, which secured the ideological peace for
forty years, otherwise highly praised by Eusebius as a period of
glory for the Christians89.
The illegal entry in the province seems to be certified by one
of the early passages of the text I 9: [] They arrived at Halmyris
where no one was able to identify them or their country [] (in
Almyridensium civitatem devenerunt, ubi nullus erat, qui eos vel
eorum patriam posset agnoscere).
TP

TP

89

PT

Euseb. Hist. Eccl., I, 1-6 praises explicitly a period of glory and liberty for the
Christianity. The original edict has not survived, but Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., VII,
13) preserves a letter Gallienus sent to some bishops who, presumably in order to
overcome bureaucratic reluctance, requested confirmation that they could built
churches without any hindrance, preach to the barbarians and Greeks, while the
Christians could hold the highest positions in the state; see also P. McKechnie,
The First Christian Centuries. Perspectives on the Early Church, Downers
Grove, Illinois, 1995, p. 134.
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Pontica Christiana

97

The taking into custody

The arrest of Epictetus and Astion was a routine operation
executed by the military judges.
III 19 [...] imperat aliquos ex quaestionariis, ut post solis occasum
pergerent ad habitaculum sanctorum et comprehensos eos ferro
vinctos perducerent in custodiam carceris [...].
It took place after an official denunciation of the local
authorities (quidam de officio) addressed to the duke of the
province, based on the formulated accusations, on the forth day
(quarta die) after the duke inspected the public working: [...]
quarta die nuntiaverunt ei quidam de officio de beatissimis Viris,
dicentes ei [...].
The arrest took place in the evening, at their domicile, and they
have been chained and accompanied to the prison by the same
quaestionarii. The taking in for questioning, done as a consequence
of some official accusations could take place, when they were not
spontaneous as was the case of Dasius at Durostorum, who was
detained by his own comilitiones by various military officers as it
happened in the case of Fructuosus, Augurus and Eulogius. They
were arrested by the beneficiaries (beneficiarii) who were most
commonly those who committed the imprisonment90. However, E
& A have been arrested by the questionarii, and the information is
important the more so as it is unique in the hagiographic
literature91.
TP

TP

90

PT

PT

Passio Iulio Veterani 1, 3; Iulius veteranus has been arrested by the prefects
officials (officiales); H. Musurillo, op.cit., p. 262; Dasius was kept in custody in
the dungeon by his own comrades in arms () and brought before
the civilian governor by a detachment () (
, 5. 3; 6.1); H. Musurillo, op.cit., p. 277.
91
A. Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society N. S. vol. 43, part 2, Philadelphia 1953, s. v.
quaestionarius.
TP

PT

TP

PT

98

The unfolding of the Trial

The trial of Epictetus and Astion, the circumstances of the act
of execution included, events which were narrated in no less than
12 paragraphs, is structured in conformity with the scheme which is
common to the greater part of the martyrs acts92, containing as a
general rule some stages that follow the same pattern (fig 1):
-the bringing of the accusations before the panel of judges
presided by the civil governor;
-the interrogatory; this procedure aimed at the identifying of the
accusations;
-the attempt to convince the accused to give up their faith
through two methods: verbally, by counter-arguments;
physically, by the application of bodily tortures;
-the retort of the accused ones either by refusing to
communicate or, on the contrary, by incitement to an
ideological debate;
-the sentence;
-the execution.
TP

PT

It should be clearly mentioned that at the elucidation of some

steps and aspects of the problems connected to the progress
concerning the interrogatory, particularly the tortures and the
execution, have been recently brought some significant
contributions by the archaeological researches of the team made of
Mirioiu and Soficaru93. Thus, even if the age of E&A at the
moment when they have been interrogated is not found in the
structure of the proper progress of the trial, however, it apparently
was communicated to the investigators in one way or another, as it
clearly results from the information offered by the manuscripts
redactor: sexagenarian in the case of Epictetus and triginta quinque
(thirty five) in the case of Astion.
TP

92

PT

G. Lanata, op.cit., p.10-21; L. Grig, Making Martyrs in Late Antiquity,

Liverpool, 2004, p. 59-77; H. Delehaye, Les Passions des Martyrs et les genres
littraires, Bruxelles, p. 176-182.
93
See note 7.
TP

PT

TP

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Pontica Christiana

99

The age of the two individuals was confirmed, even nuanced by

the anthropological expertise of the two above mentioned
anthropologists, whose analysis revealed also the physical tortures
applied to the arms, to the feet, to the body and to the head and,
finally, the execution through beheading. All the anthropological
observations confirm the progress of some of the important stages
of the trial. There is also an interesting aspect of the circumstances
in which the two Christians have been brought before the court
showing an exceptional concordance between the text and the
anthropological expertise.
The Christian redactor of the manuscript explains the reaction
of Latronianus through the fact that he could not look at them
because they were shining like the sun and their faces were
illumined by the grace of the Lord:
III 20: [...] cumque exibiti, coram eo astarent, mox, ut vidit eos, a
pavore nimio totius obriguit [...].
[...] non enim poterat intendere in sanctos, eo quod instar solis,
prae nimia gratia, quam gerebant, fulgebant facies eorum [...].
The anthropological expertise carried out on the skeleton
number 1 identified an individual as being 64-67 years old, + - 3
years, normally belonging to Epictetus. It shows some typical
characteristic traces of a chronic arthropathy with the ankylosis of
an expanded sector of the axial skeleton and an articular
degenerative disease (osteoarthritis). These accumulated diseases
bring about a dramatic contortion of the spinal column with
important consequences on the position and the walk of the
respective individual94. The surprise of this unusually repulsive
posture of Epictetus could have provoked the state of shock to
Latronianus the narration speaks of, almost a heart collapse (coram
eo astarent).
TP

PT

As a comprehensive commentary on the trial covers an entire

paragraph of the monographic analysis of the Passio, in what

TP

94
PT

N. Mirioiu, A. Soficaru, op.cit., 172-173.

100

follows I shall discuss the quality of judge of the duke Latronianus

during the trial of E & A. The quality of Latronianus is clearly
designated as the one of Dux provinciae istius (IV 41) as well as the
one of iudex (III 19) which is mentioned only once at the very
beginning of the trial. This term, apparently usual, which is applied
to the highest provincial military official, raises a critical problem
for the early Diocletianic imperial administration based on the
principle of the separation of the powers.
According to this principle, the cases which belonged to the
criminal justice and their solution was normally entrusted to the
civil governor of the province, praeses provinciae, who bears, less
frequently, the title of rector provinciae95. We render below a few
well known e.g. of praesides who specifically sentenced Christian
martyrs:
TP

PT

Culcianus (Clodius Culcianus) in the trial of Phileas, bishop of

Thmui in Augustamnica.
Prima, tortured by soldiers of the legion (
[]) (305)
Probus, praeses Pannoniae in the trial of St. Iraeneus (the spring of
304)
praeses in Moesia Secunda (February 303)
Maximus, praeses in Moesia Secunda in the trial of Iulius
Veteranus (304)
Montanus, interrogatus a praeside in Mauretania Caesariensis
Fortunatus, praeses Mauretaniae Tingitanae in the trial of
Marcellus, but he is only an intermediary to an official of high rank,
Agricolanus, agens vice praefectorum praetorio at that time in

TP

95

Jean-Michel Carri, Le gouverneur romain lpoque tardive, in Antiquit

tardive (=AT), 6, 1998, p. 17-30; Ch. Rouech, The functions of the governor in
Late Antiquity: some observations, AT, 6, 1998, 31-36; M. Horster, Ehrungen
Sptantiker Statthalter, AT, 6, 1998, 37-59; N. Gascou, Ducs, praesides, potes
et rhteurs au Bas-Empire, AT, 6, 1998, p. 61-64.
PT

Pontica Christiana

101

Mauritania Tingitana, in the trial of Fructuosus, Augurus and

Eulogius (January 259)96.
TP

PT

Some civil governors appear accompanied by the term iudex

either under the form iudex competens (term found in the
Justinians legislation, but in the last run considered a terminology
which is adequate to the tetrachic epoch), and less frequently iudex
pedaneus, who was no one else but the temporary substitute of the
governor for exceptional situations97. At any rate, the most cases of
legislative or texts on martyrs with proved authenticity indicate as
supreme judge of the cause a civil authority, whether this was
represented by the provincial governor, or by the high rank
officials, among whom the proconsul, praefectus urbis, praetor,
praefectus praetorio, or a procurator. As it was noticed, Diocletian
made of praeses a judge of first instance for all the civil and
criminal causes from the province98. After 294, and even before this
year, praesides should participate in person in justice cases and not
to delegate, except when it was strictly necessary, the cases to the
iudices pedanei. A distinction between iudices and duces was
already done in a panegyric of 289, which seems to signify that the
separation of civil and military powers has begun to take place99.
The term iudex was certainly in use at late 3rd early 4th century and
is not a later invention of the redactor, but it is unusually applied to
the military commander of the province, Latronianus, dux Scythiae.
Would have been possible that Latronianus infringed upon the
prerogatives of the civil governor of the province of Scythia? I
think that such a hypothesis must be demised from the very
beginning. One might think that in an early period of the Tetrarchic
TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

96

PT

Euseb. Hist. Eccl., IX, 11, 4. (6); Passio beati Philae episcopi de civitate
Thmui, 1.1 (Culcianus); Passio sancti Irenaei episcopi Sirmiensis 2.1 (Probus);
, 6 (Bassus); Passio Iuli Veterani 2.1
(Maximus); Acta Marcelli 2. 2 (Fortunatus).
97
Ch. Rouech, op.cit., p. 35; J. M. Carri, op.cit., p. 20-22.
98
S. Corcoran, The Empire of the Tetrarchs, Oxford, 1996, p. 234-253; J. M.
Carri, op.cit., p. 22-25.
99
J. M. Carri, op.cit., p. 22.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

102

administrative reforms, Latronianus could have concentrated in his

hands the military and civil powers with the title of dux. In strict
technical terms, Latronianus could have held, at least temporarily,
the office and the title of dux et praeses, which is an exceptional,
although not a singular situation. Such a reunion of powers occurs
in Arabia where the duke holds two governmental offices, officium
ducis and officium praesidis100. Flavius Bonus, the duke in Arabia,
to whom Libanius addressed a letter101, must have held the
combined military and civilian powers. A law in Codex Justinianus
refers to a much earlier situation, in 382, when Matronianus had
held the offices of dux et praeses Isauriae102. In 393, Silvanus held
the offices of dux et corrector in Tripolitania, possibly temporarily,
as the last term is known as designating the office of praeses103.
TP

PT

TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

PT

The drawing up and transmission of the manuscripts

As shown above, Passio Epicteti and Astioni is known from
the today existing 15th century manuscript in the archives of the
Church of the Savior from Utrecht. It served as an initial prototype
for the first critical edition of the Dutch erudite Herbert Rosweyde
in the first edition of the collection of Vitae Patrum in 1615104.
Later editions and the monumental scholarly collection of the lives
of the Saints coordinated by Ioannes Bollandus, Acta Sanctorum,
resumed the basic text with new and indispensable
commentaries105. Serious doubts, either in a veiled manner or
trenchantly, have been expressed quite a few times on the
authenticity and value of the text, starting prudently even with the
first editor and ending with the great Bollandist scholar Hypolite
P

TP

TP

100

PT

PT

Notitia Dignitatum, Oriens, XXXVII 36-52: Officium autem habet viri

spectabilis ducis Arabiae et praesidis habet ita.
101
Lib., Or. 50, 18-19; PLRE, I p. 351. s.v. Flavius Bonus.
102
PLRE, I, p. 1109 s.v. Matronianus 2.
103
PLRE, I, p. 1187 s. v. Silvanus.
104
Em. Popescu, Christianitas Daco-Romana. Florilegium studiorum, Bucureti,
1994, p. 93.
105
Cf. note 4.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

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Pontica Christiana

103

Delehaye. The same scholar who in 1912 had asserted that the text
on E &A nest quun tissu de prodiges et dpisodes singuliers [...]
nulle part on ne decouvre la moindre attache historique, et
lagencement comme le ton sont ceux des romans
dimagination[...] and that [...] Halmyris, ville assez peu designe
par elle-mme lattention des lettres dallors106, had the power in
1928 to recognize his previous committed mistake of doubting the
authenticity of an account of a special value, and to restore the true
value of the text in light of the Syriac breviary107. A thorough
introspection into the structure of the text reveals clear elements of
the main source of information which became later the basis of the
original manuscript.
An initial manuscript, which we conventionally named it A,
must have existed more than certainly. It mirrors in later
manuscripts a series of astonishingly accurate information of
administrative, geographic, topographical and historical nature.
Such real details could have been hardly if not impossible
conceived by a possible external and much later redactor who
presumably would have invented the entire story. The only initial
sources that could have provided so many elements from different
fields of social life must have been an eye witness. The
topographical and architectural elements narrated in the text have
been archaeologically identified. Below there is the list of the terms
used in the text that found archaeological, topographical, or late 3rd
century confirmation in the sources:
TP

PT

TP

PT

The territory: Scythia: Scytharum fines; Scytharum regio;

Scytharum terra; provincia.
Administrative personnel and administrative structures: dux,
quaestionarius, imperialia ministeria.
Halmyris: civitas Almiridensium, urbs Almiridensium.
106
TP

PT

TP

107
PT

Cf. note 5.
H. Delehaye, Les martyres , p. 4-5.

104

Fortress in neighborhood: (aliam civitatem quae in proximo

habetur) (Salsovia?).
Geographical: Danubius mentioned in the text four times when
Astion goes to bring water from the river.
Functional architectural structures: opera publica, nimia altitudo
(referring to the walls and the towers of the fortified town); mansio;
praetorium; carcer / vinculatorium; portus.
Military structures: epibatae, navis, speculator.
The existence of some initial written information seems to
have been originated from the Halmyris milieu. They could have
come from two sources; an official one, resulted from the minute of
the panel of judges, and another one from a semi-official source
whose author seems to have been someone more directly and more
closely involved with E & A. We go on by dealing first with the
last variant.
In a passage chronologically placed after the execution of the
two martyrs, Vigilantius explains to the bishop Evangelicus (illi), in
a chronological order, the entire unfolding of the events:
exponentes illi per ordinem, cuncta, quae acta fuissent. The
information could have come from the very hand of Vigilantius
who wrote this in his notations. In such a situation we could
consider Vigilantius as the most probable author of a written report
on the events, which could have resulted into an initial sketch.
The trial must have started as a plain questio status, an
examination of the involved individuals by questions addressed to
the accused, as results from the other trials in which some other
Christians have been indicted108. Such type of questions is uttered
TP

108

PT

The inquires seem to follow a certain modus operandi according to the

procedure e.g: Acta Dasii, 6: Which is your station and what is your name?; In
the martyrdom of Justinus the following questions are addressed: 2.1: what kind
of life do you live?; 2. 3: what doctrine do you practice ?; 2.5: which are the
TP

PT

Pontica Christiana

105

by Epictetus in order to determine Astion not to answer them (III

19: Quod genus? Quae nomina vestra? Ex qua provincia estis ?
Unde huc venistis ?109).
As I tried to prove above, Vigilantius was one of the local
inquirer (unus ex quaestionariis) who interrogated E &A at this
stage. Subsequently, the law suit was changed into a criminal one,
and could be further directed by the military judges (quaestionarii),
who were attached to the dukes staff. Vigilantius could have been
present at the trial, but possibly without a direct implication in the
juridical act, as his hold an official but local office. In this stance he
could write down some notes.
A second basic question is what kind of information the final
redactor of the account had on the events previous to the trial? He
involuntarily discloses himself at the end of the fourth paragraph
from of the first chapter by offering an informal involuntary
statement: pauca de multis in transcursu pertrinxisse (from the
exposure we slightly selected only some aspects of the many
ones). A source could have been the sketchy narration of the
events written by Vigilantius, who, as we are told, was previously
involved in a grave conflict with the authorities by confessing
openly his conversion to the Christian faith. Vigilantius had a
meeting with the two accused as clearly results from the following
passage: III 22. [...] Et perveniens ad beatissimos Martyres in
custodia carceris, signaculum vitae ab eis promeruit percipere
[...] (and coming [Vigilantius] at the prison at the blessed
martyrs, he highly deserved to receive the sign of life (of the
cross)). This key passage shows that with this occasion, the two
could have supplied Vigilantius with a series of details tied to their
activity prior to the trial, information which were vaguely and quite
probably not in their entirety inserted in the final form of the text.
However, what is dubious without getting here into details is
TP

PT

doctrines you prefer?; 3.1: where do you meet together?; 4. 7: where are your
parents (addressed to Euelpistus)?
109
Latronianus addressed the following inquires (III 21): [] Quae sunt
vocabula vestra, quod genus, seu de quali provincia vos estis oriundi, nobis in
conspectus huius multitudinis explanate [].
TP

PT

106

that, unlike E & A, who have not confessed ostentatiously their

Christian faith until the time of the trial in front of the inquirers and
the duke, a stance that led to torture and execution, Vigilantius,
who cried overtly out loud ego Christianus sum, what would
have brought about automatically the incarceration and his
interrogation, does not seem to have suffered any reprisals from the
authorities, which proves that the provisions of the decree of
tolerance issued by Gallienus were still in force.
Another source of the initial manuscript, most likely the main
one, could have been the official report of court. The declarations
of the defendants have been certainly noted down by the notaries
found in the dukes service, as it results from the presentation of the
ducal bureaucratic structure in Notitia Dignitarum. They hide
among the great number of ceteros officiales110. There is an explicit
passage in Acta Pionii showing that the answers of those
interrogated were written down by the notaries: then he
interrogated him to write down the spoken words, while a notary
noted down everything ()111.
Yet, in accordance with the text, E & A obstinately refused to
respond to the dukes questions112. However, there is no certainty
that the two Christians have not given up within the span of 35 days
of intense and savage tortures. The weak link seems to have been
TP

PT

TP

TP

110

PT

PT

On the bureau of the duke of Scythia see: M. Zahariade, Moesia Secunda,

Scythia i Notitia Dignitatum, Bucureti 1988, p. 50-51.
111
Acta Pionii, 9. Then they interrogated him for record, while a notary wrote
down everything. ()
112
There are many, in fact most of known cases, when the martyrs responded the
asked questions; e. g. Acta Dasii 6: Dasius answers the question of the praeses
Moesiae Secundae on is his station and what is his name. He also said that he is a
soldier but also Of my name I shall tell you that I have the excellent one of
Christian; Acta Pionii 9. 1: Which is your name? Pionius answers ():
Pionios ; 2. Are you a Christian (;)?. Answer: (Yes); Carpus
was interrogated by the proconsul Asiae (); the
interrogatory contained as first questions: 2. which is your name ( );
answer: I am Christian; he also gives the name. Paulus answers the questions; 24:
are you senator ?; answer : I am a citizen; 26. where from? Answer: Thyatira.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

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Pontica Christiana

107

Astion, for previous to Latronianus arrival at Halmyris, he began

to have some serious doubts (turpis quaedam cogitatio in via [...]
mentem subito invasit). The text does not tell us what exactly
ignominious thoughts means, but these have made Epictetus
extremely angry to the point that he severely admonished Astion.
Moreover, it appears quite dubious Epictetus behavior on the
gallows, moments preceding the execution, when he insisted that
Astion be the first to be executed by the speculator (the office was
non-commissioned in the Roman army). Epictetus invokes veterana
calliditas serpentis (the ancient cunningness of the snake) which
satis subtilis et circumventosa est (quite subtle and concealed).
Were there any doubts in Epictetus mind as to Astions weakness,
that he will have denied his faith during his last moments of life? If
we compare the two passages we may jump to this conclusion and
subsequently to the probability that Astion could confess to the
inquirers something of his past and of his relations with Epictetus.
The court report, even if it will have been very poor in data
about the past of the two convicted, it was still sent to the capital of
the province, Tomis, where it was included into the imperial
archives from there and could have remained until late in the 6th
century. A considerable number of martyrological acts which are
known to us are largely based on the official documents from the
time of the interrogatories: the Scillicitani martyrs, Cyprian, Iulius,
Maximilian, Carpus, Iustinus, Phileas, Apollonius, Bassus, Dasius,
Fructuosus, Euplus, Irenaeus, Apollonius and the list could
continue113. Yet, perhaps the greater part of information used by the
final redactor in case of E & A could have come from the official
court report, as a consequence of some questions at which the
accused had to answer nonetheless; however, the confession of our
ignorance in this case is preferable to some speculations.
What is certain is the fact that the sources found at the final
redactors disposal must have been one or two written texts, and we
presume these to have been:
P

TP

113

PT

H. Delehaye, Les legends, 105-109; idem, Les passions des martyres, p.

125-131; H. Musurillo, op.cit., p. III-VI.
TP

PT

108

1. The official minute of the panel of judges written by notaries,

which arrived officially at Tomis, in the imperial archives;
2. A sketch of the events and activity of the two previously to
the arrest; it was likely written by the questionarius
Vigilantius during the trial and the execution, and after the
death of the two, until to a point when himself and the priest
Bonosus sailed off back to Asia Minor together with Astions
parents, Alexander and Marcellina. That Vigilantius and
Bonosus have been taken to Asia Minor by the Astions
parents appears clearly from an interesting passage at the very
end of the narration: tam eum quam presbyterum Bonosum
ducentes secum ad propriam civitatem. The document
written by Vigilantius could have arrived at Tomis thanks to
bishop Evangelicus who, possessing the sketch of the events
left Halmyris after a sojourn of eight days.
Thus, in the terms of the modern analysis of the transmission
of the manuscripts, we may have:
a------b

A
Manuscript a: official court report of the trial resulted from the
dukes offices.
Manuscript b: the sketch of the events written by Vigilantius based
on the testimonies of the two and of his own notes.
A = the basic manuscript finally written up very most likely at the
end of the 4th century.
P

Consequently, the documents a and b could serve as basis for

the writing of a single manuscript A by an author who remained
thus far anonymous. Who could have been this author is difficult to
accurately say, but the most qualified candidate seems to be
Theotimus I, in Tomis, between c. 390-407, who is one of the
illustrious characters of his time, a personality of great prestige
inside and outside the Empire, a friend of St. John Chrysostom, on

Pontica Christiana

109

whose well known vast culture, as well as on his preparedness in

the field of dogma and Christian theory, author of countless
theological writings, we do not want to insist here114. It is only from
this thinker of the Church that the entire series of insertions of
dialogues, religious controversies, passages on how we should live
our true faith, on Christian behavior, and quotations from the
Apostles in the narration about E & A, could come. And not in the
last run, due, also, to his literary skill and to his masterly fountain
pen we possess today a coherent document concerning the progress
of events which are, most importantly, based on real information.
It is difficult to know under what circumstances the Mss A
could have been taken from Tomis. We know that in the 6th century
an intense correspondence took place between the pope Vigilus and
the bishop of Tomis, Valentinianus in the politico-religious context
of the fourth and fifth decades of the same century, a context which
was quite troubled since the imperial authority represented by the
Emperor Justinian himself came into a dogmatic conflict with the
pope Vigilus, a conflict in which bishop Valentinianus was a
reliable ally of the pope, and the argumentation should have been
thoroughly done115. But this is just an assumption, which will be
confirmed or infirmed by the future research.
TP

PT

TP

114

PT

Em Popescu, op.cit., p. 111-123 (=Idem, Bretanion i Gerontius (Terentius),

dou mari personaliti ale Tomisului n secolul al IV-lea, in Studii Teologice,
XL (1988), 2, p. 116-122.
115
I. Pulpea, Episcopul Valentinian de Tomis, in Biserica Ortodox Romn,
65 (1947), 4-9, p. 200-212.
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PT

TP

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110

UN COMENTARIU ISTORIC
LA UN TEXT HAGIOGRAPHIC:
Passio Epicteti presbyteri et Astionis monachi
- rezumat Studiul este un comentariu asupra ctorva probleme istorice,
juridice i de transmisie a manuscriselor ridicate de textul
martirologic referitor la cei doi cretini venii din Asia Mic i
prezeni timp de 17 ani, n deceniile opt i nou la sfritul
secolului III la Halmyris, preotul Epictetus i discipolul su Astion.
Comentariul se concentreaz pe urmtoarele aspecte desprinse din
textul martirologic:
-identificarea istoric a personajelor cu rol cheie n desfurarea
evenimentelor;
-structura pasajelor referitoare la procesul intentat de autoritile
imperiale romane celor doi martiri;
- mprejurarile n care s-a putut coagula forma final a textului
care mai apoi a stat la baza viitorului manuscris care, recopiat, a
ajuns n mprejurri neclare pn astzi n arhivele bisericii
Mntuitorului din Utrecht.

Pontica Christiana

Fig. An ancient representation of a martyrdom

111

112

LITTLE CROSSES FROM DOBRUJA

FOUND IN THE COLLECTIONS OF LOWER
DANUBE MUSEUM*
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by Dan Elefterescu, Marian Neagu

This short note presents a number of seven little crosses,
uncovered by chance on the Dobruja territory and which are found
in the collections of the Clrai museum.
First piece of this catalogue was uncovered by chance on the
shore of the Danube River in the area of the Roman-Byzantine
fortress from Izvoarele (the new toponym of the Prjoaia locality)1.
The station is well-known in the specialty literature through the
numerous Christian artifacts uncovered by chance throughout the
years2, and Emilian Popescu pleaded, in a 1980 study, for the
existence in this area of a bishopric3.
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Little cross. Fig. I.1

Very good condition of conservation.
*

Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

The lack of some systematic researches leaves open the discussion as well as
the pro and con arguments on the localization of the Moesia Sucidava in this
area.
2
V. Culic, Croix romano-byzantines decouvertes a Prjoaia (district
dAdamclisi, region de Dobrogea), in Dacia, N.S., IX, 1965, p. 419-425; Idem,
Obiecte cu caracter cretin din epoca romano-bizantin gsite la Prjoaia
Dobrogea, in Pontice, II, 1969, p. 355-371; Idem, Antichitile cretine de la
Izvoarele (jud. Constana), in Biserica Ortodox Romn, XCIV (1976), 7-8,
p. 3-13; I. Barnea, V. Culic, Une amulette paleochretienne de Dobroudja, in
Epigraphica. Travaux dedies au VII-e Congres depigraphie grecque et latine.
Constantza, 9-15 septembre 1977, 1977, p. 249-254. From this area comes out,
also, the most complete Eucharistic service uncovered on the Romanias territory
(A. Rdulescu, T. Cliante, Tezaurul de la Sucidava Izvoarele (Jud. Constanta),
in Pontica, XIX, 1986, p. 156; Idem, Le tresor de Sucidava en Mesie Seconde,
in Revue Archeologique, 1988, fascicule 2, p. 380).
3
Em. Popescu, Organizarea eclesiastic a provinciei Scythia Minor n secolele
IV-VI, in Studii Teologice, XXXII (1980), 7-10, p. 590-605.
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113

Complete.
Lead little cross, obtained by pouring. The horizontal arms are very
short. The ring was made on the same mould; it is very thick and
strongly egg-shaped. The only ornamental element is represented
by a simple frame.
H act. = 23,1 mm; l = 12,3 mm.
Inv. 27753. Prjoaia, passim fortuitous discovery by Tnase Florea.
Bibliography: Unpublished.
Analogies: From the 5th-7th century settlement of Botoana, district
of Suceava, comes to us a mould for the casting of small objects.
On the preserved object we have the negative of a little cross with
even arms (crux quadrata), widened at the ends, and the ring is
identical with the one of our piece4. Some little crosses made with
the mould from Straulesti were thickened with a ring, also5.
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Taking into consideration the fact that, for the little crosses
from Izvoarele there was the suggestion to be dated in the 5th and
6th centuries the last term being stressed by the circumstance that,
at the beginning of the 7th century the settlement was incontestably
forsaken6 - following the strong Avar invasion of 587 A.D.7, and
the analogy with the moulds from Botoana and Struleti, we
suggest the same chronologic framing for our piece.
The next six pieces come from Durostorum, from the Danube
shore, more exactly, from the Roman settlement of Ostrovit, Farm 4
(code 62547.01). That area is particularly known in the 2nd and 3rd
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Dan Gh. Teodor, Cele mai vechi urme cretine din Moldova, in Mitropolia
Moldovei i Sucevei, L (1974), 7-8, fig. 2 and 4, 3; I. Barnea, Arta cretin n
Romnia. t. I (Secolele III-VI), Editura Institutului Biblic i de Misiune al
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, Bucureti, 1979, fig. III, 2; Silvia Teodor, Dan G.
Teodor, Botoana, in Enciclopedia Arheologiei i Istoriei Vechi a Romniei,
vol. I, Bucureti, 1994, p. 199, fig. 51.
5
C. tirbulescu, Tipar, in Paleocretinism i cretinism pe teritoriul Romniei
secolele III-XI, Expoziie organizat de Muzeul Naional de Istorie a Romniei,
Bucureti, 2002, nr. 67, VI-th century, p. 57.
6
V. Culic, op.cit., p. 12.
7
Idem, Plumburi comerciale din cetatea romano-bizantin de la Izvoarele
(Dobrogea) I, in Pontica, VIII, 1975, p. 217.
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centuries8 as a strong center of production, the habitation of this

settlement being extended, even if less dense, to the fourth century9.
From the same area come to us numerous pottery chips, as well as
remnants of hearths and furnaces which doubtlessly prove the
existence of a settlement in the ninth-tenth century10.
The fortuitous discovery of some artifacts in the 18th-19th
centuries (see, for that matter, the discovery, on the same shore, of
a clay pipe, and a lid of a medication box)11, and the intense usage
of the rivers bank by the riverside residents, sets for us the task to
concede to a slight possibility of significant error while dating some
of our pieces.
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2/Little cross. Fig. I.2.

Good condition of conservation.
Complete.
Simple little cross cut out of an ancient bronze sheet, with slightly
triangular arms, unevenly manufactured, without ornaments. At the
end of the upper arm there is an aperture for fastening, eccentrically
placed.
H=28,9 mm; l=25,6 mm.
Inv. 21739 Durostorum, passim, open ground research by Dan
Elefterescu.
8

For bibliography see: Dan Elefterescu, Two gnostic pieces from Durostorum,
from this volume.
9
Paul Damian (responsible), Adela Bltc, Christina tirbulescu, Ionu Bocan,
Virgil Apostol, Nicoleta Nedelcu, Ani Ologu, Valentin Bottez, Dan Elefterescu,
George Dumitru, Ostrov, com. Ostrov, Jud. Constana (Durostorum). Point:
Farm 4, in Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia, Campania 2004,
2005, p. 249-251.
10
C. Mueeanu (responsable), P. Damian, M. Simion, R. Crjan, D. Elefterescu,
A. Bltc, Ostrov, com. Ostrov, Jud. Constana, (Durostorum). Point: Farm 4,
in Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia, Campania 1996, 1997 and C.
Mueeanu (responsible), P. Damian, A. Bltc, C. tirbulescu, R. Crjan, I.
Achim, M. Simion, D. Elefterescu, Ostrov, com. Ostrov, Jud. Constanta
(Durostorum). Point: Farm 4, in Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia,
Campania 1998, 1999.
11
D. Elefterescu, Un capac de teriac descoperit la Durostorum, manuscript.
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Pontica Christiana
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115

th

Dating: 5 -6 (?) centuries A.D.

Unpublished.
Analogies: An almost identical piece is found in the museum of
Dalgopol (Bulgaria)12. We have some analogies on the ampouls of
Egypt13.
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3/Little cross. Fig. I.3.

Good condition of conservation.
One of the vertical arms is missing (it was bent and broken). It
seems to me that the breaking was intentionally done, the other arm
being bent.
Simple little cross, cut out of an ancient bronze sheet, with slightly
triangular arms, with no ornaments. The missing arm was probably
the upper arm, to which the fastening system was attached.
H act. = 20,9 mm; l = 22,9 mm.
Dating: 4th-6th (?) centuries A.D.
Inv. 21737. Durostorum, passim, open ground research by Dan
Elefterescu.
Unpublished.
Analogies: A closely similar representation is found on a rush-light
uncovered at Sisak, rush-light dated in the 4th-5th centuries A.D.14.
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4/Little cross. Fig. I. 4.

Good condition of conservation.
The upper arm is broken at the point of bending for the acquiring of
the supporting system and it was soldered with tin. During the
restoring process, the soldered piece came apart.

12

L. Lazarov, Historical museum - Dalgopol, Katalog, 2001, nr. 153, possible

vigil lamp element, dating from 5th-6th centuries (?); given the uncertain
conditions of discovery, the author doesnt exclude the possibility of dating as
late as 7th century), p. 69.
13
C. Metzger, Les ampoules a eulogie du musee du Louvre, Paris, 1981, fig. 5,
fig. 73, nr. 89 and fig. 77, nr. 93.
14
B. Vikic-Belancic, Anticke Sveetiljke u Arrheoloskom Muzeju u Zagrebu,
Zagreb, 1976, nr. 301, pl. XVII.5 and XXIV.18, p. 41.
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Plain little cross, cut out of an ancient bronze sheet, the arms
slightly triangular, with no ornaments; the supporting system was
acquired by the bending of an extension of the upper arm.
H act. = 32,2 mm; l = 19 mm.
Inv. 21738. Durostorum, passim, open ground research by Dan
Elefterescu.
Dating: 10th-11th century A.D.
Unpublished.
Analogies: We can make a relative assimilation with two little
crosses from the small treasure uncovered during the 1953
campaign of Histria (dated in the 6th century A.D)15. But much
more similar, both typologically and chronologically, is the piece
from Czar Asen16.
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5/Little cross. Fig. I.5.

Good condition of conservation.
Vertical arms are missing.
Little cross of Latin type (crux immissa), acquired by casting.
On the facet the arms are bordered by a strongly profiled frame,
and, in the middle, inside a flattened and deepened circle, there is a
small cross with even arms (crux quadrata). The central ornament,
egg-shaped, could indicate another position of the piece (in fact,
that the lateral arms are missing), but in this case, we have to
concede to the lack of a fastening system, which is hard to accept.
On the back, in the middle, is St. Andrews cross (crux decussata).
H act. = 13,2 mm; l = 24,6 mm.
Dating: 10th-11th centuries A.D.
Inv. 21735. Durostorum, passim, open ground research by Dan
Elefterescu.
Unpublished.
Analogies: An almost identical piece was uncovered at Scala in
Bulgaria17. In another town of Bulgaria, at Srediste (Silistra
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antierul Arheologic Histria (r. Istria, reg. Constana), in Studii i cercetri

de istorie veche, V, 1-2, fig. 15; I. Barnea, op.cit., pl. 96.
16
G. Atanasov, The Christian Durostorum-Drastar, Varna, 2007, pl. LXXI. 312.
17
Ibidem, pl. LXXI, 318 identical.
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117

18

region) , we have a piece of the same type. For the Greek cross in
the middle, but with the arms more visibly rounded, we have
numerous analogies on the small canteens of clay, very often found
in the 4th-6th centuries, so called (blessings) of St. Mena
(ampoules a eulogie or eulogies de St. Mena) of Egypt19 and Asia
Minor20.
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6/Little cross. Fig. I.6.

Good condition of conservation.
The upper arm as well as the right arm are missing.
Little cross of Latin type (crux immissa) acquired by casting.
On the facet quite possible (see the integrity condition of the piece)
the image of Jesus crucified. On the obverse in the middle a small
cross with even arms (crux quadrata), and ornaments in the shape
of letter X on the arm (ornaments acquired probably by outlining
with a sharp object), by probably imitating the form of letter X
(ornament acquired by casting) from the two pieces of the same
stylistic group uncovered at Pcuiul lui Soare21. It seems to us more
than probable that we have to deal in fact with two or four
representations of St. Andrews cross (crux decussata).
H act. = 24,5 mm; l = 14,7 mm.
Dating: 10th-11th centuries A.D.
Inv. 21759. Durostorum, passim, open ground research by Dan
Elefterescu.
Unpublished.
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18

Ibidem, pl. LXXI. 319.

C. Metzger, op.cit., fig. 44-49, nr. 49-54, fig. 60, nr. 74.
20
Ibidem, fig. 8, fig. 79, nr. 96 and fig. 117, nr. 140.
21
P. Diaconu, S. Baraschi, Pcuiul lui Soare. t. II. Aezarea medieval (secolele
XIII-XV), Bucureti, 1977, first piece a fragment, fig. 101. 4; fig 101. 13 and the
second piece, completely preserved, having catching ring, fig. 102. 7 a, b, p. 131,
this piece being published by I. Barnea, also (I. Barnea, t. tefnescu, Din
istoria Dobrogei, vol. III, Bucureti, 1967, fig. 128. 1 a, b, p. 401). We mention
that the dating of the pieces from Pcuiul lui Soare is later (13th-14th centuries
A.D.).
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118

Analogies: Similar pieces, belonging to the same stylistic group,

have been uncovered at Pcuiul lui Soare22, Vetren23 and Popina24.
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7/Little cross. Fig. I.7.

Condition of conservation is relatively good.
Upper arm is broken.
Plain little cross, probably with even arms, cut out of a very
thin ancient bronze sheet, with slightly triangular arms, with no
ornaments. In the middle there is a circle acquired by pressing with
the help of a punch. It is possible (see the thinness of the piece) to
have to deal here with a cruciform ornamental element intarsiated.
The general aspect of the piece indicates its manufacturing outside
of a workshop, probably even by the beneficiary, from a reused
little bronze sheet, which quite probably came out from the bottom
of a small box for ointments of medical or cosmetic use dating from
the 2nd-3rd centuries A.D.25; the small ornamental circle comes out
of it, also.
H act. = 13,1 mm; l = 21 mm.
Inv. 21736. Durostorum, passim, open ground research by Dan
Elefterescu.
Unpublished.
If we take into account the way of acquiring, the fact that, in
the course of time, the corrosion process can make the metal more
breakable and harder to be cut, and if we concede to a Christian
significance of the piece, we may consider to be probably faced
with the earliest little cross uncovered in the area. Unfortunately,
since the area was permanently close to some human settlements,
with the permanent movement of the riverside residents, the
conservation condition of the piece, which preserved a relatively
high degree of malleability, makes we believe impossible a
credible dating of this piece.
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P. Diaconu, S. Baraschi, op.cit., fig. 101. 13; G. Atanasov, op.cit., pl. LXXII.
345.
23
G. Atanasov, op.cit., fig. 101 and pl. LXXII. 350.
24
Ibidem, fig. 102 and pl. LXXII. 348.
25
D. Elefterescu, Calimari romane de la Durostorum, paper, Pontica 2006.
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119

CRUCIULIE DIN DOBROGEA

AFLATE N COLECIILE MUZEULUI
DUNRII DE JOS
- rezumat Sunt prezentate un numr de apte cruciulie, din care una din
plumb (descoperit la Izvoarele) i ase din bronz descoperite n
urma unor cercetri de suprafa la Durostorum (Ostrov - Ferma 4),
piese aflate n coleciile Muzeului Dunrii de Jos Clrai.

120

Fig. I

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121

CHRISTIAN SYMBOLS ON THE POTTERY FOUND IN

THE EASTERN SECTOR OF CAPIDAVA FORTRESS*
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by Zaharia Covacef, Tiberiu Potrniche

Capidava was one of the fortresses placed on the Lower
Danube limes, which has been organized during the rule of Trajan
Emperor. Since the dawn of its existence, Capidava has been an
important city placed on this border because of its position on the
Roman road. At the same time, Capidava has been developed as an
important military and civil centre. The epigraphic documents bring
to light information regarding the beneficiarii headquarters1 and the
customs house2, as well as the large territorium of this fortress3.
During the Dominate, besides its military and economic
importance this city has been as well an important centre for the
dissemination of the Christian ideas4 within its own territory and
beyond the limes. The long centuries of persecution against the
Christians, reaching their culmination in February 303 January
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

Gr, Florescu, R, Florescu, P. Diaconu, Capidava, I, Monografie arheologic,
Bucureti, 1958, p. 17-19; R. Vulpe, I. Barnea, Din istoria Dobrogei. II. Romanii
la Dunrea de Jos (=DID), Bucureti, 1968, p. 151; A. Aricescu, Armata n
Dobrogea roman, Bucureti, 1977, p. 41, 81, 85; Em. Doruiu-Boil, Inscripiile
din Scythia Minor. V. Capidava Troesmis Noviodunum, Bucureti, 1980.
2
Capidava. I, p. 17 19; DID, II, loc.cit.; A. Aricescu, loc.cit.; Al. Suceveanu,
Viaa economic n Dobrogea roman. Sec. I-III e.n., Bucureti, 1977, p. 140;
ISM, V; Oct. Bounegru, Observaii privind vmile Dobrogei romane, in Anuarul
Institutului de Istorie i Arheologie A. D. Xenopol, XVII, 1980, Iai, p.582.
3
Capidava. I, p. 19-21; Al. Suceveanu, n Al. Suceveanu, Al. Barnea, La
Dobroudja romaine, Bucarest, 1991, p. 51-52, 81-82.
4
The fortress is mentioned by Hierocles, Synecdemus, 637, 10, amongst the 15
poleis in Scythia, and in Not. Episc., by De Boor, p. 531, is mentioned as
episcopate. See R. Vulpe, Histoire ancienne de la Dobroudja, Bucarest, 1938;
Capidava.I, loc.cit.; DID, II, p. 383, 469, 480, 505; Em. Popescu, Inscripiile
greceti i latine din secolele IV-XIII descoperite n Romnia, Bucureti, 1976, p.
219-237; Ion Barnea, Les monuments palochretiens de Roumanie, Pontificio
Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, Rome, 1977, p. 11.
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3045, when numerous martyrs were executed for their faith6, did not
stop the propagation of the Christianity. Constantine the Great
realized that the new religion could become an important ally of the
State and granted unrestrained freedom to this movement through
the Mediolanum (Milan) Edict enforced in 312-313 A.D.7. As soon
as the imperial authorities have officialy accepted it, the
Christianity quickly spread out. The Christian symbols and images
placed on various objects (official, personal, or household items)
are the most obvious representations known so far. The cross sign
is an outstanding one.
In the pages below we are going to take into discussion a
number of items selected from the findings identified in the eastern
sector of the fortress of Capidava. The items are quite different in
terms of their utility (even with regards to the material they are
made of), i.e. lamps, bronze or bone vesture accessories, personal
items, stamped decoration common pottery.
As for the lamps the cross sign is placed as decoration either
on the handle on the groove in front of the burner, or on the disc, or
much more interestingly as trademark of the producer in this
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R. Remondon, La crise de lEmpire romain de marc-Aurle Anastase, Paris,

1964, p. 116-149.
6
Chiril, Chindeas and Dasius at Axiopolis Em. Popescu, op.cit., p. 206; Zotic,
Attalos, Camasis and Filipos at Niculiel V. H. Baumann, Basilica cu
martyrion din epoca romanitii trzii, descoperit la Niculiel (jud. Tulcea),
in Buletinul Monumentelor Istorice, XLI, 1972, nr. 2, p. 17-26; idem, Sngele
martirilor, Constana, 2004, p. 83 -132; I. Barnea, Martyrionul de la Niculiel, n
Biserica Ortodox Romn (=BOR), XCI (1973), nr.1-2, p. 218-228; I.
Rmureanu, Martirii cretini de la Niculiel descoperii n 1971, BOR, XCI
(1974), 7-8, p. 975-1011; or Epictet and Astion at Halmyris M. Zahariade, O.
Bounegru, Despre nceputurile cretinismului la Dunrea de Jos, in Izvoarele
cretinismului romnesc, Constana, 2003.
7
E. Stein, Histoire de Bas-Empire. I. De lEtat romain lEtat byzantin (284476), Paris, 1959, p. 92-93; DID, II, p. 381-384; I. Barnea, O. Iliescu, Constantin
cel Mare, Bucureti, 1982, p. 813-826.
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8

case being applied on the bottom . The chronology places these

items within the limits of the 5th - 6th centuries A.D.
Another category of objects decorated with the cross sign
includes vesture accessories9. First of all we take into consideration
the cast bronze buckle belonging to Sacidava type, decorated
with a cross sign fretworked on the shield. Mention must be made
also of a circular bracket made of bronze, decorated with the
chrismon cross. Included in the same category of vesture
accessories is a girlde-plate made of bone, decorated with an evenarmed cross. We also consider vesture accessories the small coinpurses with handles decorfated with various symbols, including the
cross sign. Also, most likely suitable to be included in the same
category of the personal items is a fragmentary knife-hilt made of
bone and decorated with two cross signs. The findings included in
this group can be dated within the same period of time (5th - 6th
centuries A.D.); perhaps the girlde plate mentioned above could
belong to a slightly earlier period of time (the 4th century A.D.).
The most interesting findings are the stamped pottery items
included in the luxury ceramics category. Unfortunately, most of
such findigs are fragmentary. In terms of technique and decoration
pattern, the stamped pottery found in Capidava (and throughout
Scythia Minor, as well) is integrated in the Oriental area of the
Roman Empire, which is quite natural, as long as it belonged to this
zone, from economical and cultural point of view.
The earliest findings decorated with the palm-leaf are included
in the first group established by Hayes10. Only two items uncovered
so far could be considered as typical for this group. The first one is
decorated with nine palm-leaves placed in the central part of the
item in a radial pattern, combined with concentric circles
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Zaharia Covacef, Christian symbols on objects discovered at Capidava, in

Roman Frontier Studies. Proceedings of the XVIIth International Congress of
Roman Frontier Studies, Zalu, 1999, p. 813-826.
9
Idem, Accesorii vestimentare, de toalet i podoabe, descoperite n sectorul de
est al cetii Capidava, in Pontica, 28-29, 1995-1996, p. 95-120.
10
African R. S. Style A (III), J. W. Hayes, Late Roman Pottery, London, 1972, p.
347, pl. XV, a.
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sometimes overlapping the leaves and suggesting peacock feathers.

The range of concentric circles, either overlapping or not the leaves,
is framed between two strips made each of two incised circles. The
second item is a small fragment on which the preserved decoration
is one palm-leaf and one rosette.
Very good analogies of these items have been found in
Tomis11, Histria12, Topraichioi13, as well as in Athens14 and
Antiochia15.
The stamped pottery decorated with palm-leaves placed in a
radial pattern and combined with small auxiliary motifs was dated
between 360 and 450 A.D.; for Africa this pottery was dated in the
4th century A.D.16. The stratigraphic context of the findings
discovered in Capidava results in dating the items in the early 5th
century A.D.
The second group of items consists in pottery stamped with
animal or plant motifs placed in a circular pattern and framed
between concentric circular strips, either linear or truckled17. A
number of pottery fragments found in the eastern sector of
Capidava fosrtress seem to belong to this category. One of these
fragments is decorated with the back legs and tail of an animal that
looks like a rabbit (?); this stamp is repeated along a strip placed
between several linear circles drawn towards the bottom of the vase
and truckled circles on the upper side. There are other stamps
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M. Munteanu, Gh. Papuc, La cramique romaine tardive dcor estamp, in

Pontica, 9, 1976, p. 148.
12
Em. Popescu, Ceramica roman trzie cu decor tampilat descoperit la
Histria, n Studii i Cercetri Istorie Veche, 16, 1965, 4, p. 701, fig. 2/9 sec.
III-V p. Chr.
13
A. Opai, Einige Betrachtungen zur sptrmischen Keramik mit rotem
berzug, in Dacia, NS, 29, 1985, fig.1/8.
14
H. S. Robinson, The Athenian Agora. Results of Excavations. V. Pottery of the
Roman Period, Princeton, New Jersey, 1959, nr. 289, pl. 36.
15
F. O. Waag, Antioch on the Orontes. IV. 1. Ceramic and Islamic Coins,
Princeton, 1948, p. 53, fig. 32.
16
J. W. Hayes, op.cit., p. 347-349.
17
Ibidem, p. 347-348.
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representing a duck, a bull, flowers, and a number of indistinct

motifs.
The pottery belonging in this category was found in all centres
investigated so far, i.e. Histria18, Tomis19, Halmyris20, Tropaeum
Traiani21, Capidava (other sectors)22, Iatrus23, Athens24, or
Antiohia25.
The second group was dated between 450 and 490 A.D.26.
The third group is much better represented, consisting in
pottery items decorated with one stamp placed in the centre of vase,
using as main motif the cross represented in various shapes and
sizes.
The cross sign is preserved in its entirety only on two pottery
fragments found in the eastern sector of Capidava site. One
fragment is decorated with the double-contour Greek cross
surrounded by four concentric circles, also identified on the items
discovered in Tomis27, Histria28, Isaccea29 and Halmyris30. The
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Em. Popescu, op.cit., p. 703-706, fig.4 and fig. 5.

Gh. Papuc, Ceramica roman trzie cu decor tampilat descoperit la
Edificiul roman cu mozaic din Tomis, in Pontica, 6, p. 155-177, fig. 8/1-6, fig.
9-13; M. Munteanu, Gh. Papuc, op.cit., p. 149, pl. II.
20
Fl. Topoleanu, Ceramica roman trzie cu decor tampilat descoperit la
Halmyris, in Peuce, 12, 1996, p. 145, pl. I/5, 6, p. 147, pl. III/16, pl. IV/17, 18;
idem, Ceramica roman i romano-bizantin de la Halmyris (sec.I-VII d.Ch.),
Tulcea, 2000, p. 65-66, nr. 120-127, pl. XIII-XIV.
21
Ioana Bogdan-Ctniciu, Alexandru Barnea, Ceramica i descoperiri mrunte,
in vol. Tropaeum Traiani. I. Cetatea, Bucureti, 1979, p.186, fig. 160/2. 5.
22
Ioan C. Opri, Ceramica roman trzie i paleobizantin de la Capidava n
contextul descoperirilor de la Dunrea de Jos (sec. IV-VII p.Ch.), Bucureti,
2003, p.151-153, pl. LVI, 355, 370, 376.
23
Sven Conrad, Stempelverzierte Keramik aus dem Kastell Iatrus (Moesia
Secunda), in Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta, 36, 2000, p. 222-223,
Abb. 7.
24
H. S. Robinson, op.cit., p. 116, M 350.
25
O. F. Waag, op.cit., fig. 33.
26
J. W. Hayes, op.cit., p. 349.
27
Gh. Papuc, op.cit., p.180, fig. 23/4 7.
28
Em. Popescu, op.cit., p. 707, fig.7/3 6.
29
Fl. Topoleanu, Noi descoperiri arheologice la Isaccea, in Peuce, IX, 1984,
p. 192, pl.V/8, pl. X/10.
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19
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second complete stamp represents a double-ribbed tall cross with

pendants under the side arms; apparently, this type of cross was
placed on other fragments as well. This representation has
numerous analogies, out of which we only mention Tomis31,
Histria32 and Halmyris33. The cross-stamped pottery found in
Capidava and other centres as well is dated in the late 5th and the 6th
centuries A.D.34.
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Fig. 1 The plate at the time of discovery

30

Fl. Topoleanu, Ceramica, 2000, p. 67, pl. XV.

Gh. Papuc, op.cit., p. 187, fig. 20/1, 2, 4, 6 and fig. 19/7; M. Munteanu, Gh.
Papuc, op.cit., p. 151, pl. III/8 a, b, c and pl. IV/9, 10.
32
Em. Popescu, op.cit., p.710, fig. 9/1 and fig. 11/2 4.
33
Fl. Topoleanu, op.cit., 2000, p. 67 68, pl. XV.
34
Tomis: Gh. Papuc, loc.cit 470 580 A.D.; Histria Em. Popescu, loc.cit.
sec. VI p. Chr.; Halmyris: Fl. Topoleanu, loc.cit. the 2nd half of the 6th cent.
A.D.; J. W. Hayes, op.cit., p. 365: double-contoured cross between 470 and
380; the pendant cross around 500.
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31
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127

What we intend to discuss, however, is the most recent finding

included in this category, i.e., a plate, which is unique first of all
because it was found in its entirety.
A large number of items a rich inventory of pieces, some of
which are unique has been found after clearing the debris in room
C.11 of the Edifice (consisting of six rooms) down to the tread level
on which there are signs of a series of violent fires. Certain items
are quite rare, including a plate found in the doorway, broken, but
complete (Figure 1).

Fig. 2 The restored plate

The plate (no.inv. 45465) is made of dense brick-red clay, with

varnish of the same colour. The item has traces of secondary
burning and iron oxide from the overlapping debris (Figure 2). The
dimensions of the plate are: height 6,5 cm; d.max. 39,3 cm;
d.bottom 17,4 cm; height of the ring-shaped foot 0,8 cm. The plate

128

has a rounded rim, 1,1 cm thick and 0,7 cm high, well-profiled

outside and inside, with two incised circle (36,5 cm and 35,5 cm
diameter). Like other pottery belonging to this category, the plate is
not very deep. In the centre, in the middle of three concentric
circles incised at about 1 cm distance in-between each other (16,8
cm, 15,8 cm, and 14,6 cm diameter) a stamp was applied (Figure
3), consisting of two tall crosses (the cross placed on the right of
the human representation is 9 cm and the one on the left is 8,5 cm
tall: the breadth is 3,5 cm). The crosses are twinned with double
contour and extremities of the arms slightly widend. It is worth
mentioning that the cross that is placed on the right of the human
representation goes beyond the inner circle that frames the whole
scene. The central person is dressed in dalmatica, with two strips of
fabric hanging with distinct folds over his shoulders. The
representation is a frontal one, with the left leg slightly advanced.
His right hand is placed over his chest, and the left one holds a rod
with a cross on its top close to his body. He is bareheaded, and the
hair is rendered by a number of vertical incisions. As the image is
quite dimmed, we cannot see whether he wears sandals or is
barefooted.
With regards to the pottery type, it belongs to African Red Slip
Wares category, shapes Hayes 104 or 10535 dated between the mid6th and early 7th centuries. The same shapes are found in Histria36,
Capidava37, Yassi Ada38; for other centres the shape can be
deduced.
Beyond any doubt, the human representation stamped on the
plate is a Saint39 framed by the twinned crosses. The Christian
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35

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J. W. Hayes, op.cit., p. 160-169, fig. 30/2 (Forms 104 A), fig. 31/7, 13 (Form
105).
36
C. Mueeanu, Adela Bltc, Cramique, in Al. Suceveanu, Histria XIII. La
basilique piscopale, Bucarest, 2007, p. 209, nr. 36, 37 (Form Hayes 105)
37
Ioan C. Opri, loc.cit.
38
George F. Bass, The Pottery, in George F.Bass and Frederick H. van
Deorninck, Jr., Yassi Ada. I. A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck, Texas,
1982, p. 167, P.5 (Form Hayes 105).
39
J. W. Hayes, op.cit, p. 265-267.
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Pontica Christiana

129

antropomorphic subjects occur on the luxury pottery found in

numerous centres. Thus, a fragmentary plate has been found not
long ago in Histria, Having the representation of the emperor
Constantine the Great and two of his sons40. Five fragmentary
pottery items with human representations are mentioned in the
Tomis site41; the most interesting one is the fragment with the
stamped representation of a person dressed in a toga as long as to
reach his knees, his hands up in the air, which must have been the
image of a priest in praying attitude42. In Halmyris, the
decoration belonging to the third type Antropomorphic Motifs
has only been found on a North-Africa Pottery item43.
The closest analogies of pottery stamped with Christian
antropomorphic motifs are found in the fragmentary items found in
Capidava in Sector III44.
The first one is a plate that was entirely restored, decorated
with a double-contoured twinned Latin cross framed by two male
front busts45. The second fragment preserves the images of two
male front busts on both sides of an imperial representation
(Christ?) having in his right hand a sceptre (a spear?) and in the left
hand the globe; above the head of the central representation there
is a pigeon46. Finally, other two fragments belonging to Hayes Type
103 or 104 preserve the lower part of a male barefooted person of
the saint type dressed in dalmatica47, and, respectively, part of
the bust preserved with the strip of the dalmatica and the head of
another male person48.
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40

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Sc. Lambrino, Empereur pr-byzantin figure sur une coupe en terre-cuite, in

Revista Istoric Romn, I, 1931, p. 63-76; Em. Popescu, op.cit., p. 701-703,
fig. 3/1, 2, 3; J. W. Hayes, op.cit., p. 265.
41
Gh. Papuc, op.cit., p. 177.
42
Ibidem, dated between 470 and 580.
43
Fl. Topoleanu, op.cit., p. 62, no. Catalog 171.
44
Ioan C. Opri, op.cit., p. 147 150, nos. 342, 343, 348, 349.
45
Ibidem, p. 147-148, no. 342, pl. LI (photo and drawing).
46
Ibidem, p. 148, no. 343, pl. LII (photo and drawing)
47
Ibidem, p. 149, no. 348, pl. LIII (drawing).
48
Ibidem, p. 150, no. 349, pl. LIII (drawing).
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Fig. 3 Detail of the central seal

From the point of view of shape and technique, the plate found
in the room C.11 of the Edifice discovered in the eastern sector of
Capidava belongs to African Red Slip Ware type 104 or perhaps
105. The decoration belongs to the style E (ii). Thus, a saint
representation identical to the representation found on this plate has
also been identified on a plate exhibited in Saint Sophia Museum
in Istanbul and discovered in the proximity of rengeri locality
(Cilicia)49. The saint type 234 is quite common for the pottery
belonging to 103 B and 104 Forms. The cross belongs to the type
323, and the style E (ii), described as 9 cm high and decorated with
two large circles on both arms, is present on pottery items
belonging to 104 A, C Forms. The complete image is identical to
that found on the plate discovered in Capidava: the saint dressed in
dalmatica with the episcopal sceptre in his right hand and placed
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49
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J. W. Hayes, op.cit., p. 265-266, type 234, fig. 51 d.

Pontica Christiana

131

between two twinned tall crosses is also found on the plate

exhibited in Saint Sophia Museum in Istanbul50.
The late style E (ii) uses stampes with human representation,
twinned crosses and other representations within freestyle
compositions and is mainly found on large plates.
The dating suggested for this style51 is between 530 and 600. It
is well known that Capidava was burnt in the attacks during the late
6th century A.D., which confirms the date proposed by
J.W.Hayesinvestigations.
It is worth emphasizing that the investigated sectors of
Capidava revealed a large number of pottery items belonging to
ARS Ware Category decorated with E (ii) style motifs; these vases
have been found either complete or restorable. This underlines the
role and position of the fortress between the 4th and the 6th
centuries. The identical plates found in Capidava and
Constantinople certify the tight relationships between the two
centres.
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SIMBOLURI CRETINE PE CERAMICA DESCOPERIT

N SECTORUL DE EST AL CETII CAPIDAVA
- rezumat Dup o scurt introducere referitoare la locul i rolul cetii
Capidava n istoria Dobrogei antice, autorii se opresc asupra unei
serii de descoperiri, diferite din punct de vedere al utilitii i chiar
al materialului din care sunt realizate, unite ns prin simbolistica
cretin a decorului. Este vorba despre opaie, accesorii
vestimentare din bronz i os, obiecte de uz personal, vase ceramice
cu decor stampat.
Pe toate aceste piese semnul crucii este simbolul cel mai
utilizat. La vasele ceramice cu decor stampat decorul se diversific,
50

Ibidem, p. 265-266, type 234, with the bibliographic analogies for the Saints
and p. 278, type 323, fig. 57 f for the cross.
51
Ibidem, p. 229.
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alturi de cruce fiind utilizate i alte simboluri animaliere sau

vegetale - cu semnificaie cretin.
Este prezentat apoi, i discutat, cea mai recent descoperire
din aceast ultim categorie de materiale: un platou care se
constituie ntr-un unicat, n primul rnd prin faptul c vasul a fost
gsit n ntregime. Platoul, cu un diametru de 39,3 cm, nalt de 6,5
cm, are aplicat n centru o tampil reprezentnd un sfnt cu crj
episcopal ncadrat de dou cruci gemate, nalte. Tematica
antropomorf cretin apare pe ceramica de lux din numeroase
centre; n acest sens sunt citate descoperirile de la Histria, Tomis,
Halmyris, Capidava i din alte centre din lumea egeomediteranean.
Analogiile aduse n discuie ofer i ncadrarea cronologic a
platoului ntre anii 530-600. Se subliniaz faptul c n sectoarele
cercetate de la Capidava au aprut numeroase exemplare de
ceramic aparinnd categoriei African Red Slip Ware, decorate cu
motive din stilul E(ii), vase ntregi sau ntregibile. Acest fapt
evideniaz rolul i poziia cetii n secolele IV-VI; legturile sale
cu Constantinopolul, care reies i din faptul c dou platouri
identice provin din cele dou centre.

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THE FIRST CHRISTIAN COMMUNITIES

FROM THE CENTRAL AREA OF MOLDAVIA*
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by Ioan Mitrea
The central area of Moldavia containing, broadly speaking, the
geographical unity of the sub-Carpathian mountains of Moldavia,
and the contact area of the middle basin of the Siret River with the
Central Moldavian Plateau and the Totowas Hillocks, over which
was superposed in great part, as far back as its founding, the
authority of the Episcopate of Roman, proved to be one in which
the most ancient Christian communities of the Carpatho-Dniester
space have been built with great pains and have been made
manifest.
More than one decade ago, facing a rich corpus of the
archaeological discoveries regarding the beginnings and the
evolution of Christianity at the east side of the Carpathians
Mountains, His Eminence Daniel, then-Metropolitan of Moldavia
and Bucovina, who is now the Patriarch of the Romanian Orthodox
Church, concluded that the propagation of Christianity at the east
the Carpathians has spread out as far back as the early dawns of
the first millennium after Christ1. In line with this important
assertion, a few years later, the regretted Metropolitan, His
Eminence Nestor Vornicescu, in one of his articles published
posthumously, rendered manifest that Christianity, the new
religion, took hold of our ancestors as far back as the apostolic
epoch, and that for the Dacian-Roman population, the
Christianity constituted from its first centuries not only an ordinary
fact of faith, it was a fact with deep spiritual, social, and historical
implications, a decisive historic and cultural phenomenon, thus
proving the capacity of this population to maintain an intense
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

Patriarch Daniel Ciobotea, Instead of Preface, in the volume Dan Gh. Teodor,
Cretinismul la est de Carpai de la origini i pn n secolul al XIV-lea, Iai,
1991, p. 8.
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134

spiritual life2. In full agreement with the results of the historicarchaeological researches from the last decades regarding the
dissemination of Christianity to the Dacian-Roman world, whose
members started to be called Romanians in the course of the 8th-9th
centuries3, the learned hierarch asserted that unlike some other
neighboring nations, in the history of whom is recorded an accurate
date of their official Christianization, we received the Christian
faith on the space of time comprising the first centuries of the
Christian era, a process which took place both through individual
conversions and through the missionary work, and this course was
carried out simultaneously with the process of Romanian nations
ethnogeny4. Indeed, there is no certain date on the Christianization
in droves of the Romanian nation, as was the case with all of our
neighbors, through a decision made by a political power, but the
new religion was spread gradually, from one individual to the next,
from one family to the next, and from one community to the next.
The thesis of the popular Christianity of the autochtonous people,
called first Dacian-Romans and later Romanians, is found on a
solid scholarly argumentation5.
In the Dacian worlds space, the Dacian-Roman worlds space,
and then in the space of the ancient Romanian worlds space, the
Christianity found a favorable soil in order for it to be able to take
roots. These favourable conditions can be explained on one hand by
the affiliation of this world to the area of the Roman and later
the Roman-Byzantine civilization, and on the other hand, by the
psychological state of this world, which was always in danger,
especially during the time of great migrations. Inside the ranks of a
population which was always disturbed by the migratory peoples,
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Metropolitan Nestor Vornicescu, Scrieri patristice aprute n Biserica noastr

(sec. III-VII), in Adevrul literar i artistic, IX, no. 519, 23rd of May 2000, p.
10.
3
Ioan Mitrea, De cnd ncepe istoria romnilor?, in Acta Moldaviae
Meridionalis, XV-XX/1, Vaslui, 1993-1998, p. 7-11.
4
N. Vornicescu, op.cit., p. 10.
5
Nelu Zugravu, Geneza cretinismului popular al romnilor, Bucureti, 1997,
passim.
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135
6

the earliest Christianity with its human loading capacity found a

favorable ground. The beginnings, the evolution, and the
popularization of Christianity in the space of the ancient Dacia have
accompanied and have decisively influenced the process of the
Romanians ethnogeny. The popular Christianity, this conciliatory
and meek Christianity, practiced in the Latin language has
essentially contributed not only to the preserving of the Roman
world in the Carpathians, but to the fulfillment of this Roman
world, also7, thus marking decisively the evolution of this historic
process of transforming the Dacian-Romans into Romanians. In
fact, to speak about the ethnogeny of the Romanians is tantamount
to speak about the beginnings of Christianity and its evolution in
Dacia. The Romanian people was born spontaneously, and
naturally as a Christian nation, all at once with the formation of its
Roman worlds character, at whose completion the popular
Christianity brought its most important contribution8, as was
written by the great historian Radu Vulpe.
The evolution of Christianity in the ranks of an autochtonous
population from the ancient space of Dacia and, in its context, from
the Carpatho-Dniester regions, in which the central region of
Moldavia is organically integrated, the region which is the main
concern of this paper, has spread out in different rhythms from one
area to the next and from one century to the next. The pursuing of
the paleo-Christian objects, from the Christianitys beginnings to
the half of the first millennium after Christ, shows us that their
number decreases from the south to the north and from the west to
the east, from the Carpathians to the Dniester River, respectively9.
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Guido A Mansuelli, Civilizaiile Europei vechi, Bucureti, 1978, p. 82.

C. Daicoviciu, O senzaional descoperire arheologic in Transilvania, in the
volume Dacica. Studii i articole privind istoria veche a pmntului romnesc,
Cluj, 1969, p. 525.
8
Radu Vulpe, Romanitate i Cretinism coordonate ale etnogenezei
romneti, in the volume De la Dunre la Mare. Mrturii istorice i monumente
de art cretin, Galai, 1979, p. 21.
9
Dan Gh. Teodor, Cretinismul la est de Carpai de la origini i pn n secolul
al XIV-lea, Iai, 1991, p. 155-166; Ioan Mitrea, nceputurile i generalizarea
cretinismului n spaiul carpato-nistrean, in Cronica Episcopiei Huilor, VI,
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The most ancient discoveries of paleo-Christian proofs in the

central area of Moldavia come down to the beginnings of the new
religions manifestation. If the ornament found on the ceramic lid
from Brad-Bacu a painted fish respectively, uncovered during
the last Dacian period, and dated sometime between the first
century and the beginning of the second century after Christ, which
is considered with a great deal of probability to be a Christian
symbol would become a scientific certainty, we could find
ourselves facing the most ancient discovery of Christian character
from this area, from the entire Carpatho-Dniester space,
respectively10.
For the first four Christian centuries, in the central area of
Moldavia, also, as well as in the entire Carpatho-Dniester space, we
have discoveries of isolated paleo-Christian proofs, much more
numerous from one century to the next, without having to talk
about village communities Christianized in large numbers11. After
the edict from Milan, of the year 313, by which Constantine the
Great granted liberty to the Christians, and especially after the edict
of Theodosius of the year 395, by which the Christianity became
the only official religion of the Roman state, the new faith will
know a new vigour, in the north-Danubian areas, inclusively, areas
which were still considered a Roman territory for a long while. This
new vigour is felt, also, in the east-Carpathian areas of the ancient
Dacia. But we cannot talk about prevalently Christian village
communities in the central part of Moldavia and, on a larger
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2000, p. 139-161; Gheorghe Postic, Civilizaia medieval timpurie din spaiul

pruto-nistrean (secolele V-XIII), Editura Academiei Romne, Bucureti, 2007, p.
188-189.
10
Vasile Ursachi, Episcopia Romanului. Cercetri arheologice, Editura
Filocalia, 2008, p. 8-9.
11
Silviu Sanie, Civilizaia roman la est de Carpai i romanitatea pe teritoriul
Moldovei (sec. I i.e.n.-III e.n.), Iai, 1981, p. 219-222; Dan Gh. Teodor, op.cit., p.
75-81; I. Ioni, Importante descoperiri n perioada de formare a poporului
romn n aezarea de la Iai-Nicolina, in Arheologia Moldovei, X, 1985, p.
40-43; Ioan Mitrea, op. cit., p.141-143.
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137

geographic level, in the entire Carpatho-Dniester space, seeing the

actual stage of researches, before the 5th-6th centuries12.
If from the beginnings of Christianity to the middle of the 5th
century after Christ in the entire east-Carpathian space of Romania
we have thus far about 45 localities13 in which paleo-Christian
materials, from the 4th-5th centuries, were found, more accurately
from the second half of the 5th century, starting with the downfall of
the power and the domination of the Huns in the year 454 after
Christ, to the end of the 6th century, there are known only 38
archaeological sites in which elements of Christian character have
been found14.
In the central area of Moldavia, the first certain Christian
communities, from the 5th-6th centuries, have been identified at
Bacu-Curtea Domneasc, tefan cel Mare-Bacu, DavideniNeam, Borni and Boreni-Neam15. In these works is mentioned
the entire bibliography concerning the discoveries from the
archaeological sites specified by name in this paragraph.
Of all the sites in which archaeological researches of great
amplitude took place in the central area of Moldavia, the most
important Christian community from the 5th-6th century was
identified at Davideni-Neam, where on a terrace found in the
beautiful valley of Moldavia, quite a few researches of great
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12

Ioan Mitrea, Comuniti cretine din secolele V-VII n regiunea sub-carpatic

a Moldovei, in Pontica, XXVIII-XXIX, 1995-1996, p. 227-232; Idem, Noi date
privind cretinismul n Moldova n secolul al VI-lea, in Cronica Episcopiei
Huilor, VI, 2000, p. 329-338; Idem, Romanitate i cretinism n secolele V-VI
n lumea satelor din spaiul carpato-nistrean, in Zargidava revista de istorie,
I, Bacu, 2002, p. 17-44.
13
Dan Gh. Teodor, op. cit., p. 155-160; Ioan Mitrea, op. cit., in Zargidava, I, p.
17-44, at which we add some discoveries done after the year 2002, some of them
unpublished.
14
Dan Gh. Teodor, op. cit., p. 157-166; Ioan Mitrea, op. cit., in Zargidava, I, p.
17-44,
15
Ioan Mitrea, Regiunea central a Moldovei dintre Carpai i Siret n secolele
VI-IX e.n., in Carpica, XII, 1980, p. 113; Dan Gh. Teodor, op. cit., p. 157-166;
Ioan Mitrea, Secolul al VI-lea n istoria cretinismului la est de Carpai. Date
arheologice i concluzii istorice, in Carpica, XXIX, 2000, p. 27-38; idem, op.
cit., in Zargidava, I, p. 17-44.
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amplitude took place for about a century, having as a result the

discovery and the research of the largest village from the eastCarpathian space, containing 74 dwelling places from the 5th-8th
century, the highest point of this communitys development being
situated chronologically in the 5th-6th centuries16. Speaking of the
settlement from the 5th-6th century we mention that it has 36
dwelling places, which have been exposed and searched, and in
which a rich and diverse inventory was found, an inventory which
is able to render evident a Romanic and Christian autochtonous
community, in which from the second half of the 6th century some
Slavic elements will be infiltrated and will become sedentary; they
were torn off from the mass of the Slavic groups which were then
migrating to the Lower Danube.
In the case of this paper we will be concerned just with the
proofs regarding the Christian character of this village community,
which is representative not only for the central area of Moldavia,
but for the whole Carpatho-Dniester space, also.
In the first place we mention that in Davideni have been found
numerous pieces of Christian character or with Christian symbols.
Yet, what is impressive is not as much the number of paleoChristian pieces as it is the value of some of them, a few of them
being unicum not only in the east-Carpathian space, but in the
whole north-Danubian territory, also.
At Davideni have been uncovered some ceramic fragments
which come from jar vessels, of autochtonous character, which had,
usually on the shoulder, small crosses with equal arms, imprinted in
the raw paste, before being burned. In one of the dwelling places a
small cross of bronze with equal arms flattened to the outside part
has been uncovered; it is beautifully adorned with granules, and it
had a gem, probably a semi-precious stone, embedded in the
middle, which is lost today. This small cross, the Maltese type, was
manufactured by a local craftsman or by an itinerant artisan who
P

TP

TP

PT

16

Ioan Mitrea, Comuniti steti la est de Carpai n epoca migraiilor.

Aezarea de la Davideni n secolele V-VIII, Editura Constantin Matas, Piatra
Neam, 2001, p. 400. Here are found all the data concerning the discoveries from
Davideni, with which we are concerned in this paper.
PT

Pontica Christiana

139

came from the south side of the Danube River, having as an

additional proof the discovery of fragmented casting mould of clay
marl in which were cast such cult pieces. The discovery of a little
spoon of bronze used at the administering of the Holy Eucharist at
Davideni is very important. The little cross, which is the first one of
this kind from the Carpatho-Dniester space dating from the 6th
century, corroborated with the presence of the little spoon for the
Holy Eucharist, allows us to assert that these two cult objects have
belonged to a missionary-priest who preached the Christian faith in
the bosom of the Davideni community. We mention, also, that a
Christian symbol, a sculptured little cross respectively, was
executed on the bow of the handle of a bone comb, of small size, a
miniscule comb. The comb was adorned with incised circles,
having a dot in the middle, a decorative motif symbolizing a fish
eye (or dove eye), hence a Christian symbolic element.
In the long run, we mention a piece of a scientific value as well
as of an outstanding cultic significance, which represents a unicum
for the epoch of Christianitys popularization in the CarpathoDniester space and, on a larger scale, in the north-Danubian space
as a whole. We are talking about the discovery of a bronze fibula of
a Roman-Byzantine type, which is characteristic to the 6th century
and which has reproduced by incision on the bow the image of a
human head with a nimbus (halo). The lines which frame the
human image with a halo, suggesting the frame of a small
picture, have been adorned with small granules. This frame
surrounds the human image with a halo, clearly marking the limits
of the sacred from the profane. On the human image, depicted in a
few millimeters, the handicraftsman artist has fancied, to the detail,
all the anatomic component parts, the eyes, the nose, the mouth,
and the beard, respectively. The space with frame, in which the
human image with a halo was realized is bordered by two registers
in which have been realized at the casting time, also, some
ornamental motifs consisting in concentric circles, representing,
probably, a fish eye or a dove eye, which are Christian symbolic
elements.
P

140

The first certainty, regarding the piece from Davideni, is that

we are in the presence of the image of a Saint, and not the image of
a Byzantine Emperor as it could be believed. Who is the saint
represented in this image? Could it be the image of Christ or the
head of Saint John the Baptist? It is our conviction that we are in
the presence of the representation of the image of our Savior Jesus
Christ. In the north-Danubian space we do not know, as yet, any
analogies. The piece from Davideni is thus far a unicum.
For the image with an aureole we have two analogies at the
south of the Danube River, in the area of the Byzantine Empire. On
a ceramic fragment from an imported north-African vessel, dated
from the 6th century before Christ, and uncovered at Dyrrhachium,
appears a portrait of an individual having the head encircled by a
halo (Christ?), being accompanied by an incised cross at the left
side of the portrait.17 On a flat fibula, from the 6th century after
Christ, uncovered at Odarc (Dobric) in Bulgaria, appears a human
image with a halo (Christ?) bordered by birds (doves?)18.
Consequently, the human image with a halo found on the fibula
from Davideni is, also, found both on the ceramic fragment
uncovered at Dyrrhachium, and on the bronze fibula from Odarc
(Dobric). It is possible that the four concentric circles arranged
around the image with a halo, found on the fibula from Davideni, to
symbolize four birds (doves?), also, as it does on the fibula from
Odarc. We must not lose sight of the fact that the three discoveries,
having a human image with a halo, are dated in the 6th century, very
probably they may be dated more accurately in the middle of the 6th
century after Christ.
The Byzantine iconography from the Justinians epoch, the
Byzantine Emperor who reigned from 527-565, and who
contributed to the consolidation of Christianity, is rich in
representing the portrait of Christ. In some cases, Christs image is
beardless. But quite frequent are, also, the portraits in which Christ
is represented bearded. Such as, for instance, in a church built by
P

TP

PT

TP

PT

17
TP

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18
PT

Ibidem, p. 141 and the note 68 with the bibliography.

Ibidem, p. 141 and the note 69 with the bibliography.

Pontica Christiana

141
th

Justinian at the Mount Sinai, to the middle of the 6 century, in a

beautiful mosaic, the portrait of Christ is rendered bearded19, as it
appears on the fibula from Davideni, also.
We add to the above lines, also, the observation that naturally
the first representations of some saints will have had Christ as the
first seed. Later on, in many more representations from the
medieval age, Christ in the midst of the Apostles is the only One
represented with a halo.
Taking into consideration those mentioned above, we
appreciate as very probable the presence of the image of our Savior
Jesus Christ on the Roman-Byzantine fibula from Davideni. In this
case we could have here the most ancient representation of the
image of Christ from the north-Danubian space. If we take into
consideration that in the old Slavic language the term ikona (from
the Greek word ), means image, we can say that in a certain
respect at Davideni we have the most ancient minute icon, with the
image of Christ, from the north-Danubian territory of the ancient
Dacia.
The rich material with a Christian significance from Davideni
allows us to assert that here, in the 5th-6th centuries, has resided a
Roman village community in which the Christianity was dominant,
that is, it was fully popularized. If we add, also, to the Davideni
community, the communities from Borni and Boreni, the county
of Neam, as well as those found at Bacu-Curtea Domneasc and
tefan cel Mare, the county of Bacu, we may talk about the first
Christian communities from the central area of Moldavia.
In the east-Carpathian space, the Christianity was spread
gradually from the south to the north and from the west to the east,
becoming general all at once with the completion of the process of
the Romanian peoples ethnogeny. In some marginal areas, as those
extremely north-eastern and eastern, very probably, the Christianity
was imposed somewhat later, towards the end of the first
P

TP

19

PT

Charles Delvoye, Arta bizantin, I, Bucureti, 1976, p. 139. In some other

images with Christ crucified, our Savior is represented bearded, also. Compare,
op. cit., figure 36.
TP

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142

millennium after Christ, in the context of the process of making

Romanian all the communities from these areas.
PRIMELE COMUNITI CRETINE
DIN REGIUNEA CENTRAL A MOLDOVEI
- rezumat n articol sunt prezentate cele mai vechi dovezi ale rspndirii
cretinismului din regiunea central a Moldovei. Din secolele I-IV
d.Hr. avem dovezi izolate. De comuniti cretine, n aceast
regiune, putem vorbi doar din secolele V-VI. Reprezentativ n
acest sens este aezarea de la Davideni-jud. Neam, unde a fost
dezvelit cel mai mare sat din secolele V-VII din spaiul est-carpatic,
cu o populaie dominant cretin. Sunt prezentate numeroasele
piese cretine descoperite aici, ntre care una cu totul remarcabil.
Este o fibul romano-bizantin, din sec. al VI-lea, pe care a fost
gravat chipul unui sfnt, foarte probabil imaginea lui Hristos. Dac
ipoteza se va confirma, am avea la Davideni cea mai veche
reprezentare a chipului lui Hristos din regiunile nord-dunrene.

Pontica Christiana

143

Fig.1 Davideni
Paleo-Christian objects uncovered in the settlement from the 5th-6th centuries.
P

144

Fig. 2 A fragment from the Roman-Byzantine fibula, from the 6th century, with
the representation of Christs portrait (increased about 5 times).
P

Pontica Christiana

145

TWO GNOSTIC PIECES FROM DUROSTORUM*

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by Dan Elefterescu
The subject under discussion consists of two small Gnostic
pieces made of lead, recovered by chance on the Danube River
shore in the area of the Roman settlement from Ostrov Farm 4.
The settlement (code 62547.01) is found on the territory of Ostrovit
Society, S. A. at the km 132, N.R. 3A (Bucuresti-Constanta) at
approximately 3.5 km far from the Ancient city of Durostorum1,
and reflects a large amount of archaeological material that proves
an intense clay, bronze, lead, gold, bones, and very likely glass
processing2.
CATALOGUE
TP

TP

PT

PT

1/Ring. Drawing board 1.a.

Conservation condition is relatively good.
Flattened and deformed.
Gross workmanship, obtained by pouring into a mould with
blunted details; the ring is thin and reflects a deformed rectangular
*

Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

For a more detailed bibliography of the area see C. Mueeanu, Ateliere
ceramice romane de la Durostorum, Bucureti, 2003.
2. C. Mueeanu, D. Elefterescu, Teracote de la Durostorum reprezentnd-o pe
Venus, in Pontica, XVIII, 1985, p. 185-191; C. Mueeanu, op.cit.; D.
Elefterescu, Figurative bronzes from Durostorum, in The antique bronzes:
typology, chronology, authenticity - The Acta of the 16th International Congress
of Antique Bronzes, Bucharest, May 26 th-31st, 2003, Bucureti, 2004, p. 151161; Idem, Statuete votive din plumb de la Durostorum, in Pontica, XXXVIIXXXVIII, 2004-2005, p. 221-238.
2
C. Mueeanu, D. Elefterescu, Teracote de la Durostorum reprezentnd-o pe
Venus, in Pontica, XVIII, 1985, p. 185-191; C. Mueeanu, op.cit.; D.
Elefterescu, Figurative bronzes from Durostorum, in The antique bronzes:
typology, chronology, authenticity - The Acta of the 16th International Congress
of Antique Bronzes, Bucharest, May 26 th-31st, 2003, Bucureti, 2004, p. 151161; Idem, Statuete votive din plumb de la Durostorum, in Pontica, XXXVIIXXXVIII, 2004-2005, p. 221-238.
TP

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PT

TP

TP

PT

146

profile. The chaton is rectangular in shape, with rounded borders.

On its facet, en-framed by two lines (the upper one is plain, while
the lower one is pearled) is found the inscription IAW. On its
laterals, possibly, two starlets. The dorsal side of the chaton
presents an alveolate form like a finger, which has avoided the
stressing of the ring, anyway too frail, while it has been worn. The
frailty of the ring has posed the issue of its usage and wearing time.
If we take into account the frailty of this object, we have to concede
that, theoretically speaking, we may have to deal here with a
pouring pattern (for checking the pattern). In this case, we wouldnt
have dealt with a pouring into a used clean pattern, neither a
removal of the burr so carefully done.
Chatons dim: L =13.62 mm; W = 6.20 mm; thickness =1.68 mm;
Letters H: 1.8 mm.
Inv. 39472. Beach, passim 1976. Open ground researches by Dan
Elefterescu.
Analogies: Bulgaria, unknown place3.
2/Amulet pendant. Drawing board 1b.
Conservation condition is good.
The small ear is missing (we mention that it was broken after
its discovery, during the handling).
TP

PT

Poured into a bivalve pattern with well shaped details; circular.

On its obverse, en-framed by a circle which opens to its ear, there is
the inscription IAW/TPC (letter P is inverse, with the loop to the
left). On its reverse, bordered by 17 pearls, is found the inscription
ABPA/CAZ.
=13 mm; thickness=1.50 mm. Letters H on the obverse=2.3
mm; Letters H on the reverse=2.1 mm.
Inv. 39475. Beach, passim 1976. Open ground researches by Dan
Elefterescu.
3

N. Markov, In the tracks of the ancient magic. (55 late antiquity amulets from
several private collections), Sofia, 2005, B4, an almost identical piece, whose
chaton was preserved and regarded as an amulet in the shape of the eye, had on
its back, quite similar to our piece, a thin casting line which was thought to
represent a vulva, late dating (3rd-4th centuries), p. 54.
TP

PT

Pontica Christiana

147
4

Analogies: Ratiaria , Viminacium .

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PT

TP

PT

Fig. 1a

Relatively speaking, many known pieces are attributed to

Basilide of Alexandrias Gnostics, most of them being magic gems
or small plate amulets.

Ibidem, B7, even if they do not come from the same pattern, they certainly have
the same prototype, the 2nd-4th centuries, p. 58.
5
T. Dimitrijevi, A Gnostic amulet Abraxas, in Viminacium, 10, 1988, p. 1720, fig. 1-3, even if they do not come from the same pattern, they certainly have
the same prototype.
TP

PT

TP

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148

The quasi-totality of the pieces discovered and published in

our country, excepting the two small gold plaques from Dierna6,
belong to the kind of gems with inscriptions or with fantastic
representations (gemmae aabraxeae)7. Such a gem was discovered
even in a tomb from Durostorum (Silistra) in 19738.
Some Gnostics lead amulets discovered in Bulgaria have been
recently published by Nikolay Markov9.
Besides these, there are also known some Gnostic pieces made
of lead, in the shape of the plates with inscriptions in Gnostic style
(see, for instance, the lead sheet of the great demoniac adjuration,
uncovered in a grave from Hadrumentum (Africa))10.
With great reticence, first and foremost due to our lack of
knowledge in this field, we suggest as goal of their engendering
their usage as funeral appointments. In this case, we consider that
TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

TP

PT

PT

TP

PT

D. Benea, A. chiopu, Un mormnt gnostic de la Dierna, in Acta Musei

Napocensis (=Acta M.N.), XI, 1974, p.115-125 and Inscripiile Daciei Romane,
Vol. III, Ed. Academiei, 1977, nr. 42; N. Vlassa, O nou plcu de aur gnostic
de la Dierna, Acta M.N., XIV, 1977, p. 205-219. Inscripiile Daciei Romane,
Vol. III, Ed. Academiei, 1977, nr. 43.
7
Porolissum, black jasper. On one side it presents a fantastic effigy, on the other
side an EICA text (. Lak, N. Gudea, Despre o gem gnostic cu inscripie din
Muzeul de Istorie i Art din Zalu, in Acta Musei Porolissensis, III, 1979, p.
449-451); Orlea (Sucidava), green jasper, on the obverse there is
ABPAC/ABPACAZ, on the reverse* (Inscripiile Daciei Romane, Vol. II, Ed.
Academiei, 1977, nr. 317 with bibliography); Romula, agate, on the obverse
there is a fantastic effigy, on the reverse there is A/BP/ACA/Z (Ibidem, nr. 492
with bibliography); Col. Capa-Istrate (uncertain localization, possibly even
outside the country) black jasper. On one side, there is a monstrous image; at the
head two stars. On the border, there is the inscription ABPACAZ. On the reverse
there is ////, and around it, on a frame * IAW
MAPIA (Ibidem, nr. 661, with bibliography).
8
I. Popovi, P. Donevski, Gold and silver jewelry from Durostorum burials,
Svishtov, 1999, p. 29-30. M.5 cornalian gem attached to a gold medallion. On
one side it is a fantastic effigy, on the other, an inscription (?) (?)
S/MS/RSOST. (?) S/SOTH(?). (?) Tomb dated on monetary basis (bronze coin
probably from Probus), in the second half of the 3rd cent., p. 29-30.
9
N. Markov, op.cit., B1-2 and B6.
10
Cf. D. Benea, A. chiopu, op.cit., p. 122, note 38 and N. Vlassa, Interpretarea
plcuei de aur de la Dierna, Acta M.N., XI, 1974, p. 126.
TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

TP

PT

Pontica Christiana

149

they didnt have the time to be used, the discovery area being quite
far from the necropolises as well as from the tomb groups from that
area.

Fig. 1b

Taking into consideration that the magic gems are dated in the
2nd-3rd cent.11, a period of time during which the settlement from
Durostorum-Ostrov (Farm 4) reaches the upper limit of growth, we
en-frame our pieces inside these historical limits, most probably in
P

TP

11

TP

PT

I. Barnea, Abrasax (abraxas), in Enciclopedia Arheologiei i Istoriei Vechi a

Romniei, Bucureti, 1994, p. 20.
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150

the first half of the third century, when the faith of the Gnostics
reached remarkable proportions, touching all the provinces. This is
the period when, as pointed out by D. Benea, the Gnostic religion
brings to bear a visible influence on the early Christianity, on its
ideology12.
We assert this regardless of whether or not these pieces have
been permanently or occasionally worn, or whether they had
funeral destinations; moreover, if we admit to the utmost a
negative, even derogatory goal (see, by the way, the maleficent
significance of the material)13, these pieces clearly and undoubtedly
certify the presence of Gnostics in the area. We assert this bearing
in mind that pieces modestly made on a stand without an inherent
value could not be taken over and passed on outside of experts
circle, of those who know, or at least recognize the message. We
cannot agree with the assertion of the late Nicolae Vlassa made in
one of his articles of 198014 with regards to a gem found in the
Constanta museum, and we quote, Otherwise, the obviously magic
character of the object is defining it, par excellence, as a talisman
acting for the bearer, with magical virtues, working for the one
(and not only for the one) for whom it had been conceived from the
moment of manufacturing, adding also that the assertion was used
for the chronological en-framing of the pieces; on the contrary, we
consider that it is exactly this magic character that could have
constituted sometimes the reason for the passing on to an endeared
TP

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TP

TP

12

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PT

D. Benea, A. chiopu, op.cit., p. 123-124.

It is both known and recognized that there is a clear connection between magic
destination and the fact that, as pointed out by N. Vlassa, throughout the history
of ancient magic (and especially in the Semite-Greek-Alexandrian, Gnostic and
Paleo-Christian magic), the lead was considered, par excellence, a maleficent
metal, being under the sign of Saturn and Mars. (N. Vlassa, O nou..., p. 218
and J. Marqus-Rivire, Amulettes, talismans et pantacles, Paris, 1938, p. 306, cf.
N. Vlassa, Interpretarea...).
14
N. Vlassa, Interpretarea unei geme magice greco-egiptene, Acta M.N., XVII,
1980, p. 493, the stranger seems to us the assertion on Christianized gem,
especially as it practically conceals a good chapter of the author, whose
conclusions were stressed in a previous article (Idem, Dou noi piese
paleocretine din Transilvania, Acta M.N., XIII, 1976, p. 229-230).
TP

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13
TP

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TP

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Pontica Christiana

151

person, to a descendant in the family, or to a rival or a successor.

This kind of situations entitles us to believe that, in principle, they
can lead in the course of time to the losing or even (to the)
changing of the meanings, beside the possibility of using the gems
only for their artistic value, and automatically to make less certain
the assertion about the existence of some followers of this cult
based only on such discoveries. This assertion was corroborated
(sic) by the same author in one of his articles in 1974: It was
shown the almost impossible perseverance by which the Gnostic
tradition was perpetuated over the Byzantine era and deeply
during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, being particularly
applied to the manufacturing of occult amulets and talismans. But,
in such case, it does not seem to be impossible for a share of
amulets, gems, and talismans - defined as being Gnostic which
are found in the great collections referring to a museum, to come
really from periods which are sensitively subsequent to the Ancient
era15.
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PT

DOUA PIESE GNOSTICE DE LA

DUROSTORUM
- rezumat Obiectul acestei scurte comunicri l constituie dou mici piese
gnostice, descoperite fortuit pe plaja Dunrii n zona unei aezri
romane de la Ostrov- Ferma 4.
Aezarea (cod sit 62547.01), se aflat pe teritoriul societii
Ostrovit S.A., n dreptul Km.132, D.N. 3A (Bucureti-Constana),
la aproximativ 3,5 km de anticul Durostorum, foarte bogat n
resturi materiale ce dovedesc o intens activitate de prelucrare a
lutului, bronzului, plumbului, aurului, osului i, foarte probabil, a
sticlei. Cele dou piese, din plumb, un inel cu inscripie IAW i un
mic medalion avnd pe avers, ncadrat de un chenar circular ce se

TP

15
PT

Idem, Interpretarea, p. 139-141.

152

deschide n dreptul torii, inscripia IAW/ / TPC (P-ul invers, cu

bucla spre stnga, iar pe revers, mrginit de 17 perle inscripia
ABPA / CAZ), certific, credem, indubitabil (datorit n primul
rnd materialului i execuiei) existena n zon a unor adepi ai
acestui cult n prima parte a secolului III d. Ch..

Fig. 2

Pontica Christiana

153

UTILIZING A FLASK
AS A PIECE FOR CHRISTIAN RITUAL*
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by Ileana Ildiko Zahariade

During the 2003 archaeological investigations at the west side
of the Halmyris fortified town the area conventionally labeled the
barracks sector (fig. 1), among other artifacts yielded in the edifice
nr. II (a considerable quantity of kitchen and fine pottery,
fragmentary glass, nails, bricks, and fragmentary tiles) a number of
34 ceramic fragments of similar paste and decoration have been
uncovered. The find was made close to the central pylon of the
barrack, against the entrance of the main room in the building (fig.
2), on the third floor level, chronologically corresponding to the
eighth and ninth decades of the sixth century. From this view point
it is worth mentioning that the fragments have been found in
connection with a coin datable to the reign of Justin II and Sophia
(565-578).
The assembling of the fragments resulted in the composition of
a vessel representing a flask belonging to the well known and
widely spread category of ampulla, used for water, but particularly,
wine consumption. The conservation degree is 80% (fig. 3).
The piece is made of dark brownish red color paste, and shows
an exceptional compactness; the vase was very well burnt what
conferred the piece a significant hardness. Both halves of the piece
are slightly bended on the outside for the purpose of obtaining a
larger volume. The mouth of the flask is lost; the handles, even if in
a fragmentary condition, have been preserved in their entirety. The
dimensions of the vessel which was completed and restored are as
follows:
the height on vertical ax = 24 cm;
the diameter = 20,5 cm;
the width on horizontal ax = 10 cm;

TP

*
PT

Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

154

the diameter of mouth = 3,5 cm.

The decoration is conceived as a repetition of concentric circles and
wavy ornamentation executed in the same manner.
A careful examination of the inside surfaces, during the
washing and preparation for assemblage operations, revealed no
traces of enzymes; such traces were found, on the other hand, on
the inside part of some surfaces on which insertions of burnt
resinous substances have been discovered. The handles and the
visible black spots from the mouth of the vessel, as well as from the
adjacent zones proved that we do not deal here, as in most of the
cases, with a global influence on the receptacle due to a
devastating, spread fire in the barrack; on the contrary, they are a
consequence of specific and local use of a fire-hazardous substance
which brought about the marks of burning. Hence, the process
proceeds from the burning on the inside of the receptacle of a resin
that, in its turn, brought about the blackening of the receptacle from
the smoke1.
The intense employment of the incense by burning it inside the
receptacle brought about the covering with a thick layer of soot on
its outside, both on the lateral and on the upper side. The lower side
of the receptacle, which was flatter, presents on the outside a slight
difference due to the repeated heating, while on the inside there are
big spots of melted incense and un-melted grains of incense.
It is obvious that we are dealing with a secondary utilization of
this receptacle. On its insides, bits of incense which later were burnt
have been placed that leads to the conclusion that the receptacle
was used secondarily for ritual purposes, most probably inside the
barrack nr. II or, at any rate, in the barracks area. The row of
TP

TP

PT

The collected substance is without doubt Boswelia carteri of Burseraceae

family gathered from bushes that are specific to warm areas: Somalia, Ethiopia,
Egypt, India, and China. The incense arbor (thuris arbor) is a shrub of small size,
native of North Africa and Middle East. Its secretion, thus (incense), appears in
the old manuscripts under the name of olibanum <Olium Libanum (oil from
Lebanon), but its quality is inferior to the secretion collected from Boswelia
carteri.
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Pontica Christiana

155

barracks from on the west side of the defense wall lies in next to the
Episcopate basilica, of which it is separated by a narrow street.

Fig. 1 The Bishop's basilica and the barracks sector

The incense, as a natural spice, was utilized for religious

purposes, in medicine and perfumers trade, but most often it is

156

employed in the religious rituals, as it is mentioned many times as

far back as the biblical times2.
A chemical analysis of the substance from the inside face of
some fragments is in progress, and, undoubtedly, it will be
conveyed in writing to the academic community. In this case, it
would be hard to imagine the employment of some substitutes of
resin which came from the local environment, and which is
otherwise improper to some arbor species. One might consider the
provenance of the incense rather to from the incense arbor as an
import substance for the Christian rituals of the Episcopates
church. The importation of expensive substances and spices from
the Egyptian-Arab regions in which they grew was one of the
commercial activities at Halmyris. The fact is confirmed by a
passage which describes the life and martyrdom of Epictet and
Astion. One of the judges (questionarius), Vigilantius, recently
converted to Christianity, secretly picked up the lifeless bodies of
the two martyrs and, while preparing himself to bury them, he
sprinkled them with very expensive spices and with myrrh3.
The two handles show slight traces of grooves on the dorsal
side (fig. 4), as a consequence of the fact that the receptacle was
suspended and balanced during the ritual for a long time.
The question is, however, why the ecclesiastical service did
not utilized an the well known receptacle commonly termed
turibulum, and particularly intended for such operations? Who
performed this expiation ritual?
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The censing or incensing as religious practice is found in many rituals from

Babylonians to Hebrews, from Christians and Buddhists.
3
Passio Epicteti presbyteri et Astioni monachi, IV, 33, in: Acta Sanctorum, Julii
II: <<[...] Vigilantius cum omni domo sua et cum aliis Christianis, occulti tulit
corpora sanctorum martyrum: et perfundes ea myrrha et aromatibus
pretiossisimis, in loco congruo et aptissimo cum hymnis et psalmis, et cum
magna devotione sepelevit [...]>>
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Pontica Christiana

Fig. 2 The nr. 2 barrack where the ceramic pieces have been retrieved

Fig. 3 The flask fragments that were recovered

157

158

Important damage at the Episcopal Church took place around

587/5884. After that date, the building seems to have been seriously
devastated and ceased to function. The martyrs crypt was pillaged
and destroyed. On the top of the corridor that once led to the
mortuary room, now filled with debris, a burial of a woman
belonging to a foreign non-Christian small community. One might
question if after that date, the church structures at Halmyris were
still functioning in normal conditions. However, the need to
maintain the Christian rite and ritual for the local population as well
as the absence of an adequate set of instruments, could brought
about the use of some objects like the above mentioned flask for the
continuation of the Christian life in some primitive forms.
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FOLOSIREA UNUI OBIECT DE UZ CASNIC

CA PIES N RITUALUL CRETIN
- rezumat Descoperirile din zona cazrmilor de pe latura de vest a cetii
de la Halmyris au adus la lumin, n cadrul unui bogat material
arheologic constnd din ceramic, cuie din fier, sticl i un grup de
fragmente dintr-un vas care prezint caracteristici specifice.
Cercetarea lotului ceramic i asamblarea fragmentelor disponibile
au dus la rentregirea unui vas de tip ampulla, o plosc utilizat de
obicei la purtarea apei sau vinului. Cercetarea din punct de vedere
chimic a resturilor naturale nc detectabile pe pereii vasului a dus
la concluzia c acesta a fost reutilizat n mod secundar, foarte
probabil n scopuri liturgice, ca recipient unde se ardea tmie.
Reutilizarea acestui vas n scopul arderii tmiei ar duce la
concluzia c basilica episcopal precum i structurile bisericeti nu
mai funcionau la sfritul secolului 6, cnd nu mai era posibil
folosirea unui instrumentar bisericesc clasic.
4

Information received from the author of the digging, for which I am fully
indebted.
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Pontica Christiana

Fig. 4 The piece that was completed again with traces of burning
incense

159

160

SAINT NICETAS OF REMESIANAS

MISSIONARY WORK ON THE RIGHT
AND THE LEFT SIDE OF DANUBE RIVER*
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by Nechita Runcan
I. Biobibliographical details
St. Nicetas of Remesiana carried on a rich missionary activity
in the second half of the fourth century and the beginning of the
fifth century among the Daco-Romans from the right and the left
side of the Danube River, in a region found at the borders that
separate two cultures Greek and Latin revealing himself as a
genuinely erudite hierarch as well as a true shepherd who displayed
warm love to his spiritual children.
Precious information on the life and activity of St. Nicetas is
offered by the priest Gennadius of Marseille1 (492-505), Flavius
Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus2 (c.490-c.583) and particularly by
Saint Paulinus of Nola3 (353-431). The name of Nicetas is derived
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

Ghenadius of Marseille, Liber de viris illustribus, XXII, ed. E. C. Richardson,
in Texte und Untersuchungen zur Gesichichte der altchristlicher Literatur,
XIV, 1, harausgegeben von O. Gebhardt und A. Harnack, J. C. Hinrichssche
Buchhandlung, Leipzig, 1896, p. 70, apud tefan C. Alexe, Sfntul Niceta de
Remesiana i ecumenicitatea patristic din secolele IV i V, doctoral dissertation,
in Studii Teologice (=ST), XXI (1969), 7-8, p. 467. Information on the life and
work of Ghenadie of Marseille see at Remus Rus, Dicionar enciclopedic de
literatur cretin din primul mileniu, Ed. Lidia, Bucureti, 2003, p. 302-303.
2
Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus, De institutione divinarum litterarum,
cap. XVI, in coll. Patrologiae cursus completus, Series latina (=PL), ed. J.-P.
Migne, Paris, 1856, vol. LXX, col. 1132C, apud t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 467.
Information on the life and work of Cassiodor see at Remus Rus, op.cit., p. 124125; Cassiodor, Istoria bisericeasc tripartit, translated by Liana and Anca
Manolache, in coll. Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti (=PSB), vol. 75, Bucureti,
1988.
3
Sancti Pontii Meropii Paulini Nolani, Carmen XVII et XXVII, ed. G. de Hartel,
in Corpus Scritorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (=CSEL), vol. XXX, Pars II,
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1
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Pontica Christiana

161

from the Greek noun 4 and it was preserved in manuscripts,

in the vulgar Latin, under the corrupt forms of Nicaeas, Niceas,
Nicetas, Nicetus and Nicetius5.
Sometimes, Nicetas of Remesiana was apt to be confused with
Nicetas of Aquileia6 or with Nicetius of Trier7.
At the beginning of the 20th century, first complete edition of
the theological works written by the bishop Nicetas of Remesiana
was published through the endeavor of the British scholar A. E.
Burn, the one who wrote an extensive Introduction8 to St. Nicetas
works. In the year 1964, Mgr. D. Dr. Klaus Gamber, the Liturgical
Institute of Regensburgs leader, brought to light a new edition of
St. Nicetas of Remesianas works9.
The city of Remesiana, where Nicetas had his eparchial See,
was situated on the great military road that was traversing the
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Vindobonae (Vienna), 1894, p. 81-94 and 262-291, apud t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p.

467. References concerning St. Paulinus of Nolas life and work see at: Remus
Rus, op.cit., p. 654-655. F. Lagrange, Histoire de Saint Paulin de Nola, 2 vol.,
Paris, 1877, 1882; Pierre Fabre, Essais sur la chronologie de loeuvre de St.
Paulin de Nole, Paris, 1948; I. G. Coman, Patrologie, Bucureti, 1956, p. 267270; J. Tixeront, Precis de Patrologie, ed. a 13-a, Paris, 1942, p. 331-334; P.
Fabre, St. Paulin de Nole et lamintie chretienne, Paris, 1949; J. Quasten,
Patrology, ed. by Angelo di Berardino, vol. IV, Christian Classics, Allen, Texas,
1998, p. 296-307; S. Constanza, Paulin de Nola, in Dictionnaire
Encyclopdique du Christianisme Ancien, Les Editions du Cerf, tome 2, 1990,
p. 1954-1956.
4
See: A. E. Burn, Nicetas of Remesiana, His life and works, Cambridge, 1905,
Introduction, p. XXXIV.
5
O. Bardenhewer, Les Pres de lEglise, leur vie et leur oeuvres, t. II, Paris,
1945, p. 342, note 1.
6
t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 467; Petrus Braida, Dissertation in S. Nicetam, article in
J. P. Migne, PL, vol. LII, Paris, 1856, col. 875-1134.
7
Remus Rus, op.cit., p. 602; P. Volk, Nicetius of Trier, in New Catholic
Encyclopedia, vol. X, New York, 1967, p. 441.
8
See in this sense: A. E. Burn, op.cit., with an ample introduction and a rich
bibliography.
9
See Klaus Gamber, Nicetas von Remesiana: Introduction ad competentes,
Fruhchristliche Katechesen aus Dacien, in coll. Textus Patristici et Liturgici,
quos edidit Institutum Liturgicum Ratisbonense, Fasc. I, Verlag Friderich Pustet,
Regensburg, 1964, 181 pages.
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162

central part of the province Illyria and connected the Western

Europe to Constantinople. Founded by the Roman Emperor Trajan
(98-117), this city was named at its beginning Respublica
Ulpianorum10 and was found at approximately 30 km east of the
city of Naissus (Nis), close to Nisava River11.
From an administrative point of view, Remesiana belonged to
Dacia Mediterranea, placed between Dacia Ripensis and Dardania;
yet, from an ecclesiastical point of view, in St. Nicetas time,
Remesiana belonged to the Metropolis of Thessalonica12.
The main external source, as far as St. Nicetas life is
concerned, is made up by St. Paulinus of Nolas Poems XVII and
XXVII. The poetic style employed by St. Paulinus to express his
love for a dear friend makes more difficult the deciphering of the
historic facts, but it doesnt exclude them13. Beyond this drawback,
the geographic, ethnographic, and ecclesiastical directions were,
doubtlessly, known to Paulinus, from St. Nicetas accounts, since
he talked much with Paulinus about his missionary activity both on
the right and on the left side of the Danube River, as well as about
his ecumenical journeys.
Saint Paulinus was moved by the missionary activity of St.
Niceta; moreover, he was honored to have this great hierarch as his
guest at Nola; in fact, he wanted to celebrate St. Nicetas visit in a
distinct way. In this sense, in the lines of Poem XVII, which
displays a rare tenderness, St. Paulinus is accompanying his friend
with his mind at Nicetas return to his remote Dacia, by allowing
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10

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Milan esan, Iliricul ntre Roma i Bizan, in Mitropolia Ardealului (=MA),

V (1960), 3-4, p. 202-224; t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 468.
11
Today on the hearth of the ancient Roman fortress Remesiana is found the
Serbian village Bela Palanka, known, also, under the Turkish name Mustafa
Pasha Palanka. (See for this matter: Mircea Pcurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe
Romne, vol. I, Ed. a II-a, Bucureti, 1991, p. 132.
12
Ioan Rmureanu, Cretinismul n provinciile romane dunrene ale Iliricului la
sfritul secolului IV. Sinodul de la Sirmium din 378 i sinodul de la Acvileea din
381, ST, XVI (1964), 7-8, p. 437-459; Jacques Zeiller, Les origines chrtiennes
dans les provinces danubiennes de lEmpire Romain, Paris, 1918, p. 16; t. C.
Alexe, op.cit., p. 468.
13
P. Fabre, op.cit., p. 224.
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163

his heart to talk. Paulinus feelings are sincere, and this truth points
out that Poem XVII was not a courtesy letter,14 as a follow-up to
Nicetas first visit to Nola, and the things which are recounted are
known from the long conversations between the two friends15.
As accurate historic events from the life of the great
missionary, who was Niceta, we keep in our minds the two visits
made by him to Nola in the years 398 and 402,16 as well as the
mentioning of his name by the pope Innocent I, in the years 409
and 414.
The critique of specialty17 holds that Nicetas was born in the
year 338 A.D., and that he lived approximately 80 years, until about
the year 414; even before the year 367 he was the bishop of
Remesiana. St. Nicetas was contemporaneous with the most
important Fathers of the Church from the second patristic period,
such as: St. Basil the Great, St. Athanasius, St. Ephraim the Syrian
(373), St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Gregory the Theologian, St.
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14

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Ibidem.
The phrase Romanis merito admirandus shows that Nicetas traveled to
Rome, where he made a beautiful impression. We believe that in that place he
knew St. Paulinus, who invited him to Nola on St. Felix feast day (January 14).
During his first journey, St. Nicetas remained at Nola, to the summer. S. Paulini
Nolani, Carmen XVII..., v. 26-28, p. 81-96, apud t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 468.
16
Concerning the dating of the two visits to Nola, the opinions are divided. Thus,
P. Fabre, in his work Essais, p. 138-139, considers that Nicetas first visit to
Nola took place in the year 400, and the second one, in the year 403; while
Joannes Baptista Le Brun, in Vita Sancti Paulini Nolani Episcopi, Prolegomena,
PL, LXI, 80 AB, 90 and Antonio Pagi, in Critica historico-chronologica in
universos Annales ecclesiasticos... Caesaris Cardinalis Baronii, Tomus
Secundus, Antverpiae, MDCCXXVII, p. 13, 53, considers that the two visits took
place in the year 398, and 402, respectively. The opinion of the last two ones is
shared, also, by A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. XXXV, and by Ubaldo Mannucci,
Instituzioni di Patrologia ad uso delle Scuole Teologiche, Parte II (Epoca post
Niceta), Terza edizione riveduta, Roma, 1932, p. 198. We adopt the opinion of
the last four researchers mentioned in this note.
17
See, in this sense, A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. XXXV; J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 550; D.
M. Pippidi, Niceta din Remesiana i originile cretinismului daco-roman, in
Contribuii la istoria veche a Romniei, ed. a II-a revzut i adaugit,
Bucureti, 1967, p. 502-553; t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 469; I. G. Coman, op.cit., p.
235-236.
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15
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164

Gregory of Nyssa, St. John Chrysostom, St. Ambrose, Blessed

Augustine, Blessed Hieronymus (420), and others, who illuminated
the second half of the fourth century and, some of them, the first
quarter of the fifth century.
We do not know with certainty St. Nicetas place of birth, his
education, as well as his activity until he was elevated to the
hierarchical dignity. However, St. Paulinus of Nola, in his Poem
XVII: De reditu Nicetae episcopi, calls Remesiana the home
land, the city, the parental city, and parental home of
Nicetas18.
We should not be taken aback by the employment of Latin
language, both in writing and in speaking, by the bishop of
Remesiana, if we keep in mind that he was doing missionary work
in a geographical area where Latin language was contending for
pre-eminence with Greek language. On the other hand, the
theological problems and the ecclesiastical activity were calling for
the Orthodox missionary workers to know the two languages. A
certainty is that Nicetas knew the Greek language, also19, even if he
wrote only in the Latin language. We believe that he was fluent
even in the language spoken by the un-Latinized aborigines among
whom he carried on missionary work20. The goal of Nicetas
journey to Rome is not known. St. Paulinus does not mention
anything about the reason for the journey or its duration; he speaks,
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18

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Sancti Pontii Paulini Nolani, Carmen XVII, v. 55-56, p. 187-188, 195, 319-320.
The historian Constantin C. Giurescu, in Istoria Romnilor, vol. II, ed. a II-a,
Bucureti, 1935, p. 197, asserts that Nicetas was a Daco-Roman by birth. The
same thing is emphasized by Vasile Prvan in his work Contribuii epigrafice la
istoria cretinismului dacoroman, Bucureti, 1911, p. 171 and note 769; as well
as A. L. Tutu, Izvoarele de mna nti despre Sf. Nichita Remezianul, in
Cultura Cretin, anul XIV, Blaj, 1925, nr. 9, p. 324.
19
See: A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. 31-32; and Wilhem August Patin, Nicetas bischof
von Remesiana als Schriftsteller und Theologe, Mnchen, 1909, p. 29, 48-65,
apud t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 470, note 72.
20
For this matter, can be consulted Eugen Lazovans study, Aux origines du
christianisme Daco-Scythique, published by Franz Altheim in Geschichte her
Hunnen, vol. IV, Berlin, 1962, p. 146-165, apud t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 470, note
73.
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however, about his friends return to his homeland who is

accompanied in his long, dangerous trip21, to his remote Dacia by
his thoughts and prayers. Nicetas will travel as far away as the
arctic Dacians, and, rocked by the Aegean Seas waves to
Thessalonica, and from there, challenging the tiredness of a
walking trip, he will wander through the Phillips plains of
Macedonia, will arrive at the Tomis city, and farther to Scupi, the
capital of Dardania, next to Remesiana22.
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II. The missionary area of St. Nicetas

Saint Paulinus of Nola shows bishop Nicetas as a great
missionary who carried on a work of Christian education to more
nations. He changed the savage hearts, teaching the barbarians
to sing hymns of praise to Christ and to live harmoniously. In an
unknown region of the world, the barbarians learn through you to
sing to Christ with a Roman heart and to live genuinely in serene
peace23. The phrase corde romano = with a Roman heart,
indicates not only the fact that St. Nicetas was preaching in Latin
language; it indicates, also, his outstanding work of Latinizing
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See, in this sense: Blessed Hieronymus, Epistola LX, 16, Ad Heliodorum,

CSEL, LIV, 1, Vienna, 1910, p. 570-571, written at the beginning of the year
398, in which the author wrote down the following lines: The soul is terrified
seeing the misfortunes of our time. It is more than twenty years since Roman
blood is shed between Constantinople and the Alps every day... The Goths,
Sarmatians, Quazians, Allans, Huns, Vandals, and Marcomanni, keep
devastating, pillaging and kidnapping. How many women, how many virgins of
God, and how many noble individuals have not been humiliated during these
wars? Bishops have been imprisoned; priests as well different clergy have been
murdered. Churches have been destroyed; within Christs altars horses have
been sheltered, and the relics of the martyrs have been profaned.
22
For more details and elaboration, concerning St. Nicetas missionary area, see:
V. Prvan, op.cit., p. 163-164; I. G. Coman, Aria misionar a Sfntului Niceta
de Remesiana, in Biserica Ortodox Romn (=BOR), LXVI (1948), 5-8, p.
338-340; D. M. Pippidi, op.cit., p. 506-507.
23
S. Paulini Nolani, Carmen XVII, v. 261-264, p. 93: Orbis in muta regione per
te / barbari discunt resonare Christum / corde Romano placidamque casti /
vivere pacem.
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among barbarian peoples who were spending their lives at wars,

by stealing and pillaging, and this kind of living was for that time
(4th and 5th centuries), tantamount to an act of culture and
civilization. With the heavenly fire of the Christian faith, Nicetas
was warming the frozen hearts of the inhabitants of the Danubian
river regions, where Boreas ties the rivers with ice. The harsh
Bessi, who are even harsher than the ice, foolhardy warriors, were
learning to assign a value to work and to peace. The pagans, who
were renowned for murders and robberies, and who were living
through mountains, after listening to Nicetas sermons, have
become monks and started living as sons of peace. Due to his
missionary work, St. Nicetas became a skilful teacher of the uneducated ones24.
Saint Paulinus indicates, also, the regions and the populations,
the father of whom could be called bishop Nicetas of Remesiana,
while saying: You are called father by the whole region of Bora;
at your preaching, the Scythian is subdued and the one who is
embittered relinquishes his savage impulses because of your
teaching. The Getae and the two kind of Dacians run to you: the
ones who farm the in-land and those who wear sheep fur caps and
breed rich droves of cattle on the fertile banks25, (of the Danube
River, our note).
The above specifying becomes extremely precious for the
consolidation of the apostolic and missionary area of St. Niceta.
Thus, Vasile Prvan, the erudite archeologist, came to the
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24

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Ibidem, v. 218-244, p. 93. Information on the Bessi population see at G.

Cankova-Petkova, La survivance du nom des Besses au Moyen-Age, in
Linguistique Balkanique, VII, 1962, p. 93-96; I. I. Rusu, Limba Traco-Dacilor,
ed. a II-a, Bucureti, 1967, p. 172-174.
25
S. Paulini Nolani, Carmen XVII, v. 245-252, p. 92-93. Concerning the various
interpretations of this text from Poem XVII of St. Paulinus of Nola: te patrem
dicit: plaga tota Borrae, / ad tuos fatus Scythia mitigatur et sui discors fera te
magistro pectora ponit, et Getae currunt et uterque Dacus / qui colit terrae
medio vel ille / divitis multo bove pilleatus accola ripae, at the populations
reached by the St. Nicetas of Remesianas missionary work, see also: V. Prvan,
op.cit., p. 165-167; I. G. Coman, op.cit., p. 314-342, 346-350; D. M. Pippidi,
op.cit., p. 512-514.
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conclusion that St. Nicetas of Remesiana of Daco-Roman descent

preached the Christian teaching on the banks of the Danube
River, being the apostle of Daco-Romans; on the right and the
left side of Danube26. Besides Paulinus testimonies, he based his
assertion, also, on the information provided by Gennadius of
Marseille, who advises us that St. Nicetas worked out a Latin
Catechism, written in a clear and plain tongue, which was required
for his mission, only fragmentarily preserved, but which shows St.
Nicetas qualities as an active and experienced missionary.
Vasile Prvans conclusion was taken over and backed up by
other historians and researchers. For instance, the historian Nicolae
Iorga mentions Nicetas among the apostles of the regions on the
left side of the Danube River27. With the same meaning, Radu
Vulpe speaks clearly about St. Niceta, whose apostolic activity
had decisive consequences on the Christianization of the Roman
population from the Carpathian Dacia, ruled over by barbarians,
and he extended his activity as far as Tomis28. Constantin C.
Giurescu appreciates, also, St. Nicetas missionary work, as
follows: Scholarly man, author of many religious writings, close
friend with St. Paulinus of Nola (Italy), who calls him his teacher
and father (magister et pater), tested and impassioned missionary,
Nicetas of Remesiana converted the Daco-Romans (unChristianized, as yet), on the both banks of the Danube River, as
well as Goths and Bessi, to Christianity. He preaches and writes in
the Latin tongue for almost a half of a century and could rightfully
be counted as our national apostle; the more so as, especially he
was by birth a Daco-Roman29.
While displaying a judicious criticism on the internal and
external sources concerning St. Nicetas missionary area, the
patristic scholar, I. G. Coman, strengthens the assertions made by
the above mentioned historians and researchers, by reaching this
conclusion: We do not have a peremptory, undeniable, palpable
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Nicolae Iorga, Istoria Romnilor, vol. II, Bucureti, 1936, p. 101-105.
28
Radu Vulpe, Histoire ancienne de la Dobroudja, Bucarest, 1938, p. 351.
29
C. C. Giurescu, Istoria Romnilor, vol. II, ed. a IV-a, Bucureti, 1942, p. 223.
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testimony about St. Nicetas work on that side (on the left side of
Danube). However, St. Paulinus of Nolas indication, corroborated
with other literary and archaeological documents mentioned above,
justifies, to a great extent, the hypothesis of the Dacian bishops
activity at the north of Danube, also30.
Some other archaeologists, historians, and researchers, such as:
Ion Barnea,31 Ioan Rmureanu32, D. M. Pippidi33 etc., have been
busy themselves with St. Nicetas missionary works problem on
the Danubes banks. In fact, the archaeological discoveries made
later,34 do not contradict, on the contrary, they confirm the
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30

I. G. Coman, op.cit., p. 356; Idem, Patrologie, p. 237; In the same sense see,
also, S. Berger, Nictas, aptre des Daces, in Encyclopdie des Sciences
Religieuses, publie par Lichtenberger, t. IX, Paris, 1880, p. 621: it fit de
nombreuses missions au dela du Danube, et reussit y a repandre lEvangile; J.
Zeiller, op.cit., p. 557; P. de Labriolle, LEglise et les Barbares, in Augustin
Fliche et Victor Martin, Histoire de lEglise, vol. IV, part II, Paris, 1930, p. 370;
E. Lozovan, Unit et dislocation de la Romanie orientale, in Orbis, Bulletin
International de Documentation Linguistique, t. III, nr. 1, Paris, 1954, p. 137: Le
christianisme daco-roman est dorigine missionnaire; sa priode de diffusion
stend entre 375-450. Laptre dace St. Nictas de Rmsiana reprsente la
liaison traditionnelle entre lItalie, lIllyricum et la Dacie.
31
Ion Barnea, Vasile Prvan i problemele cretinismului n Dacia Traian, ST,
X (1958), 1-2, p. 93-105.
32
I. Rmureanu, Sinodul de la Sardica din anul 343. Importana lui pentru
istoria ptrunderii cretinismului la geto-daco-romani, ST, XIV (1962), 3-4, p.
179.
33
D. M. Pippidi, Nicetas di Remesiana e le origini del crestianesimo dacoroman, in Revue Historique du Sud-Est Europen, XXIII, 1946, p. 113, 115;
Cf. M. Macrea, Rspndirea cretinismului la daco-romani, in Istoria
Romniei, vol. I, Bucureti, 1960, p. 633; Emilian Vasilescu, Noi dovezi ale
continuitii elementului autohton n Dacia, BOR, LXXXIV (1966), 9-10, p.
1009.
34
Concerning the origins of Christianity in the Trajans Dacia, in the light of the
archaeological discoveries in the middle of the 20th century, one may consult: I.
Barnea, Contribuii la studiul cretinismului n Dacia, in Revista Istoric
Romn (=RIR), XIII, 1943, p. 32-42; Idem, Opaie cretine din Scythia Minor,
RIR, XIV, fasc. II, 1944, p. 166-177; D. Tudor, Prima basilic descoperit n
Dacia Traian, Iai, 1948; C. Daicoviciu, n jurul cretinismului din Dacia, in
Studii, revist de tiin, filosofie, arte, I, Bucureti, 1984, p. 122-127; I. I.
Rusu, Materiale arheologice paleo-cretine din Transilvania, ST, X (1958), 5-6,
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conclusions reached by Vasile Prvan in his work, Epigraphic

contributions to the Daco-Roman Christianity, concerning St.
Nicetas missionary work.
Some studies and linguistic researches35, concerning the basic
word stock of the Romanian language, cross off the register that a
large number of Latin Christian terms entered our Romanian
language cultural heritage during the Latinizing of the population
on both sides of Danube. This important fact substantiates that the
Christian teaching was spread at north of Danube in the Latin
language in the same period of time, also. By examining St. Nicetas
of Remesianas writings, we find out that numerous words and
expressions used by him entered the basic word stock of the
Romanian language36. The great missionary used, also, many
Latinized Greek words, that entered the Romanian languages
vocabulary37.
Consequently, if we take into account St. Paulinus of Nolas
information, the missionary character of early Christianity, the
plain style understood by everybody of St. Nicetas writings, his
sacerdotal deportment, his apostolic zeal in preaching the Gospel to
numerous populations some of them being un-Christianized, but
found among the native Daco-Romans and if we take into
account, also, the fact that the Danube did not divide the
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p. 311-340; Emilian Popescu, Descoperirile arheologice de la Lazu, in Studii

Clasice, VII, 1965, p. 251-261.
35
See, in this sense, I. Rmureanu, op.cit., p. 180; V. Prvan, op.cit., p. 1 & 85;
Al. Graur, ncercarea asupra fondului principal lexical al limbii romne,
Bucureti, 1954, p. 48-108; Idem, Fondul principal al limbii romne, Bucureti,
1957, p. 31-66; S. Popovici, Fondul principal de cuvinte al limbii romne, in
Limba romn (=LR), II, 1953, 1, p. 21-27; D. Macrea, Despre originea i
structura limbii romne, LR, III, 1954, 4, p. 11-30; Ioan Ionescu, Privire asupra
cuvintelor cu sens religios din fondul principal lexical al limbii romne, in
Mitropolia Olteniei, VIII (1956), 6-7, p. 343-359; M. esan, Cretinismul n
limba dacilor, MA, III (1958), 5-6, p. 384-388; Al. Rosetti, Istoria limbii
romne, vol. I (Limba Latin), ed. a IV-a, Bucureti, 1956, p. 46-57.
36
t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 478.
37
H. Mihlcescu, Influena greceasc asupra limbii romne pn n secolul al
XV-lea, especially the chapter Elenismele limbii latineti din provinciile
dunrene, Bucureti, 1966, p. 39-40.
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inhabitants on the two banks of it; on the contrary, it united

them38, we may conclude that the bishop of Remesianas
missionary zeal stretched out its blessings, also, to the surroundings
inhabited in those tormented times by our ancestors, either directly,
or by the agency of his helping monks and collaborators.
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III. St. Nicetas zeal in search of perfection

One of the features of St. Paulinus friendship with St. Nicetas
is his admiration for the missionary work of the great hierarch of
Remesiana. Paulinus is moved and impressed by Nicetas effort to
perfect himself, to draw nearer to God. The numerous biblical
quotations in the above mentioned poems demonstrate the fruitful
theological dialogue39 between the two real friends and hierarchs.
In the Poem XVII, St. Paulinus makes more precise that
Nicetas was spending his life as a true monk; fleeing the world to
the heavenly canopy, and climbing the rungs of the cross. He was
rightfully called a vanquisher of the body, since he was striving
to live in Christ, by uninterrupted spiritual exercises, and
illuminated by a strong faith40. Due to the saintliness of his life as
well as to his upright character, Paulinus associated St. Nicetas
during his second visit to Nola with St. Felix, offering to both of
them the dedication of his anniversary poem, which was offered
every year by the poet to St. Felix. Nicetas is presented as a master
of the area, behaving himself as St. Felix41. Paulinus urges twice
the bishop of Remesiana to fill in for St. Felix. At the end of the
second visit to Nola, Paulinus asks St. Nicetas to pray for him in an
unusual way: I implore you to lift up fervent prayers for me, from
the bottom of your heart, filling in for Felix!. In this manner,
Nicetas was speaking and acting for St. Felix, not only by his faith,
but by the image of his soul, being in high love and favor with St.
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V. Prvan, op.cit., p. 201: The Danube was never a heinous enemy, which
would have separated the brothers; it was a good friend, which united them.
39
P. Fabre, Saint Paulin , p. 226
40
S. Paulini Nolani, Carmen XVII, v. 149-160, p. 88-89.
41
Ibidem, v. 357 and the following, p. 278.
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42

Paulinus of Nola . We do not have precise data as far as St.

Nicetas lifes end is concerned. In the year 414 he was still living,
being remembered by the bishop of Rome, Innocent I, in one of his
Letters43. In the Orthodox Mineion, on September 15, is mentioned
Nichita the Roman, and on April 3, Nichita the Confessor. In the
calendar of sanctity is mentioned, also, St. Nicetas of Remesiana,
on the day of June 2444.
In the Balkan Peninsula, the great missionary Nicetas was
venerated as a saint even after the Serbs had settled in his former
eparchy. In the year 1308, a monastery having Nicetas as its patron
saint was restored and endowed with a village which was inhabited
by Vlachs by the Serbian King Stefan Uro II Milutin (12821321)45. The echo of St. Nicetas missionary work was preserved
over the centuries in the memory and language of our people. This
way, Nicetas is mentioned to this day in the Transylvanian
Christmas carols46 as a saint who watches over the houses through
his ecclesiastical night services, for which he wrote the book De
vigiliis, vigils which have been so successfully organized by him as
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P. Fabre, op.cit., p. 227.

A. L. Tutu places the date of St. Nicetas death after the year 420, since
Gennadius of Marseille places him in his Catalogue after Ticonius, who died in
the year 423, and the bishop of Rome, Celestin, does not mention him in a letter
of the year 424, addressed to the bishops of Illyria. See A. L. Tutu, op.cit., p.
381-382.
44
See the article of A. L. Tutu, Niceta ori Nichita Remesianul, in Buna
Vestire, I, 1962, nr. 4, p. 32.
45
Gh. I. Moisescu, t. Lupa, Al. Filipescu, Istoria Bisericii Romne, manual
pentru Institutele teologice, vol. I, Bucureti, 1957, p. 73.
46
The popular piety invoked St. Nicetas of Remesianas name in many ways.
Thus, a Childrens Prayer presents the great hierarch standing in the middle of
the house where he reads, and prays, is astir and watches, de cu sear / pn
la cinioar, / de la cinioar pn la cnttori / de la cnttori pn la revrsat de
zori, / defending the Christian nation of the evil, untamed demons. Two
versions of this prayer see at: G. Dem. Teodorescu, Poezii populare romne,
Bucureti, 1885, p. 188-189. A third version of this prayer, in which the house
appears as a stronghold, due to St. Nicetas presence, was collected from the
area of Suceava, and published by Sim. Fl. Marian, Legendele Maicii Domnului,
Bucureti, 1904, p. 126.
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to determine the removal of the Latin name of the bird which sings
by night luscinia from the Romanian language and the replacing
of it by the word privighetoarea (nightingale)47.
Thus, we may conclude that St. Nicetas lives in the second half
of the 4th century and the first quarter of the 5th century, in a region
which was connecting the eastern world to the western world.
Ethnically speaking, he was a Daco-Roman who used Latin tongue
both in his missionary and literary-theological work.
The two journeys to Italy, his friendship with Paulinus of Nola,
his exceptional missionary work, doubled by a rich cultural activity
among many un-Christianized populations from the Danubian area,
as well as the holiness of his life, are placing St. Nicetas among the
great holy Fathers of Patristics, known for their ecumenical activity.
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IV. St. Nicetas of Remesianas contribution to the progress

of Patristic literature
Besides oral sermon, St. Nicetas availed himself, in his
missionary activity, of the written works, also. Some of these works
are lost, others have been preserved fragmentarily, and some others
have been wholly preserved. St. Nicetas theological and literary
inheritance which came to us shows the author as one of his times
scholars. The historian Gennadius of Marseille praises the plain and
clear style of Nicetas theological writings. A century later,
Cassiodorus, who was well versed in Nicetas work, was
appreciating it in his turn in eulogistic terms: If someone wants to
learn, briefly, something about the Father and the Son and the Holy
Spirit, and he does not want to get tired from the extensive reading,
let him read the book written by bishop Nicetas about faith; and
filled with the Christian teachings brilliance, he will be led,
through an advantageous brevity to the divine contemplation. This
(book) is associated with St. Ambroses work to emperor Gratian.
O, unpriced goodness and power of the Creator, the heavens are
open, the Holy Trinity, being made manifest, has radiated in the

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Nicolae M. Popescu, De la priveghere la privighetoare, Bucureti, 1943, p. 19.

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hearts of the faithful and the heathens, who held an alien honor,
destroyed by the Lord, was scattered48.
Missionary and apostolic soul, St. Nicetas was, also, a great
theologians and man of letters, enjoying a remarkable prestige, as
follows from a manuscript codex from the 9th century: Then it has
to be briefly said how could be understood the Symbol of Faith
itself, as it was expounded by the teachers of the Holy Church of
God, that is, the Blessed Athanasius, Hilary, Nicetas, Hieronymus,
Ambrose, Augustine, Gennadius, Fulgentius, Isidore and others, or
as we have been taught by our venerable teachers and
forebears49.
The work which made St. Nicetas an illustrious theologian was
a catechism, elaborated for those who were preparing themselves to
receive the holy Mystery of Baptism, called either Libelli
instructionis50 (The teaching booklets), or Instructio ad
competentes51 (Teaching for catechumens). Gennadius of Marseille
kept a copy of this catechism in his hand, leaving inside it a written
note by which he summarized its content52.
By content and by the goal of writing, St. Nicetas works can
be classified in two categories: some are catechetical and some
others are practical. Here are the works which belong to the first
category: De diversis appellationibus; The Catechism described by
Gennadius; De ratione fidei; De Spiritus Sanctus potentia; De
Symbolo and De agni paschalis victima. To the second category
belong the following works: Ad lapsam virginem libellus; De
vigiliis servorum Dei; De psalmodiae bono; and the hymn Te Deum
laudamus53.
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48

Cassiodorus, De institutione , col. 1132C, apud t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 481.

Here we are talking about the work titled Ordo de catehizandis rudibus which
is found in a manuscript codex from the 9th century titled Monacensis cod. Lat.
6325, sec. IX, f. 139; See: t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 482.
50
A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. XLII and p. 137, note 1.
51
K. Gamber, op.cit., p. 182.
52
See this note at: I. G. Coman, Operele literare ale Sfntului Niceta de
Remesiana, ST, IX (1957), 3-4, p. 201.
53
Ibidem.
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1. De diversis appellationibus (On the different names of our

Lord Jesus Christ), is a dogmatic treatise, written as a sermon, on
the names given to our Savior in the Holy Scripture. The writing
has a polemical tone against the Arians; in fact, it is a dogmatic
sermon with moral application. The sermon is plain, clear and
methodical, being very well knitted together, with a unitary
content54.
2. The preserved fragments from St. Nicetas catechism deal
with the necessity of those who are coming to Baptism to be
catechized; it talks about what kind of human beings come to
Baptism as well as about the effects of Baptism. The catechism is
addressed to all people alike in order for all to become new
creatures, abandoning the old man and his sinful deeds and putting
on the new man, who is made new by knowing the One Who
created him. The one, who wants to come to Baptism and is taught
on the faith, must learn the Symbol of Faith, which has to be recited
daily before going to bed, and he has to ponder over it every hour.
It is, also, called for him to utter the Lords Prayer and to
strengthen himself (to cross himself) with the sign of the cross
against the devil55.
The instruction given by St. Nicetas on the importance of the
Symbol of Faith in the spiritual life of the faithful brings to mind
some other renowned catechists who were contemporaneous with
him as St. Ambrose56, Blessed Augustine57or Peter Chrysologus58.
3. The treatise De ratione fidei, (On the reason of faith),
divided in seven chapters, struggles against Sabellianism,
Fotinianism, and particularly Aryanism. This work was written as a
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54

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Ibidem, p. 220.
A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. 8.
56
See: Ambrozie de Milan, Des sacraments, Des Mysteres, lexplication du
Symbole, texte tabli, traduit et annot par Dom Bernard Botte, in Sources
Chretiennes, nr. 25 bis, Paris, 1961, p. 56.
57
Fer. Augustin, De Symbolo, Sermo ad catechumenos, I, 1, PL, vol. XL, col.
627.
58
Petrus Chrysologus, Sermo LVIII, PL, vol. LII, col. 361B.
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commentary, by which St. Nicetas answered the request of some

faithful to strengthen them in faith59.
4. The treatise De Spiritus Sancti potentia (On the power of the
Holy Spirit) is directed towards Macedonians who were denying
the divinity of the Holy Spirit. While presenting the Orthodox faith
concerning the teaching on the Holy Spirit, St. Nicetas brings
foundations of the Holy Scripture and the decisions of the First
Ecumenical Synod of the year 325 from Nicaea, as argumentation.
St. Nicetas clear and logic exposition, the interrelation of ideas, as
well as the end-summary, make this work to look as a true
catechism concerning the consubstantiality of the Holy Spirit with
the Father and the Son60.
5. De Symbolo is one of the oldest interpretations of the
Symbol of Faith and a convincing proof of St. Nicetas catechetical
mastership. Even if sometimes he is inspired by St. Cyril of
Jerusalems catechetical lectures, this treatise may be considered
today as a standard of excellence for the explanation of the Symbol
of Faith. In being substantial, clear, systematic and attractive, the
treatise was one of the most spread and appreciated missionary
means in the ancient Church61.
6. De agni paschalis victima (On the oblation of the paschal
Lamb) is a letter attributed to St. Nicetas by Gennadius of
Marseille. The work tries to give reasons for the date of the
celebration of Pascha, suggesting that it should not be celebrated
either prior to the 11th day of Aprils calends (March 22) or after the
11th day of Mays calends (April 21). In the last quarter of the 4th
century, the Christians were closely concerned with the date of
Pascha. Even St. Ambrose, while busying himself with the date of
Pascha, suggested the same calendar interval for its celebration (in
the year 387)62. Some style similarities with some other writings of
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59

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A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. 18.

I. G. Coman, op.cit., p. 206.
61
Ibidem, p. 210.
62
St. Ambrosius, Epistola XXIII (12), Dominis fratribus dilectissimis episcopis
Aemiliani constitutis Ambrosius episcopus, PL, vol. XVI, col. 1069-178, apud t.
C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 487.
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the bishop of Remesiana, makes secure the hypothesis that the work
belongs to St. Niceta.
Among the practical writings, by which St. Niceta, as a true
spiritual shepherd and skilful missionary, was taking care of his
spiritual flock, we mention:
7. Ad lapsam virginem libellus (To a fallen virgin), which was
moved about under more titles: Liber de lapsu virginis
consacratae, Epistula Nicetae episcopi de lapsu Susannae
devotae et sacratae, Epistula ad virginem lapsam, De lapsu
virginis63.
In this work, St. Nicetas writes about a nun, called Susana,
who fell into sin with a reader, thus breaking the vow of chastity.
While commiserating her condition, the author reminds her of the
diligence from which she had fallen off and the gravity of sin. The
tone, even if it is restrained, becomes rhetorical. From the text of
the work, the idea of communion of the saints can be easily
recognized. We may recognize, also, in its author, St. Niceta, the
hymnologist and the animator of singing the Psalms in Church, and
at vigils. Both the similarity of style and the tone of explanation,
are reminding us, doubtlessly, of St. Nicetas works De diversis
appellationibus and De psalmodiae bono64.
8. De vigiliis servorum Dei (On the vigil of Gods servants) is
a sermon, which shows St. Nicetas as a keeper of the cultic
tradition in Church. In the nine chapters of the work, the author
talks about the nightly religious vigil, recently introduced as an
ecclesiastical service on Friday night and Saturday night65. While
concluding the talk On the vigil..., Nicetas makes known the next
work: But on the piety of the hymns and the Psalms, how much
God loves them and how He receives them, I would talk a little
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I. G. Coman, op.cit., p. 224-225.

Dom Germain Morin, L<<Epistula ad Virginem lapsam>>, de la collection
de Corbie, opuscule indite de la fin du IV-e sicle, in Revue Bndictine
(=RB), 14, Paris, 1897, p. 193-202; F. Cayre, Precis de Patrologie, Paris, 1934,
p. 519.
65
A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. 59.
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now, if a specific reason would not ask for another volume; I will
deal with these issues, God helping, in the next book66.
9. De psalmodiae bono (On the good psalmodizing) was
preserved in two versions, an original one and a later one, with
some appendices and omissions. Even if it was edited in the year
1723, under the name of Nicetius of Treves, the later Patristics
scholars reached the conclusion that its author is St. Nicetas of
Remesiana. Both the ecclesiastical practice in the East and the
West, as well as the references of some Fathers and ecclesiastical
writers as St. Basil the Great, Blessed Augustine and John Cassian
as far as the celebration of vigils and the public singing of Psalms
in church are concerned place the work at the end of the 4th
century67.
The two talks: De vigiliis servorum Dei and De psalmodiae
bono inspired always and everywhere by the advices and the
ideas they are made up of both the monastic circles and all the
Christians who give glory to God through religious hymns. They
represent, also, a source of inspiration for the behavior of the
faithful inside the Church.
10. Te Deum laudamus (We praise You, God) is an illustrious
hymn for Gods glorification, written in the Latin tongue. It
embellished the ecclesiastical services throughout the centuries. It
should not be confused with the well-known service called TeDeum which is offered today in churches on the occasion of some
solemn ceremonies.
The oldest known mentioning of the hymn Te Deum is found
in The guiding rules for monks from the year 512, written by
Caesar of Arelate (+542), then in the letter of the bishop Cyprian of
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66

Ibidem, p. 67-68.
See, in this sense, A. L. Tutu, Ritul Sfntului Niceta episcop al Remesianei, in
Buna Vestire, III, 1964, nr. 1, p. 32; A. E. Burn, op.cit., p. 55-82; C. H. Tuner,
Nicetas of Remesiana, De vigiliis, in Journal of Theological Studies (=JThS),
Published Quarterly, London-Oxford, 1921, vol. XXII, nr. 88, p. 305-320; Idem,
Nicetas of Remesiana, II: Introduction and text of De psalmodiae bono, JThS,
1923, vol. XXIV, nr. 95, p. 225-252.
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Toulon to the bishop Maximus of Geneva, dated between the years

524-53368.
The hymn Te Deums text is found in various manuscripts,
without having shown the author. Some critics, commentators,
historians, and Patristics scholars confirm Nicetas paternity69 on
the hymn Te Deums text. We add here that Cyprian of Toulons
letter, which makes clear that in the first half of the 6th century the
hymn was already spread and known, denies the hypothesis of
Nicetius of Treves paternity on the Te Deums hymn.
Among the arguments which plead in favor of the bishop of
Remesianas paternity on the Te Deums hymn, besides the
mentioning of the Irish manuscripts, we write down the following:
The hymn cannot be attributed to St. Ambrose or to other authors of
hymns, because they wrote hymns in the rhythmic meters, not in
the rhythmic prose, the style in which was written the Te Deum
hymn. Also, a note from an old Psalter, printed in the year 1555, in
London, after older manuscripts, and which contains Canticum
beati Niceti episcopi, provides a suggestive explanation on the Te
Deums paternity: Some say that Blessed Ambrose, while he was
baptizing the Blessed Augustine, started (singing) We praise Thee,
and Blessed Augustine answered (singing) another verse; and in
this way they composed this hymn. This is not true, but they sang
(the hymn) which was into use, written earlier by the Blessed
Nicetas bishop of Vienna; Cassiodorus approved of this (song) on
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t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 491-492.

G. Morin, Te Deum, RB, VII, 1980, p. 151-159; Idem, Nouvelles recherches
sur lauteur du Te Deum, RB, XI, 1894, p. 48-77, 337-345; A. E. Burn, An
Introduction to the Creeds and to the Te Deum, London, 1899; G. Morin, <<Le
Te Deum>> Type anonyme danaphore latine prehistorique, RB, XXVII, 1907,
p. 180-223; J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 552-553; A. E. Burn, The hymn Te Deum author,
London, 1926; H. Leclercq, Te Deum, in Dictionnaire dArchologie et
Liturgie, vol. XV, Paris, 1953, col. 2028-2048; L. Duchesne, Histoire ancienne
de lEglise, tome III, V-e dition, Paris, 1929, p. 181; Maurice Frost, Two Texts
of the Te Deum laudamus, JThS, 1938, vol. XXXIX, nr. 156, p. 388-391; I. G.
Coman, op.cit., p. 220-224; Berthold Altaner, Prcis de Patrologie, adapte par H.
Chirat, Paris, 11961, p. 549; t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 492-498.
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70

the occasion of learning the Holy Scripture . The placing of

Nicetas bishopric in Vienna is a mistake of the notes author, as
was the case with the error concerning the correct spelling of St.
Nicetas name71.
Some books of St. Nicetas (De psalmodiae bono and De
vigiliis) show the great missionary as an impassioned of liturgical
songs and this fact is confirmed by Paulinus of Nola, also72. The
use of some biblical verses in the talk De psalmodiae bono proves
that there is a close connection between this work and the Te Deum
hymn.
Some researchers suggested the opinion that the Te Deum
hymn was in circulation in the ancient Church, as far back as the
2nd century, under different forms, and that St. Nicetas of
Remesiana would have given the final version to it73.
The Te Deum hymn is written in rhythmic prose and contains
three parts: praise to the Father, a profession of the Holy Trinity,
and an invocation to the Son, at which it was added later, a morning
prayer74.
The dogmatic ideas of the Te Deums hymn prove that this
work was written to the end of the 4th century when the Trinitarian
problem as well as the Christological one, were in a fully debated
theological analysis.
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A. E. Burn, Nicetas of Remesiana..., p. CI.

I. G. Coman, op.cit., p. 220.
72
S. Paulini Nolani, Carmen XVII, v. 90-92, 98, 109-116, 261-262; Carmen
XXVII, v. 315-316; 500-502, p. 85, 86-87, 93, 276, 284.
73
See, in this sense, J. Quasten, Niketas von Remesiana. missionsbischf in
Dacien, in Lexikon fr Theologie und Kirche, vol. VII, Freiburg im Breisgau,
1935, p. 570; K. Gamber, Das Te Deum und sein Autor, RB, 74, 1964, p. 318321.
74
S. Salaville, Les texts grecs du Te Deum, in Echos dOrient, t. XIII, Paris,
1910, p. 208-2132. The text of the Te Deums hymn was translated into the
Romanian language, also, by: Ghenadie Enceanu, Istoria Te-Deumurilor n
Biserica cretin i specialmente n cea romn, BOR, XIII (1884), 11, p. 830850; and 12, p. 942-964; I. G. Coman, op.cit., p. 223-224; t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p.
496-497.
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180

St. Nicetas writings, even if they are short, are clear, as was
required by his catechetical activity. The topics he treated are based
on evidences from the Holy Scripture, Holy Tradition, reason, and
life. The writings of the great Christian missionary from the
Danube River are penetrated by the warmth of the fatherly love of
the spiritual shepherd, who calls his spiritual sons brothers, and
dearly beloved. The literary-theological heritage acquired by the
Church from the indefatigable missionary who was Nicetas of
Remesiana, is considered even today as a real source of inspiration
for priests and catechists.
V. Ecumenical meaning of St. Nicetas of Remesianas
missionary work
The missionary work of St. Nicetas of Remesiana, carried on
both the right and the left side of the Danube River, included on the
same footing all the faithful from among all nations found along
the Danubian limes, thus contributing to their spiritual unification.
St. Nicetas lived and shepherded in a region which was
connecting the two worlds Greek and Latin with distinct
spiritual profiles, but on their way of drawing near to each other
and even of unification due to the historical conditions created at
the balance between the 4th and the 5th centuries. The Christianity
contributed to this work of unification, also, since it was preached
with zeal to the nations, as a fulfillment of the commandment
given by our Savior Jesus Christ: Go you, therefore, and make
disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father
and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit (Matthew 28: 19).
The great missionary hierarch of Remesiana was anchored in
the ecumenical realities of his time, dedicating his whole being to
the work of evangelization. His missionary work, of a broad
ecumenical breathing, led by St. John Chrysostom from
Constantinople, and sustained by St. Theotim I from Tomis on the
banks of the Lower Danube and in the Pontic Dacia, was
accomplished with great apostolic fervor by St. Niceta, also, both in
Dacia Ripensis and Mediterranea as well as at the north side of
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Danube. The common characteristic between St. Nicetas and

Theotim of Tomis is represented by the lasting harmony between
the intellectual activity and the practical living of faith.
Good theologian, always preoccupied to learn from the
treasure of the patristic theological literature from the 4th century,
both from East and West, Nicetas devised his work after filtering
out through his personality whatever he accumulated through a vast
reading, and after he pondered over the teaching of the Holy
Scripture and Holy Tradition with a cleansed soul75.
St. Nicetas missionary work was not carried on under
particularly favorable circumstances. The heresy of Arius had
countless supporters in the Danubian area, and the heretical
teaching of Macedonius was equally dangerous. We add to these
two great heresies some other heretical currents (Sabellianism,
Monarchianism, the Ebionites, the Manicheans, the Marcionites),
inherited from the 2nd and 3rd centuries, which were not stamped
out as yet76.
St. Nicetas attitude toward heresies was based on his lasting
connection with the Holy Scripture, and with the Holy Fathers who
participated in the First Ecumenical Synod in Nicaea of 325 A.D.77.
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t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 502.

Ibidem, p. 502-503.
77
With regards to the Orthodoxys struggle against Aryanism as well as the
fighting against all heresies during the First Ecumenical Synod (325), see: Ilie
Beleu, Istoricul Sinodului Ecumenic de la Niceea, in Revista Teologic,
XXV (1925), 10-11, p. 296-311; 12, p. 364-371; XXVI (1926), 1, p. 3-10; I.
Rmureanu, Lupta Ortodoxiei contra arianismului de la Sinodul I ecumenic pn
la moartea lui Arie, ST, XIII (1961), 1-2, p. 13-31; Traian Valdman, Vechea
organizare a Bisericii i Sinodul I ecumenic, ST, XXII (1970), nr. 3-4, p. 260273; I. Rmureanu, Sinodul I ecumenic de la Niceea. Condamnarea ereziei lui
Arie. Simbolul Niceean, ST, XXIX (1977), 1-2, p. 15-60; N. Popovici, Primul
sinod ecumenic inut la Niceea n anul 325, Arad, 1925; P. Gh. Cotoman,
Geneza arianismului. Puncte de sprijin pentru arianism n teologia cretin
anterioar, Caransebe, 1930; Nicolae Corneanu, Moartea ereticului Arie n
lumina documentelor vremii, in vol Studii patristice, Timioara, 1984, p. 239244; Sfntul Athanasie cel Mare, Trei cuvinte mpotriva arienilor, PSB, vol. 15,
Bucureti, 1987, p. 157-401; erban Popescu, Hotrrea Soborului de la Niceea
cu privire la data prznuirii Patilor, in Predania, nr. 6-7, 1-15 mai, 1937, p.
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182

Even if St. Nicetas has not left behind him any written
commentary on the Holy Scripture, as was the case with St. Basil
the Great, St. John Chrysostom, St. Ambrose, Blessed Augustine,
and others, he treasured as much as they did both the Old and the
New Testament.
St. Nicetas exegesis of the biblical texts is purely Orthodox;
he chose the most appropriate quotations for arguing the truths of
faith against the heresies for the building up of his faithful78.
Practically speaking, the teaching shared with his catechumens, was
presented as a summary of the Holy Scripture. Besides the biblical
word, the Apostolic Tradition is the second source of inspiration for
the truths of faith with a binding character for the listeners. In
accordance with St. Nicetas vision in order for one to be able to
share in an ecumenical consensus, one has to be well informed on
the teaching of the Church Fathers and to be in agreement with
them. In St. Nicetas view, the deviation from the line of tradition
brings about aberration, as was the case with the Macedonians who,
at the beginning, have believed as it was taught79. The keeping
of the Apostolic Tradition is the visible sign of belonging to the true
Church.
An essential characteristic of St. Nicetas of Remesiana was his
missionary zeal. In this respect, he is counted among the great
missionaries of his time, by making his activitys way to other
populations on the right and the left side of the Danube, not only to
the Daco-Romans who were inhabiting his eparchy.
In order for him to realize the pastoral-missionary success,
Nicetas organized the monastic life. Inside the monasteries, he
found numerous disciples and collaborators who sustained him in
his mission. There is no other way to explain the Christianization of
some populations settled among Daco-Romans, on the whole
region struck by Boreas, in the lower Danube region, as St.
Paulinus of Nola made it clear. Nicetas has not expected all these
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23-24 (republished, ed. Deisis, Sibiu, 2001, p. 111-112); Ionel Ene, Sinoade i
Sinodali (I), Buzu, 2001.
78
t. C. Alexe, op.cit., p. 503.
79
Ibidem, p. 504.
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heathens to come to Remesiana to be Christianized; he himself

together with his disciples, traveled to them, far from the quietness
of his eparchial See80.
In his missionary work, Nicetas used, with great success, the
ecclesiastical public singing. His preaching on the usefulness of
singing the Psalms is telling with respect to the use of public
singing for the bringing near of the faithful as well as their
communion in a single praise lifted to God.
The worthy missionary of Remesiana was cultivating the
public singing in Church in a time in which other missionaries,
also, as St. John Chrysostom, St. Basil the Great, St. Gregory of
Nyssa, St. Gregory the Theologian, St. Ambrose, and Blessed
Augustine were proceeding in the same way in their eparchies. The
singing of the hymns becomes a missionary method highly
efficient, since it subdues the haughty and savage soul and draws
near the man to God and to his neighbors81.
St. Nicetas journeys to Rome and to Nola are inscribed in the
ecumenical honors list of the missionary work, since they made the
connection between the Christian world of East to the Christian
world of West. Beyond the reasons which determined St. Nicetas to
make the two long journeys which required both vigor and
courage we hold their indubitable fruits. St. Nicetas went to Nola
with a rich missionary experience, acquired under difficult
circumstances, experience which he had to confront with the
ecclesiastical practice in Italy. His ecumenical dialogue with
Paulinus is beneficial for both of them. Paulinus is informed that on
the banks of the Istros (Danube) is carried on an intense activity of
Evangelizing interwoven with a fruitful action of Romanizing the
barbarian populations found among Daco-Romans82.
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Ibidem.
Ibidem. See, also, the work: t. C. Alexe, Foloasele cntrii bisericeti n
comun dup Santul Niceta de Remesiana, BOR, LXXV (1957), 1-2, p. 165-182.
82
S. Paulini Nolani, Carmen XVII, v. 261-264, p. 93: the barbarians were
learning to sing to Christ with a Roman heart and to live in the serene peace of
virtue, in an unknown region of the world.
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184

St. Nicetas missionary work has impressed Paulinus deeply,

and the patristic personality of the Danubian missionary roused his
admiration, expressed in praising words. In his turn, St. Nicetas
became acquainted with the liturgical life as well as with the
theology from Nola; was getting in touch with the great number of
believers who came to St. Felixs feast (whose relics were found in
this little town); was enlightened on the building style as well as on
the ecclesiastical painting; had the occasion to make some
comparisons and to enrich his knowledge with new things and
ideas. To use a metaphorical phrase, we may say that at that
moment the East and the West of Europe were together83.
On the other hand, the two friends were men of letters, also.
Their discussions were directed to the theological problems that
were stirring the Christianity at that time as well as to some
theological works (St. Martins life, authored by Supliciu Sever;
The Dialogues of the same author, etc.), which were circulated in
the province of Illyria and even in Rome. In this way, Nicetas had a
great role as a connecting element between the eastern piety
literature, as well as the western one. St. Nicetas works have been
intensely circulated in the central and western Europe, and tied
these geographical spaces to the Eastern side of the continent. They
were quoted and appreciated by Isidor of Seville, by Gennadius of
Marseille and by Cassiodorus84.
Through his missionary and literary activity, through his
ecumenical journeys, through his piety, St. Nicetas fully
contributed to the creation of the climate of harmony and
knowledge, of mutual appreciation, between the Eastern and the
Western Church. St. Nicetas missionary work had as the central
point of his preoccupations the friendship as well as the
appreciation of the human being, having as basis the Holy
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t. C. Alexe, Sfntul Niceta , p. 505.

I. G. Coman, Contribuia scriitorilor patristici din Scythia Minor Dobrogea
la patrimoniul ecumenismului cretin n secolele al IV-lea al VI-lea, in
Ortodoxia, XX (1968), 1, p. 12-21; Gheorghe A. Nicolae, nvtura despre
Duh n tratatul De Spiritus Sancti potentia al Sfntului Niceta de Remesiana,
in Ortodoxia, XVI (1964), 2, p. 240-248.
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Scriptures teachings, the love for the Church and a lofty

ecumenical spirit, made manifest by his desire to contribute to the
unification, the consummation, and the salvation of the faithful who
were living throughout the world.
St. Nicetas missionary activity has an outstanding
contribution to the consolidation of the ecumenicity of the Church
from the 4th and 5th centuries besides the missionary and
theological works of the hierarchs and ecclesiastical writers from
the same period of Scythia Minor, and can bring remarkable
services to the contemporary ecumenical spirituality.
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OPERA MISIONAR A SFNTULUI NICETA DE

REMESIANA N DREAPTA I
N STNGA DUNRII
- rezumat Sfntul Niceta de Remesiana a desfurat o bogat activitate
misionar, n a doua jumtate a secolului al IV-lea i nceputul
secolului al V-lea, n dreapta i stnga Dunrii, hotarul dintre dou
culturi greac i latin , manifestndu-se ca un autentic ierarh
erudit, scriitor patristic, mare misionar i catehet, dar i ca un
adevrat pstor cu dragoste cald fa de fiii si duhovniceti.
Unul dintre reprezentanii de seam ai ecumenicitii patristice
din secolele IV-V, Sfntul Niceta de Remesiana poate fi considerat,
prin viaa sa, activitatea misionar i opera sa teologic, un
precursor al dialogului intercretin i interreligios actual.

186

LE CHRISTIANISME AU BAS-DANUBE
A LA VEILLE DE LA GRANDE PERSECUTION*
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by Mihai Ovidiu Coi

En 335, lors de la conscration de lglise du Saint Spulcre,
Eusbe de Csare remarquait la prsence Jrusalem des beaux
et jeunes rejetons de Dieu de Moesia et de Pannonie, ou des
Thraces qui ornaient toute lassemble par leur prsence1. Il
sagissait des Eglises chrtiennes de ces rgions, et laffirmation du
pre de lHistoire ecclsiastique est devenue normative pour les
chercheurs modernes, qui sont parvenus la conclusion quau BasDanube lenseignement chrtien nest arriv que vers la fin du IIIe
sicle et sy est dvelopp partir de lpoque de Constantin le
Grand, sa prsence avant cette poque nayant t que sporadique et
inconsistante2. Des dbuts de la religion chrtienne au Bas-Danube
se sont occups presque tous les historiens qui ont tudi lHistoire
romaine dans ces rgions. La meilleure approche de ce sujet est
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Traduction franaise Mriuca Alexandrescu

Eusbe de Csare, Viaa lui Constantin cel Mare (Vie de Constantin), IV.43.3.
tude introductif par Prof. dr. Emilian Popescu; traduction et notes par Radu
Alexandrescu, coll. Prini i Scriitori Bisericeti (=PSB), vol. 14, Bucureti,
1991, p. 176-177; Dans la citation mentionne, nous avons gard le texte tel quil
apparat dans ldition cite de PSB. La traduction moins adapte du point de vue
littraire et plus proche du texte grec:
,
...
, dit que les Macdoniens ont envoy
( Jrusalem, n.n.) des mtropolites de chez eux, les Pannons et les Mses (ont
envoy, n.n.) leurs fleurs, le beau peuple jeune de Dieu, tandis que les Thraces
compltaient le plein de lassemble.
2
Normatif ce sens, voir laffirmation de Prvan: dans les provinces de
culture latine du Danube, le christianisme ne prend pas de racines avant la fin
du IIIe sicle. le christianismena pas eu besoin ici de commencer en grec ,
mais il commena demble en latin; V. Prvan, Contribuii epigrafice la istoria
cretinismului daco-roman, Bucureti, 1911, p. 9-10.
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Pontica Christiana

187
3

constitue probablement par le clbre ouvrage de Zeiller , suivi

bien plus tard par louvrage de Popovi4, mais ceux-ci ne dpassent
pas, en grandes lignes, lassertion dEusbe. La prsente tude se
propose danalyser quelques tmoignages dont nous disposons,
pour voir en quelle mesure laffirmation dEusbe prsente ou non
la situation relle du christianisme au Bas-Danube, notamment au
IIIe sicle.
Ce nest pas le cas dinsister davantage sur la crise religieuse
quavait travers lEmpire Romain au IIIe sicle. Toutefois, en
observant ce qui stait pass pendant cette priode et voquant
quelques exemples sporadiques, on ne peut ignorer qu Noricum,
Marc Aurle (161-180) fait appel aux dieux traditionnels5,
Caracalla (211-217) construit au Quirinal un norme Serapeum en
lhonneur de Zeus Serapis Helios6, Elagabalus (218-222) essaie de
soumettre tous les cultes au dieu Elaha Gabal7, Dce (249-251)
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Jacques Zeiller, Les origines chrtiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de

lEmpire Romain, Paris, 1918. Zeiller a fait lanalyse en tenant compte
notamment des sources littraires et son ouvrage reste valable dans ses grandes
lignes. Le dossier tabli cette occasion constitue la base de lexpos des
chercheurs Yvette Duval et Luce Pietri sur lexpansion du christianisme aux trois
premiers sicles dans les provinces danubiennes et lIllyricum; cf. Yvette Duval,
Luce Pietri, Histoire du Christianisme des origines nos jours (H.Chr.), vol. II.
Naissance dune chrtient (250 430), Paris, 1995, p. 148-154.
4
Radomir Popovi, Le christianisme sur le sol de lIllyricum Oriental jusqu
larrive des slaves, Thessaloniki, 1996. Bien quil eut sa disposition une
gamme bien plus large de sources archologiques, il ne dpasse pas en
conclusions louvrage de Zeiller. Lauteur cit ne suit pas le phnomne chrtien
au long du Danube, ne visant que le territoire actuel de la Serbie et du
Montngro, cest--dire le Diocse de Dacia (qui administrait les provinces:
Moesia Prima, Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Mediterranea, Dardania, Praevalitana) et la
province Macedonia Saecunda, du Diocse de Macdoine.
5
Pour une analyse dtaille des sources qui relatent cet vnement, voir: John
Helgeland, Christians and the Roman Army from Marcus Aurelius to
Constantine, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rmischen Welt (=ANRW), 23, 1,
1979, p. 766-773.
6
Robert Turcan, Cultele orientale n lumea roman, Bucureti, 1998, p. 111.
6
L. Pietri, H.Chr., II, p. 161.
7
Claude Lepelley, H.Chr., vol. I. Le Nouveau Peuple (des origines 250), Paris,
2000, p. 258; R. Turcan, op.cit., p. 204 et suiv.
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188

revient aux dieux traditionnels, Trbonianus Gallus (251-253),

loccasion de lpidmie de peste de 252, ordonne des sacrifices
gnraux en lhonneur dApollo8, Aurlien (270-275) entreprend
une ample rforme religieuse, rendant officiel le culte de Deus Sol
Invictus9, Diocltien (284-305) et les autres ttrarques dclenchent
la perscution contre les chrtiens, considrs inimici deorum et
hostes religionum publicarum10. Ce sont tout autant de tentatives de
sauver la religion traditionnelle de lEtat romain, et qui, un certain
moment, eurent un double effet: dune part, lamplification du
sentiment dincertitude, dautre part, le dveloppement du
syncrtisme entre les courants philosophiques, la mythologie
traditionnelle et les thologies des dieux orientaux ; une nouvelle
spiritualit prend alors naissance, qui volue vers Unus Incognitus,
dont le nom provenait de lancien paganisme (Zeus, Iupiter), de
lOrient (Baal, Bel), ou des thologies cosmologiques (Helios,
Sol)11.
Nelu Zugravu a constat que, tant au Danube quen Dacie
trans-danubienne, dans la priode de la Principaut, on rencontre un
paganisme trs actif, le phnomne sy manifestant avec la mme
ampleur et intensit que dans tout le monde romain12. Mais, en
lanalysant du point de vue psychologique, on peut constater que la
multiplication de ddicaces en lhonneur dun nombre extrmement
diversifi de dits est le rsultat non seulement du paganisme actif,
mais aussi de la crise religieuse que traversa lempire depuis les
dernires dcennies du IIe sicle jusqu la Grande Perscution. Il
est bien connu que, dans les moments de crise prolonge, les gens
tendent faire de plus en plus appel la divinit pour mieux
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L. Pietri, op.cit, p. 161.

Pour les rformes religieuses du temps dAurlien, voir: Eugen Cizek,
Lempereur Aurlien et son temps, Paris, 1994, p. 175-193; Alaric Watson,
Aurelian and the third century, London, New York, 1999, p. 188-198.
10
Lactance, De mortibus persecutorum, XI.6. Traduction, tude introductif, notes
et commentaires par Claudiu T. Ariean, Timioara, 2000, p. 104.
11
Luce Pietri, Jacques Flamant, H.Chr., II, p. 30-31.
12
Nelu Zugravu, Geneza cretinismului popular al romnilor, Bucureti, 1997,
p. 90-97.
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Pontica Christiana

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surmonter les preuves. En fait, en multipliant le nombre de

temples, dautels, de ddicaces votives, les fidles portaient la
connaissance des dieux quils avaient respect le serment fait en
leur nom. Si lon considre ainsi le phnomne, ces gestes religieux
semblent suggrer que les gens essayaient de manire de plus en
plus obsessive dattirer lattention des dieux protecteurs. Mais, ces
dits taient soit mcontents de lattitude de leurs adorateurs, soit
devenus incapables de leur assurer le salut spirituel, la paix et le
bien tre interne de lEtat.
Du moins, comme tat desprit gnral, on peut constater une
concidence entre cette multiplication du nombre dautels paens au
IIIe sicle et les affirmations de certains auteurs chrtiens,
consignes au milieu du mme sicle. Le pote Commodian note
que Luget in aeternum, quae se iactabat aeterna13, St. Cyprien14
peroit la sensation de vieillissement du monde (mundo senescente)
que vivaient les Romains, et Origne15, commentant en parallle
lEvangile selon Matthieu et les tmoignages lies la propagation
de lenseignement du Sauveur, se rfre saeculi consummatione16.
Le monde romain vit dans un tat avanc dincertitude, les dieux
traditionnels, impuissants ou courroucs, refusaient de rsoudre les
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13

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Commodianus, Carmen Apologeticum, v. 923, coll. Corpus Scriptorum

Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (=CSEL), XV, recensuit et commentario critico
instruxit Bernhardus Dombart, Vindobonae, 1887, p. 175. pleure pour toujours
celle qui paraissait ternelle (Rome, n.n.)
14
Cyprien de Carthage, Ad Demetrianum, IV, coll. Patrologiae cursus
completus , Series latina (=PL), ed. J.-P. Migne, Paris, vol. IV, col. 547B; les
enfants naissent dj vieux (canos videmus in pueris, capilli deficiunt antequam
crescant); la vie ne sachve pas la vieillesse mais commence par la vieillesse
(nec aetas in senectute desinit, sed incipit a senectute); le tout volue vers une fin
qui ne se prsente pas trs heureuse (quando totus ipse jam mundus in defectione
sit et in fine).
15
Series veteris interpretationis commentariorum Origenis in Matthaeum, coll.
Patrologiae cursus completus , Series graeca (=PG), ed. J.-P. Migne, Paris,
vol. XIII, col. 1653 C-1656 B.
16
Pour le commentaire de ce passage, voir aussi Mihai Ovidiu Coi, Tertullian
i Origen, izvoare ale cretinismului romnesc?, vol. Studia historica et
theological. Omagiu Profesorului Emilian Popescu (=SHT), Iai, 2003, p. 148154.
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190

problmes auxquels lEmpire tait confront, et tout cela se passait

autour de la date du Millnium de Rome.
Cest dans ce contexte plus vaste que vint de se frayer un
chemin, de plus en plus clairement, lide dun nouveau
commencement, un message nouveau desprance dans le
rtablissement de lunit de lempire, tel que les spcialistes lont
dfini, un novum saeculum17. Il est probable que la dgradation
acclre de Rome ait engendr dans les milieux traditionnalistes
lide aussi de lradication de lincroyance chrtienne en tant que
mesure rgnratrice. Ce novum saeculum, tel quil tait conu par
certains empereurs du IIIe sicle et notamment par les ttrarques,
excluait en principe la prsence chrtienne dans lempire. Mais la
suite a dmontr que la nouvelle re allait avoir le christianisme en
position centrale et que le vieillissement du monde a abouti sa
consommation dans les formes connues jusqualors.
Paralllement la dgradation de la vie religieuse romaine, le
christianisme connat un dveloppement constant. Si la fin du Ier
sicle, les Juifs priaient Dieu que les Nazarens (noserim les
chrtiens) soient effacs du livre de vie et exclus des rangs des
justes, puisquil ny a pas despoir de salut pour les apostats, son
tour, la Grande Eglise se dfinit comme descendante du Vritable
Israel et efface le judasme de lhistoire du salut18. Le IIe sicle est,
dans le christianisme, le sicle des apologies, cest alors
quapparaissent les grandes personnalits qui expliquent et
interprtent de manire accessible pour tous le message de
lEvangile; Ariston de Pella, Justin le Martyre, Minucius Felix,
Athnagoras lAthnien, Tatien lAssyrien, Mliton de Sardes,
Tertullien considrent quil est de leur devoir doffrir les rponses
et de combattre les accusations ladresse des chrtiens. Ce nest
pas le cas dentrer dans le dtail de ces polmiques, mais il faut
remarquer le fait que certaines de ces apologies taient adresses
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17

E. Cizek, op.cit., p. 60, et n. 41.

Le christianisme tant considr plutt comme une secte juive et non comme
une religion part; Marguerat, H.Chr., I, p. 217-218.
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directement Marc Aurle, comme celles dAthnagoras ou de

Mliton.
Au IIIe sicle, lEglise devient mieux connue dans les milieux
impriaux romains, et je ne pense pas seulement Iulia Mamaea19
qui, se trouvant en Antioche et entendant parler de la renomme
dOrigne, encore jeune lpoque20, envoya des officiers de sa
garde personnelle pour le lui amener, afin de goter ses
connaissances thologiques unanimement admires par tous21.
Depuis le dbut du sicle, Septime Svre (193-211) promulgua
plusieurs lois, dont une (202) visant le proslytisme juif et chrtien,
dans une tentative dinterdire ces manifestations religieuses22.
Lauteur de lHistoire Augusta dit qu peine entr dans la cit de
Rome, lempereur Elagabal consacra au dieu Elagabalus un temple
au Palatin, prs de la rsidence impriale. Il essayait de cette
manire de soumettre ce dieu le culte de la desse Dea Mater, le
feu des Vestales, les boucliers sacrs et tous les objets de culte
traditionnels romains. On y apprend aussi quil avait eu lintention
de transfrer sur Elagabalus les prceptes religieux des Juifs, des
Samaritains et des chrtiens, de sorte que tous les mystres puissent
tre gards par les prtres du dieu oriental23. La mme source nous
apprend que Svre Alexandre (222-235) avait dans son laraire
personnel une statue du Christ, prs dune dAbraham et une autre
dOrphe24, quil a maintenu les privilges accords aux Juifs et
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19

La mre de Svre Alexandre (222-235).

Il sagit des annes 224-225.
21
Eusbe de Csare, Istoria Bisericeaesc (Histoire ecclsiastique), VI. XXI. 34. Traduction, tude introductif, notes et commentaires par T. Bodogae, PSB, vol.
13, Bucureti, 1987, p. 245-246.
22
Vita Aeli Spartiani Severus, XVII. 1, Scriptores historiae avgvstae
(=S.H.A.): In itinere Palaestinis plurima iura fundavit. Iudaeos fieri sub gravi
poena vetuit. Idem etiam de Christianis sanxit. http://www.thelatinlibrary.com
23
S.H.A., Antonius Heliogabalus Aeli Lampridi, III 4-5. Dicebat praeterea
Iudaeorum et Samaritanorum religiones et Christianam devotionem illuc
transferendam, ut omnium culturarum secretum Heliogabali sacerdotium teneret;
Ibidem.
24
S.H.A., Alexander Severus Aelii Lampridii, 29. 1-2. Antequam de bellis eius et
expeditionibus et victoriis loquar, de vita cottidiana et domestica pauca
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permis aux chrtiens aussi dexister25, ou bien quil voulait lever

un temple au Christ, en le reconnaissant ainsi comme dieu26. En
change, Maximin le Thrace (235-238) a dclench une perscution
contre les chrtiens, visant notamment les chefs de lEglise, quil
considrait coupables de la rapide propagation de lenseignement
vanglique. Il est intressant de retenir que la raison de cette
perscution, quEusbe mentionne selon le tmoignage dOrigne,
ce fut la haine de Maximin lgard de la maison dAlexandre,
qui tait forme surtout par des gens pieux27. Le cas de Philippe
lArabe (244-249) est dj bien connu et les chercheurs modernes
sont de plus en plus enclins croire linformation selon laquelle il
primus de regibus Romanis Christianus fuit28.
Aprs une priode assez trouble dans la vie de lEglise29, qui
dbute par le rgne de Dce30, Gallien publie en 260 un rescript par
lequel il arrtait la perscution contre les chrtiens, en rtablissant
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disseram. Usus vivendi eidem hic fuit: primum ut, si facultas esset, id est s<i>
non cum uxore cubuisset, matutinis horis in larario suo, in quo et divos principes
sed optimos electos et animas sanctiores, in quis Apollonium et, quantum
scriptor suorum temporum dicit, Christum, Abraham et Orfeum et huiusmodi
ceteros habebat ac maiorum effigies, rem divinam faciebat.
25
Ibidem, 22;Iudaeis privilegia reservavit. Christianos esse passus est.
26
Ibidem, 43; Christo templum facere voluit eumque inter deos recipere.
27
Eusbe, op.cit., VI, XVIII ; p. 251.
28
Ibidem, VI, XXXIV; p. 255; Jean Chrysostome, Cuvnt la Fericitul Vavila i
mpotriva lui Iulian i ctre elini, VI-VII, vol. Predici la srbtori mprteti i
Cuvntri de laud la sfini , Bucureti, 2002, p. 311-315. A remarquer que S.
Jean nvoque que le moment o a lieu la rencontre des deux et ne dit rien de
laffinit suppose de lempereur pour la foi chrtienne; Jrme, De Viris
Illustribus, LIV, Bucureti, 1997, p. 50. Lanalyse dtaille de toutes les sources
littraires antiques concernant ce sujet, ainsi que des principales interprtations
modernes pro et contra, voir Irfan Shahd, Rome and the Arabs. A prolegomenon
to the study of Byzantium and the Arabs, Washington D.C.; Dumbarton Oaks,
1984, p. 65-93.
29
Les dits de perscution de la VIe dcennie du IIIe sicle.
30
A remarquer que cet empereur aussi dclencha la perscution contre lEglise
cause de la haine quil portait Philippe, cf. Eusbe, op.cit., VI. XXXIX, 1;
p. 257.
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31

la situation antrieure aux dits de 250 et de 257 , politique suivie

aussi par ses successeurs Claudius (268-270) et Aurlien (270275)32. Le rescrit de Gallien est trs important pour le
christianisme, et son geste doit tre considr avec une plus grande
attention. La critique moderne est davis quau moment de la
promulgation de ldit, toutes les autres lois antichrtiennes
antrieures furent abroges, de sorte que pour perscuter les
chrtiens, il faudrait donner dautres lois. Les communauts
chrtiennes deviennent sujettes de droit et les vques sont ceux qui
les reprsentent devant la loi; le christianisme vit en tant que religio
licita lintrieur dun Etat officiellement paen33. Ce nest quavec
les rformes de Diocltien que lEglise connatra une nouvelle
priode de grands troubles: la Grande Perscution.
De tout ce que nous avons expos ici, on peut observer quau
IIIe sicle, quoiquil y et des moments o le christianisme ait
vraiment souffert, ils furent relativement de brve dure et
provoqus soit par le refus des chrtiens de se soumettre aux ordres
de participer aux sacrifices commands par le pouvoir imprial, soit
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Ibidem, VII, XIII; p. 284-285. La perscution de Valrien reprsente un

pisode trs sanglant et un pas en avant par rapport aux mesures prises par
Maximin le Thrace ou par Dce, puisqu cette occasion on confisque les biens
des glises et des chrtiens haut placs. Cest aussi le premier empereur qui
semble avoir voulu extirper le culte chrtien et ses fidles, mais, captur par
Sapor, il ne put mener bout son plan.
32
Lactance linclut dans la galerie des perscuteurs, affirmant que
lorsquAurlien fut assassin, ses dits navaient pas eu le temps darriver dans
les provinces lointaines. A son tour, Eusbe note lexistence de certaines rumeurs
au sujet dune imminente perscution antichrtienne, qui, en change, na pas eu
lieu. Dans ce cas, il est possible que ce soit une dcision prise aprs la rforme
religieuse quil avait entreprise et par laquelle le culte de Sol Invictus fut surpos
tous les autres cultes de lEmpire. Si, au dbut, Aurlien se montra bienveillant
lgard des chrtiens, leur refus de reconnatre le nouveau dieu officiel, avec
lequel le christianisme se trouva dailleurs en conflit au cours des dcennies
suivantes, dtermina lempereur de projeter ou mme de promulguer de
nouveaux dits de perscution, qui ne furent plus appliqus. Lactance, op.cit., VI;
Eusbe, op.cit., VII, XXX, 20-21, p. 306; E. Cizek, op.cit., p. 188-190.
33
Marta Sordi, I raporti fra il Cristianesimo e limpero dai Severi a Gallieno,
ANRW, 32, 1, 1979, p. 371-374.
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a cause de la rancune personnelle dun empereur lgard de son

prdcesseur. La diffrence est grande par rapport la Grande
Perscution, car au temps de Diocltien, les chrtiens furent
officiellement dclars inimici deorum et hostes religionum
publicarum34. Dautre part, les autorits impriales et lappareil
administratif de lEtat taient assez bien familiariss avec la
doctrine chrtienne, connaissaient le mode dorganisation de
lEglise35 et dans certains cas taient eux-mmes chrtiens.
Lattitude des empereurs a cr les prmisses dun dveloppement
constant du christianisme dans lempire au IIIe sicle, et cette vague
ne pouvait pas contourner les rgions danubiennes, du moment que
la crise paenne non plus ne les avait pas pargnes. Dans ce
contexte, nous voulons relever quelques dtails en mesure de
nuancer les relations entre chrtiens et paens dans les rgions
danubiennes la veille de la Grande Perscution et de mettre dans
une nouvelle lumire lintensit du christianisme dans cette rgion.
Le premier lment que nous voulons voquer cest le rcit
quen fait Lactance du dbut de la Grande Perscution, notamment
du motif de son dclenchement. Il nous dit quen ralit, lauteur
moral de la perscution ne fut ni Diocltien, ni Galre (293-305
caesar; 305-311 augustus), mais la mre de ce dernier, Romula,
qui tait une femme dau-del du Danube, qui avait pass le fleuve
pour se rfugier dans la Nouvelle Dacie, cause des invasions des
Carpes 36. Mais do venait tant de haine contre les chrtiens de la
part de cette Romula? Le mme auteur prcise quelle tait
adoratrice des dieux des montagnes (deorum montium cultrix)37,
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Lactance, op.cit., XI.6, p. 104.

A ce sens, on peut rappeler lpisode o Paul de Samosate fut oblig de quitter
le sige piscopal et la rsidence de lEglise dAntioche seulement aprs que
lempereur Aurlien donne une dcision favorable dans le sens que celles-ci
soient attribues ceux qui resteront en correspondance avec les vques
chrtiens dItalie et de lEglise de Rome. Eusbe, op.cit., VII, XXX, 18-19, p.
305.
36
Lactance, op.cit., IX.2, p. 97. Il faisait partie de llite administrative qui sest
rfugie de la Dacie quand Aurlien dcida la retraite stratgique de larme et de
ladministration au sud du Danube.
37
Ibidem, XI.1, p. 103.
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et les interprtations donnes ce syntagme considrent quil

sagirait de lune des dits Silvanus, Diana ou Liber Pater38. De
mme, on y apprend quelle tait trs superstitieuse (admodum
superstitiosa)39, et que presque chaque jour elle offrait des repas
rituels en lhonneur des dieux et donnait manger ses paysans
(dapibus sacrificabat paene cotidie ac vicanis suis [s.n.] epulas
exhibebat).
De lautre part, les chrtiens rpondaient ces sacrifices paens
par des jenes et des prires (ieiuniis et orationibus insistebant).
Devrons-nous comprendre que lon se trouve dj au milieu dun
conflit entre les dianatiques (les futurs znateci ) et les chrtiens
? Daprs la manire dont Lactance expose la situation, la rponse
semble tre affirmative. Mais est-ce que cette situation concernait
que les ralits environnantes de Romula, savoir sa relation avec
vicanis suis, parmi lesquels il y avait aussi des chrtiens, ou bien
serait-ce une ralit conflictuelle beaucoup plus tendue? Il
semble que limplication personnelle, passionne mme, de Galre
dans le dclenchement et le dveloppement de la perscution
gnrale est un bon argument dans le sens de lirritation que les
chrtiens provoquaient aux autorits impriales dans la rgion du
Bas-Danube. Nanmoins, il ne faut pas oublier que, suite aux
rformes administratives et militaires que lEmpire a connues vers
la fin du IIIe sicle, Galre administrait toutes les provinces
romaines du sud du Danube, depuis la Mer Noire jusqu Noricum.
En ces circonstances, lapproche quil proposait ses collgues
ttrarques ne serait-elle pas la consquence des ralits chrtiennes
auxquelles il se confrontait dans les provinces administres par lui,
esprant que, par une action tendue, directe et en force, le
problme chrtien pourrait tre solutionn dans tout lEmpire?
En tout premier lieu, on ne doit pas ignorer le fait que les
vnements mentionns par Lactance se passaient dans une
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Voir les commentaires sur ce thme et la bibliographie de la n. 66, Ibidem, p.

247.
39
Syntagme qui, a notre avis, devrait tre compris comme trs pieuse ou trs
attache aux dieux quelle vnrait.
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habitation rurale: vicus40. Lactance dit que Romula invitait vicanis

suis aux sacrifices quelle offrait aux dieux. Selon dautres
sources, Galre donna ce vicus de la Dacia Ripensis le nom de
Romulianum, en lhonneur de sa mre et cest l quil fut enterr
lui-mme41. Les fouilles archologiques ont identifi la localit
Romulianum Gamzigrad, prs de Zajear dans la partie orientale
de la Serbie et il sagit dune rsidence impriale dt. Cest l que
furent dcouvertes les ruines de deux temples paens, lun consacr
Cyble, lautre Hercules42. Or, la prsence des chrtiens aux
cours impriales nest dj plus une surprise, cette date-l. On
peut analyser de manire comparative, certes, toutes proportions
gardes, la situation de Romulianum et celle de Nicomdie, o les
premiers martyrs Doroth, Pierre et Gorgone taient praepositi
cubiculi au palais imprial43. Peu avant le dclenchement de la
perscution, ce furent quelques dignitaires chrtiens qui ont
perturb un sacrifice des haruspices auxquels participait Diocltien
aussi, Antioche en Syrie, ce qui mit en colre lempereur, qui
commanda que tous ceux qui se trouvent dans le palais participent
au sacrifice, et si quelquun refuse, quil soit fouett 44.
Revenant la prsence du christianisme dans les habitations
non urbaines proches du Danube, on constate que la situation de
Romulianum nest pas singulire. Les dcouvertes archologiques
rcentes et les martyrologes attestent la prsence de la religion
chrtienne dans dautres habitations rurales aussi, dans des sites
datables au IIIe sicle ou la fin de ce sicle. Et jvoquerai
seulement quelques exemples, comme ceux de Barboi (dp.
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40

Lactance, op.cit., X,1, p. 100.

Cf. Auctor incertus, Epitome De Caesaribus, Libellus de vita et moribus
imperatorum breviatus ex libris S. Aurelii Victoris, 39, Ortus Dacia Ripensi
ibique sepultus est; quem locum Romulianum ex vocabulo Romulae matris
appellarat ; http://www.intratext.com/IXT/LAT0210/_INDEX.HTM.
42
Cf. Popovi, op.cit., p. 110-112.
43
Eusbe, op.cit., VIII.VI.1-6.
44
Lactance, op.cit., X.2. Lvnement survint dans la priode 298-301, quand
Diocltien est rest en Orient.
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45

46

Galai) , Telia (dp. Tulcea) , Ozobia (prs de Durostorum,

Bulgarie)47, ou Gildoba, localit non-identifie de la Thrace48, que
lon peut situer, parat-il, prs de Durostorum49. De mme, prs de
Golesh (dp. Silistra, Bulgarie) entre les cits de Durostorum et de
Tropaeum Traiani, fut difi au dbut du IVe sicle un martyrium
autour duquel sest dveloppe une habitation que les archologues
bulgares50 tendent identifier lantique cit de S. Cyrille51.
Dans les rgions danubiennes, le christianisme devenait une
ralit de plus en plus considrable dans le paysage quotidien et,
vers la fin du IIIe sicle, pntrait galement dans les zones rurales
qui entouraient des cits. Cest dans ce contexte plus large quil
faudrait peut-tre considrer lattitude de Romula (admodum
superstitiosa) et de son fils Galre (non minus superstitiosum)
lgard des chrtiens. En tout cas, ce qui parat assez clair cest que
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45

Silviu Sanie, I.T. Dragomir, nceputurile cretinismului n sudul roman al

Moldovei, vol. De la Dunre la Mare. Mrturii istorice i monumente de art
cretin (=DDM), d. II-me, Galai, 1979, p. 117-122.
46
V.H. Baumann, Vestigii paleocretine descoperite n mediul rural autohton de
pe Valea Teliei, judeul Tulcea, SHT, p. 169-183. A Telia, au point Amza, se
trouve une habitation gto-dace, autochtone, qui volue aux II-IIIe sicles, pour
parvenir au IVe sicle au niveau maximum de son dveloppement. Les plus
anciens vestiges chrtiens dans ce site datent depuis la fin du IIe sicle et le dbut
du suivant, ayant les analogies les plus proches Barboi.
47
O sont enterrs les martyrs Maximus, Quintilianus et Dadas; cf. J. Zeiller,
op.cit., p. 110; Em. Popescu, Satul n Scythia Minor (Dobrogea) n epoca
protobizantin, vol. Omagiu lui Virgil Cndea la 75 de ani , coordonateur
Paul H. Stahl, Bucureti, 2002, p. 144; dans le dernier article cit, lauteur
rappelle aussi les villae rusticae de Gedina (Gizidina), toujours prs de
Durostorum, et la villa dAdamantus prs de Tomis, mais que nous ne prenons
pas en compte pour le moment, puisque les vnements qui sy sont passs
dpassent chronologiquement la priode de la Grande Perscution.
48
In Tracia civitate Gildoba Iuli, cf. Hippolyte Delehaye, Saints de Thrace et de
Msie, Analecta Bollandiana (=An.Boll.), XXXI, Bruxelles, 1912, p. 241.
49
Voir la discussion H. Delehaye, op.cit., p. 269, n. 2.
50
Georgi Atanasov, The Christian Durostorum Drastar, Varna, 2007, p. 397398.
51
Martyris dans la cit dAxiopolis, en Scythie Mineure. Pour le culte de
S.Cyrille Axiopolis, voir Em. Popescu, Martiri i sfini n Dobrogea (II),
Studii Teologice (=ST), XLI (1989), 4, p. 66-67.
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le dbut de la Grande Perscution, tel quil est crayonn par

Lactance, se fonde sur le conflit entre les chrtiens et les autorits
impriales dune province danubienne (Dacia Ripensis) o, selon
les recherches modernes, le christianisme venait peine de faire ses
premiers pas la fin du IIIe sicle52.
Dans un autre ordre dides, la Grande Perscution a fait un
nombre impressionnant de martyrs au Danube, mais, notre avis,
ce nest pas le cas de les mentionner chacun part53. Dj, lvque
Eusbe tait mort en martyr au temps de Valrien, Cibalae (le 28
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L. Pietri, H.Ch., II, p. 177 : les provinces qui se trouvaient places sous le
contrle du Csar Galre ne semblent pas avoir connu un dchanement plus
particulier de violence. Il est vrai que dans les rgions danubiennes, le
christianisme navait encore fait que peu dadeptes. Aprs avoir fait une liste
des martyrs attests avec certitude tant par passio que par des dcouvertes
archologiques, savoir: Poetovio, lvque Victorinus, Salona, lvque
Domnio, le diacre Septimus, les laics Anastasius et Asterius, Sirmium, lvque
Irne, le diacre Dmtrios et le laic Sinerotas, le chercheur ajoute seulement
que: On pourrait certainement allonger encore la liste de quelques noms fournis
par dautre passions ou par des martyrologes.
53
Parmi les chercheurs qui se sont occups de ce sujet, on peut rappeler: H.
Delehaye, op.cit., p. 161-300; J. Zeiller, op.cit.; Ion Barnea, O inscripie cretin
de la Axiopolis, ST, VI, 1954, 3-4, p. 219-228; Idem, Un martyrium descoperit la
Niculiel, Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche , 24, 1973, 1, p. 123-126; Idem,
Arta Cretin n Romnia, vol. I, Bucureti, 1979, p. 6-12; Radu Vulpe, Ion
Barnea, Din Istoria Dobrogei, vol. II, Romanii la Dunrea de Jos, Bucureti,
1968, p. 378-381; Ene Branite, Martiri i Sfini pe pmntul Dobrogei de azi,
DDM, p. 34-62; Ioan Gh. Coman, Scriitori bisericeti din epoca strromn,
Bucureti, 1979; Em. Popescu, Martiri i sfini n Dobrogea (I), ST, 41, 3, 1989,
p. 39-65; Idem, Martiri... (II), p. 64-77; Nestor Vornicescu, Una din primele
scrieri ale literaturii romne vechi. Ptimirea Sfinilor Epictet i Astion de la
cumpna secolelor III-IV, Craiova, 1990; Idem, Primele scrieri patristice n
literatura romn. Secolele IV-XVI, Craiova, 1992; Mircea Pcurariu, Istoria
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol. I, Bucureti, 1992, p. 83-91; Em. Popescu,
Christianitas daco-romana. Florilegium studiorum, Bucureti, 1994, p. 92-99;
100-106; 107-110; Ioan Rmureanu, Actele Martirice, PSB, vol. 11, Bucureti,
1997; Nicolae Dnil, Martyrologium Daco-Romanum2, Bucureti, 2002.
Toujours ici on peut rappeler lapparition du volume Sfini romni i aprtori ai
legii strmoeti (=SR), Bucureti, 1987, ainsi quune rcente approche du sujet
: Victor Henrich Baumann, Sngele Martirilor, Constana, 2004, p. 41-63.
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54

avril) . En change, aprs ldit du 23 fvrier 303, on dcouvre

quau long du Danube eurent souffrir les reprsentants dune
hirarchie ecclsiastique bien structure. On y rencontre ainsi les
vques Irne Sirmium (le 25 mars)55, Quirinius Siscia (le 4
juin), Olympius en Thrace (le 12 juin), Lupus Novae (le 23
aot)56, Philippe Adrianopolis (le 22 oct.), Cyrillus (le 9, 11
juillet, le 1er aot)57 et Ephrme 58 Tomis, les prtres Montanus
(le 26 mars) et Romulus59 (le 21 aot) Sirmium, Svre
Adrianopolis (le 22 oct.). Il y a aussi des diacres : Dmtrios (le 26
mars, le 9 avril, les 8, 26 oct.) et Timoth (le 15 mai) Sirmium,
Gaianus vnr en Thrace et en Dacia Ripensis (le 10 avril),
Donatus, vnr dans les cits de Cibalae, Singidunum et Sirmium
(le 21 aot), Herms Adrianopolis (le 22 oct.)60, ainsi que des
hypodiacres, comme cest le cas de Lon Noviodunum (le 30
juin), lecteurs, Maxime Durostorum (les 13, 28 avril), Pollion
Cibalae (le 28 avril, le 29 mai), la diaconesse Laurentia, vnre
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N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 30; In Cibalis civitate provinciae Pannoniae Inferioris

sanctorum martyrum Eusebii episcopi sub Valeriano imperatore, et Pollionis
lectoris sub Diocletiano.
55
I. Rmureanu, op.cit., p. 205-224.
56
Vasile Sibiescu, Sfntul Mucenic Lup, SR, p. 192-193; N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 51:
In Novis civitate provinciae Moesiae Inferioris sancti Lupi episcopi et
martyris;
dans
Martirologium
Romanum,
www.iteadjmj.comMARTWmartw.htm.zip, il apparat: Item sancti Luppi
Martyris, qui, ex servili conditione, Christi libertate donatus, martyrii quoque
corona dignatus est. Sinaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (=SECp), ed.
H. Delehaye, Bruxelles, 1902, p. 917, le 23 aot nest mentionn que:
. Au sujet du culte rendu lvque martyr Lupus Novae et aux
alentours, vers la fin du VIe sicle, voir lvnement relat par Thophilacte
Simocata, Istorie Bizantin, VII, 2, 17-19, ed. Haralambie Mihescu, Bucureti,
1985, p. 137.
57
N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 66.
58
Em. Popescu, Martiri... (I), p. 58;
59
Vnr dans les cits de Cibalae, Singidunum i Sirmium.
60
Le cas dAdrianopolis est trs intressant, car le mme jour on fait mmoire de
lvque Philippe, du prtre Svre et du diacre Herms.
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dans les cits de Hracle et de Bre (le 1er sept.)61, ou lexorciste

Herms (le 31 dc., le 4 janvier), vnr Bononia et Ratiaria62.
On peut constater, parcourir cette liste, que lEglise tait bien
organise en ces rgions, disposant dune hirarchie suprieure
(vques, prtres et diacres), la hirarchie infrieure aussi tant
atteste (hypodiacres, lecteurs63, diaconesses64, exorcistes65). Elle
ne se distingue pas structurellement des autres centres du monde
chrtien66 de lpoque. Laissant de ct les erreurs qui ont pu
intervenir dans les martyrologes au long du temps, on ne peut
toutefois pas ignorer la ralit qui en rsulte: cette structure
ecclsiastique, solide organisation hirarchique, ne saurait tre
une ralit rcente la fin du IIIe sicle. Pour parvenir ce niveau,
les communauts auraient besoin de deux gnrations au moins.
Les premires formes dorganisation stable de lEglise au Danube
remontent, selon toutes ces donnes, jusqu la premire moiti du
IIIe sicle. En mme temps, le nombre si grand de martyrs nous
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61

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Le martyrologe parle de 40 femmes qui sont mortes martyrises, tant

commmores le 1er septembre. Elles furent martyrises au temps de Licinius, en
319-324, mais il parat que Laurentia tait depuis longtemps diaconesse, quoique
lon ne puisse pas affirmer quelle dtenait cette dignit depuis lpoque de la
Grande Perscution; N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 85.
62
Les donnes de cette liste sont extraites, l o il ny a pas dautre mention, de
louvrage : ibidem.
63
H. Leclercq, Lecteur, Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie
(=DACL), 8,2, Paris, col. 2241 2269.
64
Pour pouvoir faire partie du diaconat fminin, la candidate devait tre vierge
ou veuve dun seul homme. Les diaconesses soccupaient de lvanglisation au
foyer, assistaient au baptme des femmes adultes et leur administraient lonction,
soignaient les femmes malades. Cest une forme de service diaconal spcifique
lOrient, que lOccident na pas connu. H. Leclercq, Diaconesses, DACL, 4, 1,
col. 725-733; M.G. Bianco, Diaconesses, Dictionnaire Encyclopdique du
Christianisme Ancien (=DECA), tome 1, Les Editions du Cerf, 1990, p. 669670.
65
H. Leclercq, Exorcisme, DACL, 5, 1, col. 964-978.
66
Par exemple, au milieu du IIIe sicle, dans lEglise de Rome il y avait : un
vque, 46 prtres, 7 diacres, 7 hypodiacres, 42 accolytes, 52 exorcistes, lecteurs
et portiers; cf. Eusbe, op.cit., VI, XLIII, 11. A remarquer qu Rome, on ne
rencontre pas le diaconat fminin qui tait attest en Thrace.
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rvle un organisme mri, avec des membres qui assument leur foi
de manire intgrale, sans tenir compte des consquences.
Un autre dtail sur lequel nous voulons nous arrter concerne
la situation des soldats martyriss dans les cits proches du Danube.
Eusbe nous dit que la perscution commena dabord parmi les
frres qui taient dans larme 67. Son rcit et celui de Lactance
concordent sur ce point : Eusbe affirme que de nombreux soldats
ont quitt larme et quil tait bien rare que ceux qui appliquaient
lordre aillent jusqu des mesures radicales, par crainte de
provoquer tout coup une guerre contre tous 68. Lactance note
que lors des discussions qui ont prcd la perscution, Diocltien a
longuement insiste quil suffisait dinterdire cette religion aux
gens de la cour et aux soldats seulement 69. Selon le tmoignage
dEusbe, les militaires chrtiens furent mis dans la situation soit de
renier la foi chrtienne, soit de quitter larme, en perdant ainsi les
avantages matriaux obtenus pendant le service militaire ou ceux
que leur confrait le grade. Lintention est claire de ne pas
dstabiliser lempire par des mesures radicales et lpuration des
chrtiens des structures administratives et militaires tait une
mesure de protection.
Si lon analyse de manire comparative la mise en pratique de
ces dcisions dans les diffrentes rgions de lEmpire, on observe
que Diocltien recommandait une application assez prudente et
progressive des mesures rpressives contre les chrtiens, en
commenant par larme et lentourage de la cour, et que seulement
ensuite elles soient tendues tous. On comprend que ce fut le
grand nombre de chrtiens des provinces orientales qui le dtermina
prendre cette attitude, car il est dangereux de troubler la paix de
tout le monde et de verser le sang dune multitude 70. Tandis quen
Occident, trs cordial et bienveillant lgard de tous, Constance
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67

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Ibidem, VIII.1.7, p. 314.

Ibidem, VIII.4.4, p. 318.
69
Lactance, op.cit., XI.3, p. 104; satis esse si palatinos tantum ac milites ab ea
religione prohiberet. Ces mesures discriminatoires ladresse des chrtiens
furent prises dans la priode 299-301; cf. L. Pietri, H.Chr., II, p. 175.
70
Lactance, op.cit., XI.3, p. 104.
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68
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ne prit nullement part la guerre qui tait mene contre nous 71.
Tout de mme, pour ne pas avoir lair de dsapprouver les ordres
des suprieurs, il admit que lon dmolisse les petites glises, cest-dire des murs (conventicula, id est parietes) que lon peut refaire
tout moment, tandis que le vritable temple de Dieu, celui qui se
trouve en lhomme, il le garda intact72. Au-del de loption
personnelle du csar, sur laquelle tant Lactance quEusbe insistent
pour des raisons faciles deviner (Constance Chlore est le pre de
Constantin le Grand), il est remarquer nanmoins que le nombre
plus rduit des chrtiens en Occident tempra lintensit des
mesures rpressives, qui se limitrent des actions dordre gnral.
Si dans louvrage dEusbe apparaissent de nombreuses
et dmolies au dbut de la perscution
en Orient, Lactance dit quen Gaule les mesures ne visrent que la
dmolition des murs de quelques conventicula (lieux de
rassemblement de petits groupes).
Dans les rgions administres par Galre, la situation prsente
certaines particularits qui doivent tre consignes. Avant tout, les
historiens ecclsiastiques Eusbe et Lactance ne parlent pas de
, ou conventicula qui auraient t
dmolies et ne consignent ni mme en passant des martyrs au
Danube. Les Martyrologes, en change, mentionnent, comme nous
lavons dj montr plus haut, un nombre relativement grand de
chrtiens qui ont souffert dans presque toutes les cits danubiennes.
De mme, les sources nous laissent comprendre que lon peut
parler dune purification pralable de larme de ses lments
chrtiens, le cas d Aurlius Gaius qui achve sa carrire militaire
comme optio comitum imperatoris dans la Lgion I Iovia
Scythica73, cre et tablie par Diocltien Noviodunum, tant
suggestif ce sens. Nanmoins, nont pas quitt larme tous les
soldats chrtiens. Nous voulons voquer ce sujet le cas de Pierre
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71

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Eusbe, op.cit., VIII, XIII, 13, p. 331.

Lactance, op.cit., XV.7, p. 115.
73
Em. Popescu, Un militar cretin n armata Scythiei Minor la sfritul secolului
al III-lea, Teologie i Via , IX (LXXV), 1999, 1-6, p. 33.
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72
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Pontica Christiana

203
74

le soldat, vnr Tomis et celui des martyrs de Durostorum:

Iulius le Vtran75, Marcianus, Nicandre76, Pasicrates, Valention77
Hsychius78, soldats dans la Lgion XI Claudia, et Dasius79. Tous
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Les 1er et 27 aot; cf. N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 51.

I. Rmureanu, Sfntul Mucenic Iuliu Veteranul, SR, p. 135-137; Passio sancti
Julii Martyris, G. Popa-Liseanu, Dacia n autorii clasici, Bucureti, 2007, p.
178-182; J. Helgeland, op.cit., p. 788 considre que Iulius nest pas mort
Durostorum. Il affirme que: In the Martyrdom of Dasius, definitely placed in
Durostorum, the judge was titled a legatus, indicating that Diocletian had not
reformed that province by 303, the same year as the death of Julius. However,
Julius was tried before a praeses, but since we have shown in the case of Dasius
that the legate, Bassus, was a civil official (the legatus legionis as a title had
ceased to exist thirty years previously), there could not have been two systems of
civil authority in same year in the same town. Booth Bassus and Maximus were
governors; Dasius appeared before Bassus and Julius appeared before Maximus.
Therefore, Julius did not die in Durostorum. Dans le passage o il se rfre
Dasius, le chercheur amricain ne connat pas la bibliographie traitant de la
posssibilit que Dasius ait t martyris Axiopolis, tel quil semble rsulter des
fouilles archologiques, ce qui solutionnerait en grande mesure la question de
lexistence des deux systmes dautorit civile, les villes mentionnes faisant
partie de deux units administratives distinctes. De mme, la mise en question de
la vridicit du martyre de Iulius Durostorum implique galement la situation
dautres martyrs vnrs dans la mme cit. Il sagit des saints Marcianus,
Nicandre, Pasicrates, Valention i Hsychius, en vertu de la relation directe qui
existe entre leurs actes martyriques. Les chercheurs sont davis quinitialement il
ny eut quun seul acte martyrique, spar ultrieurement en trois parties
distinctes (H. Delehaye, op.cit., p. 268-269; J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 114). Or, les
synaxaires et les martyrologes placent assez clairement le lieu de la passion des
saints Pasicrates, Valention, Marcianus, Nicandre et Hsychius Durostorum.
76
Pour Marcianus et Nicandre, voir I. Rmureanu, Sfinii Nicandru i Marcian,
SR, p. 138-139. M. Pcurariu, op.cit., p. 86, mentionne, ct de Marcianus et
Nicandre, autres 47 soldats, le 8 juin.
77
Pour Pasicrates et Valention, voir I. Rmureanu, Sfinii Pasicrate i Valention,
SR, p. 133-134.
78
I. Rmureanu, Sfntul Isihie, SR, p. 140.
79
I. Barnea, O inscripie..., p. 219-228; I. Rmureanu, Actele..., p. 237-250. Il y a
galement assez darguments pour placer le lieu du martyre de Dasius dans la
cit dAxiopolis, cf. Em. Popescu, Martiri... (II), p. 65-66; Le principal lment
qui dtermine les chercheurs, notamment ceux de ltranger, de placer le martyre
de Dasius Durostorum cest linscription trouve sur son sarcophage Ancona.
Or, le fait quil fut amen () de Durostorum, nimplique pas
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ceux-ci sont morts pendant la perscution (tempore

persecutionis)80, cest--dire aprs la promulgation du premier dit
du 23 fvrier 303.
Nous ne prenons pas en compte la prsence des cinq martyrs
de Tropaeum Traiani, dont les reliques furent dcouvertes dans la
crypte de la basilique simple (A). Nous ne possdons pas de
dtails concernant leurs noms et la date de leur martyre81. Le fait
que la cit de Tropaeum Traiani napparat pas mentionne dans les
martyrologes soulve un point dinterrogation quant au lieu de leur
passion et le plus probable, dans ce cas, cest que lon a affaire un
transfert ultrieur de leurs reliques, puisque lglise o ils furent
dposs a t difie au temps dAnastasius (491-518)82.
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ncessairement quil ait t martyris l-bas. J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 115, a observ

que dans lacte martyrique de Dasius se trouvent des chos des polmiques
trinitaires du IVe sicle. Comme une hypothse, il ne serait pas exclu que les
reliques du saint aient t transles dAxiopolis dans le contexte du dpart de
Durostorum de lvque arien Auxentius, pour affermir la communaut
chrtienne orthodoxe de cette cit. Toujours comme une hypothse, on pourrait
prendre en compte la possibilit que les reliques de Saint Dasius fussent portes
Durostorum afin de leur assurer une meilleure protection dans cette cit, dans la
priode trouble que traversait la rgion partir des dernires dcennies du IVe
sicle. En fait, selon lavis de Cumont, leur translation Ancona stait faite
toujours pour les protger des invasions barbares de la fin du VIe sicle. Pour la
bibliographie principale ce sujet, voir: F. Cumont, Les actes de saint Dasius,
An. Boll., 16, 1897, p. 5-16; G. Mercati, Per la storia dellurna di S. Dasio
Martire, Rendiconti , IV (S.III 1925-1926), Roma, 1926, p. 59-74; Renate
Pillinger, Das Martyrium des Heiligen Dasius (Text, bersetzung und
Kommentar), Wien, 1988, p. 29-53.
80
G. Popa-Liseanu, op.cit., p. 178.
81
N. Dnil, O important descoperire arheologic la Tropaeum Traiani,
Biserica Ortodox Romn , CI (1983), 1-2, p. 91-97. On a tabli cependant,
suite la reconstitution du visage dun crne, et lanalyse anthropologique,
quil sagissait de soldats actifs, gs de 25-30 ans, et la date la plus probable de
leur mort sinscrit dans le contexte de la Grande Perscution. Pcurariu avance
lhypothse que ces 5 martyrs auraient fait partie du groupe des 47 mentionns
avoir t martyriss ct de Marcianus et Nicandre; cf. M. Pcurariu, op.cit., p.
86.
82
I. Barnea, Arta..., I, p. 156.
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205

Larme fut une des principales voies de pntration du

christianisme au long du Danube au IIIe sicle. Outre ce que nous
avons dj numr, on peut prendre en considration galement
les liens qui pourraient tre tablis avec la prsence du vtran
Caius Iulius83, dans le contexte des dcouvertes de facture
palochrtienne de Telia (Amza)84, avec lexistence Niculiel,
dans le territoire noviodunien, des deux martyrs85 dans la crypte
den bas du martyrium, avec la prsence de dtachements de lunit
classis Flavia Moesica dans le castre de Barboi86, o les premires
antiquits de facture chrtienne datent du dbut du IIIe sicle87 et
avec le cas de Valerius Thiumpus de Troesmis88. Noublions pas
non plus la boucle de ceinture en bronze, la gemme en pierre rouge
et la lampe huile en cramique dcores de symboles chrtiens,
dcouvertes Noviodunum, et dont la datation in situ ou par
analogies remonte aux II-IIIe sicles89, ainsi que le fragment de vase
dcouvert Carsium90, sur lequel fut inscrit en rouge un
monogramme91. En amont, sur le Danube, Novae, dans les
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83

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Vtran de lunit classis Flavia Moesica, ayant le quartier gnral toujours

Noviodunum; V. H. Baumann, Vestigii..., p. 169-170.
84
Dont lanciennet remonte au seuil des sicles II et III. V. H. Baumann,
Sngele..., p. 37.
85
Il nest pas exclu, dans ce cas, quil sagisse de deux des trois martyrs
mentionns par les martyrologes comme ayant souffert la passion au temps de
Dce. Cf. Em. Popescu, op.cit., p. 71; N. Dnil, Martyrologium..., p. 69, n. 8.
86
S. Sanie, Barboi, Dicionar de Istorie Veche a Romniei (Paleolitic sec.
X) , elabor par un collectif d collaborateurs sour la direction d Prof. Univ.
Dr. Doc. D. M. Pippidi, Bucureti, 1976, p. 81.
87
Sanie, Dragomir, op.cit., p. 117-122.
88
Em. Popescu, Inscripiile greceti i latine din secolele IV-XIII descoperite n
Romnia, Bucureti, 1976, p. 246-249, nr. 236; voir aussi la discussion
Alexandru Madgearu, A note on the Christians presence in the sacer comitatus
before 313 A.D., Aevum , LXXV, 1, 2001, p. 111-116.
89
V. H. Baumann, op.cit., p. 34-36.
90
Constantin Nicolae, O monogram cretin de la Carsium (Hrova, jud.
Constana), Pontica , XL, 2007, p. 401-406.
91
Selon les recherches de Bagatti, on peut parler de lexistence dun art chrtien
antrieur la priode de Constantin, les motifs les plus frquents tant: la croix
(gammata, decussata, graeca), le palmier et la colombe. Dans la liste des
symboles tudis par lui ne se retrouvent pas les monogrammes, mais il prcise
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canabae qui staient dveloppes autour du castre, furent

galement dcouvertes 12 pices motifs dcoratifs palochrtiens,
datables au IIIe sicle92. Toutes les locations mentionnes ont
comme dnominateur commun la prsence attestable des lments
militaires.
Au Danube, aprs la promulgation de ldit du 23 fvrier 303,
la perscution ne tient plus compte ni de la prudence, ni du nombre
de victimes, ni de leur tat social. La mesure dbute en force, les
chrtiens de larme sont emprisonns et tout de suite excuts, les
anciens soldats sont arrts et condamns. Cette application
immdiate de ldit dans les rgions danubiennes est trs bien
illustre, notre avis, par le groupe de martyrs de Durostorum dont
font partie Iulius le Vtran, Marcianus, Nicandre, Pasicrates,
Valention i Hsychius. Certains chercheurs considrent quils
furent martyriss en 304. Mais il y a deux dtails trs clairs
concernant lanne de leur passion, savoir 303. Compte tenu du
fait quinitialement il y eut un seul acte martyrique93 qui se divisa
ultrieurement en trois parties, qui gardent encore des traces de leur
unit, lordre dans lequel ils furent excuts cest: Pasicrates et
Valention, le 24 avril94, Iulius le Vtran le 27 mai95, Marcian et
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que ltude a t entreprise partir des dcouvertes faites en Palestine. Il conclut

en affirmant que non improbabile che nuove ricerche mettano ancora alla
luce nuovo materiale e in altri luoghi. P.B. Bagatti O.F.M., Resti cristiani in
Palestina anteriori a Constantino?, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana , 26,
1950, p. 117-131.
92
Nicolae Gudea, Daniel Chiu, Descoperiri cretine timpurii (pn la 313 p.
Chr.) n provinciile romane din jurul Daciilor. (Contribuii la istoria
cretinismului timpuriu (preconstantinian), Studia Universitatis Babe-Bolyai,
Theologia Catholica , L, 1, 2005, p. 39-40.
93
H. Delehaye, op.cit., p. 268-269; J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 114.
94
SECp., 626-627:
.
95
Cf. Martirologium Romanum, Dorostori, in Mysia inferiore, passio beati
Julii, qui, tempore Alexandri Imperatoris, cum esset veteranus et emeritae
militiae, comprehensus est ab officialibus, et Maximo Praesidi oblatus; quo
praesente, cum exsecraretur idola, et Christi nomen constantissime confiteretur,
capitali sententia punitus est; voir aussi G. Popa-Lisseanu, op.cit., p. 178-180.
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96

97

Nicandre, le 8 juin , Hsychius le 15 juin . Or, si pour tempus

persecutionis, qui apparat dans lacte martyrique de Iulius le
Vtran, on peut affirmer que le terme a quo est le 23 fvrier 303,
au moment o Maximus praeses lui offre decennalium pecuniam,
en change du sacrifice, les choses deviennent plus nuances,
puisquil sagit des dons offerts aux soldats lors des decennalia
ftes par Galre et Constance Chlore en 30398. Par consquent, il
parat quils ont subi le martyre dans la premire moiti de 303 (24
avril-15 juin), cest--dire tout juste aprs la promulgation de ldit
de perscution.
Malgr la duret initiale de la perscution, les chrtiens
continuaient exister dans larme99 et dans les cits du limes
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96

Cf. N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 38-39, In Durostoro civitate provinciae Moesiae

Inferioris sanctorum martyrum Marciani, (Nicandri), Muciani, Heli, Luciani,
Zotici; cf. SECp., 738-739:
.
97
Cf. N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 39 In Durostoro civitate provinciae Moesiae
Inferioris sancti Hesychii martyris et militis.
98
J. Helgeland, op.cit., p. 787.
99
Dasius a refus de participer aux crmonies religieuses payennes en tant que
roi des Saturnales, posture o il se trouva suite un tirage au sorts, et de l le
conflit qui aboutit son martyre. Les chercheurs estiment que la date de son
martyre est le 20 nov. 303, suite aux calculs faits partir des renseignements
offerts par lacte martyrique: le Saint martyre est mort ayant la tte coupe, le
20 du mois de novembre, un vendredi, quatre heures, tant le 24e jour de la
lune cleste (Cf. Ibidem, p. 783, n. 287). Antrieurement, Zeiller fit lui aussi
une ample analyse de cette datation, en suivant le vendredi, 20 nov., 24e jour du
cycle lunaire. Il constata quentre 300 et 304 il y a un vendredi, le 20 nov. 302,
mais que ce nest pas le 24e jour du cycle lunaire. Le 24e jour lunaire
conviendrait un 20 nov. de 303, mais ce ntait pas un vendredi, mais un
samedi. Pour cette raison, le chercheur considre que, si Dasius est mort en
novembre, son martyre net aucun rapport avec la Saturnale, ce qui soulve bien
de questions quant la vridicit de lacte martyrique (J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 114115). Pour la possibilit de la participation des chrtiens aux festivits religieuses
au sein de larme romaine, voir Em. Popescu, Un militar..., p. 36-37. En mme
temps, il se peut que le nombre de soldats chrtiens ft plus grand, car les
martyrologes enregistrent un nombre considrable de martyrs hommes dans les
cits danubiennes, o taient disloques dimportantes units militaires.
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danubien100. En dfinitive, lorsque le 30 avril 311, Galre publiait

ldit darrter la perscution, probablement suite des
consultations avec Licinius, il ne fit autre chose que reconnatre sa
dfaite. Le programme de la rforme religieuse souhaite par la
ttrarchie chouait lamentablement devant le sang des martyrs,
tandis que lEglise voyait augmenter son prestige et son autorit.
Cette fois-ci, les chrtiens recevait de la part de lempereur
perscuteur lordre de Deum suum orare pro salute nostra et rei
publicae101.
Il nest pas exclu qu cet chec ait contribu un autre lment
aussi: si, dans le cas des grandes mtropoles, les condamns taient
presquinconnus au grand public, qui savourait le spectacle des
chrtiens livrs aux gladiateurs, aux btes sauvages ou soumis aux
tortures, dans les petites cits de frontire, les habitants, chrtiens
ou paens, taient convis un spectacle macabre o taient
excuts des amis, des parents, des voisins ou des camarades
darmes, en gnral des personnes proches ou bien connues en
vertu des relations interhumaines quotidiennes, personnes tues
pour la seule raison davoir confess une autre foi. Evidemment, on
ne peut pas exclure le dlice avec lequel certains spectateurs
gotaient ces reprsentations, mme dans ces petites cits de
frontire. Mais il est bien possible que dans certains cas la solidarit
humaine ait vaincu les ordres impriaux.
Un dtail intressant ce sens nous est fourni par lacte
martyrique de Iulius le Vtran102, qui nous dit quau moment o le
saint tait port au lieu dexcution, tous sont venus lembrasser
(osculabantur eum omnes). On se demande si omnes dsigne
seulement les chrtiens, ou se rfre aussi aux autres habitants
paens de la ville. Dailleurs, du dialogue entre Maximus et Iulius
on peut constater que lenquteur ntait pas dsireux de verser son
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Voir ce sens le grand nombre de martyrs laics vnrs dans les cits du Bas
Danube: Tomis, Noviodunum, Dinogeia, Axiopolis, Durostorum, etc.
Evidemment, le culte de certains dentre eux provenait dautres cits du monde
romain, mais il sagit galement de martyrs locaux. Voir N. Dnil, op.cit.
101
Lactance, op.cit., XXXIV, 5, p. 182.
102
G. Popa-Liseanu, op.cit., p. 179.
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sang. Bien plus, la disponibilit du paen de recevoir le chtiment

divin pour le pch du chrtien davoir sacrifi aux dieux103 (si
putas esse peccatum, me assequatur) apparat assez surprenante si
lon tient compte des ordres impriaux centraux. On peut dire que
lenquteur, loin de fraterniser avec la cause chrtienne, ne fait
autre chose quappliquer la loi telle quelle tait promulgue, sans
faire preuve de zle personnel dans lradication du flau
chrtien. Dans ce cas, lapplication de ldit se fait de manire
impersonnelle : Iulius, nacceptant pas de se soumettre aux ordres
impriaux, quil reoive la peine capitale (Julius, nolens praeceptis
regalibus adquiescere, capitalem accipiat sententiam). Une attitude
relativement semblable on rencontre dans le cas de lenqute de
Dasius, lorsque Bassus lui propose trois reprises de sacrifier aux
dieux. Aprs ces propositions rptes, il lui laisse mme un dlai
de rflexion de deux heures pour changer ventuellement dide, et
cest la fermet inbranlable de Dasius (
) qui dtermine le lgat romain de prononcer la
condamnation et lexcution.
A tout cela, il faut ajouter les rsultats des rcentes recherches,
selon lesquelles on constate un dsquilibre dintensit entre la
partie orientale et celle occidentale du Bas-Danube, dans le sens
que lOrient est mieux reprsent du point de vue de la prsence
chrtienne par rapport aux cits en amont de Durostorum, o lon
retrouve des traces de plus en plus rduites104. Ce nest qu
Sirmium que lon enregistre un grand nombre de martyrs du temps
de la Grande Perscution, tant pratiquement la seule cit qui puisse
se comparer Tomis ce chapitre105. La prsence de Galre
Sirmium, o il avait sa rsidence, ne devrait probablement non plus
tre ignore quand on value le nombre des martyrs de cette cit ou
ceux vnrs par la communaut locale. En change, parmi les
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Mme en secret, tel quon a propos Iulius.

Em. Popescu, La mission chrtienne aux premiers sicles dans le sud-est
europen (aperu historique), vol. Aspects of Spiritual Life in South East
Europe from Prehistory to the Middle Ages , Iai, 2004, p. 246.
105
N. Dnil, op.cit., p. 79-82.
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210

localits o le christianisme avait une plus faible intensit se trouve

Romulianum, l o la mre de lempereur fut irrite par la
manire dont les chrtiens rpondaient ses gestes religieux.
Comme une conclusion de ce que nous avons prsent plus
haut, on peut dduire que, tandis quau IIe sicle le christianisme au
Danube nest pas suffisamment bien attest par des sources claires,
au sicle suivant, il connat un dveloppement constant, parvenant
mme perturber lquilibre religieux de la rgion. Les
martyrologes nous offrent, la fin du IIIe sicle, limage dune
Eglise bien organise du point de vue hirarchique, avec des fidles
capables daccepter le martyre comme raction aux mesures
impriales. Au moment du dclenchement de la Grande
Perscution, on ne peut pas parler du christianisme au Danube
comme dune majorit religieuse, mais non plus comme dun
phnomne rcent, peine apparu. En considrant la structure de
lEglise dans ces rgions et lattitude de ses fidles, nous
dcouvrons un organisme bien mri; le christianisme a sa place
bien dlimite et il est accept comme ralit religieuse au Danube.
Si en 335, lors de la conscration de lglise du Saint Spulcre,
Eusbe faisait la respective affirmation, il la faisait en comparaison
avec lanciennet des autres Eglises, de Cappadoce, de Syrie, de
lArabie, de lEgypte, etc., et, pourquoi pas, en mconnaissant les
ralits danubiennes. Il est retenir que, dans son ouvrage, il ne
mentionne le nom daucun martyr de cette rgion, bien que les
martyrologes en abondent. Cest ainsi que peut trs bien sexpliquer
pourquoi les Eglises de ces rgions sont, pour lui, de jeunes
rejetons , du moment quil semble nen prendre connaissance
quaprs la Paix de lEglise.
En tout cas, ces jeunes rejetons taient bien attachs au corps
de lEglise et saffermissaient en se nourrissant de cette vigueur des
martyrs qui pouvaient tre rencontrs tout pas dans les cits du
Bas Danube. Sans forcer lide ou la licence potique de
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106

linscription de Niculiel , les vnements survenus au dbut du

IVe sicle dans les cits danubiennes nous permettent de
comprendre que, dans la priode antrieure, tant lEglise que les
cultes paens se revendiquaient rciproquement la vigueur ()
pour nourrir le sentiment religieux de leurs propres fidles. Donc,
la veille de la Grande Perscution, le christianisme au Danube est
un phnomne intense et stable qui, malgr les violences quil dt
subir, a rsist et sest dvelopp dans la priode suivante, sans tre
contraint de vivre un second commencement. Il est vrai que le
nombre des chrtiens ntait pas si grand pour dterminer une
manire prudente daborder la perscution, mais le phnomne tait
suffisamment mr pour devenir un lment irritant ladresse des
cultes traditionnels et dstabilisateur de lquilibre religieux. A la
veille de la Grande Perscution, on peut parler dune anciennet du
christianisme au Danube dau moins quelques gnrations.
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DESPRE CRETINISM LA DUNREA DE JOS

N AJUNUL MARII PERSECUII
- rezumat Studiul de fa pornete de la afirmaia lui Eusebiu de
Cezareea care, n anul 335, cu prilejul sfinirii Bisericii Sfntului
Mormnt, Eusebiu de Cezareea consemna la Ierusalim prezena
frumoaselor i tinerelor mldie ale lui Dumnezeu din Moesia i
Pannonia, sau a tracilor care mpodobeau cu prezena lor ntreaga
adunare (Eusebiu, V.C., IV.43.3) i i propune s urmreasc
dac i ct de exact este afirmaia printelui istoriei bisericeti, cu
privire la vechimea cretinismului la Dunrea de Jos.
Mai nti, se aduce n discuie dezvoltarea pe care a nregistrato cretinismul n imperiu n secolul al III-lea, paralel cu criza

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voir le commentaire de linscription V. H.

Baumann, op.cit., p. 108; pour toute la bibliographie sur le complexe de
Niculiel, voir Ibidem, p. 206-214.
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212

religioas a lumii romane, n care i face loc, din ce n ce mai mult,

ideea unui nou nceput, un nou mesaj de speran pentru rennoirea
unitii imperiului; aa cum l-au definit specialitii, un novum
saeculum. De asemenea, se face o privire special asupra relaiei
cretinismului cu mpraii romani sau familiile acestora. S-a avut
n vedere aici atitudinea fa de noua religie a unora ca Elagabal,
Iulia Mamaea, Severus Alexander, Filip Arabul, Gallienus sau
Aurelian, dar i motivele persecuiilor lui Maximin Tracul, Decius
sau Valerian. Concluziile primei pri a studiului sunt c: a)
autoritile imperiale i aparatul administrativ de stat erau destul de
familiarizai cu preceptele noii religii, cunoteau modul de
organizare al Bisericii i, n unele cazuri, chiar erau cretini; b)
atitudinea mprailor a creat premizele unei dezvoltri constante a
cretinismului n imperiu n secolul al III-lea, iar acest val nu putea
ocoli regiunile dunrene, de vreme ce nici criza pgnismului nu le
ocolise.
Discuia asupra situaiei cretinismului la Dunrea de Jos n
secolul al III-lea se concentreaz pe analiza ctorva amnunte care
se desprind din mrturiile literare existente. Urmrind relatarea lui
Lactantius despre nceputul Marii Persecuii, el ne spune c, de
fapt, autorul moral al persecuiei nu au fost nici Diocleian i nici
Galerius, ci mama acestuia din urm, Romula, care era o femeie de
dincolo de Dunre, ce trecuse fluviul spre a se refugia n Noua
Dacie, de cnd cu nvlirile carpilor. Motivul invocat de ctre
autorul antic este acela c sacrificiilor ei aproape cotidiene n
cinstea zeilor munilor (dapibus sacrificabat paene cotidie ac
vicanis suis epulas exhibebat), cretinii din aceeai localitate i
rspundeau cu post i rugciune (ieiuniis et orationibus insistebant).
Localitatea n care se ntmplau acestea se numea Romulianum i a
fost identificat arheologic la Gamzigrad, lng Zajear n partea de
rsrit a Serbiei, fiind vorba de o reedin imperial de var. Pe
lng faptul c ne aflm ntr-o regiune n care, potrivit cercetrii
istorice moderne, la acea dat, cretinismul abia dac fcuse primii
pai, fiind lipsit de consisten, relatarea lui Lactantius atest
prezena noii religii n reedina imperial din provincia dunrean,
situaie similar cu de la Nicomidia, evident, pstrnd proporiile.

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213

n acest caz, s-ar putea crede c motivul pentru implicarea

personal att de zeloas a lui Galerius n declanarea i susinerea
persecuiei l-a constituit iritarea pe care prezena cretinilor au
produs-o autoritilor imperiale tradiionaliste la Dunre. Pe de alt
parte, intervenia dur pe care el o susine n ntregul imperiu
denot faptul c se confrunta cu o realitate cretin destul de intens
n provinciile pe care le administra.
n sprijinul acestei idei au fost aduse dou argumente. Primul
se concentreaz asupra numrului mare de martiri menionai n
Martirologii n cetile dunrene. Avem de a face cu o Biseric
foarte bine structurat i ntlnim, episcopi Irineu la Sirmium,
Quirinius la Siscia, Olympius n Tracia, Lupus la Novae, Filip la
Adrianopolis, Cyrillus i Efrem la Tomis, preoi Montanus i
Romulus la Sirmium, Severus la Adrianopolis. nregistrm, de
asemenea, diaconi: Dimitrie i Timotei la Sirmium, Gaianus cinstit
n Tracia i Dacia Ripensis, Donatus cinstit n cetile Cibalae,
Singidunum i Sirmium, Hermes la Adrianopolis, dar i ipodiaconi,
cum este cazul lui Leon la Noviodunum, lectori, Maxim la
Durostorum, Pollion la Cibalae, diaconia Laurentia, cinstit n
cetile Hieracleea i Beroe, sau exorcistul Hermes, cinstit n
Bononia i Ratiaria. Aceast structur bisericeasc, temeinic
organizat ierarhic, nu poate fi o realitate recent, abia aprut la
sfritul secolului al III-lea. Pentru a se dezvolta la acest nivel,
comunitile aveau nevoie de cel puin 2 generaii. Totodat,
numrul mare de martiri ne dezvluie un organism matur, avnd
membri care-i asum integral credina fr s in seama de
consecine.
Al doilea argument pus n discuie se refer la prezena
cretinismului atestat arheologic n aezrile rurale de-a lungul
Dunrii n situri databile n sau ctre sfritul secolului al III-lea. Se
face referire aici doar la cteva exemple, cum ar fi cele de la
Barboi (jud. Galai), Telia (jud. Tulcea), Ozobia (lng
Durostorum, Bulgaria), Gildoba, localitate neidentificat din
Tracia, care se pare c poate fi plasat n apropiere de Durostorum,
sau cea din apropierea actualei localiti Golesh (dep. Silistra,
Bulgaria) situat ntre cetile Durostorum i Tropaeum Traiani,

214

unde, la nceputul secolului al IV-lea, se construiete un martyrium

n jurul cruia se dezvolt o aezare, pe care arheologii bulgari
nclin s o identifice cu antica cetate a Sf. Chiril. La sfritul
secolului al III-lea, cretinismul fcea, se pare, pasul ctre aezrile
rurale din jurul oraelor dunrene.
Analiza continu cu expunerea situaiei soldailor cretini care
au fost martirizai n cetile dunrene. n discuie s-a luat n studiu
cazul lui Petru soldatul, cinstit la Tomis, pe acela al martirilor de la
Durostorum: Iulius Veteranul, Marcianus, Nicander, Pasicrates,
Valention Hesychius, soldai n Legiunea XI Claudia, i Dasius. Tot
n aceeai discuie au mai fost incluse i legturile ce pot fi fcute
cu soldatul cretin Aurelius Gaius care i ncheie cariera militar ca
optio comitum imperatoris n Legiunea I Iovia Scythica, nfiinat i
aezat de Diocleian la Noviodunum, cu prezena veteranului
Caius Iulius, n contextul descoperirilor de factur paleocretin de
la Telia (Amza), cu existena la Niculiel, n teritoriul noviodunens,
a celor doi martiri din cripta de jos din martyrium, cu prezena unor
detaamente ale unitii classis Flavia Moesica n castrul de la
Barboi, unde primele antichiti de factur cretin dateaz la
nceputul secolului al III-lea i cu cazul lui Valerius Thiumpus de la
Troesmis. n amonte pe Dunre, la Novae, n canabae care s-au
dezvoltat n jurul castrului, s-au descoperit, de asemenea, un numr
de 12 piese purtnd decoraii paleocretine, databile n secolul al
III-lea. Toate aceste locaii enumerate mai sus au ca numitor comun
prezena atestabil a elementelor militare.
Dac, din Orient, Diocleian ndemna la o aplicare prudent i
progresiv a msurilor represive mpotriva cretinilor, ncepnd cu
armata i curtenii, pentru ca abia ulterior msurile s fie extinse
asupra tuturor, n Occident Constaniu Chlor a dispus s fie
drmate nite cldiri mici, (conventicula), fr s nregistreze
victime umane. La Dunre, dei este atestat purificarea prealabil
a armatei, persecuia nu ine seama nici de pruden, nici de
numrul victimelor, nici de starea lor social. Msura debuteaz
imediat dup promulgarea Edictului, cretinii din armat sunt
nchii i executai la scurt timp dup aceea, sunt arestai i
condamnai i veteranii. Aceast aplicare imediat a ordinului este

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foarte bine ilustrat de grupul de martiri de la Durostorum, dar

constatm c autoritile locale nsrcinate cu punerea n practic a
deciziei centrale nu erau foarte zeloase n ceea ce privete aplicarea
ei. nregistrm aici insistena cu care Bassus l-a sftuit pe Dasius,
de trei ori, s aduc jertf, iar dup ce a fost refuzat de attea ori i
mai las nc dou ore de gndire pn s pronune sentina final.
n cellalt caz, observm disponibilitatea lui Maximus de a nu-l
omor pe Iulius, sau, mai mult, de a primi pedeapsa divin pentru
pcatul cretinului de a fi jertfit zeilor (si putas esse peccatum, me
assequatur), chiar i n ascuns, aa cum a propus.
n concluzie, sursele analizate ne ofer, la sfritul secolului al
III-lea, imaginea unei Biserici dunrene bine organizate din punct
de vedere ierarhic, cu credincioi dispui s-i asume credina pn
la martiriu. n momentul declanrii Marii Persecuii, la Dunre nu
se poate vorbi de cretinism ca despre o majoritate religioas, ns
nici ca despre un fenomen nou, abia aprut. Privind structura pe
care Biserica o are n aceste regiuni i analiznd atitudinea
credincioilor si, descoperim un organism matur; cretinismul i
are locul lui bine delimitat i este acceptat ca realitate religioas.
Dac n 335 Eusebiu fcea respectiva afirmaie, el avea n vedere
comparaia cu vechimea celorlalte biserici din Capadocia, Siria,
Arabia, Egipt, etc., dar i, de ce nu, dintr-o necunoatere a
realitilor dunrene. De reinut faptul c, n lucrarea sa, el nu
menioneaz numele nici unui martir din aceast regiune, n vreme
ce n martirologii se ntlnesc din abunden. Astfel se poate
explica foarte bine de ce pentru el bisericile din aceste pri sunt
tinere mldie, ct vreme se pare c el afl despre ele abia dup
Pacea Bisericii. n ajunul Marii Persecuii, ns, cretinismul la
Dunre este un fenomen intens i stabil care, n ciuda violenelor la
care a fost supus, a rezistat i s-a amplificat n perioada imediat
urmtoare. Probabil c numrul cretinilor nu era att de mare nct
s fie luat n calcul o abordare prudent a persecuiei, dar
fenomenul era suficient de puternic i matur nct s devin
element destabilizator al echilibrului religios. n ajunul Marii
Persecuii, se poate vorbi despre o vechime a cretinismului la
Dunre de cel puin cteva generaii.

216

INSCRIPTIONS WITH A DOGMATIC CHARACTER IN

THE SCYTHIA MINORS EPIGRAPHY*
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by Adriana-Claudia Cteia
In the Christian spirituality the art of the word has an ultimate
role; it conditions the perpetual missionary, the spreading of the
Word to all the nations. The message of the Gospel must be
transmitted, heard, assimilated. The role of teaching, of preaching,
and of directing the conscience is incumbent upon the ecclesiastical
institution, in a context conditioned by the tradition (paradosis) and
oriented to the acquiring of salvation. Between the speaker and the
listener a psichagogical relation is born. The function of the
transmitted truth consists not in the endowing of the topic with any
aptitudes (as in the relation of pedagogical type), but in the
modifying of the manner of being of the subject. This is the object
of the director of conscience: missionary, priest, bishop. In the
Christian psychagogy, the weight of the truth and the genuine way
of speaking does not stress on the conscience of the director of
conscience; it does stress on the conscience of the one who lives
metanoia. From this point of view, the Christian psychagogy is
fundamentally opposed to the Greco-Roman one, which acts
conjointly with the pedagogy. The psycagogized soul expounds a
truth by which its manner of being is transformed. The Christian
community reflects the totality of individual transformations, in
accordance with the doctrine. In the Hegelian conception1, in the
subsistent community, the Church is the form of organizing which
allows the subjects to reach the Truth and to appropriate it. The
organizing stage is followed by the ecumenical stage in which the
Truth is transformed in doctrine. But the decisive stage in the
evolution of Christianity is the one of guarding and transmitting the
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

Prelegeri de filosofia religiilor, Bucureti, 1997, p. 492.

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217

doctrine, mission which is incumbent upon the ecclesiastical

hierarchy.
Born in a Christian community, the individual is induced to
appropriate the truth of faith, the first step being Baptism. Baptism
cancels or attenuates the pain of the individuals lack of
suitableness to God. If we start with Wittgensteins2 hypothesis that
the world is the totality of actions3, which have as correspondent
real clauses, the world should be tackled as a holon made up of
atomic clauses. An instance of such a clause would be God is
Trinity, a fundamental clause from the Christian ontologys
perspective, or God is the Creator, in which the composing
elements are God-the Trinity, and the world, and they make the
predication possible. The limits of the worlds creation are the
limits of its enunciation, and this conclusion is in full agreement
with the text of Genesis. The world and implicitly the reality
means in a biblical spirit what is spoken. To say and to be are
synonyms.
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Individual and congregational context

On an inscription from the 5th-6th centuries uncovered in
Callatis5, this conventional phrase can be read:
[] = in the hope of resurrection and the blessedness
of eternal life. The hope of resurrection is epigraphically attested
in the conventional phrase
6, also engraved on a marble block uncovered next
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Tractatus logico-filosoficus, 1. 1., Bucureti, 1997.

The actions being states of things that exist.
4
This commentary was made on the inscriptions from the corpus published by
Em. Popescu, Inscripiile greceti i latine din secolele IV-XIII descoperite n
Romnia (=IGLR), Bucureti, 1976.
5
IGLR, 92.
6
Ibidem, 173.
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218

to Adamclisi and dated from the 5th and 6th centuries. The coming
out from the darkness of death and the full entering into the light of
eternal life becomes possible through Christs sacrifice and
resurrection. It is a resurrection which must be collectively
understood and which is correlated with Parousia, a resurrection
which gives forever to the Christian communitys history a new
meaning.
The Nativity from the Holy Virgin (the epigraphic
conventional phrase )7 and the Resurrection, the two moments
that prove Christs theanthropy, represent the premise of a general
resurrection. The Christian acquires everlasting life (
), through Christs Resurrection and through a life lived in
accordance with Christs model. The coordinates of the Christian
life both at the individual level and at the community level must
have been brought about by the everlasting lifes perspective,
perspective which can explain at the local level, as well as at the
Empires level, the relationship with the political authority and the
acceptance of martyrdom. Christs Resurrection offered to the
community of the first centuries the certainty in the eternal
happiness expressed also in the inscription uncovered in Callatis.
The faith in resurrection and the blessedness of life after death have
been the foundation of the Apostles missionary activity and
implicitly of the ecumenism of the first centuries after Christ. It is
not a matter of resurrection to earthly life (as was the case of
Lazarus or of the son of the widow from Nain); it is a matter about
the perspective of eternal life which brings about and explains the
Christians attitude towards the historical reality, and which clears
away the tragedy of irrevocably final death or the privileges of the
initiates in the mystery religions.
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Ecclesiological valences
The conscience of Christs presence in Church, conscience
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IGLR, 139-144; 187, 243, 316, 321, 323, 324, 332, 341.

Pontica Christiana

219

temporal coordinates, raised a series of questions with regards to

the connection of eternity (), with the temporal-historical
coordinates; and the connection between Time and Eternity, which
is an opposing connection in the dialectical theology, and which in
modern times led to the pre-formal times theory destined to make
possible the connection of the divine plan with the human plan. The
Resurrection has marked the beginning of the new time, a
consummate time, full, the fact of Resurrection being a
continuous present8.
In his first discourse against the Arians9, St. Athanasios
complements the image of resurrection with the one of lifes
victory against death, in the broader context of Christs work of
redemption and deification of the human nature10.
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New Testaments context

Having been originated in the New Testament, the adjective
is applied in general to eternal life as the reward for the
Christian, but it is applied, also, to judgment and punishment11. In
the New Testament12 is the word of eternity, employed
with regards to the eternal covenant whose Mediator is Christ
(Hebrews 13, 20: ). It is, also, used with
regards to the eternal abodes in which the Christian shall enter
(Luke 16, 9: ; II
Corinthians 5, 1: They may
receive you into an everlasting home; a house eternal in the
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D. Stniloae, Iisus Hristos sau restaurarea omului, Bucureti, 1998, p. 376-378.

Vita Sancti Athanasii Archiepiscopi Alexandrini, in coll. Patrologiae cursus
completus, Series graeca (=PG), ed. J.-P. Migne, vol. XXV, Paris, 1884, col.
129 D- 132 A.
10
V. Lossky, Dup chipul i asemnarea lui Dumnezeu, Bucureti, 1998, p. 93.
11
Matthew 18, 18; Mark 3, 89; Luke 16, 9; Romans 16, 25; II Corinthians 4, 17;
II Thess. 1, 9;; 2, 16; I Timothy 6, 16; II Timothy 2, 10; Acts, 14, 6.
12
Romans 1, 20; Jude 6; Platon, Timaios, 37 D; F. E. Peters, Termenii filosofiei
greceti, Bucureti, 1995, p. 23; A. Cohen, Talmudul, Bucureti, 2000, p. 55; P.
Florenski, Stlpul i temelia Adevrului, Bucureti, 1997, p. 133.
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220

heavens). The noun designates the everlasting redemption of the

Christian through Christ (Hebrews 9, 15:
that they who are called may receive
the promise of the eternal inheritance); it is associated with the
nouns hope and salvation (II Timothy 2, 10; Titus 3, 7:
).
The most important employment of the word is the one related
to the syntagm . If we accept to translate the word
with the word eternity, and translate the word
with the collocation divine time, in contrast with the
human time - , the syntagm becomes
synonym with the divine life. The eternal life is a divine promise (Titus 1, 2: the conventional phrase
;I John 2, 25: ), a divine
gift - (Romans 6, 23; I John 5, 11:
). is the constant and indivisible
eternity which is found beyond the temporal enstases; it is the
perpetual present of the verb to be in the New Testament which
refers to the divine life exclusively. In Hebrews 13, 20 it is
employed with regards to the eternal Covenant whose Mediator is
Jesus: . In Luke 16, 9 and II
Corinthians 5, 1 it is used in regards to the eternal dwelling places
which are prepared for the Christians:
. It is the attribute of redemption and of
inheritance which can be attained by any Christian through faith.
is the attribute of Christs Kingdom, in accordance with II
Peter 1, 11: .
The most important employment of the syntagm
(Titus 1, 2; I John 2, 25), is, however, the gift of eternal
life (Romans 6, 23). The syntagm designates Christ in I John 5, 20,
and is inextricably connected to the Christian ethics. The verb of
the Christian discipline is in accordance with Romans 6, 22:

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= to obey, to listen, even to sacrifice oneself (John

12, 25), the perfect model being Jesus.
In order for the early Christians to become familiar with the
history of salvation, some Biblical pericopes were read during the
divine service (the Old and the New Testament), rule which was
valid for the Liturgy, also, while the reading of the un-canonical or
heretical books being prohibited (Canon 59 of Laodiceea; and 24 of
Carthage). Some writings were not accessible to all of the faithful,
and not necessarily as an expression of ultra-clericalism, but out of
regard for the ability of comprehending of the layman which was
depending on his preparedness (85 Apostolic Canon). The 68
Canon of the 6th ecumenical Council prohibited the selling of the
Gospels to those who would not have used them for holy reasons.
In accordance with the 19 Canon of Laodiceea the oral
preaching followed the reading of the texts chosen from Scripture.
The duty of the bishops and the priests to preach was specified for
the first time in the 58 Apostolic Canon, and taken again in the 19
Canon of the 6th Ecumenical Synod. The heads of the Churches
must teach every day, but particularly on Sunday, all the clergy and
people, the words of right faith, gleaning the ideas, the reasons of
truth from the divine Scripture, and without going beyond the
boundaries which are already regulated, or beyond the tradition of
the God-bearing fathers... Since the people, knowing through the
teaching of the above mentioned fathers what is good and what is to
be desired, as well as what is not useful and must be laid aside, will
straighten their life to doing better, and will not be caught by the
passion of ignorance, but being attentive to the teaching, they will
brace themselves to not undergo something worse, and being afraid
of the imminent torments they will work out their salvation13.
In conformity with the Canons, the lay people as well as those
who belong to the clergy degrees with insufficient preparedness are
not allowed to preach (Canon 64 of the 6th Ecumenical Council).
The preaching in a foreign eparchy is prohibited, also, without the
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13
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I. N. Floca, Drept Canonic Ortodox (=DCO), vol. II, Bucureti, 1990, p. 156.

222

local bishops blessing (Canon 20 of the 6th Ecumenical Council;

Canons 3, and 11 of the Synod of Serdica).
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Catechetical Importance
In his Introduction to the Gospel14 Eusebius of Caesarea
analyzes the effects of the Gospel on the human behavior, proving
the changes in the way of life of the society by the agency of faith.
In his conception, the ecclesiology and the soteriology are two
facets of the spiritual ascension, the context in which this is realized
being the parish the local ecclesial community. Thus, the salvific
work of the Church was realized in small Eucharistic centers. The
parish, in its hypostasis of missionary field presupposes the
cooperation between the clergy and the laity. The epigraphic
Christian vocabulary points out exactly the solidity of this
connection; it is the proof of assimilating the biblical word at the
laitys level; he acknowledges in the 5th 6th centuries the existence
of a spirit of the Church which is present in each and every
Christians aspirations, as well as the affiliation to a single clerical
body. The Old and Universal Church is one as far as her being is
concerned, as far as her beginning is concerned and as far as her
superiority is concerned15. In a different manner, the affiliation to
the Holy Universal Church is expressed epigraphically, also, in the
epitaph of the cantor Heraclidis16.
Consequently, the inscription of the Syrian jurist proves the
affiliation to a Christian community whose local values and ideals
coincide with those of the Universal Church, which are expressed
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14

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Em. Timiadis, Preot, parohie, nnoire, Bucureti, 2001, p. 84.

Clemens, Stromata, 7, 17, PG, vol. IX, Paris, 1857, col. 552 = Em. Timiadis,
op. cit., p. 80-89.
16
IGLR, 45:

.
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15
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Pontica Christiana

223

in a common conventional language, brought about by being

familiar with the Scripture and by the hope of salvation and of
eternal life. We have to remind in this sense of the traditional
connections of the Scythian Christianity with the Syrian one17, as
well as the importance of the Syrian catechetical school of Tatianus
who realized a Syrian translation of the Bible Peschitho18.
The bishops, the priests, and the deacons were obliged to
teach the people the true faith, gleaning the ideas and the reasons
for the truth from the divine Scripture (Canon 19 of the 6th
Ecumenical council). For the members of the hierarchy divinely
instituted, who were not teaching the people the right faith, there
were prescribed sentences for suspension or prohibition to exercise
the sacerdotal service (58 Apostolic Canon; 21 I Ecumenical
Synod; 19 Canon of Laodiceea; 19 of the 6th Ecumenical Synod).
The lay people are forbidden to preach in public (Canon 64 of the
4th Ecumenical Council). However, the hierarchy had the liberty to
regulate the manner by which the lay people can be included in the
catechetical work (Canon 26 of Laodiceea).
The priests were obliged to catechize the faithful of all ages
(The 10th Canon of the 7th Ecumenical Council was commending
the priests to read the divine Scriptures to children and to
housewives, because they obtained the parish for this reason19.
Through the 7th Canon of the Second Ecumenical Council and the
95th Canon of the sixth Ecumenical Council is set down the
listening to the Scriptures before the Baptism in Church.
Indubitably, the bishops of Tomis, who were defenders of the
Nicene truths of faith (see the example of Bretanion and his
successors), have known and applied these canonical norms, and
even if we do not have the proof of a catechetical school in Scythia
Minor, the Christian epigraphy proves the good knowledge of the
Holy Scripture as a result of the missionary activity, especially by
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17

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I. Barnea, Relaiile provinciei Scythia Minor cu Asia Mic,, Siria i Egiptul, in

Pontica, V, 1972, p. 255.
18
Gh. Remete, Contrbuii la sudiul istoriei bisericeti universale, I, Alba Iulia,
2001, p. 136.
19
DCO, II, p. 23.
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224

the agency of the local ecclesiastical hierarchy, if we take into

account the canonical norms which forbid, under sanctions, the
clergy who belong to a certain ecclesiastical unit (bishops included)
to preach in other units which are not under their jurisdiction
without the accord of the hierarchy of those units. (For bishops
the punishment was the suspension, the deposing or even the
defrocking the 35th Apostolic Canon; 2nd, and 11th of Serdica; 20th
of the 6th Ecumenical Synod)20.
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2. 21, .22
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Being originated in the New Testament23, the above mentioned

conventional phrases, frequently used in Histria, Tomis and
Callatis, in the Christian inscription from the 4th -6th centuries,
make the connection between the Tradition and the dogmatic
polemics from the 5th and 6th centuries. The greater parts of the
inscriptions which contain this abbreviation are, however, of Syrian
and Egyptian provenance, and they can be correlated with the
Christological disputes as well as with those regarding the Virgin
Mary.
In the Christology of Nestorius, Christ has a single
, but the unity between Christs natures is designated
by
the
term

connection,
proximity
() in a prosopon of the unity (
, which does not belong exclusively either to the Logos or
to the man, it belongs to the compound24.
As in the case of the Trinity, the discussion can be reduced to
the relationship between nature () and hypostasis. The
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20

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Ibidem, p. 20-26.
IGLR, 139-144, 187, 243, 316 B, 321, 323, 324, 332, 349.
22
IGLR, 74, 308, 309, 329, 331, 358, 385, 386.
23
Matthew 1, 18; 2, 11; 13, 55; = Mark 6, 3; Acts 1, 14:
.
24
A. Kniaziev, Maica Domnului n Biserica Ortodox, Bucureti, 2000.
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21
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Pontica Christiana

225

conventional phrase posits the existence of two distinct

natures in a single hypostasis (see the conventional phrase from
Chalcedon), the unity of the natures being apofatically expressed in
the Chalcedons conventional phrase by four adverbs:
(unmingled), (unchanged), (undivided),
(unseparated)25.
The synod from Ephesus, even if it did not define directly a
dogma on the Mother of the Lord, asserted the Marian title
, the unity of the natures being accomplished through
Incarnation.
In the conventional phrase of the unity from Ephesus the term
was replaced by the term .
After Ephesus and Chalcedon (451) the divine character of the
Lords Mothers maternity was not brought up again into
discussion, the post-Chalcedon synodic movement being focused
on the problems regarding Monophysitism. However, in the context
of the hesitations with regards to the virginity in partu and post
partum, it has to be mentioned the attribute Aeiparthenos
introduced at the 5th Ecumenical Synod from Constantinople (553)
in the 2nd and the 6th Canons of the anathemas against the Three
Chapters (term which was confirmed at the Lateran Council in
64226.
Consequently, the conventional phrases and prove
the knowledge of Scripture in a period in which the Empire was
confronted with the Nestorian heresy. The 2nd Canon of the Synod
from Ephesus removes from the ecclesiastical hierarchy the bishop
who shared or the one who intends to share in the heresy of
Nestorius, while the following Canon reinstates the clergy who
were removed from the priesthood by Nestorius27.
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25

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V. Lossky, Teologia mistic a Bisericii Rsritului, Bucureti, 1998, p. 172173.

26
Al. Kniaziev, op. cit., p. 86.
27
C. Dron, Canoanele, text i interpretare, vol. II (Sinoadele ecumenice),
Bucureti, 1935, p. 131-132.
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226

The dogmatic definition of the Synod from Ephesus is

concentrated on the notion of hypostatical unity explanatory in
this sense being the conventional phrase of St. Cyril
.
In the conventional phrase from Ephesus the term
(which designates the existence in an alien hypostasis)
was conferring to the term hypostasis the meaning of
substance, designating the real unity of humanity with the
divinity in Jesus Christ.
The synonymy of the terms prosopon-ipostasis of the
Trinitarian theology is, also, reasserted, synonymity which includes
to a certain degree the term in St. Cyrils theology.
In the light of the affirmations from Ephesus, Mary becomes
the Mother of the incarnate Logos and implicitly of the Body of
Christ in the Church28.
The conventional phrase (), which is specific to the
Syrian Christian epigraphy could make up one more proof on the
continuation of the relationships with Syria29, but we should not
forget that during the examined period, both Egypt and Syria were
contaminated by the radical and Eutichian Monophysitism30.
It results from the 1st Canon of the Third Ecumenical Synod
that a great number of bishops could not participate (this is not the
case with the Tomis bishop, Timothy, however) for ecclesiastical
reasons being probably attracted either by the Nestorian heresy,
or by the Pelagius heresy which was preached by Celestius, or was
due to the political context, brought about by the barbarian attacks.
In the Christian terminology which deals with immortality, the
meanings of the heathen words are given a new significance,
enriched, starting from some given patterns: the New Testaments
pattern until the 4th century, the canonical pattern of the 5th century,
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28

Al Kniaziev, op. cit., p. 91.

The presence of a single bishop to the end of the 5th century could be related to
the Syrian and Egyptian model, a hypothesis sustained by epigraphic and
archaeological proofs.
30
I. Rmureanu, Istoria Bisericeasc Universal, vol. I, Bucureti, 1990, p. 375.
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29
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Pontica Christiana

227

the institutional pattern, etc. In the Christian philosophy, the

languages limits are sensed periodically, and they are overcome
periodically at the same time with the development of the faculty of
comprehending some abstract, meta-logical notions: self-emptying,
hypostasis, theandrism, etc. The Christian language with its
achieving-symbolical valences intended to create some thinking
habits, some intellectual configurations with a totalizing character,
attempt which was slowed down by the intervention of the Arian,
Nestorian, and Monophysite challengers, who were unable to tackle
the meta-ontological plan. As a matter of fact, the post-Nicene
heretical movements had the role to stop the process of abstrusing
Christs message, by the agency of a more and more abstract
tongue.
The employment of the Christian language, and, as a matter of
fact, of any language, depends on a sub-adjacent logic structure.
The specific constructions express specific forms of life, historical
contexts. Thus, the language becomes a social, practical activity31.
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INSCRIPII CU CARACTER DOGMATIC

N SCYTHIA MINOR
- rezumat Studiul analizeaz din punct de vedere dogmatic inscripiile
,,.
Pe o inscripie din secolele V-VI descoperit la Callatis se
poate citi formula [] = n ndejdea
nvierii i a fericirii vieii venice. Sperana nvierii este atestat
epigrafic i n formula
gravat pe un bloc de marmur descoperit n
apropiere de Adamclisi i datat n secolele V-VI. Ieirea din
ntunericul morii i intrarea deplin n lumina vieii venice devine

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31
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G. Lzroiu, Gndire, limbaj, realitate, Bucureti, 1999, p. 22.

228

posibil prin intermediul sacrificiului i nvierii christice. Este o

nviere care trebuie neleas colectiv i care este corelat cu
Parousia, o nviere care d istoriei comunitii cretine un sens cu
totul nou.
De sorginte neotestamentar, formulele , , utilizate
frecvent la Histria, Tomis i Callatis, n inscripiile cretine din
secolele IV-VI, fac legtura dintre Tradiie i polemica dogmatic
din secolele V-VI. Majoritatea inscripiilor care cuprind aceast
abreviere sunt ns de provenien sirian i egiptean, i pot fi
corelate cu disputele christologice i cele privitoare la Fecioara
Maria.
Formulele i demonstreaz cunoaterea Scripturii,
ntr-o perioad n care Imperiul se confrunta cu erezia nestorian.

Pontica Christiana

229

THE IMAGE OF THE FEMININE MONASTICISM IN THE

THEOLOGICAL WORKS OF SAINTS JOHN
CHRYSOSTOM AND JOHN CASSIAN*
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by Claudiu Cotan
In the first centuries of Christianity, the feminine monasticism
occupied a secondary aspect as far as the asceticism and the history
of monachism in general is concerned. We may say that in the
ancient Christianity the monasticism is pre-eminently of masculine
structure. The organizing of monasticism by Pachomius in Egypt
and the display of the coenobitic monasticism have contributed to
the spreading of the feminine monasticism both in Orient and
Occident, at the beginning, particularly, as an aristocratic
phenomenon. The feminine monasticism emerges in cities as
Constantinople where St. John Chrysostom advises spiritually the
community of Olympias1, or Rome where Blessed Hieronymus
organizes the group of pious women gathered in Marcelas house,
on the Aventio street, and, also, in Bethlehem, where with the help
of Paula and of her daughter Eustachia, he erected a monastery for
monks and another one for women. The monastic feminine
experience coordinated by St. John Chrysostom and Olympias
constituted a distinct example for the future of the feminine
monasticism. Theodoret of Cyr in the Ecclesiastical History
dedicates the last chapter to the feminine ascetical experience,
pointing out that the women are able to display the same piety and
religious fervor as the men. Certainly, Theodoret of Cyr was
inspired by the Egerias Itinerary2 and by the Lausiac History of
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

See: Gilbert Dagron, Les moines et la ville. Le monachisme Constantinople
jusquau concile de Chalcdoine (451), in Travaux et Mmoires, 1970, pp.
229-276.
2
See: Marin Branite, nsemnrile de cltorie ale pelerinei Egeria (sec. IV), in
Mitropolia Olteniei, XXXIV (1982), 4-6.
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1
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230

Palladius3, in the elaborating of his work. In these historical

documents there is an allusion to the Roman aristocrats Paula and
Melanie, who were acting in Palestine, and to Olympias and the
feminine community of Constantinople. True, these aristocratic
women who were dedicated to asceticism had St. Thecla as their
first model, but closer to their time was St. Macrina whose life,
eulogistically presented by St. Gregory of Nyssa, became the first
biography of a Christian female and the manifesto of the feminine
monasticism4. The spiritual activities of these aristocratic women
are similar, especially those of Olympias at Constantinople and of
Paula at Bethlehem. They established their ascetical community
next to the church, Olympias as an extension of St. Sophias
church, and Paula at the church of the Nativity of our Lord at
Bethlehem. Near Olympias were living 250 women
(konbikonlariai), information which appears at Theodoret of Cyr,
also. In the ascetical community of Constantinople are known
Elisanthia, Martyria and Palladia, as those closest to deaconess
Olympias. Some historians and patrology scholars opine that
Olympiass monastery was a real school of the deaconesses5.
The pilgrimages to the Holy Lands are true exercises in spiritual
living, and the patristic notes that were preserved recorded with
great accuracy the way of living and spiritual spending of the
Christians at the end of the 4th century6.
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Paladie, Istoria lausiac (Lavsaicon), translation, forward and remarks by

Dumitru Stniloae, Bucureti, 2007.
4
Ramn Teja, Mar Marcos, Modelos de ascetismo femenino aristocrtico en la
poca de Juan Crisstomo: Constantinopla y Palestina, in Giovanni
Crisostomo. Oriente e Occidente tra IV e V secolo. XXXIII Incontro di studiosi
dellantichit cristiana. Roma, 6-8 maggio, 2004, Institutum Patristicum
Augustinianum, Roma, 2005, p. 632.
5
Ibidem, p. 623.
6
Daniel Benga, Pelegrinatio la Muntele Sinai n Antichitatea cretin, in
Anuarul Facultii de Teologie Ortodox din Bucureti (=AFTB), V (2005);
Idem, Pregtirea pentru Botez i botezul catehumenilor n Ierusalim, dup
descrierea pelerinei Egeria i dup catehezele mistagogice ale Sfntului Chiril,
AFTB, I (2001), p. 257-288.
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Pontica Christiana

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Similar to the monastery built by Olympias, where the only

male allowed to enter the buildings was the spiritual adviser, St.
John Chrysostom, was the monastery erected by St. Paula at
Bethlehem under the spiritual coordination of Blessed Hieronymus.
Paulas community was made up of noble women, but it had
women who belonged to other social conditions, also. In these
communities the singing of Psalms and the manual labor were of
great consequence. An important role in the organizing of the
female monasticism was incumbent on St. John Chrysostom. Thus,
we conclude that the feminine monasticism was and still is being of
great consequence in the life of the Church7. In accordance with
Elena Giannarelli, there are remarked three Christian models
embodied in the religious life of the Christian women. The virgin
woman who is represented by St. Macrina, the widow woman,
represented by St. Melanie, and the mother woman, represented by
St. Monica, Blessed Augustines mother8. All these models
represent directions of the manifestation of the female monasticism.
If St. John Chrysostoms involvement in the feminine
monasticisms organizing is well known particularly from his
correspondence with Olympias while he was in exile9, and from the
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. See: E. Giannarelli, La tipologia feminile nella biografia e nellaujtobiografia

cristiana del IV secolo, Roma, 1980; M. Carpinello, Libere donne de Dio Figure
femminili nei primi secoli cristiani, Milan, 1997.
8
Cristian Bdili, Figures et biographies de femmes aux IV et V sicles, in vol.
Giovanni Crisostomo..., p. 627.
9
From St. John Chrysostom there were preserved 236 letters addressed to more
than 100 individuals. Among them, 17 are distinguished, as being the most
artistic and as size, the most ample, three of them (VII, VIII, IX), being real
treatises of theology and moral life. All of the 17 letters are addressed to
Olympias, the deaconess. He name appears in some of the Holy Fathers
writings as Gregory the Theologian, Gregory of Nyssa and John Chrysostom.
About the friendship between St. John Chrysostom and Olympias speaks, also,
Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis, a monk who was a follower of Origen,
banished by Theophilus of Alexandria from the Egypts desert, and who took
refuge in Constantinople. He left here and arrived at Rome where he intercedes
for St. John Chrysostom. Apprehended in 406, he is exiled in South Egypt where
he writes his famous Dialogue to defend St. John Chrysostoms virtues and to
rehabilitate his memory, in which the deaconess Olympias is mentioned with
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theological references on the spiritual life lived by the women

devoted to asceticism, on St. John Cassians activity in this
direction and his straight theological references to this matter, very
few things are known. In spite of this, we know that St. John
Cassian founded the Occidental monasticism both for males and for
females, by establishing the two monasteries of Marseille, where he
carried out the principles and the Canons of the Eastern
monasticism10.
The image of the virtuous woman is often present in the
biblical exegesis of St. John Chrysostom starting with the very holy
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distinct consideration (chapter XVII). Based on Palladius information, in the

middle of the 5th century The Life of this righteous mother was written.
Information on the deaconisses activity are recounted in the Apostolic
Constitutions, III, 15, VIII, 19-20, where the deaconisses are ordained for the
catechization of the baptism of women. At the end of the 4th century a series of
rich aristocratic women will renounce their riches and families to devote
themselves to the founding and leading of the feminine ascetical communities.
St. Macrina founded such a community on her family of Cappadocias property,
and through her ascetical activity can be placed among the Cappadocian Fathers.
Melanie the Roman spiritually advised by Rufinus founds a monastery for nuns
on the Mount of Olives, next to the monastery for monks, led by Rufinus (375).
St. Melanie the Roman played a decisive role in the life of Evagrius Ponticus,
whom she advised to embrace monasticism to leave for Egypt. She led, also, to
monachism her niece, Melanie the Younger, who founded a monastery in
Jerusalem. St. Paula, also, participates in the erecting of a monastery for nuns in
385.
Born before 365, Olympias inherited a huge wealth, but he received a choice
religious education from Theodosia, who was the biological sister of bishop
Amphilochius of Iconium, and the cousin of St. Gregory the Theologian.
Theodosia housed St. Gregory the Theologian in Constantinople, in 378, when as
bishop, he started the fighting against Aryanism. It would seem that Theodosia
was married to one of Olympiass older brother, who died an untimely death.
(see: Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur, Cuvioasa Olympias diaconia: o via, o
prietenie, o coresponden, translation, remarks, introductory study by I. I. Ic
jr., Sibiu, 1997 Introductory study).
10
Ionu Tudorie, Saint Jean Cassian et son pelerinage a Bethlehem (382-385), in
Romanian Principalities and the Holy Places along the Century, Ed. Sofia,
Bucureti, 2007, p. 203-217.
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11

Virgin Mary . Otherwise, St. John Chrysostom by his whole

activity is an example of asceticism, of prayer and of hierarchical
service, he being himself a model for the Christian world12. In
Commentaries to the Epistle to Ephesians (homily XIII), St. John
Chrysostom presents exactly the asceticism of the young aristocrat
females who renounce this worlds goods to completely devote
themselves to serve both Christ and men: Maidens who had not
turned twenty years of age; maidens who were spending their time
in drawing rooms and in shade, drawing rooms full of spices, who
were sleeping on new and delicate bed linens, as they were delicate
human beings; maidens who because of the continuous care
became sickly, who all day did not have any other concern than to
beautify themselves, to dress with clothes embroidered with gold,
and to enjoy the greatest voluptuousness; maidens who did not help
even themselves with anything, since they had a lot of attendants
ready to help them; maidens who had much finer and much softer
clothes than the body, with their fine shirts continuously ornate
with roses and other sweet-smelling flowers; well, behold, all of a
sudden, such virgins kindled by Christs fire, laying aside all the
slothfulness and their previous frivolous life, forgetting about
caressing as well as about their tender age, as much as some brave
fighters, undressing themselves of those caressing, have thrown
themselves courageously in the fight against the devil... I myself
have heard some of these delicate maidens, who got accustomed so
much with such a harsh life as to dress their bodies with clothes
made of the harshest hair, to walk barefooted and to sleep on
bedding made of branches of tree; and what is much more than
these, that they keep vigil at night and no longer use spices or
anything else of the previous time, and even their head is almost
neglected, by plaiting their hair in a plain manner and without airs,
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Jos Cebrin Cebrin, Javier Gil Lascorz, Ramn Panach Rosat, Alicia Soler
Merenciano, La figura de la mujer en las "Homilas sobre San Mateo" de Juan
Crisstomo, in vol. Giovanni Crisostomo , pp. 335-353.
12
See: J. N. D. Kelly, Golden Month, the Story of John Chrysostom Ascetic,
Preacher, Bishop, New York, 1995; See: Wendy Mayer, Paulin Allen, John
Chrysostom, London, 2000.
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only enough to avoid falling in ugliness. Their only meal is the

supper, being composed not only of greengrocery or bread, but of
flat cake, seeds, chick pea, olives and figs; finally, a continuous
extreme poverty and occupations much harder than the ones of the
house attendants. And why? Because they take care of the sick,
carry the beds of the sick, wash their feet, and many of them cook.
Behold how many things can be carried out by the fire and the love
of Christ13. St. John Chrysostoms care for the young virgins, for
their spiritual ascent goes through all of his moral works. The
female monasticism has its role and it must be built and guarded
from trials: The maidens must not travel a lot and not in excess;
they are not allowed to utter vain words, words without meaning; it
is not fit for them to know dishonor and flattering not even in name.
For this reason they need a very good protection and a lot of help.
The enemy of holiness, the devil, always attacks, and especially
attacks them and waits close to them ready to devour them (I Peter
5: 8), if they somehow would slip and fall. Besides the devil, the
men, many men plot against them; and the maidens have to carry a
double struggle: they are attacked from without, and are annoyed
from within, also14.
If at St. John Chrysostom the care for the feminine
monasticism is obvious, by expounding it and offering spiritual
advices for the mental building of the maidens, we can assert that
St. John Cassian, through establishing the monastery for nuns of
Marseille, as well as through his theological work, particularly the
one dedicated to monastic life, shows his preoccupation for the
spiritual life of monks and nuns, without making a distinction
between the advices and directions given to the monks or nuns,
considering, probably, that these are valid both for the masculine
and feminine monasticism. St. John Cassian knows very well the
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13

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Ioan Gur de Aur, Comentarii la Epistola ctre Efeseni, Omilia XIII, pp. 133134.
14
Idem, Tratat despre preoie, III, 13, in vol. Despre preoie, Bucureti, 1987,
pp. 83-84.
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15

monastic life , even from his native places and he learned in his
family what means to be pious16. His culture is justified by an
education received in the urban centers of Histria, Tomis or Callatis
where, together with his friend Germanus came into contact with
the universal didactic curriculum of his time. Due to the
geographical and historical conjuncture, Cassian knows the Latin
language spoken by the people as well as the Greek language used
in the Pontic cities17. Interestingly enough, in the pilgrimage carried
on with Germanus, he is accompanied, also, by one of his sisters.
This pilgrimage contains Bethlehem, Skete, Kelia, and the desert of
Nitria, as well as Constantinople, Rome, and, after Marseille in
Gaul, almost the entire Mediterranean basin. As it seems, in
Bethlehem they have not known the renowned monastery
established there by Blessed Hieronymus in 386. In Bethlehem,
Palladius spends one year, also, probably in the same monastery
where St. John Cassian had arrived. It is worthy of noticing that
after the experience acquired in seven years spent among the monks
of Egypt, St. John Cassian returns to Palestine in 392 where he
certainly heard of the feminine ascetical community founded by
Blessed Hieronymus and Paula. I consider that he preserved this
example of monastic community, took it over, and applied it to
Marseille, where he erected the monastery for nuns led by his sister.
In Constantinople, where he arrives probably in the year 400,
he becomes an intimate of St. John Chrysostom, participating in the
great hierarchs drama, the one who ordained him a deacon.
Together with Theotim I of Tomis, he is a defender of the bishop of
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15

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Emilian Popescu, Sfntul Ioan Cassian, viaa i nvtura lui, in coll.

Teologie i Spiritualitate, nr. 15, Iai, 2002; Idem, Monahismul timpuriu pe
teritoriul Romniei, in Analele tiintifice ale Universitatii Al. I. Cuza din Iai,
1994, pp. 95-110; Ioan Rmureanu, Micarea audienilor n Dacia Pontic i
nord-dunrean (sec. IV-V), in Biserica Ortodox Romn, XCVI (1978), 910, pp. 1052-1060.
16
See: D. A. Menager, La patrie de Cassian, in Echos dOrient, 123/1921, pp.
330-358; Henri-Irne Marou, La patrie de Jean Cassian, in Orientalia Cristiana
Periodica, nr. 2/1947, pp. 588-596.
17
Ionu Alexandru Tudosie, Sfntul Ioan Cassian i pelerinajul su la Betleem
(382-385), in Studii Teologice, LIX (2007), 2, p. 72.
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236

Constantinople, and places Scythia Minor in the middle of some

strong theological and historical disturbances18. The two Scythian
theologians are together defenders of St. John Chrysostom in his
controversies with Theofil of Alexandria and the imperial court as
well as sustainers of Origens theology in its Orthodoxys limits19.
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18

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Bishop Theotim I of Tomis, mentioned in Acta Sanctorum on April 20, was

ethnically a Scythian, according to the information offered by Sozomen and
was known for the piety and the holiness of his life. Blessed Hieronymus in his
work De viris illustribus confesses that Theotim was shepherding in Tomis,
having a fruitful patristic-literary activity and that he published in the form of a
dialogue and in the style of old eloquence short and comatic works. Writing in
Greek language, he was addressing his faithful of Tomis who were mostly
Greeks. These works had particularly a moralizing content. From St. John of
Damascus work, Sacra Parallela, in which are preserved short fragments of
Theotims writings, we learn that he wrote a homily with regards to our Saviors
words: But when you will bring your gift to the altar... having a moralizing
character. It seems that Theotim authored a work Special writing addressed to
the monks, he himself being a monk, and as a bishop, he had under his
supervision monasteries from Scythia, where St. John Cassian and Germanus
probably passed by. Considering the way by which he defends St. John
Chrysostom and the fact that in Sacra Parallela, St. John of Damascus places
him among the great Cappadocians, we have to conclude that St. Theotim was a
good theologian and was knowledgeable of Origen and his works. Among St.
John Chrysostoms defenders from the Council of the Oak, only Theotim and his
plea are presented, which proves that he was enjoying much authority among the
bishops. Theotim was probably carrying in his bag Philokalia of Origens works,
which was circulated at the time and was much appreciated. Theotims friendship
with St. John Chrysostom was probably due to their affinities and the missionary
work undertaken by the bishop of Tomis at the Lower Danube, missionary work
that was encouraged by the archbishop of Constantinople.
19
Origen had been condemned in 232 by Demetrius of Alexandria, but Theotim
did not take into account this thing. The quarrel between Hieronymus and
Rufinus on the theology of Origen and its condemnation of Epiphanius created
the premises for Origens condemnation. It is probable that Theotim appreciated
Origen as much as the great theologian of Alexandria was appreciated by St.
Basil the Great and Gregory the Theologian who had collected and had published
the first philokalia with texts on perfection from Origens works. For St. John
Cassian as well as for the bishop Theotim, St. John Chrysostom was representing
the personification of Orthodoxy. The theology of Origen was condemned by
men as Theofil of Alexandria, Hieronymus and Epiphanius, but it was defended
by John of Jerusalem, Rufinus, Didymus the Blind, Evagrius Ponticus and others
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Pontica Christiana

237

But they are, also, the defenders of the monastic life, which they
certainly know from Scythia, where the monks, who were Audius
disciples, were still active20.
After his settling in West, St. John Cassian, at the request of
some friend hierarchs, creates two reference works on the monastic
life: De institutis cenobiorum et de octo principalium vitiorum
remediis, and Conlationes Sanctorum Patrum XXIV, as well as a
dogmatic work, De incarnatione Domini contra Nestorium. Libri
VII21. In the two works dedicated to monasticism, he takes over the
Egyptian ascetic life elements, and places them in the climate and
the social environment of his time. Cassian is representing a new
type of monasticism. He finds out that the Christian life of his time
was degraded, and states that its remedy can be realized through
monastic life. Thus Cassian transfers to the occidental world
Pachomius conception with regards to an organized monachism
and considers his contemporaries, Hieronymus, Augustine, and
Martin of Tours to be mediocre ascetics. In his works Cassian starts
from the external posture of the monk and touches on the spiritual
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(see: I. G. Coman, nsemnri asupra lui Theotim de Tomis, in Glasul Bisericii

(=GB), XVI (1957), 1, p. 47; Ilie Georgescu, Viaa cretin n vechiul Tomis, in
Mitropolia Moldovei i Sucevei, XXXVIII (1962), 1-2, p. 25.
20
The monasticism penetrates in Scythia Minor through the monk Audius exiled
here by the Emperor Constantine II. After passing the Danube, he went further to
Goths, where he developed a fruitful missionary work and succeeded in
establishing numerous many monasteries. Audius was known for his strictness
and his missionary zeal, being a harsh critic of the disorder in Church. His
disciples were organized in a sect, known as the anthropomorphic disciples of
Audius. St. Epiphanius manifests a certain sympathy towards these austere
monks whom he considers to be more schismatic than heretic. (Pr. Mircea
Nicoveanu, Contribuia Sfntului Ioan Cassian la cunoaterea monahismului
din secolele IV-V, n lumina ecumenismului cretin, GB, XXXI (1972), 5-6, p.
552).
21
The work The Incarnation of the Lord, against Nestorius, elaborated at the
request of Leo, the future pope, defends the veneration of the Mother of the Lord.
Cassian considers Nestorius heresy as a resurgence of Pelagianism (see: Claudio
Moreschini, Enrico Norelli, Istoria literaturii cretine vechi greceti i latine,
vol. II, t. 2 (De la Conciliul de la Niceea la nceputurile Evului Mediu),
translation by Hanibal Stnciulescu, Ed. Polirom, Bucureti, 2004, p. 88).
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238

perfection. He does not divide his advices in advices addressed to

the monks and advices dedicated to the nuns; however, his advices
concern the ascetic life as a whole and the consummation of man.
Cassian writes his vast work in the year 419-426 between the walls
of the two monasteries which have been erected by him at
Marseille, of which the one for nuns was led by his sister. It is
possible for him to have been influenced in building the monastery
for nuns by the examples set by other Fathers of the Church: St.
John Chrysostom, Blessed Hieronymus, and Rufinus who, in the
company of some women of great moral and spiritual behavior, laid
the foundations of a feminine monasticism which, unlike others, is
brought by Cassian from Orient to Occident. If Blessed
Hieronymus and Rufinus make their way to Palestine, where they
establish monasteries for nuns, Cassian takes the opposite road,
establishing a monastery for nuns in Gaul, which is coordinated by
him as the spiritual Father, most certainly, imitating the model
created by St. John Chrysostom.
Palladius mentions many times the monasteries for nuns from
the desert of Egypt in his known work, The lausiac history: There
was, also, a monastery for nuns, inhabited by four hundred of nuns,
having the same order, the same life, being different from others
only through clothing. And the women were found beyond the river,
and the ones for men, on the opposite shore22. Palladius reminds,
also, of the known Melanie the Elder: Thrice blessed Melanie was
ethnically speaking either Spanish or Roman. She was the daughter
of a consul, Marcelinus, and the wife of a husband with a
distinguished service, whom I do not know well. Becoming a widow
when she was twenty-two years old, she was worthy of Gods love.
And without having said anything since she would have been
hampered during the reign of Valens, who was the then Emperor,
she took care to have a tutor appointed for her son, and taking all
of her goods and loading them into a sailing vessel, she leaves for
Alexandria, accompanied only by some attendants and a few female
attendants. After selling and exchanging her goods in gold coins in
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22
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Paladie, op.cit., p. 74.

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Pontica Christiana

239

Alexandria, she entered the Nitrias mountain, meeting the fathers

who were around Pamvo and Arsenios, Serapion the Great and
Pafnutios the Hermit and Isadore, the bishop confessor of
Ermopolis, and Dioscorus. And she stayed at them one half of a
year, wandering through the wilderness and visiting all the
saints23.
In the same way are presented the two disciples of Olympias,
Candida and Ghelasia: Olympias was followed, looking at her as
to a mirror, by Candida, the general Trojans daughter. She lived
with diligence, and attained to the peak of piety, honoring the
churches and the bishops. She catechized her own daughter and
presented Christ with her as a virgin or as a gift of her faith... In
her ardor, she kept close to her the very righteous mother Ghelasia,
who was bearing with piety the yoke of virginity24. Having been
contemporaneous with St. John Cassian, certainly the things
experienced and seen by Palladius in Egypt and Palestine, have
been known by John Cassian, also; this is proved once more by the
spiritual experience acquired by the latter one in the two holy
places. It was this experience which helped him to form an image
on a model of monastic life which is common to both men and
women who have as the single goal their consummation. He
practiced this model in Marseille where he erected the two
monasteries together with his sister. By his accomplishments, he
remained forever in the conscience of the universal monasticism.
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23
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24
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Ibidem, p. 98.
Ibidem, p. 112.

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240

IMAGINEA MONAHISMULUI FEMININ N OPERELE

TEOLOGICE ALE SFINILOR IOAN GUR DE AUR I
IOAN CASSIAN
- rezumat Monahismul feminin apare n orae mari precum
Constantinopolul, unde Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur ndrum
duhovnicete comunitatea Olimpiadei, sau Roma, unde Fr. Ieronim
organizeaz grupul femeilor pioase adunate n casa Marcelei, pe
Aventio, dar i la Betleem, unde cu ajutorul Paulei i a fiicei sale
Eustachia a construit o mnstire de clugri i alta pentru femei.
Teodoret de Cir s-a inspirat n alctuirea lucrrii sale Istoria
bisericeasc din Itinerariul Egeriei i Istoria lausiac a lui Paladie.
n aceste documente istorice se face referire la aristocratele romane
Paula i Melania, ce activau n Palestina, i la Olimpiada i
comunitatea feminin din Constantinopl. Este adevrat c aceste
aristocrate dedicate ascetismului aveau ca model mai nti pe Sfnta
Tecla, dar mai apropiat de vremea lor pe Sfnta Macrina a crei
via, prezentat elogios de Sfntul Grigore de Nyssa, a devenit
prima biografie cretin a unei femei cu o contribuie special la
evoluia ascetismului feminin. Activitile duhovniceti ale acestor
femei aristocratice sunt asemntoare, mai ales cele ale Olimpiadei
la Constantinopol i Paulei la Bethleem. i-au instalat comunitatea
ascetic lng biseric, Olimpiada ntr-o prelungire a bisericii
Sfnta Sofia, iar Paula la biserica Naterii Domnului din Bethleem.
Dac Sfntul Ioan Gur de Aur n abordarea sa teologic se ocup
i de oferirea ndrumrii duhovniceti comunitii monahale
formate n jurul Olimpiadei, cu siguran o asemenea preocupare a
avut-o i Sfntul Ioan Cassian, cluzitorul duhovicesc al al
mnstirii de clugrie din Marsillia condus de sora sa.

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241

THE DEATH PLACE OF THE HOLY MARTYR

AETHERIUS, BISHOP OF CHERSON
(the 4th century A.D.)
- an issue of historic geography* P

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by Ionu Holubeanu
Many of the documents referring to the lives of the saints are
crammed with erroneous historic information, which raised
problems to the researchers who kept busy with studying them.
There are multiple things that brought about this situation.
Sometimes we may deal with late insertions in the ancient Christian
documents; at other times, the erroneous historic information is due
to the old distortion, during the process of copying the old
manuscripts of the proper name or of the toponym that are
mentioned in documents; yet, in other cases, because of the lack of
authentic information, the lives of some saints have been redacted
late, following the pattern of other contemporary saints. These are
just some of the causes which brought about the distortion of the
historic truth for many of the Christian saints of the earliest Church.
But the scholars who are concerned about the Christian
hagiography made some progress in this realm, by elucidating some
of the historic untruths that penetrated into the lives of the saints
throughout the centuries.
This study is dedicated to the holy Martyr Bishop Aetherius of
Cherson. We will have in view first the problem of his martyrdoms
context, and particularly of the place in which he laid down his life
for Christ. We deem that this scientific step is necessary because, in
the Romanian ecclesial historiography, the place where this holy
martyr has suffered torture was expounded differently by some
research workers.
The richest information about the holy Bishop and Martyr
Aetherius
are
found
in
the
Synaxarium
Ecclesiae

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*
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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

242

Constantinopolitanae, on the day of 7 or 6 March. They are

founded on a tradition of the Church of Jerusalem. In accordance
with this tradition, Bishop Hermon of Jerusalem (300-314) has sent
some Christian hierarchs to the regions of Pontus Euxinus at
Chersones and in Scythia at the beginning of the 4th century:
Basilevs and Ephraim, Evghenios, Agathodoros, Kapiton, Elpidios
and Aetherius. All of them ended their lives in the riverine regions
of the Black Sea as confessors of the faith in Christ1.
About the last one of these hierarchs, some Romanian
researchers maintained that he suffered his martyrdom at the Lower
Danube, by being drowned by Goths in the Danube River. The one
who put forward this theory was the researcher Constantin
Erbiceanu (+1899). In a vast study on the Bishop Ulfilas of the
Goths, he stopped briefly on the case of Bishop Aetherius of
Cherson. Erbiceanu cites a passage of the Greek Synaxarium of St.
Nicodemus the Hagiorite (the seventh day), maintaining that: [St.
Aetherius] after going ... to Byzantium to give thanks to the
Emperor [Constantine the Great], at his return through todays
Dobruja, by land, was caught by the barbarians and was thrown by
the unbelievers in the Danube River, on the 7th day of this month
[March] (
). This
barbarian nation kept maintaining C. Erbiceanu are the Goths,
who at the time were occupying both the Cherson and the Trajan
Dacia in which they were spread as far as the Danube. On the side
beyond the Olt River it was the Gepids who had settled. A part of
them went to Scythia Minor (Dobruja) where they caught Aetherius
on the bank of the Danube River, [who], willing to pass to Trajan
Dacia, was drowned2.
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Synaxarium
Ecclesiae
Constantinopolitanae
(=Syn.Eccl.Const.),
in
Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris, opera et studio Hippolyti
Delehaye, Bruxellis, 1902, col. 513-518.
2
Constantin Erbiceanu, Ulfila, viaa i doctrina sa, in Biserica Ortodox
Romn (=BOR), XXII (1898-1899), nr. 3, p. 290.
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It ensues from Constantin Erbiceanus passage that the Bishop

of Cherson was coming back from Constantinople to his residence
city by land, and not by sea, wandering through the RomanByzantine provinces from the west of the Black Sea. St. Aetherius
would have been caught by Gepids, a Gothic tribe, exactly on the
province Scythia Minors territory, a territory found between the
Danube and the Sea, todays Dobruja. By his manner of expression,
Erbiceanu gives the impression that Aetherius was intending to go
over the Danube River not at the point which is found at the south
of Bessarabia, by which he could have arrived at Cherson, but
towards Wallachia, in order for him to arrive to the Dacian
territories which were occupied by the Romans during the emperor
Trajan (98-117)3. Such an intention would reveal a missionary goal.
But it is a simple presumption of the Romanian researcher, since it
makes no reference to any document.
Constantin Erbiceanus point of view was taken over later by
another Romanian researcher, Ene Branite. In two studies
dedicated to the Christian martyrs from the Scythia Minors
territory (Dobruja), he reminds us of the case of Bishop Martyr
Aetherius. Based on a Menaion published in the Romanian
language4, Branite asserts that the Bishop Aetherius, after
preaching over there [at Cherson], wanting to go to the emperor
from Constantinople, was caught by pagans and thrown in the
Danube River, therefore being martyred on the Dobrujas bank of
the Danube River, on the seventh day of March5. The main
difference between Erbiceanu and Branite consists of the fact that
the first one asserts that the Bishop of Cherson was coming back
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Ibidem.
It is the matter of the Menaion in the Romanian language (Minei), the month of
March, the 7th day, ed. IV, Bucureti, 1967, pp. 48-49.
5
Ene Branite, Martiri i sfini pe pmntul Dobrogei de azi, in vol. De la
Dunre la Mare. Mrturii istorice i monumente de art cretin2 (=DDM),
Galai, 1979, p. 39, nr. 6; Idem, Sfini mrturisitori i martiri cinstii de
strmoii notri pe pmntul romnesc dintre Dunre i Mare, n lumina
mrturiilor istorice, epigrafice i arheologice, in vol. Arhiepiscopia
Tomisului i Dunrii de Jos n trecut i astzi (=ATDJ), Galai, 1981, p. 121.
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244

from Constantinople, while the second one asserts that he was

going to that city. However, the place of Aetherius catching is the
same: Scythia Minor. The place and the manner of his murder by
the pagan barbarians are, also, the same: he was drowned in the
Danube River6.
The last researcher who embraced the hypothesis of bishop
Aetherius being drowned in the Danube River by the barbarians is
the researcher Nechita Runcan. In one of his recent books, he
reminds us of the points of view of his predecessors, without
making them complete, but without combating them, also. He
especially follows on the heels of the presumption spread abroad by
C. Erbiceanu in accordance with which Aetherius would have died
being murdered by the Goths while he was about to go over the
Danube River to Dacia that was occupied by the Emperor Trajan7.
No other Romanian researcher, who kept either expressly or
tangentially busy with the Christian martyrs from the Lower
Danube during the great persecutions8, reminds of the theory spread
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In the second study on the Christian martyrs from the place which is between
the Danube and the Sea, E. Branite makes, however, some big confusions. In
identifying Aetherius who was murdered by the barbarians with the Aetherius
who participated in the Second Ecumenical Council of Constantinople (381), he
maintains that this one was, in fact, Bishop of Tomis, and not of Chersonesos.
But his opinion is totally wrong, since the see of Tomis was represented at the
Second Ecumenical Council of 381 by Bishop Gerontius. See E. Branite, op.cit.,
p. 121.
7
Nechita Runcan, Dou milenii de via cretin nentrerupt n Dobrogea,
Constana, 2003, p. 68.
8
Among those who kept busy with the Christian martyrs from the Lower Danube
during the great persecutions, the following are making themselves conspicuous:
Vasile Prvan, Contribuii epigrafice la istoria cretinismului daco-roman,
Bucureti, 1911; Radu Vulpe, Histoire ancienne de la Dobroudja, Bucarest,
1938; Gheorghe I. Moisescu, tefan Lupa, Alexandru Filipacu, Istoria Bisericii
Romne, vol. I, Bucureti, 1957; Niculae erbnescu, 1600 de ani de la prima
mrturie documentar despre existena Episcopiei Tomisului, BOR, LXXXVII
(1969), 9-10, 966-1026; idem, Ptrunderea i dezvoltarea cretinismului n
Scythia Minor, DDM, p. 23-33; Epifanie Norocel, Pagini din istoria veche a
cretinismului la romni, Buzu, 1986; Ioan Rmureanu, Sfini i Martiri la
Tomis-Constana, BOR, XCII (1974), 7-8, p. 975-1011; idem, Noi consideraii
privind ptrunderea cretinismului la traco-daco-gei, in Ortodoxia, XXVI
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245

abroad by Constantin Erbiceanu concerning the place where bishop

Aetherius was tortured. This is so, even if some of them employed,
and even quoted Ene Branites studies, the one who looked like
Erbiceanus follower when he dealt with some other martyrs of
Scythia Minor9. Among all of the Romanian researchers, only
Vasile Prvan10 and Ioan Rmureanu11 mention in their studies the
name of Bishop Aetherius, as a participant in the Second
Ecumenical Council, together with the Bishop Gerontius of Tomis.
The very fact that all of them, as well as their followers, have
ignored Erbiceanus assertions in accordance with which the holy
Martyr Bishop Aetherius had died by being drowned in the Danube
River, should be looked at as a tacit disapproval of this
hypothesis12.
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(1974), 1, p. 164-178; Emilian Popescu, Cretinismul pe teritoriul Romniei

pn n secolul al VII-lea, n lumina noilor cercetri, in Mitropolia Banatului,
XXXVII (1987), 4, p. 34-49 (= Idem, Christianitas daco-romana, Bucureti,
1994, p. 74-91); idem, Martiri i sfini n Dobrogea, (I), in Studii Teologice,
XLI (1989), 3, p. 39-65; Mircea Pcurariu, Viaa cretin i organizarea
bisericeasc n inuturile Tomisului i Dunrii de Jos de la nceputuri pn
n anul 1864, ATDJ, p. 11-30; idem, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol. I,
Bucureti, 1991; idem, Sfinii daco-romani i romni, Iai, 1994; Nelu Zugravu,
Cteva consideraii privind martirii din Scythia Minor, in Memoria
Antiqvitatis, XX, 1995, p. 239-247; idem, Geneza cretinismului popular al
romnilor, Bucureti, 1997; Adrian Rdulescu, Ion Bitoleanu, Istoria Dobrogei,
Constana, 1998; Virgil Lungu, Cretinismul n Scythia Minor n contextul vestpontic, Sibiu-Constana, 2000; Victor H. Baumann, Mrturii ale persecuiilor
religioase din zona Dunrii de Jos n primele secole ale erei cretine, in vol.
Izvoarele cretinismului romnesc (=ICR) Constanta, 2003, p. 99-113; idem,
Sngele martirilor, Constana, 2004.
9
See also Em. Popescus case, Cretinismul..., p. 41, note 25 (=Idem,
Christianitas..., p. 81, note 25) who was familiar with and quoted E. Branites
study Martiri si sfini pe pmntul Dobrogei de azi.
10
V. Prvan, op. cit., p. 71.
11
I. Rmureanu, Sfini i Martiri..., p. 981.
12
This scholarly step was brought about, also, by Nechita Runcans giving his
whole mind to this theory lately.
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As to the foreign researchers who kept busy in their studies

with the case of Bishop Aetherius V. Latyshev13, J. Zeiller14, A.
A. Vasiliev15, C. Zuckerman16, L. G. Khrushkova17 not even one
of them shares in the hypothesis of drowning in the Danube River
by the barbarians of the Bishop of Cherson. Jacques Zeiller, who
kept busy exactly with the spreading of the Christian faith in the
Danubian provinces of the Roman Empire, mentions Bishop
Aetherius in his work. However, he places the death of the Bishop
of Cherson at the north of Black Sea, at the mouth of the Dniepers
River emptying into the sea18. Zeiller bases his assertion on
information offered by the Emperor Constantine VII
Porphyrogenitus (945-959) in his work De Administrando Imperio
(IX).
The solving of the problem concerning the place where Bishop
Aetherius have been tortured is possible on the basis of the
information offered by the old Byzantine documents. His name is
mentioned in three documents: in the Synaxarium Ecclesiae
Constantinopolitanae, in the acts of the Second Ecumenical
Council from Constantinople, and in the work De Administrando
Imperio by Constantine Porphyrogenitus. The richest information,
as it was already made more precisely, is found in the Synaxarium
Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. It is based on the tradition of the
Church of Jerusalem. In the oldest different reading of the
Synaxarium, there is preserved quite succinct information. But, in
this ecclesiastical documents manuscripts that are chronologically
closer to us, the text has undergone some alterations, by being
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13

V. Latyshev, The Lives of the Sainted Bishops of Cherson, Study and Texts, in
Zapiski Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk, VIII, 3, (1906).
14
Jacques Zeiller, Les origines chrtiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de
lempire romain, Paris, 1918.
15
A. A. Vasiliev, The Goths in the Crimea, Cambridge, 1936.
16
C. Zuckerman, The Early Byzantine Strongholds in Eastern Pontus, in
Travaux et Mmoires, 11, (1991), 527-553.
17
L. G. Khrushkova, Tauric Chersonesus (Crimea) in the 4th-5th centuries:
suburban martyria, in 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies,
London, 2006.
18
J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 411.
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247

enlarged upon. However, for a much better understanding of the

theme which is dealt with here, in the lines below, there will be
expounded the different readings of the text with regards to Bishop
Aetherius, as they are found in the oldest preserved manuscripts of
the Synaxarium from Constantinople.
In the original text of the Constantinople document, on the day
of March 7, are found the following precise details:

,
,
.
,

.

19 (=And after
[all] of these, Aetherius was sent from Jerusalem. And seeing the
savageness of the people, he went to Constantine the Great, who
was reigning in Byzantium at the time, and asked for his help, and
so the idolaters have been chased away from the region of
Chersonesos. Then, the saint established a Church, and went again
to the Emperor to give him thanks. And after his bidding farewell to
the Emperor, he took the holy ones, and went again to Chersonesos.
But while he was going back he was thrown in the Danapris River
by a contrary wind and he died at that place).
In Codex Bibliothecae Nationalis Parisiensis 1587, a
manuscript which is signed by a certain priest named John and
which is dated in the 12th century, the following different reading is
found:

,

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19
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Syn.Eccl.Const., the day of March 7, paragraph 1, col. 517-518.

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248

,

20 (= And later, it was sent again from Jerusalem the Bishop
Aetherius, who, after seeing the savageness and ruthlessness of the
people, has left for Byzantium, asking for the [help] of the Emperor
against them; because at the time it was Constantine the Great who
was leading the Roman Empire. His request was answered in
accordance with his desire, and with the help of the Emperors
power, the unbelievers have been driven away from the city, and in
their stead some true believers have been brought and settled in that
place; and the blessed Aetherius was sent afterwards to Byzantium
to give thanks and, while he was going back, was thrown in the
Danapris River, and he ended his journey, martyrly, in that very
place, on the sixth day of the month of March).
Finally, in a different manuscript of the 12th century Codex
Bibliothecae Universitatis Messanensis 103 , the following
clarification comes out:
,
21 (=it was thrown in the Danapris River towards
the island called Alsos, where he died, also, in the month of March,
the 6th day).
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As one may notice, from a chronological point of view, in all

of the different readings of the Synaxarium, Aetherius is placed in
the first half of the 4th century during the reign of the Emperor
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20
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21
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Ibidem, the day of March 6, synaxaria selecta, D, col. 513-516.

Ibidem, the day of March 6, synaxaria selecta, C, col. 515-516.

Pontica Christiana

249

Constantine the Great (306-337). His martyrdom took place while

he was coming back from Constantinople. His journey to that city
was motivated by his desire to give thanks to the Emperor for the
help he received in spreading the Christian faith in the Chersonesos
region. As far as the place where he was tortured is concerned, in
all of the different readings of the Constantinople document is
clearly made more precise that Aetherius died by being drowned in
the Danapris River (). This is the old name of the
Dnieper River. An additional elucidation concerning the place of
Chersonesos Bishops suffering is found, as we already noticed
above, in Codex Bibliothecae Universitatis Messanensis 103. In
this document, the place of his ordeal is identified in a very clear
manner: (=towards the island
called Alsos).
An island is mentioned, also, as Bishop Aetherius place of
suffering the torture in the work De Administrando Imperio of the
Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945-959). While stating in
detail the route that is followed by the Russians in their way from
Kiev to Constantinople, the Byzantine Emperor mentions twice the
island of St. Aetherius with the following elucidations:

, . ...

, ,
,
...22 (= [the Russians] arrive at a place that is
found at the mouth of the River [Dnieper], where there is an island
of St. Aetherius. ... The mouth of this River is a lake, as I have
already said, and it is elongated to the sea; and at the sea is found
St. Aetherius island).
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22

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Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, 9, 78-101, in vol.

Fontes Historiae Daco-Romanae (=FHDR), vol. II, Bucureti, 1970, p. 658661.
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As it can be noticed, the name of Bishop Aetherius in

tangentially mentioned in this document. He was at the time, in the
middle of the 10th century, the toponym of an island situated at the
point where is the mouth of Dniepers River emptying in the Black
Sea. This information, based on the local traditions of the time, is
the key for accurately establishing the place where this Martyr
Bishop had suffered torture. The account practically coincides with
the information offered by the Synaxarium of Constantinople, in
accordance with which Aetherius died by being drowned in the
Dnieper River, at the mouth of its emptying into the Sea straightly
close to an island.
Indeed, at the north of the Black Sea, at the point where the
Dnieper River is emptying into the Sea, there is an island which is
called today Berezan. In point of fact, the researchers identified it
with the island mentioned in the old Byzantine documents with the
name Alsos or the island of St. Aetherius23. Hence, this island was
the place where the Martyr Bishop Aetherius of Chersonesos
suffered torture. Even the fact of changing the name of this island
from the island Alsos to the island of St. Aetherius confirms both
the existence and the spreading among the Christian believers, at
the time, of the tradition, in accordance with which, in that place
this Bishop of Chersonesos laid down his life for Christs sake.
Finally, a Bishop of Chersonesos named Aetherius is
mentioned, also, in the acts of the Second Ecumenical Council held
in Constantinople in the year 381. Some researchers24 have
identified him with the homonym Bishop who suffered torture by
being drowned in the Danapris River. The accepting of this
hypothesis calls for the reappraisal of dating the period during
which the Martyr Bishop Aetherius has shepherded at Chersonesos.
It cannot be, at any rate, a matter which deals with the period of
reigning of Constantine the Great. In this case, the mentioning of
the name of the great Emperor and Christian saint in the
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23

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Mihescu, FHDR, note 3, p. 659.

J. Zeiller, op.cit., p. 411; I. Rmureanu, Sfinii i Martirii..., p. 981; E. Branite,
Sfini mrturisitori..., p. 121; K. Zuckerman, op.cit., p. 548-549.
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251

Synaxarium of Constantinople would be an addition which

penetrated into the tradition of the Church of Jerusalem and which
is recorded in the document of the Church of Constantinople.
However, the hypothesis of the existence of two homonym
hierarchs of Chersonesos, who shepherded in different periods,
should not be excluded either: the first one, the Martyr Bishop, in
the first half of the 4th century; the second one, who participated in
the Second Ecumenical Council, towards the end of the same
century (381). This kind of situation could be encountered at some
other bishoprics of the Empire. In this sense, we take into account
the case of the ecclesiastical See from Tomis, at the west of the
Black Sea, where we are faced twice with hierarchs bearing the
same name: St. Theotim I (390-407) and Theotim II (457), as well
as John I (448) and John II (c.530-c.550)25.
In the case of Chersonesos, however, for the time being, this
hypothesis cannot be either confirmed or infirmed, based on any
other document.
It only remains to be identified the cause which determined the
erroneous location, by some researchers, of the place of martyrdom
of the Bishop Aetherius of Chersonesos. As it was already made
clear, C. Erbiceanu, the one who spread abroad this hypothesis,
based himself on a passage form the Synaxarium published in the
Greek language by St. Nicodemus the Hagiorite. In his study,
Erbiceanu, probably driven by the desire to reinforce his assertions,
inserted the quotation on which he based his theory, in the Greek
language, also:

(= it was thrown by the unbelievers in the Dounavis River
on the seventh [day] of this month). Indeed, it is shown in this
quotation as the place of death of Bishop Aetherius the name of the
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25

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For a long time, it was believed about the Bishops John I and John II from
Tomis to be one and the same person. It was Florian Du who, recently proved
that, in reality it is a matter of two different hierarchs, who shepherded one
century away from each other. See: Florian Du, Noi consideraii asupra
identitii teologilor scii: Ioan, episcop de Tomis, ICR, p. 245-267.
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Danube () and not the one of the Dnieper River

(). Knowing that the name of the river is not mentioned
under this form in any of the manuscripts of the Constantinople
Synaxarium, most probably we are faced here with a mistake that
penetrated into the edition of St. Nicodemus the Hagiorite. The
coming out of this error could be due to a mistake of copying or
correction by ignorance made by one of the copyists who
transcribed this hagiographic passage throughout the time. Such a
manuscript could have been employed, subsequently, by
Nicodemus the Hagiorite, while redacting his Menaion.
LOCUL I MPREJURRILE MORII SFNTULUI
EPISCOP MUCENIC AITHERIOS AL CHERSONULUI
(SEC. AL IV-LEA D. HR.)
o problem de geografie istoric
- rezumat n acest studiu este analizat problema locului de ptimire a
Sfntului Episcop Mucenic Aetherius al Chersonului. Despre
acesta, unii cercettori romni au emis ipoteza c ar fi fost necat n
fluviul Dunrea, la nceputul secolului al IV-lea, de ctre barbarii
goi. Informaiile din cele mai vechi documente pstrate despre
acest episcop al Chersonului dovedesc, ns, c el a murit necat n
fluviul Nipru (), la gura de vrsare n Marea Neagr, n
dreptul insulei Alsos (azi Berezan, n Ucraina).

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253

SAINT JOHN CHRYSOSTOMS FELONION

A GIFT OF GREAT PRICE OF THE EPISCOPATE OF
ROMAN*
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by Aurel Florin Tuscanu

The year 2007 was declared throughout the Christian world
The year of St. John Chrysostom, since 1600 years went by from
the passing on of this great Holy Father of the Church to eternal
life. In the treasury of the Episcopate of Roman is preserved a
liturgical vestment about which it is said to have belonged to St.
John Chrysostom, and this object is considered the most precious
cultic object found in the Eparchial Museum. The felonion about
which it is said to have belonged to St. John Chrysostom is today
the most precious liturgical object preserved in the treasury of the
Episcopate of Roman. In conformity with the tradition, this felonion
would have been sent from Constantinople to Moldova in the 15th
century.
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First documentary mention in regards to this felonion dates

from the year 1653 when the patriarch Macarius of Antioch has
visited Moldavia and made a stop at Roman. His archdeacon, Paul
of Aleppo, companion and chronicler of the patriarch, in his well
known and interesting notes concerning what he has seen during his
sojourn in Moldavia, pre-eminently wrote down some aspects of
the ecclesiastical life of the time.
After stating what forced the patriarch to have a rest at Focani
on his way from Jassy to Walachia, the chronicler writes that the
patriarch had to return to Roman, to meet with the new reigning
prince of Moldavia, Gheorghe tefan, who was there temporarily:
The Patriarch had no choice but go to the Chief (Lord) of the
Roman Police, Roman being one of the reigning Princes
residences, also, and which was not seen by the Patriarch, as yet

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Translated into English language by Rev. Dr. Dumitru Mcil

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(...) We have met with him (the reigning Prince) and offered him
four gifts, namely: a pair of embroidered cushions, a little bottle
with Chrism, a carpet and two kinds of soap (...) and after the
Liturgy of St. Michaels feast, the Lord of the Police gave a banquet
to our Lord Patriarch26.
In Roman, the Patriarch Macarius has delayed for
approximately three weeks. On the day of November 13, 1653, on
St. John Chrysostoms feast, he was in the Eparchial Cathedral of
Roman. Paul of Aleppo offers some details with regards to the
religious ceremony celebrated on that day:
We participated here in the feast of Chrysostom, at which a
lot of people have gathered together. The Bishop (Anastasie, 16441658, our note), was vested with the felonion of John Chrysostom,
as was the custom all the years, on the day of this saint. That
vestment was sent as a gift by a Patriarch of Constantinople to
Stephen the Older (reigning Prince of Moldavia, 1394-1399), who
gave it to the said Episcopate with the right of heredity, to be
preserved in the great monastery of Parascheva27. Consequently,
in the year 1653 the felonion was found at the Episcopate of
Roman. Indubitably, Paul of Aleppo will have asked for
information in regards to this vestment, that is, since what time was
it kept there, where does it come from, who donated it, under what
kind of circumstances it got here, and particularly the fact that St.
John Chrysostom was born in Antioch.
The answers would have been unclear, excepting some oral
testimonies that were kept by way of oral tradition, such as: that it
proceeds from Constantinople, and belonged to St. John
Chrysostom, and that it was donated by one of the patriarchs to the
capital city of the reigning Prince of Moldavia, Stephen the Older28.
Some historians, who were concerned about the history of
the Episcopate of Roman (Rev. Scarlat Popescu), believe that the
vestment would have been dedicated to Stephen the Great, since
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26

***Cltori strini despre rile Romne, vol. V, Bucureti, 1976, p. 103.

Ibidem, p. 104.
28
Scarlat Popescu, Episcopia Romanului, Roman, 1984, pp. 363-365.
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27
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255

this reigning Prince became mythical, dressed in a legendary halo,

and everything which was precious and old was attributed to him.
However, the first historian, who busied himself thoroughly with
St. John Chrysostoms felonion found in Roman, was the
academician bishop Melchisedec tefnescu, in the second half of
the 19th century. Most certainly, the hierarch has seen the vestment
and has gathered documentary evidence until the year 1874 when
he published first volume of The Chronicle of Roman and of the
Episcopate of Roman; he was knowledgeable of what Paul of
Aleppo wrote down in his journal, since these notes had been
previously published by B. P. Hasdeu.
Bishop Melchisedec writes down some extremely important
observations, such as that this precious thing is preserved up to date
at the Episcopate, being placed into a sealed glass box.
Unfortunately, no historical document which would attest to the
origin of the felonion was preserved, besides what the archdeacon
Paul of Aleppo tells us in the year 1653.
Unlike the Antiochian chronicler, who had learned about the
provenance of the felonion that it would have been offered by the
patriarch of Constantinople to the reigning Prince of Moldavia
Stephen the Older, the academician bishop mentions that the local
tradition, (in the 19th century), has it that this vestment was sent
together with other gifts to Alexander the Good and to
Metropolitan Joseph (I Muat) of Moldavia by the Emperor
Paleologus of Constantinople, and that Alexander gave it to his
Monastery, Holy Friday (our holy righteous mother Parascheva)
from Roman, where his mother, the princess Anastasia, was buried,
but he makes complete by writing down that this tradition is of no
value. True, the tradition does not have value as a historic
document, but it is strong, and because of this it should not be
discarded.
In the 15th century, during Alexander the Goods reign and
after his reign, there have been brought to Moldavia from the
besieged Constantinople, from the Mount Athos and from other
localities and Balkan monasteries, various cultic objects, some of
them extremely precious, in exchange for some aids.
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Unfortunately for the cultic objects which belong to the socalled minor arts, as was, for instance, the epitaph from St.
Nicholas church of Jassy, admired in the year 1653 by the same
foreign traveler, Paul of Aleppo, who left the indication that the
precious woven material was a gift from John Cantacuzino for
Athos, probably for the Vatoped Monastery we do not have any
accompanying documents to attest their origin, as happened to the
felonion attributed to St. John Chrysostom from the Episcopate of
Roman29.
The byzantinist Al. Elian considers possible and real the
bringing to Moldavia, in the 15th century of some icons and some
other cultic objects by the monks from South30.
In accordance with the tradition, the icon of the Mother of our
Lord from the Neam Monastery and the icon of St. Ana from the
Bistria Monastery have been sent to the reigning Prince Alexander
the Good and to his wife by the Byzantine Emperor John the VIIIth
the Paleologus and by the Empress Ana.
At the same time, under unclear circumstances, the felonion of
St. John Chrysostom could have arrived at Roman, also.
If this vestment would have been received a few decades prior
to being seen by Paul of Aleppo, the ministers from the Episcopal
Cathedral of Roman would have known by all means under what
kind of circumstances it came to be here.
Consequently, there are reasons which lead to the conclusion
that the felonion had been sent to Roman at a much earlier time at
the time of its coming being accompanied by the tradition which
was saying that it belonged to St. John Chrysostom.
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29

Al. Elian, Moldova i Bizanul n sec. al XV-lea, in vol. Cultura

moldoveneasc n timpul lui tefan cel Mare, Bucureti, 1964, p. 167.
30
Ibidem.
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257

Fig. 1 St. John Chrysostom's felonion from Roman

After studying it thoroughly, the experts established some

diverse hypotheses, but maybe a laboratory analysis will persuade
about the accurate period when it was made.

258

The first presentation of the felonion, accompanied by two

drawings (on all sides) was left behind him by the bishop
Melchisedec, in his work, The Chronicle of Roman, vol. I, 1874:
On the top side, the felonion has a triangular form. Both sides, the
front part and the back part have the same length of two and a half
cubits, and the parallel width is of four cubits and a cm. On the top
side, it has a round opening, around the neck, trimmed with a yarn
edging, overcast with craftsmanship, and with two red galloons for
fastening. From the necks opening, a cut goes down to the lower
part of the garment, trimmed on the both sides with a yellow yarn
edging, wide of a finger, both front parts are brought together by
gold buttons. The loose lower parts of the garment are trimmed
around with edgings which have the same shape with the one from
the neck. The front part is made of seams, with silk and good yarn,
in three colors: red, green and blue. The camp is a thin matter
made of silk, having as bottom base a tow fabric with the edgings
attached to it. However, the thin cloak was destroyed by the time;
so much so that today the edgings are only on the cloak. The
overcast ornaments are nothing else but two kinds of crosses,
overcast with great proportion and elegance. And the part which is
over the backbone has an overcast ornament, with a round shape
surrounded by gold edging and with pearls, in the middle having
the image of the Savior Christ while He is blessing.
A new research and presentation is made at the end of the 20th
by Marina Ileana Sabados in her album dedicated to the Episcopal
Cathedral of Roman, as well as by the Church historian, Rev.
Scarlat Popescu, in his extensive monograph dedicated to the
Episcopate of Roman.
The liturgical vestment in the shape of a cloak which closes on
the front side is made of white silk, and the double is made of
common hemp cloth.
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259

On the background of the woven material appear dominant

motifs: the clover with four petals and the rectangular cross of
galloon, made of gold yearn and yellow silk. The great number of
crosses from the felonions camp brought about, also, its nickname
of polistavrion. On the back side of the vestment was applied
subsequently an embroidered medallion which presents the Savior
Christ, the Omnipotent One, while He is blessing. This is
embroidered with gold yarns, of silk and pearls, being enframed
into a circle.
The top fringe of the felonion, in a circular shape, is trimmed
with an edging overcast, also, with gold yarns and red silk.
Unlike the felonions used in the liturgical service during the
19th-20th centuries, this felonion has something specific, it is to be
closed on the front side, from the breast to its loose lower part, with
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golden buttons. The edging of the circular opening on the top is

repeated both at the loose lower part and at the closed fringes from
the front side31.
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INSTEAD OF CONCLUSIONS
The felonion attributed to St. John Chrysostom aroused, if not
controversial opinions on its origin, at any rate, the admiration of
those whose attention was drawn by it throughout the centuries.
The local tradition has it that this vestment would have been
one of the gifts sent to Alexander the Good and to the Metropolitan
Joseph by one of the Constantinoples Emperors belonging to the
Paleologus family; and Alexander would have donated it to his
monastery, St. Parascheva, of the Episcopate of Roman (where his
mother, the princess Anastasia, was interred).
During the journey of the Patriarch of Antioch, Macarius,
through Moldavia, (1653), his archdeacon, Paul of Aleppo, wrote
down about the existence of this liturgical vestment from Roman in
his journal, by gathering documentary evidence from the
information taken from the local tradition of the Episcopate32.
Preserved with piety along the time, with a pious respect
continuously fed by its noble legend St. John Chrysostoms
felonion is a polistavrion to which was applied later, in the
middle of the backbone, on the top, a small embroidered medallion
which represents Jesus the Great High Priest, while He is blessing.
This piece is of inestimable historic and artistic value,
stylistically being similar to the Moldavian pieces of embroidery
from the most prollific period, the 15th- 16th centuries33.
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31

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Melchisedec tefnescu, Cronica Romanului i a Episcopiei de Roman, vol. I,

Bucureti, 1874, p. 269-270. In this work, there are some details concerning St.
John Chrysostom felonion from Roman.
32
Anuarul Eparhiei Romanului, 1936, p. 58-60.
33
Marina Ileana Sabados, Catedrala Episcopiei Romanului, Roman, 1990, p.
121.
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261

FELONUL SF. IOAN GUR DE AUR.

UN DAR DE MARE PRE AL EPISCOPIEI ROMANULUI
- rezumat Anul 2007 a fost declarat n toat lumea cretin Anul Sf.
Ioan Gur de Aur, deorece s-au mplinit 1600 de ani de la trecerea
din aceast lume la cele venice a acestui mare Sfnt Printe al
Bisericii. n tezaurul Episcopiei Romanului se pstreaz un vemnt
liturgic despre care se spune c a aparinut Sfntului Ioan Gur de
Aur, acesta fiind considerat cel mai valoros obiect de cult din
Muzeul Eparhial. Felonul, despre care se spune c a aparinut Sf.
Ioan Gur de Aur, este astzi cel mai valoros obiect liturgic pstrat
n tezaurul Episcopiei Romanului. Potrivit tradiiei, acest felon ar fi
fost trimis de la Constantinopol, n Moldova, n secolul al XV-lea.

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