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Bruce Kapferer
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R e s p o n s e t o St r a t h e r n
Kapferer
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R e s p o n s e t o St r a t h e r n
Kapferer
Strathern seems more reticent than Dumont about the continuities) and to deal
with the significance of both. Anthropology is divested of the spoiling reputation
whereby its comparative and ethnographic work is assigned a positive rather than
negative role.
Apart from their similarities in purpose or spirit, the perspectives of
Dumont and Strathern are distinct. Dumont is very much a formalist in the tradition of Durkheim and later Lvi-Strauss, although Dumont aims to escape what
he considers to be their Eurocentrism. Dumont is a holist for whom the part can
only be conceived through its relation with the whole. Strathern is wary, I think,
of such holism placing parts and wholes into more dynamic relation, the parts
being points for the emergence of new wholes or assemblages. In contrast with
that of Strathern, Dumonts position might be seen as far more static, although
this is not necessarily the case.3 While Dumont can be described as a traditionalist (if not an Orientalist, committed, as some critics claim, to homogeneous
orders), Stratherns viewpoint is more open and contemporary. Nonetheless, it is
useful to raise a few questions that Dumont might have considered in relation to
Stratherns approach, if only to expose some potential risks.
Methodologically, she aligns herself with increasingly dominant social science approaches, such as actor-network theory, as well as with the dividualist
orientation of Marriott. Both in some ways accord with her Melanesian ethnography, which indicates that the person is not a coherent integrated singular
individual, but rather partible, a point of differentiation that can be plugged into
or unplugged from a variety of relations that cross over what may appear as differences and separations and that a previous comparative anthropology may have
held to be unbridgeably distinct. Actor-network theory, at least in the work of
Latour (which bears some resemblance to Manuel DeLandas assemblage theory,
which in turn has its kinship to Stratherns perspective), is set unabashedly within
the contemporary Euro-A merican re-imagination or re-ontologization of the
nature of existence as conceived in a world of digitalized technology, cyberspace,
and virtuality.4 Dumont, I surmise, would see this development as blatantly
individualist, rooted in the conceptualizations of recent history (and its futurisms). Marriotts individualism, for example, is presented as a shift away from the
individual as value, a concept that, as Dumont explains, is at the root of EuroA merican social scientific thinking and that is seen to be centrally involved in the
failure of comparative and generalist objectives. But I think that Dumont would
4. Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2005); Manuel DeLanda, A New Philosophy of Society:
Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity (London: Continuum, 2006).
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Kapferer
were constituted in and through the category, which expressed a virtual relation
in terms of which actual relations were formed. Such dynamics can be widely
attested, especially in the current conditions of migration and urbanization and
in the context of what some commentators are referring to as contemporary cosmopolitanism. Stratherns critical take is that such globalizing intermixture may
mask persisting ontological differences that (if I understand her argument) may
underpin the new associations and relations formed. Further, Strathern would
disagree with the urban/rural division and separation that marked the RLI perspective and for which these researchers were criticized by many anthropologists at the time. (J. Clyde Mitchell, the key urban anthropologist of the RLI
group, eventually attempted to overcome the dichotomization with his network
approach, which is distinct from that currently being popularized by Latour.)
However, Stratherns resolution of the conceptual divide seems to replace
a horizontal distinction with a vertical one. That is, the ontological dimensions
of relations in migrants villages persist into urban space as the occluded base
of relations in town. Playing on Gluckmans extremist position (which opposed
town situations to rural tribal situations), Strathern conceives of the Hageners as
simultaneously tribesmen, their tribal ontological roots, as it were, still deeply
relevant, if suppressed, for the relations that they are forming in town.
The RLI point is, of course, more complicated than I have so far represented it. Mitchell, for example, did not conceive of Zambian urban life as an
integrated totality.6 As he saw it, life flowed through a diversity of events and
situations, in which relations were being constantly recreated. These relations
were in accordance with the manifold perspectives of participants whose motivating conditions, rather than ontological fundamentals (ideological constructions
being preferable in this case), were predominantly those of the political economy
of the colonial and postcolonial order (in both urban and rural spaces).
Here I would suggest (still in the context of the RLI situationist perspective) that Stratherns argument intimates a dimension of social/societal integration more than she might otherwise prefer. The event-centered and situational
approach that the RLI researchers experimented with (in explicit reaction against
notions of the inherent unity of society) is more fluid and oriented toward potential (that is, toward the production of something entirely original). This is so
despite their privileging of structure and their antagonism toward individualist
psychologism, which is always a risk, though not a necessity, of an orientation that
stresses ontology of the restricted and even cultural kind that Strathern sees as
relevant to the Hageners.
6. J. Clyde Mitchell, Social Networks and Urban Situations:
Analyses of Personal Relationships in Central African Towns
(Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 1969);
The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among
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