(Cambridge ida Bas Studies dr Boa Charles Tripp general ein) Tara Gershon Roger Oven, Yad Sai ‘Cambdge Middle East Studies hs been estabahedopubtsh ‘books onthe nineteenth: and twented-estury Middle Eat and North Ais The im ofthe rier to prove ew ad rial inerpretons of aspect of Mile Eastern soiets and hee Itones, Toachieve disciplinary diversity, books il be sotto rom {thors wong ina wide ange fel casing tory, ocloy, {nuhropalogy, polical scene and political economy. The mphass ‘wile on producing books efeing an orginal approch slong ‘heorecal and empical line The sre intended fr ater and {cademics, but the more scene and wide-ranging sas il so Sippel tothe mteresed general ear 1 Pav Pair, men and oh Pia! Pn Tess Conry ‘rar 0521 47340 Shardback 0321 9579 X paperback 2 tae Gn anaes nko Rdg ie ian 2 Annes Moos, Wimen, rope and am: Paleinian Expr, 1920-1990 0321 41497) harchack 0321483381 paperback 44 Paul Kingson, rian andthe Pits of Madernzaion nthe ile Bay, 1945-7985 "0521 36346 1 5 Daniel Brown, Rethinking Tao Moder amie Thought (0521 570778 hardoack 053165304 O paperback {6 Nathan) Brown, Th Rl of Lash A Mar Cones i Bay ‘andthe Gulf 0521 590264 1 Recaed Tapper, Prone Noma Ir: The Pca and Si ior fe Shalscean 0321 38336 5 18 aed Pay lhe Pasha Me: Mebmed A Hie Army and he Making of Moder aypr 0321 36007 19 Shea Carpio, Cie Sci in mon Th Pica sonny of ‘Acom n Arbia 0321 390081 10 Mew Lion, Sh Schl Nino Gonury a: The Vara of Nijafand Katto 0321 623561 1 Jacob Meter, The Diced ionmg of Mandatory Paine Rethinking tradition in modern Islamic thought Daniel W, Brown |CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS.Contents Preface Iuroducton: the prism of modernity ‘The relevance ofthe past: classical conceptions of Prophetic authoriyy 2 Theemergence of modern challenges to tradition 3 Boundaries ofreelation 4 Thenature of Prophetic authority 5 Theauthenticiy ofa {6 Sunna and Islamic revvalism 7 Conclusion: the spectrum of change Notes Bibliography Index “ oo a 108 133 142 169 179Preface Introduction: the prism of modernity “This study owes ite inspiration to Funlur Rahman who was both a keen scholar of modern Islamic thought and himselfa major contributor tthe rethinking ofthe Islamic wadition that i the focut ofthis book. His per- sonal concern for questions related o sun fisalerted me the impor. tance ofthe topic for modern Muslims, and readers familiar with Fal Rahman's work will recognize the imprint of his scholarship here. His, death in 1988 was lov o all those concerned with the stay of Islam tnd a special loss this students am likewise indebted to frends colleagues, and family who encour aged me to carry the project forward. Thanks especialy co Wadad Kad, Charles Adams, and Wiliam Graham wo all gave generously of thet advice and time at various sages of my work. I am grateful tothe many ‘people who helped me in the course of research visits to Paketan and Egypt: Peter and Etica Dodd and the staff of United States Edveational Foundation in Pakistan, De. Zafar Ishag Ansari andthe faculty and stall ‘ofthe Islmic Retearch Institute in Isamabed, Abmad Ramadan of the Library of Congress office in Cairo, and Dr. Muammad Siraj and other ‘acuity and staf ofthe Dar al-Ulim at Cairo University. Thanks also to iy colleagues in the Department of Religion at Mount Holyoke Calege for their encouragement "The field research that enabled me to proceed with this project would have been impossible without generous funding fom a Fulbright Grant for research in Pakistan and a Fulbright-Hayes dissertation fllowship for research in both Pakistan and Egypt. The writing ofthe dissertation was, supported bya grant from the Charlotte Newcombe Foundation, ‘My fina noe of thanks mas go tomy family, whose love, support and encouragement made this work possible My parents, Ralph and Polly Brown, not only supported much of my education but passed on to me snd to all hee children their own ove for Pakistan, their adopted home, [My children, Sarah, Ruth Anne, and Stephen, grew with tis project they were a fequent source of refeshment from the weariness of study. ‘Thank, finally to Carol my wife, frend, and fellow-traveler who took on this project with me and deserves much of the credit for its completion Since the middle of the nineteenth century, Muslim thinkers have faced ‘numerous and repeated challenges to classical Islamic ideas about rel ‘Bows euthorty Upheavals in the Muslim woeld have stilted wide~ Spread reexamination ofthe caical sources of Islamic law as Muslims have stugaled to preterve, adap, o redefine their social and legal norms inthe face of chenged conditions, A central ssue inthis ongoing struggle has been the question ofthe nature, status, and authority of the sunna, the normative example of the Prophet Muhammad. Because of ‘Muhammad's strus at messenger of God, his words and actions are seccpted by most Muslim as a source of religious and legal authority Second only to the Qur'an, Indeed, the Quan itself repeatedly com- ‘mands ite readers to obey Allth and His messenger. The imiaio ‘Muhanmadi tooe became te standard for ethical behavior among ‘Muslims forming the Basis fr Islamic law and seting the standard fr trea the most mundane activities ~the order in which fingernails should be cut or the proper length ofthe beaed. During the twentieth century, however, the position ofsunna bas been threatened ina variety of ways ‘Muslim thinkers have searched for a slid bats for the revival of Islam, ‘The problem of sunna has become the most important dimension of « modern Muslim cris of religious authority occupying a central pace in “Muslim religious discourse. ‘Understanding the Muslim struggle to define dhe poston of sunna is critical f we ae to understand fly the experience of modern Muslims, ‘at the topic also has universal relevance for our understanding of how ‘adherens fo the grea eliious tations hve faced the challenges posed ‘by modernity. The way dat modern Muslims have faced thei own crisis of religious authority, centered on sunna, suggests insights inc a lager problem inthe study of religion, thet is the relationship berween tradition fd modernity and the related question of how participants in a reat ea ition deal with change, Our central subject then i wradition ~nottadi- tion according to current scholarly fashion, but tradition in en ‘old-fathioned sense: a deposit of knowledge or truth, originating with2 Reinking aon ner sani ooh pst authority, end banded down within religious community.” In Islamie though, tation in this sen i embodied in the sun of the Prophet, preserved by his followers and faithflly handed down within ‘the Muslim community. or most Muslims, sunna isa symbol ofthe link ‘with the Prophetic era, the representation ofthe Prophet in the ere and ‘ow, a concrete embodiment of the need that Muslizs have felin every {generation for continuity with an ideal past. In seeking to understand modern Muslim discussions of sunna and what they tellus about tradition and modernity, we must take on ten= ency, evident in many weauments of modeen Muslim ietellectuat history t0 view the developrnent of Muslim ideas in heuristic terms, ‘Modern Istamie thought, according tothe paradigm adopted by many ‘orientalis i in a transitional phase in which Muslim thinkers must ‘come to terme with the inexorable forces of modernity rationals, and liberalism emanating from the West. According to this paradigm, exem- plified in Wilfred Cantwell Smith's clasic sam in Modern History, ‘modern controversies among Muslims, such ab the debates over sunna Gescribed in tis seud, should be viewed as skirmishes in an ongoing battle between tradition and modernity, revelation and reason liberalism and reaction, ‘Such an approach presumes clearcut dichotomy between tradition ‘and modernity, «presumption which is deeply rooted in Enlightenment thought, but’ which deserves. reexamination, For Enlightenment thinkers, reason was a searchlight, piecing the darkness of tradition, ‘breaking through a fog ofignorance wo illuminate the tuth- The pioneers of the Enlightenment might be excused for dramatizing the clash of feason and tradition or reason and revelation #0 tary: they sere ogaged ina bate for bert of thought, which dei ives were some times at stake. But in so portraying the confit of reason and wadision, Enlightenment thinkers peshaps failed to recognize the degree to which they were, themselves, rooted in the traditions from which they claimed, tohave escaped, ‘Against the Eolightenmen raion, whichis sll pervasive in western academic culture, T would suggest that tradition is not an enemy of| change, but the very stuf that i subject to change. ‘Tradition both ‘changes and may be usd to justly change; ican in fat, be revolution ary? The history of Islamic thought provides numerous examples of how the intellectual tradition of Islam hus provided the underpinnings for adaptation, reform, and revolution, The early Kharijte movement, the “Abbisid “revolution,” and the refrmism of Tom Taymiyya ae eariy ‘xamples ofthe dynamism of wadition. The “Islamic” revolution in Tran, ‘he strength of Sunni revivals inthe Arab world, and the emergence of ‘he pei of modernity , namie feminism are some widely divergent examples of more recent ‘Rovemens hat look vo aon justi change Rance time it also evden hat ado sequent appealed toms ty o defending against perceived innovation, 8 way of ese BEaLEncdenues Aterate wes of radon are dus mar bade ‘pecs theres fece competion to camel the proces by which the nica of radiion i defined, and fr modern Mss, sana has ‘Sekine the biter pont of confit. Thus, the modern problem of SSar hanes out of confit among Muslims over the deicion and ‘unt ofthe autbendeadon and over the method by wich that ra dion robe defined iitmoderaty and tradiion should not be viewed as diametically ppotea tone anaher, how ae wet understand thei elton reid sega a reversal of the Enightenment metaphor. Rather than Yering moderity asa source of gt peling the daines of tadi- sere Moat apne wciton ata beam fh retacted by {hepeem of moderiy. A tradton emerges fom the prism of moder Sr Rhuntcolredspecarum of eapontes Some responses wil sow he tye af modernity mach more dramatically than oes, but none wil ESNiecvomouched Ar the same time cach coor of the petrum, each Ginerentfeaponse, clearly rooted inthe tradition. All responses (0 ‘Godcniy oma lgious dion, nd even those that seem rave lft ‘Bo waliuonsopeter behind, einai certain comity withthe ea tim ju seach band ofthe spectra preset in the bit entering Pr Numerous issues of concern to modern Muslims might be used to nun spatter, Modern debate over women’ rights and at, for Sto prerde nv isttion ofthe drematalyvergen eso ‘Sind he tan canbe put So-called neo-mu'alism, the eival of isis unpecu of Mevtaite thology t0 fly aration method, Sftvanotcr ample, Baro ease can provide aber istration of te ‘SiSSoneipoftwacition and moderatyin Islam than the ery symboland Shchoraf the dion de sunoa isl, fras wl argo Bere sunna is Tonists on the importance ofsunna,the abl ary differed over is precise ‘content and meaning ‘Similarly, the ai a-ha, a eat as they are portrayed by a and Iba Qutayba donot argue thatthe Prophetic example isnot tative, They argue rather that hadith does noe accurately reflect this trample and thatthe true legacy ofthe Prophets be found elsewhere = first and foemoscin following the Qur'an. Asal-Shif' porcrays them the fl a-ha ee concerned primarily withthe really ofthe tansmis- ‘ion of reports (ahi abhban; dey do nor challenge the auority of the Prophet nor do they questin the duy of the Muslims ro obey him ‘ShAAT i quick to make ue of tis admission. If as his opponents grant, ‘God did command obedience tothe Prophet, then he most necessarily ‘have intended particular commands. These rules, set out by Mubammad in his words and actions, re therefore authoritative for Muslims and they an reach later generations of Muslims only by means of traditions (akhbar)® At the core of a-ShEBYs argument isa simple proposition: baving commanded believers to obey the Prophet, God must certainly have provided the means todo so, As t turned ou the al a-kalam were ‘unable to withstand che force and loge of the taditionist argument. We find that che later oh al-kalam, che Mu'tazila, while they maintained & ‘degre of skepticism widh regard to hadith, bowed increasingly to the pressure ofthe traditions arguments in favor of haath, Jai Musas the ambivalence felt by many ofthe Matas: the sunna would be indis- putable, heels, if only we had sure knowledge of ic. Unfortunately Faves inthe process of transmission have made the tsk of recapruring suthentic information about the Prophetic sunna imposible. Yer his Skepticism does not kep him away fom hodih himself. Thus he laments the failure ofthe early Muslims to establish the authentic sunna a8 they hha the text ofthe Que'én while a the same ime he makes fee use of ‘badthto bolster his own arguments.” "The clasial approach othe relationship berween the Qur'in and the ssunna was forged within this polemical environment and the outcome ‘was much affected by these debates. Inthe doctrinal symthesis that grew tur of these controversies two seemingly contradictory. tendencies ‘merge. On the one hand there ia clear concern for esablishing he text ofthe Quen as unique, uncorupted, and incorruptible: a product ofthe Givine wll without aint of human influence or intervention." Yetaround the same time we find the increasing articulation of another apparentiy ‘contradictory doctrine according to which sunna ike the Qur'an, i ao {product of divine revelation; they originate atthe same source, and they share the same authoritative status. This belief bepins ro appear inee Saas nee Sree nays \taditions which define the relationship between sunna and Quin and assert the revealed status of the former, Thus we find i reported that, “Gabriel used to descend tothe Prophet with nna justas he descended with the Qur'an." Whenever Muarmmad received a revelation, he was sso delivered a sunne to explain it” The bei reflected in these a= tons, that una ita produc of direct divine revelation, wa latent in the ‘outlook ofthe earliest Muss, but the formal identification of sunna as ‘uahy fa tater development, probably an outgrowth of the seconde and third-century controversies over the soures of slamic law ‘This antinomy, that the Qur'an is unparalleled but thatthe sunna is ‘nevertheless equal co iin satu, was enshrined in the clesscal forma which defines sunna as untected revelation (hy shayr mal) and difer- ‘ntates it from recited revelation (zoky mad), which found only in the Qur'én, The distinction made here is one of form and not of tubstance ‘Sanna is nota diferent mode of revelation, but its wed differently and transmit differently This formala maintains the superiority ofthe (uri in che realm of ital and devotion while eserting the equal status ‘of the sunna asa source of legal authori In the Quran both the words land commands ee of divine provenance inthe sunna ony the intent of the command is trustworthy, for the text oof i ible to corruption. Sati seems co be aware ofthis formula: "The prophet of God prflered nothing tbat was not by the agency of] says" he writes, “for tuhy inches [both] that whichis recited (the Quen] and also taky by hich the Prophet established sunna.* This doctrine notan moportant clement of his argument, however, and he make litle se of iin his polemics, preferring to support his views by Queinie exegesis. By the ‘ime of Tin Qutayba, however, the doctrine wns well established, Ie was an argument that cleary had utlity in the wpdl debater, rt a 4 general 4efense of the tradiconist position, but more particularly ats means of steered he Quran oye wich we rete o rene poly, ‘oleic de Garin we Be trod noc Qu aru oe od {iSkin i moon Once Get inats d ine Qari on shes by nvdeim aster te, nt ply rected, Suede ‘The docineatie dine ogni ha yn oer cna chleship. oan partly important for instance a 3 utente oy rl played by sana in the spine of Quren Inepremon (aft) Bothancient and moder autoreve red at Sn innpenabl othe tek of Que exge ts he rata Sutrerking ofthe revealed tex and the exeeiacommentary onthe “Te nthe apr from sunna te Quri ncomprehis nd abrogatng verses wel au he oly guide tote context of Quranic Tego (atch cbr. Hence the maxim "the Qur’sn has greater teed ofthe sun tan the wunna ofthe Qua" The accsation hs tren made sepentely in both ancient and modern debates bout sun, ws some junction tat hone who oppo ch do so merely ave her own wap wit the Quen, Ring sna oa place of ita uy wi the Quin wav one mean of protesting the ora ink ‘Sten he reo ours. ‘Sanna after alt _Afwer the third century A.H. we find hardly e word spoken in opposition the main tenet ofthe classical doctrine ofsunna. From this pont on, util18 Rethinking tradition in modern Islamic thought ‘al madthabs might have found the doctrine of sunna promoted by al- ‘ShifT and his traditionis ales irefotabl, but they showed themselves ‘unwiag vo abandon their positions on substantive matters ‘Where actual legal point were concerned there were rll a great many ways to get around the aplication ofa particular tradition without eve challenging the theoretical positon ‘of sunna.® Recourse could be sought, for example, inthe argument that not al that the Prophet had aid or done had legal intent. Only the most extreme ofthe traditions legit, ‘hore of the Zhi schoo! along with ome Hanbalite, made imitation of the Prophet in every detail a matter of legal obligation, All ofthe other schools of law insisted on the need for an interpretive step between ata. dition and its legal application: not every tation that appeared tobe a command was infact « command.» Hence the division of commands into legal categories: required, recommended, indifferent, discouraged, and forbidden, Such categorization could be used to mitigate the effect of traditions one didnot lke and there wae, in fat, much difference of opinion among jurists on how certain practices should be eateporaca What is more, the jurists generally accepted a distinction between the actions of the Prophet that were related ois eligious mision and other actions, declaring the laze to be non-binding. Even such a staunch defender of hadith as fon Qutayba maintains this distinction, He divides sunina into (1) that which was brought by Gabriel (2) that which was instituted by Muhammad's own r'y and is binding, but subject to fev sion ands (3) non-binding sunna, bearing no penalty fr filre to follow it This argument to found is way ita hadith in the form ofthe famous aetrce tradicon. According to this report, after having given what proved tobe faulty advice to some unfortunate Medinan date farmer, Muhammad said: "Tam only human, If command something related co religion, then obey, but i order you todo something on the Sais of my own opinion (ra'y), then Iam only a human being"** ‘The eelevance ofthe pat Ww “The jurists leo argued that understanding the legal import of an incident from the life of the Prophet required an acquaintance with the surrounding contest, We find this attitude enshrined in a number of polemical raditions in which one Companion accuses others of ering, fot by transmitting incorrecy, but by disregarding the context and thus coming to aa incorsectconchusion, One ofthe most frequently cited uch incidents, and one that recurs repeatedly in modern discusions of the problem of sunna, has ‘Aisha refuting the wadition "the dead Suffer from the mourning of dei relative over them” by explaining that the report resulted from a careless combining of two unrelated fatements, The Prophet, while walking near the grave of recently ‘Scceased Jewish woman sai that she was ufleringand then added: "Her felatives are mourning over hee” Some ofhis hearers misunderstood his fnent and put dhe evo statements together, concluding that che woman ‘vas sullering sa result ofthe mourning ofher raves The lesson is ‘leat: there is more tothe sunna than jst accepting traditions at face value ‘Of course the main recourse for preserving existing legal doctrine ‘without challenging the theoretical authority of sunna proved to be the cence of hash ect self. The jurists learned to play the atrib- tion game, subattting arguments fom traditions for other methods of ‘eatoning, Since the sunna of the Prophet was now elevated above all ther sources of precedent there ws a powerful motive forthe attrib tion of opinions to Muhammad which had previously been atrouted 3 ‘Compenion o Successor or simply based on ry. Hence the phenome ‘on of the backward growth of iondd, With the establishment ofthe tadi- ‘lonist definition of sna tne method of choice for refuting the views of fn opponent was 0 discredit his authorities ~to tear apart his tnd, Indeed, ican be persuasively argued that i was this srt of competition that gave see to the hadith erties in the st place. According to the traditional account, the systematic study of hadith and the scrutiny of fandde resulted from the aluistic response of pious scholars to wide spread forgery of taditons. The guardians of tradition are supposed to have begun scrutinizing the character of those who transmitted reports in response to politcal upheaval the emergence of ew and dangerous here- fies and he deaths of those who could chim to havea personal ink with the Prophee himself. This standard explanation falls adequately to ‘sccount forte atmosphere of conflict in which hadith ritcism emerged, however. Even the mame given tothe nascent science, a-jarh wea aa‘, ‘wounding and rectifing, belies romantic notions of is origin. Hadith ‘riam tea often employed as 2 means of waging intellectual bat with ‘car's opponents; the rating of wradisions, bullding goed inméds foc onealand questioning the laud of e's ens, wan & way of combating ‘opposing evidence wile ustfying one's own positions Finally the orthodox schools of aw sealed their positon, and placed a ‘shield around existing legal doctrine by means of their doctrine of con Sensus (jm). As many scholars have potted oUt, nd" provides the logical foundation, although not the formal basis, for the whole system of Islamic Inthe fina analysis, even sunnavelfmay be considered tobe validated by find’. The rere wae tha, fr the orthodox madihaby the substance ofthe law remained only peripherally affected by the triumph ‘ofthe uradiconist views about sunna. The acceptance ofthe classical c= teine ofsunna simply shite the locus of debate. In practice the lege doc ‘tine of the various schools of law was shielded from revision and ‘remained largely unafected by the ramp ofthe tradionist tess, ‘There emained an important exception to this patter. Among the fo lowers of Ibn Hianbal, traditionst ideas remained relatively undiluted, ‘The Hanbais mounted a prolonged movement of protest against the ten dency, prevalent in the other schools, o resist the strict application of bbadith. For this reason, as Hodgson points out, Hanbaliem has been remarkably creative force in Islamic history "anbaio had never really been primary a school of gh al, cemained » comprehensive and essently adel morement which ad aborted ov ‘Fin acortance with its um principles, bat whore leaders were often unin {© ackowlede the sae kind fat provided the ston scat othe ‘er schools nd eected then trdton the ng community on Pin Fle duhidinqey remained alive among th Hanbalo ech major teacher fl fee tostat ates, according othe needs is own efor eon ins pun, ‘The vitality of Hlanbalism ilustates the creative tension that had arisen ‘ut ofthe divergence between the classe theory of sunna andthe actual Aoctrne ofthe madthabs. The orthodox schools ofl ad given assent in theory tothe importance of hath while esting ts thorough application in practice Inso doing they made themselves vulnerable tothe continued attacks of traitonss who sought to bate practice exclusively on hadith, ‘rally understood. As long as practice diverged from hadith the doctrine ‘ofsunna provided an authoritative standard apinst which the moral rl ious, and legal status quo could be measured. [was in this context that the notion of reviving the sunna (iy a-sema) took on special sigh ‘ance. Suna was viewed at stool for purification and reform and a3 ppeal to sunna allowed all intermediate athories ro be dismissed. fis just such a pater of sunna-based reform tht forms the background for the reemergence of una ata problem inthe mid-nineteenth century 2. The emergence of modern challenges to tradition Since the mid-nineteenth century the nature of Prophetic auihoriy ba merged ese cial sue for Mos religous thinkers. The nineteenth Senrury was a period when the hegemoay ofthe West and the core Sponuingpottical and ceonomic weakness of Muslim societies created Ifemeprenure for reform of lla legal and socal insatavons both 0 commode wenn wales and fo estore te seg of am. The sure for ror in turn created preure to reexamine the enti Tpundaions of religious auhory in Ilam. Concerns about Prophetic tran bectne cna to thi reexamination. “crea! sspecs of the colon experience encouraged pei peoc- capaton wit Prophedc wadivon Te siptralism of Prost mis- ‘Sars certainly niunced the way i which some Musims viewed the Feitonship benwexn radio and scrip, forthe nineteenth Century Stara period of mene Chraan missionary acd and intrreliious Shape nnd. Te at ners ey usa pevod then Antime wee faced sh 2 growing challenge from oink ‘holes who wore Just bepinning to ake a crial aide toward the Sethe of Mosim aadionMeratre. Agua teeffeet was fet most {tec in fio where Wiliam Mui and Als Sprenger became the fst steer scholar to question wether he cts erature realy reflected The words and deeds ofthe Propet whether its tension wat eliabe, nd wheter the asseal methods of sorting feable tadtons from Celble were valid TT would be a terous eror however, to concde thatthe modesn ‘Mim preaccupaton with questions about Prophetic traciton was Simpy veacuon to colonia. A pattern of ehinking wdiion 0 0 trea of eduping to change was st wel before Muslims fate dec, Impact of werers hegemony ‘The modern preoccupation wih soe of Prophese author iin continuity with tends already well underway before the specie challenge of Earope was ft The mom important of these uende'mar the emergence of ital reformist movernents in the ei teenth andincteenih snus ~ movements which adopted «cies 2stance toward the classical sey eect blind adherence to received Aoctrine (at), and called forte revival of sunna as basi for namie revival and reform. Both sn Fy end in the Subcontinent the tendency to challenge hadith germinated within such movements. Bighteenth-century reform movements During the eghcenh entry the taitonst ides that suna shouldbe she primary basi fami ean that the lea stun qu could and should be subjected to sertny inthe light of Pophose aon feasted ise in sometimes drat way aay pars ofthe ami word, This idea was nt anoxia contbuton of eigtendh-centry ‘eorersthroghou the ciel period hr teaioonat thea wa bep Sn hin the Hanley toon and efor movements ate these Wee ew vg Ino dong the ‘ied the tock of des and eve! the main eategores of renponne 8 which nineteen and wenieh-cenry Moms Would dea whee face with new chalcages. In paricular any eighteenth centry soho ars ecu rouble by what hey persed oe growing sigs of oc td moral decay sound them: Thy had no cficlydagnosing he nes Musins had stayed rom the pre, ndultersted sna the Prophet and were being poscned by dangerous innovation (Bi) and bin theres fe echig te cs! I boos an commentaries, revating yf docins an pater were singled cuts 8 particulary dangerous and abhorrent cancer. The cure was to earn the orginal sures, the Quin and the nnn, order to rea te ‘pit ofthe Prophet. Under he banner of eving enna CI a ‘oos)reformminded ‘nd moved beyond the csi leg com. pendiuns and commentaries nd began saying eater colections of Bnd asserting the igh in varying egret Comet thi oncom iso tndon he Gri sd he toe an oe he rig ee ours ava standard aaa which oe the peeing rela and social more ofthe day ers : ‘Among the many scola-actvts who came under the in uence of shee een wo in partly, he indan Shah Wal lun (1702-1762) and he Yemenite Mubarmad at Shawn (1760-1834), hae been important for ater attudes toward sunna. Sta Wat) Ala caer spanned a period during which Muslin politcal power in the Sub: entinent vas disintegrating” ‘The breakdown of Mughal autor tic acelerated after he desth of Asrangseb in 1708 led oa fs “Maslin power which west prove cvruie Shh Wa AIIM a pee ‘ecupied with this dsntegrason sad selec onthe Meslen sosentotey OEE CEES © TS = in nia and his career maybe viewed as an attempt to arrest the process fof decline In the political arena he sought to encourage the revival of « Strong central authority and o this end he actively inte the interven- jm of powerfal Musi leaders, encouraging them to wage jkadin order to restore Muslim pola! dominance. More significant inthe Geldof religion, Shah War All sought to arest a moral decline which corr sponded tothe politcal one by restoring and giving new vitality to the fmlletual legacy of Islam. Responsibility for the preservation af Islam was divided, in his view, berseen two caliphates ~ one external (dh) ‘one internal (Satin). To the external caliphate Belongs the responsiblity for maintaining administrative and politcal order and for applying the ‘Shara. The internal caliphate is charged with giving guidance tothe o- ious leaders ofthe community Tt was jst such a role that Sbah Wall Allth took upon ims.” Revival ofthe study of hadith was atthe hear of his program. Fay in his carer he came under the influence of hadith scholars in the Ha, Where he studied hadith under one ofthe period's mos influential tach ets Shaykh Abu Tahie Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Kurdntal-Kurdl (4 1733). Shih Wat Allab had come tothe Hija already inclined toward wadltionis views. His family was connected withthe tradition of hadith fier in the Subcontinent which had been established a generation tatlier by another scholar with close tes to the Hitz, ‘Abd al-Hoaa Dihlawi, But his contact with scholars in Mecea and Medina must cer tainlyhave reinforced his view ofthe science ofhadith asthe foundational Science aginst which all powiedge must be tested.? Moreover, it into For Sayyid Abmad the great miracle of the Quran sits universality. He wn truck bythe fact that each geners- tion continues to find the Que'én relevant despite the constant increase in ‘human knowledge. Too heavy a reliance on hadith forthe interpretation ‘ofthe Qui puts at rik this eternal and universal quality. Hadit-based ‘aftrtends to limit the meaning of the Quran to «particular historic si- ‘uation, thus obscuring ts univeraiy.® “The Ahli-Qurén further developed this tendency vo emphasie the ‘Qurdn asthe sole source of religious authority to the exclusion of all, ‘others nto full-blown Quranic sriptraism. For the AbL‘-Qur'én the elevation of the Qur'an and the explicit rection of lads to ts nterpre tation, including sunna, became central tenets of dogma. Their doctrine implied, frst ofall hat the Qur'an needed nothing eternal for ies inter- pretation. Like the early Quenic seripturaliet who show yp in al- ‘Shas work the Ahls-Cur'n held tha the Qur'dn as intended 1 b€ clear, accesible, and realy understandable, This meant, fist that the {Qur'in was self-contained and must be interpreted according ro internal Togte, conection summed up inthe proposition that “the Qur'sn ought torbeinerpeted by is own verses." In other words no external aids Were Iiceded for its interpretation except, a8 Jyeajpirl says, 2 sufcent Command of Arabic This conviction that the interpretation of the (Qurtn could and shouldbe freed from the restraints of aditon gained ‘popularity beyond te narrow confines of those directly fiat with the ‘Ahura, Thue Infyat Ash Khin Mashril, the founder of the ‘radical ils movement, wrote: “The correct and the only meaning ofthe Qu ies andi preserved, wit Tele and a prec and detaed exegesis fe words within on pages One farotthe Quin explains he other need eter llosopy, nor mitre oprphsnor ven bah” “This spect of the doctrine of the sufficiency of the Qur‘én found its ‘Sopresnon na new genre of Quran commentaries which sec out o prone the point that “Uhe Quran sts own best commentary Among the ear tot was a commentary by ‘Abd Allah Chaka, Tranata-Qurin bi {Data urgan® Te arerap to interpret the Quran onthe basis of nter- {uleriteria lone became the hallmark of ABLi-Quy'an tafirand the basis for the sophisticated exepetial works ofayrdjpt and Pare. ‘Besides encouraging new methods of exegesis, the AbI--Qur'n also argued thatthe Qurén is comprehensive, a book in which all the require- tment of the faith are revesled. Its a self-contained and fully sufficient tide fr belief and practice an all hat is «necessary part of cigon can be derived from i. Among the ealy Abl-Cur’n, especialy ‘Abd Al ‘Chale and his followers, his assertion found expression in atempts to prove that all of the ewental details of stual pracee, Lethe five pillars, could be distilled from the Qur'an. By this means the Ab Qur'tn sought wo demonstrat to their erstwhile coleagucs inthe Ab Hadith that hadith was, in fact, superfuous; all the details of ritol Allegedly supplied only by hath could be distilled from the Qué. “The greatest preoccupation of Chakyslawt and his followers was with the duals of lay the stul prayer. The object of one of his irs works, ‘Burhan o:frgin ald slat al-Quron, was to prove that dhe deals of the five dally prayers an all be derived from the Quin. “The Muslims offer, fnd should offer, five prayers 4 da" he wrote, “not because they are found in hadith but because they ate enjoined by, and are proven fom, the Quran"? His conviction that every detail shouldbe demonstrated from the Qu’ led him to reject» numberof practioes for which he ‘ould find no justification. He considered the call to prayer (adhd) aninnovation with no bassin the Quan, he mode the tual recitations land he would allow no more than the obligatory number of ritual act of Drayer (raat)? But on the whole his modifications to ritual worship ‘were fairly minor; Chakralaw was more concerned with jasiffing the main elements of the existing ritual than with promoting radical changes Tn the course of making his point, however, Chakdlaet feequently cmbatked on exegetical fantasies In ord to defend the practice of asp Jing the ears during the sokbir (petition ofthe phrase “God is Great”), for example, he appealed tothe following vers: "Say: “Consider, if God took away your hearing and your sight and sealed up your heart, who - ‘ther than God ~ could restore chem to you?" (6:46); to which he offers ‘he following highly unussal translation and commentary (0 Prope, Say hae ple hod nt humble cara ear in pre ha ‘oho do meg hair eared event hes fr anderingand hae no ‘oro Godin the haa) “Tl mater hog God asp Yor eas eles ‘hem] and your eve [ls hom vt ad bund oat hear ea ho do ou ae thu God wo return them 0 you? (Sic se non ou had bru ap yo a ‘graye hep ourees from sanding nd matin ea of Gd oar ‘This example iastates both the lengths ro which Chalylaw7 was willing ‘0 goto prove that everyting of valve could be distilled fom the Quen land the fantastic interpretations that were posible when the eestraining influence of sunna was removed from the discipline of taf. Proving thatthe details of prayer were contained in the Qur'n was 8 tenuous venture Tc was not all sey to find justification even for the number of prayers, let alone minutite of ritual. ‘Thus divisions grew within the ranks of the Ah--Qur'daitsll- One of Chakras disciples, Misti Mubammad Ramadan (1875-1940), broke with him ostensbiy ‘over the number of dally prayers, although underying their difeences ‘over matters of detail were more important ferences in exegetical tech- hique. Ramadan rejected some ofthe more extreme exegetical extrv- szances of Chakgilavi, arguing that they demonstiated a continued acherence tothe Islam of the hadith Ths while Chakyaw belived be ould justify the deal of existing prayer rituals, including the require ‘ment of five dally prayers, from the Quen, Ramadan found only hice prayers He also modified other elements ofthe prayer tual, reducing feach prayer 10 ro rata'ay and eliminating all rectatons.® He left CChakrilaw's group and returned to his home in Gujetnwal to found & val organization, the Anjuman-i-Ahl-Dhike wa el Quesn and a rival Journal Balagh a Our” Another Ahls-Cur in figure, Sayyid Raf al- in of Multd is reported 1 have insisted that only four prayers could be proven from the Qur.'* “These developments indicate a grad! migration away from the Akl Hadith rots of the movement. The preveeupations of ChakgAaw! and his fllowees ae clearly shaped by the concerts of the Ahl--Hadith. His close relationship withthe Abl--Hadith s also shown by the polemics bbenseen the two groups which displayed all the characteristics ofa quab- ble among siblings” Soon, however, dhe logic of dhe ANFi-Quean post sion Began to take on a force of is own. Ramagan’s ideas represent the beginnings ofan advance in Ah/--Quran thought sway from mere ust ‘ation of the doctrine of sufficiency towards a more systematic develop ‘ent oft implications. “The sufficiency of the Quran aso became a focus of discusion in gop after Sidg inaugurated modern controversies over sunna there ‘Sida stout to prove that "whats obligatory forman docs nor go beyond. God's book” Thus the Qur'an describes itself a5 “the Book which explains all things” (16°39), and God Himself bears witness that He has “omitted nothing from The Book" (6:38). Sidgh admis thatthe Qur’in commands obedience the Prophet ~on dis there sno dispute. Where ‘here is room for dispute, he says is on the question of whether the Prophet placed any requirements on Muslims which were not already commanded bythe Qurn. Muhammad's authority, he implies, sstiety limited to implementing the Quran ® These ideas are virtually identical te those that were being spread in Inia atthe same time ‘The most striking parallel berween Sides arguments and those of ‘Chakrslaw and his followers i their common concern to prove thatthe ‘essentials of slam —especially the requirements for sai~ canbe derived ‘rom the Qur'n alone without any reference to sunna. Sid based is lngument thatthe prayer ritual ean be established without any help from ‘Suna onthe instructions forthe shortening of payer in tines of danger (alara-thaw) From the exception, he claimed, the rule becomes Clear, Since Muslims are instructed to shorten the prayer to ony ane raka's (a reament of ritual rater) during times of danger, the acral minimum requirement must be two rakaat, Beyond this Basic requie- ‘ent Sidi believed that Muslims havea measure of freedom along at they do not exceed wats reasonable. Any additonal raa'as performed by the Prophet were purely optional® Zakar presents similar cae Since the Quridn did not establish the precise amount of zak 10 be levied, iis clear that this a matter of flexibly. Changes in circum stances will require changesin the required amounts ‘Sides direct assault on the foundations of sunna is an anomaly in Epypsan religious digcours. Although hs article se off a debate on the pages of al-Mandr which lasted two year, Ski's ideas eft almost no pos fev tace In fat ida himself recanted, and consequently the debate was resolved more or less amicably. Ta later weatments of una Sidals48 Reinking ion inde ms hog arguments ae cited only fr the purpose of refutation and his approach thas never been taken up by any other writer in Egypt. This outcome con- ‘ass sharply with the fate of similar deat in the Subcontinent where the doctrine ofthe sufficiency ofthe Qu'dn quickly gained clear institational expression and has continued fo atrat a small but dedicated fllowing ‘Up tothe present In Punjab during the 1930s this viewpoint was wide spread enough to support thee separate journal. The contrasts ist tive of general differences between approaches tothe problem ofsunnain Egypcand te Subcontinent. Wheres Sicis arguments ike thore ofthe AAhIs-Qur'an goto the beart ofthe theory of sunna, the dominant ten- ‘dency among Egyptian cies of hadith has been to avoid theoretical and ‘theological issues and to focus instead on questions of the historicity of Dadi. Asa result speculative approaches tothe authority ofsunna which found frie ground i the Subcontinent Tailed take root in Egy. Inthe Subcontinent the doctrine ofthe sufficiency ofthe Qur tn con- tinued 10 evolve asi attracted new followers. A second generation of adherents to this doctrine largely abandoned exegetical exercises designed to prove the comprehensvence of the Quran which hed been CChakgilaw'sstockin-trade, This tend was already evident in the early twentieth century among the followers of Khwaja Abmad Din in Amritsar whose organization, the Ummat‘+Mustima, refused 1 endorse ‘any attempts to revise basic rtual practices: Later writers, particularly Iaytdipae and Par, did not feel any urgency about proving that every ‘essential detail of Islamic belie and practice can be found inthe Qua ‘They were content ro assert that the Qur'in contains al the necessary principles for right belie and action. The job of elaborating these princi ples they assigned to reason and to divinely sanctioned politcal suthori- ties. Ie was enough for JayrijpGe that the Quy’ is suficent to guide ‘human reaton and morality, providing the principles necessary for people to come o thei own conclusions about detail. For these thinkers Islam hnas an unchanging coe, but in aplication itis adaprable and fd. This limplies that texts of revelation do not have a single, fixed meaning. Rather, each new generation can expect to find in the Qur'an new tea sures as their own capacity to understand its teaching. grown. The ‘Qur'in’s capacity to provide guidance i infinitely adaptable wo new cir- ‘cumstances By extension, i also becomes the righ ofeach liver £0 ‘ead interpret and apply the Qur'an fret ae himself, bypassing bath the clasical taditon of sofr and the Keepers of dt tradition Furthermore, no one's understanding of the Qur'an ~ nor even that of ‘Muhammad himself is completely binding on others” Khuda Abmad. Din Amritsar took this argument to an exteme, claiming that the Prophet had no more understanding ofthe Qur'an than has been given (0 ound freeation ° ta, Mubammad’s understanding of revelation, Uke ours, was based on reason (‘a and like us he was quite capable of making mistakes in his fmterpreon* ‘Such arguments fuel deep suspicions among more conservative [Moslime, To defenders of sunna i seems that the doctrine ofthe suf dency ofthe Qur'an i simply an excuse to ply lose and fre withthe ‘meaning ofthe Quen, While Qurnc scriptural view itas a primary concern to establish the independent authority of the Quin, their oppo- ‘nents respond by arguing thatthe Qur’én cannot stand on its own apart from the Prophetic witness. The Suna, in this view, fat fom being super- ‘uous, is absoluey essential to clarify the meaning of the Qur'én, ro guarantee its correct interpretation, to demonstrate its practical applica- tion, and nally, to guarantee the divine origins ofthe tet ofthe Qu inal. "The argument that sunna performs aa indispensable clarifying func tion is often a simple reiteration of a-ShafYs argument: without the ‘sna to clarify its meaning, the Qui'dn becomes “a closed book" devoid ‘of the information necessry for its understanding. * While the Qur'an ‘provides general principle, practical details can be found only inthe funna, Examples are numerous: the form and frequency of the rit prayer, the rules forthe fast, and obscure verses which would remain a Complete mystery without the sunna to explain them. Without the sunna Muslims would be left without guidance on essential points of belief and pratce. ‘According to Abd al’Ala MawdUdi, one ofthe most vehement oppo- ‘ens of the doctrine ofthe sufficiency ofthe Que'én the central function ‘of prophets to guarantce the interpretation ofthe evelation they bring. Prophecy ian indispensable guarantee that the Divine message wil be ‘correctly understood. Could not God have had angels distribute 2 book ‘of guidance teach individual? Yer i such a book was sent without ‘prophet, divisions would arse overt interpretation and there would be fo one to offer an authortave decision on such disputes. Mistakes ‘Would be made in implementing God's commands with no one o Set them right?! The experince of ealer communities makes ic clear that having s divinely revealed book to gurantee against ero: were not the Jews and the Christians als blessed with revealed books? inthis view then, prophets hold a privileged position as authoritative interpreters of revelation. Here we have a manifestation of the idea, ubi- ‘quitous in Islamic though, thatthe closer an individual isto the source of fn event the more authoritative is their interpretation of that event, because they were lasest othe event of revelation, prophets are naturally its mort capable interpreters. Therefore no one was beter placed than,50 Rethinking tradion in modern Islamic thought “Mubammad to understand the full context und meaning of each passage ‘of revelation, according to MawdGdi. But Mubammad’s interpretation of ‘the Qur'n involved more than jus proximity othe events, The Propet also had a God-given insight, Whudédd bast, by which he was ale to righily understand and act upon the Qur'in. Hence his words and ‘conduct, che stuff of sunna, represent an authoritative interpretation of the revesled text. Te follows that Muhammad's sunna it a clear and practical demonstra- tion ofthe divine will pu ino action, Since the purpose of revelation ito ‘gulde human behavior ic is impossible wo separate the Quin from its onerete implementation, tha, ffom sunna. . M. Yusuf provides @ lear exposition of an argument fr the necessity of sunna based on the inseparably of revelation from is active implementaon, Inthe Qu’4n, he say, this relaonship between abstract word and concrete impemen- tation is referred xo in the collocuion “alah wa al-bikma” According ro Yusuf, “ida signifies propriery of judgment as manifested tnd embotied in propriety of conduct” The whole purpose ofthe Quen istoestablsh ibma: "The progression fom hic to hibma is essential to tear the one from the othe isto destroy the common entity of both."™ ‘The manifestation of this divin hitma sia the sunna ofthe Prophet. As result the Qur'an and the suana “cannot be fundamentally divorced from each other. For Sunnah is, more or less a concrete implementation ofthe divine will” Revelation, in other words, anno be separated fom the particulars of its practical application and, inthe ease ofthe Quin, ‘hese particulars are tobe found inthe nna ofthe Prophet. Finally, some supporters of sunna argue thatthe Prophetic witnes is ‘not only the elarification and the practical demonstration ofthe meaning fof revelation, but also the chief guarantee chat it really is revelation. Ia ‘other words, Muslims only know the Quran is revelation because of ‘Mulammad's testimony to this fact. If the Prophetic word isnot to be ‘usted then the Qur'an ies open to suspicion. The sunna thus peo- vides the erential foundation forthe authority ofthe Qur'4n, or putin ‘echnical terms, "The word ofthe Prophet is aug {evidential proof for ‘the Qur'sn." if the word ofthe Prophet had not been preserved, oF if ‘this word could norbe considered completly trustworthy, dhen we WOuld Ihave no assurance abou the reliably ofthe Quen.” "The baie issue between those who support the sufficiency of the ‘Qutn and hee opponents reduces to fundamental disagreement over ‘the nature of revelation and its application in Islamic society. Inthe view ‘of those who uphold is sufficiency the Qur'an isa basic se of principles tnd a general guide for moral behavior. Detail of the law, however, must ‘be worked out according ro circumstances Their opponents charge tht Boundaries revelation 3 amply means molding the Quen according 0 personal whim. They allege thatthe Ahls-Qur'in take whatever comes into thei minds and projectit onto the Qurdn, and ths claim the interpretive authority that. ‘they deny to the Prophet himself. “{The deniers of hadith] compete ‘deny the authority (huge) of hadith io order to dismember the Quy'an ‘and mold it acording to cei own desires!" Consequently, "they made ‘the Qurn a srt of camel which anyone can take by the hater and lead ‘wherever they please.” Adherents of the doctrine of the sulfiiency of the Que’sn respond that conservatives, by thei attachment t0 eth, ‘obscure the inherent flexibly of slam and make it impossible for society ‘tw adapt ro changing circumstances. God never intended, they insist for ‘every det of ero be etrnally established by revelation ‘Such diferences about the nature of revelation ate sharply focused in ‘questions about the manner of Prophetic inspiration andthe relationship of Mubammad's ordinary words and actions ~ his humanity ~ to his divine mission as Prophet. In classical doctrine one of the fundamental pillars ofthe theory of sunna i the argument that Muhammad was the recipient not only of Qur dnc revelation, but aso of special revelation apart fom the Qur'an. This doctrine was established by the time ofa SA and was subjec of controversy between him and hs scripruralist, ‘opponents among the ah lhl wh argued thatthe Qurin alone was ‘revelation from God. After al-Shaft, the view that sunna could be defined ss extra-CQurinic wahy achieved general acceptance, and adi ‘ons were circulated which sated cht Gabriel brought te sunna ut 33 Thus classical doctrine posited a duality of revela- ‘Whilethe Quen eth ase oure forthe ln when we exaneit we find hati quires bedince othe Prophet ofGod in eerythinghe commands and we ed ‘hat God, referring tothe Prophet clery a “is noles than why tent down, to him” (34) This prove to os that God distal wo hinds Of why 0 ‘Mulerad The rat sway mats recorded verbatim by miresls arrange ‘ment ths sthe Qurtn. The vcoad she aly of wad, which ont verbs ‘i rot inmable ends noe italy rected and we Stat Goa reques ‘obedience toh vecond pea way Inthe same way that he requires obedience {othe Quin. Thereisno dstincton or Gods “Obey God and obey the mes In this doctrine of dual revelation, the formal superiority of the Quen ‘war maintained by distinguishing, as Iba Haz docs here, berween ‘recited revelation (wahy madd), the accuracy of which is attested word or word, and unrecited revelation (eohy ghayr mati), for which only the meaning and not the exact words can be attested, For the purposes of the jurist, however, Ce authority of the two sources was equal. In52 Rethioking tad in ner Manic thought aL-Ghaxil’s words, “On oceations, God indiceter His word by the ‘Qurén, on others, by words in another style, not publicly rected, and called sunna."® Both the sunna andthe Qur'an therefore originate with ‘God, both are mediated through the agency of prophecy, and no ditine- tion canbe draw between them with regard oteir authori “There was some disagreement in clasical scholarship about the precise ‘manner in which God delivered the sunna to Muammad. While most Scholars held that the sunna was a product of direct revelation (Why ‘mubdshi), revealed through angelic agency, others believed that the Prophet himself was more intimately involved in the proces, and that suns at est in part, was a product of his inspired had The disagree ‘ment made litle difference, however, to the final outcome. Whether direct revelation o inspiration, the sunna sil represents divine authority. ‘Thus the essential identification of sunna with divine guidance came to ‘be unanimously recognized in orthodox circles. In the Subcontinent the identification of sunna with way as been an {important point of eatrovers, and the question of whether the Propet received extra-Qu'inic revelation ht therefore emerged a8 8 maior ‘theme inthe controversial erature on sun. Theiss has 8 certain logical priority for both exces and supporters of sunne. For skeptics, denial ofthis doctrine is = necessary corollary of the rficency ofthe (Qurén. For those who defend sunna the doctrine remains centrl defense forthe importance of hadith. I sunna sa pat of revelation then itis an essential and undeniable par of Islam and wo deny is authority amounts to heresy. But if, asthe skeptics claim, Mubammmad’s extra ‘Qurénic words and actions ere not reveled f they are nothing more than the product of men effort then ican be convincingly argued that such precedents are subject to revision and were never meant 10 Be binding on all Muslims fr al ime (Qur'fn: the sunna is measured aginst the standard of revelation and found to fal short. This argument has ancient roots. The ali al-aldm as portrayed by al-Shaf claimed that they accept “nothing which has not been guaranteed by God in the same way that he har guaranteed the ‘Qur'és, of which no one can doubt even 4 single lett” Modern (Qur'énic scrpruraliss elaborate this argument. They hold that revelation ‘which God intends tobe univers and eternal is dealt with ina special way First of ll why must be evealed and transmicted verbatim ~ every sword must be ftom God. Second the proces of revelation must be exter- nal entirely independent of the influence ofthe messenger. Finally, reve lation must be recorded and preserved in writing and transmitted Boundarie of revlaton 2 faithfully without any possiblity of corruption of errr: Sunns, in the view ofthe deniers of hath, doesnot meet these conditions. “The frst weakness of sunns is that, unlike the Quo, i is not pre serve in such away that it canbe trusted to represent the exact words of ‘Gord. This is for two reasons itt withthe exception ofthe hath qu, ‘ahah record ony the words ofthe Prophet, not the words of God. Even ifinbe granted that Muhammad was peaking in response to revelation or inspiration, the words are nevertheless his own words in a way thatthe Qur'énis not. Second, due tothe practice of transmitting reports accord ing to thei sense (b-ma'ng) rather than verbatim (hf), the words ‘ofthe tradiions cannot be used to represent even the exact words of ‘Mulammad, These fats were recognized by classical doctrine anditis in pert for this reason that sunna is defined as unrected revelation (aahy (hayr maul). Nevertheless classical scholars stl considered he sunna feliable. For che Abki-Quedn, however, the inability to guarantee that ‘very word of sunna is divinely revealed represents a fatal fl Tobe con ‘Sidered revelation i is not enough chat the meaning be from Gods the ‘Words themscives mut be of divine origin and fre from corruption, “A second criterion by which sunna can be shown to fall short of the standard for tahy i closely related to the fist: whereas say must be frterally and verbally communicated, the sunna bears the marks of ‘Muhammad's personality. Waly inthis view can refer only to the very swords of God. "The unique characterise of eahy, upon whichis based {the aserton that ti from God” according to one representative of his ‘lewis tha the mentality (Baia) ofthe individual vo whom iis sent ‘has no hand init. Ite hy’ by which the Prophet essbished the prac- ‘cal applica of the bac avs of the Quan was really from God, then ‘Mlammad’s barra can have no parcin it"® Any human influence oF fnvolvement precludes the possibilty that a command or statement i teohy. Kivi Abmad Din of Amritsar argued tht divin origin of the ‘Quen is established by the fact thatthe Prophet did not and could not hhave full understanding of i. By transcending the mentality of the Prophet the Quen reveals is divine origin. "The third and most important weaknes of the sunna in elation tothe Qur'ény however, concern it late registration in writing and is faved ‘wansmission. If God ha wished the sunna to be an indispensable par of Islam, He would surely have bad it recorded and preserved in writing in the manner of the Qur'an. Contersely, because the tations were not ‘registered in writing until long aftr the time ofthe Prophet, we can sfe'y {ssume that sunna not an essential part of eigion (fn). The tradition Iterator fuel alleges tat the Proptcr prohibited the writing down of hadith, presumaby in order co prevent its confusion withthe Qur'an”5A Rethinking ration moder mic thought Muhammad's probibition against wring sunna down is taken to have both historical and theologiea! implications. Fist, che late recording of Dbadith casts doubt onthe historicity ofthe tradition literature. How can. trations be trsted if they were not secured in writing closet the ime ofthe Prophet" Second, the absence of reliable written records brings neo question the revealed status of runnas if sunna war way i certainly ‘would nave been recorded in writing ‘The theological implications ofthe recording of hadith have been dis ‘usted in both Egypt and Pakistan. “If anything other than the Qur'an hha been necessary fr religion,” writes Sid, "the Prophet would have commanded its registration in writing and God would have goarenteed is preservation." In actual face sa) hadith was putinto writing only fer numerous corruptions had ented the tradition Iterature.” To Sides mind, and the Akl--Qur’an of the Subcontinent are in complete agreement with him on this point, the failure to preserve the sunne in ‘wrung implies that i should not be considered an estenvial part of i= sion. I is only writers from the Subcontinent, however, who Use ®his Argument ro attack systematically the classical theory tha una is wahy. ‘The absence of divine intervention to preserve the hadith, they argoe is incompatible with the classical theory that sunna is wahy. God does not treat His revelation so caval “The importance that Sidgt and Indian critics of hadith place on the ‘ssue ofthe writing ofthe trations reveal the degree to whieh they have come to identify revelaion with “book” It also marks an important