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Table of Contents
I. Introduction
II. Illusory Dichotomy: Coercion and integration in early states
III. Illusory Pyramid: Egalitarianism and the growth of complexity
IV.Illusory Force: Processes and causes of social evolution
V. Illusory Universality: Systems and history
VI.Conclusion: Implications for future state research
I.
Introduction
have existed under the illusion that state formation is a process which
imposes centralization upon non-state societies, rather than being an
outgrowth of their existing institutions and historical practices. I intend
not only to dispel these four illusions but to replace them with
constructive means by which anthropologists should revive state formation as
a worthwhile area of study.
Hill does not account for the acceptance of the non-prestigious of the
laws and ordinances of those who gain prestige -why would one not simply
leave, or eliminate one's leader, or use other means to reduce the resultant
inequalities? He must assume that all states evolved in highly
circumscribed environments with strong competition for prestige, a situation
for which he provides no evidence. The final blow to Hill's argument
derives from the fact that in hunter-gatherer bands stratified by age and
sex, and thus young men know that they have only to wait for a few years
until their status rises, along with their reproductive success. There is
no reason to overthrow the leadership in such a stable situation, and there
is no evidence that this is how social evolution actually occurred. While
there are certain correlations between the acquisition of power and the
continuation of one's line, Hill has reduced a complex situation to such a
ridiculous degree that his argument has no merit whatsoever.
Roger Masters equates political evolution with game theory in
evolutionary biology, specifically the classic Prisoner's Dilemma. Masters
contends that the inevitable result of individual rational choices would be
some sort of "social contract" in which it is "natural" that the benefits of
law and government outweigh its costs (Masters 1982: 446-447). His sources
on state origins are those of Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel, without
consideration of the anthropological evidence which suggests that the
"social contract" is an illusion of Western philosophers rather than a real
phenomenon. Masters' contention that the state is caused when equals gather
together to determine codes of proper or "altruistic" conduct supposes that
this "natural state of equality" existed (Masters 1982: 442), while I have
suggested above that it did not. This analysis falls prey to the same sort
of fault as Hill's, in that it may explain something about human sociality
but that it fails to consider the non-emergence of states as an equally
relevant fact as their actual formation. It is clear that while there may
be correlations between state formation and biological adaptive advantages,
evolutionary biologists have failed completely to produce adequate causal
agents for political evolution.
Having explored the ridiculous arguments from the biologists, let us
turn now to the materialists, whose arguments regarding state formation can
be separated roughly into two distinct groups. The first, Marxist and neoMarxist scholars, argue that material conditions and the mode of production
of a society are essential in transforming its political structures and
ideological behaviour. The other, called by some "vulgar Marxists", are
cultural ecologists who argue that a society's environmental conditions are
the primary determinants of its social structure and evolution. While both
of these arguments fail, they fail for different reasons, as I will detail
below.
Marxist arguments on state formation no longer rely extensively on the
writings of Marx himself; certainly, few would be found who still argue that
all societies must pass through a capitalist phase before reaching "the end
of history" with the advent of communism. Charles Maisels, a neo-Marxist,
rejects the notion that there is one universal line of evolution. Instead,
he argues that there are at least two divergent lines: one, that of east
Asia and the Andes, leading to the so-called "Asiatic" mode of production,
and the other, found in Mesopotamia, leading to a "city-state" system of
urban centers (1987: 331). The Marxist line of thought regarding state
formation generally requires the conversion of human beings and their
labour-products into use by wealthy elites (see Tosi 1976). As such, it is
clear that societies represent systems of some sort, and are not merely
agglomerations of individuals even in the most undifferentiated of peoples.
By "system" I mean only any organized assembly of inter-related components,
and as such many types of systems (mechanical, organic, astrophysical,
social, etc.) can be identified. A key insight which is raised by Walter
Buckley is that a system "is not to be confused with the structure or
organization its components may take on at any particular time" (1967: 5,
italics in original). It may thus be said that while there are evolutionary
systems or social systems, there are only state structures which are the
physical manifestations of a social system at any given time.
Lest the reader think I am advocating some sort of metaphysical force
behind such systems, I must emphasize that systems are entirely the result
of human actions, the natural and constructed environment and the
interaction of the two. Nevertheless, the consequences of systems and the
structures they produce are often indifferent to or even contradictory to
the desires of their human components. Anyone who has ever invested in the
stock market is well aware that it is a system in which each actor desires
financial gain, and yet often the market can crash, causing financial harm
to all individuals concerned. Most social systems are, of course, far more
complex and cannot be so easily described. It is the job of the systems
theorist to explain how human actors and actions and the physical
environment are the sole causal agents which result in the creation of state
structures.
An important (and much misused) concept in systems theory is that of
feedback, of which positive (deviation-enhancing) and negative (deviationreducing) are the two forms. Buckley notes that feedback should not be
"equated simply with any reciprocal interaction between variables" (1967:
52). The classic example of negative feedback is a thermostat; when a
change to the initial condition of the system occurs (increase or decrease
in temperature), the system is sensitive to the change and responds by
reducing the deviation (either by sending a signal to introduce more heat or
by sending another signal to turn the heat off). To witness positive
feedback in action, the stock market example above is instructive. As soon
as any slight decrease occurs in a stock or a negative circumstance arises,
the system's sensors (human actors) react by attempting to sell the stock
before a more drastic decrease occurs. Since the market then has less
demand than supply, the overall effect (feedback response) is an increased
rate of decline. In the case of state formation and social evolution, it is
positive feedback with which we are most concerned, although negative
feedback and homeostasis are important and ongoing processes which
maintain stability in all societies, whether or not they are states.
Perhaps the most influential systems theorist working within a
cultural evolutionary framework has been Kent Flannery (Flannery 1972).
Flannery suggests that cultural evolution is most adequately explained
"multivariant causality" in which various factors are interrelated in a
complex of feedback loops, causal chains and other relationships (Flannery
1972: 423-424). By rejecting "prime movers" such as population pressure or
warfare, without denying the importance of such factors, multivariant
causality allows that these factors may operate in different directions, and
that each social system is unique. One may debate the value or existence of
Flannery's "generative rules" of the state as too simplistic or incomplete
scenarios. However, this objection does not require the rejection of the
theory, but rather careful research to test its validity.
V.
Illusory Universality:
complex societies (Haas 1982: 51). Anatolii Khazanov notes that "the states
founded as a consequence of the expansion or colonial policies of more
developed states - which hence represented a kind of secondary developed
states - were definitely not early ones, even at the time of their origin"
(Khazanov 1978: 79). Jerome Rousseau, in discussing the prerequisites of
inequality, asserts that "societies transformed by more developed modes of
production (and this applies eminently to the colonial situation) cannot be
expected to follow this sequence" (1985: 45).
One would certainly have to concede that the distinction between
primary and secondary states is a meaningful one at least with regards to
its basic definition. There is no apparent reason, however, to sharply
divide episodes of state formation on these lines any more than along the
axis of circumscribed vs. non-circumscribed states, or distinguishing the
presence or absence of long-distance trade. Two reasons come to mind
immediately as to why the primary-secondary distinction might come to assume
a logically prior position in the description of states. Firstly, many
early researchers were seeking "prime movers" rather than considering a
multivariant scheme. An inevitable consequence of this quest would be that
secondary states had to be relegated to "impure" status in order to study
the single cause which resulted in primary state formation. Inevitably,
cultural diffusionism came to be looked down upon as a secondary process,
unworthy of study. A second reason might be cultural arrogance; we do not,
for instance, often think of Anglo-Saxon state formation as a secondary
process, or somehow "contaminated". Just because the processes of state
formation among the Iroquois or the Zulus were relatively recent does not
deny their validity.
An important issue which most scholars have not raised is why, given
contact between large centralized states and smaller, non-state societies,
certain societies developed into states and others did not. Why did the
Zulus and Polynesians respond as they did, by evolving centralized political
institutions of their own? Why did other societies such as the Iroquois,
who were at the same "level" of evolution as the first two, not do so until
much later? And why did other areas, such as the Pacific Northwest, not
evolve states at all? It seems ridiculous to claim that all instances where
diffusion occurred should fall under the rubric of "secondary states". The
number of truly "pristine" formations is very small, perhaps as low as two
(see Wright and Johnson 1975). Why, then, do we insist on making much ado
about nothing by continuing to ignore the processes of state formation right
on our historical doorstep?
It is already very well-known among anthropologists that various
institutions and structures may take different forms when imposed on or
borrowed by societies to which those institutions are not native. Alan
Macfarlane discusses capitalist economics as a cultural creation of the
West, specifically England, in The Culture of Capitalism (Macfarlane 1992).
The creation of pseudo-Christian cargo cults in New Guinea is welldocumented, as are various forms of syncretic religion which derive from
contact between organized religions and the religious beliefs and traditions
of conquered and colonized peoples. There is no reason, then, other than
blind insistence on the existence of "pure" political forms, to argue that
the diffusion and/or imposition of state structures occurred in a pure, noncontested form.
The position taken by Barbara Price regarding secondary state
formation is quite close to my own. Price argues that secondary state
VI.
Conclusion:
evolution can be understood more fully. Above all, however, human systems
must be recognized as historical systems, in which the initial conditions of
the system play a key role in constraining its structural change. We must
cease our search for the "pristine" or "pure" state of the past, which
probably never existed, and look at the real examples around us. It is
essential to examine societies of particular examples of these constraints
in action, so that we may not fall off the thin ledge between excessive
particularism and radical determinism. Rather than rejecting the
evolutionary paradigm altogether, a critical examination of its failures and
shortcomings can thus lead to a greater understanding of its relevance for
contemporary theory.
Notes
(1) Unlike Service (1975: 23), I do not regard Machiavelli
solely as an early "coercion theorist", for he does recognize
the need for the prince to have the consent of his subjects in
many circumstances.
(2) Such insistence on the creation of state "templates" which
are imposed upon and eliminate earlier settlement patterns has
been successfully refuted by Nocete (1994) with regards to
locational analysis such as Central Place Theory.
(3) Of course, social evolution in no way negates the
possibility of no change in complexity - "stagnation", for lack
of a better term, or societal collapse or "devolution". As I
show later, these instances are useful in the study of the
evolutionary process and, in fact, the exceptions prove the
rule that societies tend to increase in complexity.
(4) I do not include the "structural Marxists" such as
Friedman and Godelier in this camp, for many scholars
influenced by Marxist thought emphasize material factors along
with ideological and cultural factors in state formation.
(5) This occurrence would be an instance of negative feedback,
since the newly introduced structure would tend to reduce the
deviation caused by the initial condition of circumscription.
(6) The reader may note certain similarities between this
approach and the Hegelian dialectic (thesis + antithesis =
synthesis), with each instance of change producing a new set of
initial conditions.
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