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Pierre Bourdieu - The Algerians
Pierre Bourdieu - The Algerians
by Pierre
Bourdieu
W i t h a preface by Raymond A r o n
B e a c o n Press
Boston
F i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n F r a n c e i n 1958 u n d e r t h e title
Sociologie
de
L'Algrie
Revised edition
Copyright
ig6i
1958
by Presses
Universitaires
rights
de
France
reserved
Saunders
and
Co.,
Ltd.,
Toronto
in
the
United
States
of
America
Preface
vi
Preface
m e t r o p o l i t a n territory a n d d i v i d e d i n t o dpartements
has progressively created the situation that Pierre B o u r d i e u analyzes
at the end of his book.
B e t w e e n the traditional c u l t u r e of all the peoples of A l g e r i a
a n d the c u l t u r e F r e n c h a n d m o d e r n t h a t the colons b r o u g h t
w i t h t h e m , there is a radical i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y . T h e E u r o p e a n s
d i d not u n d e r s t a n d a n d did n o t wish to u n d e r s t a n d the authentic nature of the traditional culture. A s the d o m i n a n t minority, they feared that they w o u l d b e s w a m p e d by the majority
if they a c c o r d e d to the v a n q u i s h e d the civic equality w h i c h the
latter h a d l o n g d e m a n d e d . T h e Moslems, for their part, sustained the shock of b o t h a f o r e i g n c u l t u r e and a h u m i l i a t i n g
status. T h e i r culture was shattered, partially b r o k e n u p by contact w i t h the m o d e r n c u l t u r e of the d o m i n a n t g r o u p . T h e swift
g r o w t h of the M o s l e m p o p u l a t i o n (2.5 p e r cent a n n u a l l y ) also
h e l p e d to upset t h e traditional p a t t e r n , to i n c r e a s e the n u m b e r
of those w h o h a d n o r e g u l a r w o r k a n d w h o felt themselves lost
in a hostile w o r l d , w i t h o u t m e a n i n g in an i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e
society. T h u s , all the conditions were j o i n e d to a pitiless war,
i n which nationalists fought for the i n d e p e n d e n c e of their
country-to-be and for their d i g n i t y , and i n w h i c h the E u r o p e a n
m i n o r i t y defended its right to live on the land w h i c h their
fathers' toil had made productive. A s for the F r e n c h in the
h o m e l a n d : some w a n t e d to h a n g o n to the last segment of
e m p i r e , others w i s h e d to protect their c o m p a t r i o t s w h o h a d
settled o n the opposite shore of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , and still
others h o p e d passionately that France w o u l d p u r s u e her vocation of l i b e r t y to its ultimate end.
W e already k n o w w h a t the horrors of the A l g e r i a n w a r
h a v e b e e n . W h a t the f u t u r e will b r i n g , n o one can tell. B u t ,
in spite of the b l o o d that has been spilled a n d the crimes that
h a v e b e e n committed, the mere fact of a final agreement between the A l g e r i a n r e p u b l i c a n g o v e r n m e n t a n d the F r e n c h
g o v e r n m e n t does not permit us to conclude o n a note of despair. Precisely because the struggle has g i v e n them an awareness of their o w n w o r t h , the Moslems of A l g e r i a henceforth are
o p e n to m o d e r n civilization. T h e F r e n c h , o n the other h a n d ,
d o n o t feel that they h a v e b e e n defeated. T h e y realized finally
Preface
vii
ARON
Figure
Page
1. P l a n o a Kabyle House
14
Ait
Hichem
18-ig
4. T h e T r i b e of the A l t Yahia
21
5. T h e
26
T r i b e s of
the Aures
52-53
63
of the T r i b e of the
76-77
Ouled
Rechaich
86-87
of
Farm
Properties
According
100
to
Size
and
Ethnic
Category
124
126-127
and Age
Group
136
142-143
15. T h e
166-167
of Constantine
168
173
177
180-181
Contents
Preface, by Raymond
'
Aron
Introduction
xi
C h a p t e r 1. T h e K a b y l e s
T h e Social Structures
T h e Gentilitial Democracy
16
C h a p t e r 2. T h e S h a w i a
25
Domestic Organization
27
T h e Social Structures
g2
C h a p t e r 3. T h e Mozabites
37
g 7
40
45
50
Chapter 4. T h e A r a b i c - S p e a k i n g Peoples
56
65
T h e Gity Dwellers
N o m a d s and Semi-Nomads
T h e N e w Sedentary Peoples
70
C h a p t e r 5. T h e C o m m o n C u l t u r a l H e r i t a g e .
92
g2
C h a p t e r 6. D i s i n t e g r a t i o n a n d Distress
102
.
119
T h e Colonial System
T h e Colonial Society
107
12o
,
T h e T o t a l Disruption of a Society
..
.
.
.
.
129
134.
Contents
C h a p t e r 7. T h e R e v o l u t i o n W i t h i n the R e v o l u t i o n
Special Form and Meaning o the W a r
145
.
147
W a r as C u l t u r a l Agent
155
T h e Resettlement Policy
163
End of a W o r l d
184
Glossary of A r a b a n d Berber T e r m s
193
Selected B i b l i o g r a p h y
202
Index
204
Introduction
of the Maghreb, does not constitute a true cultural unit. However, I have;
limited my investigation
cally the object of this study because the clash between the indigenous and
the European civilizations has made itself felt here with the greatest
force.
study,
which
is
conceptual
which, a l t h o u g h
for an understanding
not
outline
of
more
extensive
analyses,
the m a i n purpose of
of the breakdown of
the book, is
the social
xi
indispensable
structures
civilization.
caused
by
xii
Introduction
o n l y recently b e c o m e sedentary. A c c o r d i n g to the a n t h r o p o logical criterion, one finds antithesis b e t w e e n the local stock and
the additions f r o m the east (but a checkered history has b r o u g h t
a b o u t such a great i n t e r m i n g l i n g that o n e can rarely a n d w i t h
difficulty distinguish any perfectly p u r e types). A c c o r d i n g to
l a n g u a g e and culture, o p p o s i t i o n exists between B e r b e r - s p e a k i n g
and A r a b i c - s p e a k i n g peoples, b u t a m o n g the latter are a great
m a n y A r a b i c i z e d Berbers. A c c o r d i n g to different c u l t u r e traits,
such as women's r i g h t of inheritance, t h e r e is antithesis b e t w e e n
B e r b e r and M o s l e m law, b u t o n b o t h sides a system of counteracting balances w h i c h tends to abolish these differences. A c c o r d i n g to the degree of legislative p o w e r of the g r o u p , there is
a s i m i l a r opposition, b u t w i t h transitions of v a r y i n g degree.
A c c o r d i n g to artistic techniques, you discover contrast b e t w e e n
the b o l d , rectilinear o r n a m e n t a t i o n of B e r b e r art a n d the fine,
flowing lines of A r a b decoration. O n e c o u l d g o o n i n this way
contrasting the sharecroppers a n d the wage earners, the v a r y i n g
relationship of m a n to the soil, the magic-religious n a t u r e of the
oath, the judicial system, the d e g r e e of p e n e t r a t i o n of Islam.
A l l these lines traced o n a m a p w o u l d f o r m an almost i n e x t r i c a b l e maze, since n o t w o m a r k e d areas w o u l d o v e r l a p exactly
f o r e x a m p l e , areas i n d i c a t i n g Berber-speakers a n d sedentary
peoples, or those i n d i c a t i n g Arabic-speakers and n o m a d s a n d
since too the borders of these areas are seldom clearly defined.
C e r t a i n relatively distinct " c u l t u r a l areas" d o , h o w e v e r , stand
o u t f r o m this maze in strongly m a r k e d patterns. I n d e e d , whereever the B e r b e r dialects h a v e been maintained, p r i n c i p a l l y i n
t h e m o u n t a i n massifs ( K a b y l i a , Aures), there h a v e b e e n conserved
not only special culture traits but a special m o d e of life. H e r e
may be noted, a m o n g other features, a certain i n d e p e n d e n c e in
regard to Islam (with the e x c e p t i o n of the Mzab) w h i c h is particularly evident in the judicial system, a peasant love of the
soil a n d of the desperately h a r d w o r k r e q u i r e d to m a k e it fertile,
the p r e d o m i n a n c e of direct f a r m i n g of the l a n d by its o w n e r ,
a social structure w i t h strong, equalitarian features based on
the concept of the territorial p a t r i m o n y . W h i l e it is true that the
n o m a d i c A r a b s h a v e i n t r o d u c e d a different system of v a l u e s a
disdain for the l a n d and direct f a r m i n g that is characteristic of a
Introduction
xiii
XIV
Introduction
i. The Kabyles
preserved. T h e valleys o the S o u m m a m , the Guergour and the Babor, although Berber-speaking, present characteristics that are foreign to the K a b y l e
culture and have been borrowed from the Arabic-speaking populations.
In
a way
of life
a few
variations, to that
of
T h e Algerians
p r e d o m i n a t e s : nine-tenths of the families o w n less t h a n twentyfive acres, the average h o l d i n g being three to five acres usually
d i v i d e d i n t o several small plots. T h e mtayage au quint
(sharec r o p p i n g system) is rare. A i d e d by the m e m b e r s of his family, a n d
o n certain occasions by the w h o l e clan or the w h o l e v i l l a g e , the
h e a d of the family farms his o w n l a n d , w h i c h , thanks to the legal
custom of j o i n t possession, remains sufficiently large to support
the family c o m m u n i t y . Because of the scanty p r o d u c t i o n , however, a strict control of c o n s u m p t i o n must b e m a i n t a i n e d . I n a
society w h e r e m o n e y is scarce and interest rates h i g h , and where
truly efficient technical methods are lacking, it has b e e n f o u n d
necessary to c o m b a t a singularly sterile n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t by
the c o o r d i n a t e d effort of all m e m b e r s of the c o m m u n i t y . So there
has b e e n a w i d e d e v e l o p m e n t of pacts ( p l o w i n g associations,
f a r m i n g leases, etc.) w h i c h are m u t u a l l y profitable and are of
such variety that all possible c o m b i n a t i o n s seem to h a v e b e e n
effected.
I t becomes e v i d e n t h o w sharp and strained is this struggle
b e t w e e n m a n and his e n v i r o n m e n t . B y a sort of p h e n o m e n o n of
c o m p e n s a t i o n , to the i m p e r f e c t i o n of techniques t h e r e is a corres p o n d i n g e x a g g e r a t e d p e r f e c t i o n of the social o r d e r a s if the precariousness of the a d j u s t m e n t to the n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t were
c o u n t e r b a l a n c e d by the excellence of the social o r g a n i z a t i o n ; as
if, to c o u n t e r a c t his powerlessness in r e g a r d to t h i n g s , m a n h a d n o
o t h e r recourse than to d e v e l o p associations w i t h other m e n i n a
l u x u r i a n t g r o w t h of h u m a n relationships. B u t o n e w o u l d b e n o
less justified i n considering that the u n d e r l y i n g i n t e n t i o n of this
society is perhaps to devote the best of its energy a n d its genius to
the e l a b o r a t i o n of relationships b e t w e e n m a n a n d m a n , at the
risk of g i v i n g secondary i m p o r t a n c e to the struggle of m a n against
nature.
T h e Social Structures
T h e K a b y l e society, w h i c h is composed of w h a t m i g h t b e described as a series of i n t e r l o c k i n g c o m m u n i t i e s , may be repre-
T h e Kabyles
<
T h e Algerians
d o u b t e d l y the m o r e p o w e r f u l w e a p o n , since it is d e e m e d to b r i n g
d o w n d i v i n e p u n i s h m e n t u p o n the ungrateful, the p r o d i g a l or the
rebel. H i s o m n i p o t e n c e is displayed each day in connection w i t h
any e v e n t concerning f a m i l y life or organization (the m a k i n g of
purchases, the a l l o t m e n t of tasks, m a n a g e m e n t of the family
b u d g e t , etc.). H e decides u p o n a n d presides over all family ceremonies. T h u s , for marriages, it is he w h o decides the date a n d the
a m o u n t of solemnity to b e accorded to the ceremony. O n certain
grave occasions h e s u m m o n s a family council comprised of his
sons a n d brothers, a n d sometimes he has a m a r a b o u t (priest)
participate in its deliberations. T h e father has the right to c o m p e l
m e m b e r s of the family to marry. O n his death, the eldest son inh e r i t s his a u t h o r i t y a n d , even w h e n the p r o p e r t y has b e e n div i d e d , h e c o n t i n u e s to w a t c h o v e r the c o n d u c t of his brothers a n d
sisters, g i v i n g t h e m aid a n d a c t i n g as t h e i r representative in certain circumstances. T h e m o t h e r , for her part, has charge of all the
d o m e s t i c tasks a n d of c e r t a i n f a r m chores (the g a r d e n , g a t h e r i n g
w o o d , the f e t c h i n g of water). She usually helps h e r h u s b a n d in the
m a n a g e m e n t of the family provisions a n d is responsible for their
safeguarding and thrifty distribution to m e m b e r s of the family.
Finally, she represents the p o w e r of the father w i t h i n the female
society (allotment of tasks, etc.) so that she often is regarded as
" t h e pillar of the c o m m u n i t y . "
T h e family cell is a f u n d a m e n t a l u n i t : a n e c o n o m i c u n i t of
p r o d u c t i o n and c o n s u m p t i o n , a political unit w i t h i n the confederation of families that makes u p the clan, a n d finally a religious
u n i t , since each d w e l l i n g is the site of a c o m m o n cult (rites of the
threshold, of the h e a r t h , of the g u a r d i a n spirits of the family,
etc.). T h i s cohesion is strengthened by the fact that the g r o u p
lives i n a single a r e a t h e houses of the descendants of a c o m m o n
ancestor b e i n g g e n e r a l l y g r o u p e d a r o u n d a c o m m o n c o u r t y a r d
a n d by the custom of commensality, or that of e a t i n g together
(see Fig. i ) . T h e family is also a unit w i t h c o m m o n interests a n d
o c c u p a t i o n s : the o u t d o o r tasks, those of b o t h the m e n a n d
w o m e n (construction, s o w i n g , harvests, p o t t e r y m a k i n g , a n d the
like), are the business of all m e m b e r s of the g r o u p . T h i s involvem e n t extends to a n y t h i n g that affects the h e a d of the family,
T h e Kabyles
Fig.
i. P l a n
of
a Kabyle
House
A K a b y l e h o u s e is g e n e r a l l y r a t h e r s m a l l : 23 to 25 f e e t l o n g a n d
f e e t w i d e . T h e w a l l s a r e f r o m 10 to 12 feet i n h e i g h t a n d f r o m
feet
thick. T h e y
cemented
are c o n s t r u c t e d b y laying
t w o p a r a l l e l rows of
taaricht
16
to 2
stones
t o g e t h e r by clay or m u d .
ii/
made
of
planks
and
partly
hidden
jars
(7),
loft,
ikufan,
T h e Kabyles
p l a c e d a l o n g the tadekuant
(6),
w h i c h separates the s t a b l e f r o m
the l i v i n g quarters.
Hollowed
out
the l o w e r p a r t of t h i s w a l l are t h e m a n g e r s f o r t h e c a t t l e . A g a i n s t
in
the
(10), o n w h i c h are p l a c e d t h e k i t c h e n u t e n s i l s
and
t h e o i l l a m p a n d i n w h i c h a r e n i c h e s to h o l d the c o o k i n g p o t , t h e p a n
for f r y i n g the g r i d d l e cakes, a n d the other s o o t - b l a c k e n e d
cotta. A l o n g the f r o n t w a l l b e t w e e n the adekuan
pots of
terra
a n d the d o o r w a y is a
(3),
t h e b a s e of t h e adekuan
is t h e
hearth,
d u g o u t at g r o u n d l e v e l a n d p l a s t e r e d o v e r w i t h a c o a t i n g of
loom
handmill
(8)
occupies
one
c o r n e r of
the
house.
is p l a c e d b e h i n d the d o o r . T h e w o m e n set u p
opposite
the door
(4).
The
house has
only
their
one
small
loft.
courtyard.
The
name
of
lhara
g r o u p of h o u s e s t h a t o p e n o n t h e s a m e i n n e r courtyard. T h i s
to
the
courtyard
is closed in b y a w a l l a n d has a c o m m o n g a t e w a y w h i c h is o f t e n
covered
b y a roof.
T h e house w i t h t h e roof of r o u n d tiles is t y p i c a l of K a b y l i a . It is
found
p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the D j u r d j u r a
r e g i o n of
Kabylia
a n d i n p a r t of
the
s o u t h it e x t e n d s as far as t h e c h a i n of the B i b a n s a n d to t h e G u e r g o u r ,
then
gives w a y
to the
p l a c e d b y the gourbia
of
clay
covered
with
terraced h o u s e .
On
the
other
frontiers
it is re-
esparto
grass
or
disswhich
is
found
the area of D a h r a a n d t h e T r a r a s .
T h e Algerians
T h e Kabyles
io
T h e Algerians
m e c h a n i s m is t h u s m a i n t a i n e d by t h e m a t r i m o n i a l compensation.
P r o o f of this is the fact that if the h u s b a n d dies first the m a r r i a g e
p a y m e n t is r e t u r n e d and the wife goes b a c k to her family, b u t
t h e r e is n o r e t u r n of this m o n e y if the wife dies first, the h u s b a n d ' s
f a m i l y thereby s t a n d i n g definitely as the loser. H e n c e the ext r e m e l y i n s u l t i n g n a t u r e of the berrou bat'el ( r e p u d i a t i o n of the
w i f e w i t h o u t asking for r e t u r n of the m a r r i a g e p a y m e n t ) , w h i c h
breaks the system of reciprocity by g i v i n g w i t h o u t r e c e i v i n g in
r e t u r n as h o n o r d e m a n d s . T h e wife thus r e p u d i a t e d , a gift that
has been r e t u r n e d and for w h i c h there is n o possible countergift, is e x c l u d e d f r o m the cycle of m a t r i m o n i a l exchanges
(tamaouokt).
O n the o t h e r h a n d , to r e t u r n the m a t r i m o n i a l
c o m p e n s a t i o n w h e n the h u s b a n d dies, or the wife is r e p u d i a t e d ,
shows that the " c o n t r a c t " is b r o k e n b u t that the system of reciprocity instituted by the m a r r i a g e continues u n c h a n g e d .
T h e m a r r i a g e p a y m e n t is also a pledge i n another sense: the
wife remains a m e m b e r of h e r original g r o u p w h i c h , t h r o u g h her,
secures a h o l d over the m a g i c p o w e r of the g r o u p that accepts her,
since the gift still remains a t t a c h e d to the giver; the p a y m e n t of
m a t r i m o n i a l compensation thus restores the b a l a n c e i n magic
powers. I n the same c o n t e x t it appears also to b e a compensation
i n t e n d e d to atone for the v i o l a t i o n of the sexual taboo. T h u s , in
the A u r e s , the n u p t i a l gift consists of a "douro," called the haqddkhoul
(right of entry) a m o n g the Beni-Bou-Slimane and a
"douro lahlil"
{douro m a k i n g lawful) a m o n g the T o u a b a . L i k e wise, the M o z a b i t e jurists m a i n t a i n that " t h e n u p t i a l d o w r y is
the c o n d i t i o n that actually m a k e s the m a r r i a g e l e g i t i m a t e and
confers the r i g h t to intercourse w i t h the b r i d e . " A n d finally,
s h o u l d it n o t be considered that this gift m a d e to m e n is in reality
b e i n g offered t h r o u g h t h e m to the powers of n a t u r e , in order
that they m a y g r a n t as a s u p r e m e blessing a fruitful marriage?
It is n o t surprising, then, that the f a m i l y g r o u p s h o u l d b e t h e
f o c a l p o i n t of K a b y l e society: primacy of the f a m i l y g r o u p , w h i c h
rules out celibacy and w h i c h , t h r o u g h the father, exercises the
r i g h t of m a t r i m o n i a l c o m p u l s i o n and arranges for the girls to b e
m a r r i e d at t h e e a r l y age of t w e l v e or thirteen; p r i m a c y of the
g r o u p , w h i c h g r a n t s a b s o l u t e authority to the h u s b a n d and invests h i m w i t h the r i g h t of r e p u d i a t i o n because of the fact t h a t
T h e Kabyles
11
12
T h e Algerians
T h e Kabyles
13
F i g . a. P l a n of a K a b y l e V i l l a g e : A l t H i c h e m
T h e s i t u a t i o n of this t y p i c a l v i l l a g e i n t h e D j u r d j u r a r e g i o n of
K a b y l i a a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n d e c i d e d u p o n to m e e t s e v e r a l c o m b i n e d
r e q u i r e m e n t s . A fortress a n d o b s e r v a t i o n post, it is b u i l t at t h e s u m m i t
of a 4,000-foot crest a n d , as a result, is c o m p l e t e l y isolated f r o m o t h e r
v i l l a g e s , w h i c h are also p e r c h e d o n the s u m m i t of o t h e r p e a k s . T h e
scarcity of arable l a n d p r o v i d e s a n a d d i t i o n a l reason for c h o o s i n g this
unfertile soil of shale a n d s a n d s t o n e as a site for t h e houses of t h e
14
T h e Kabyles
!5
v i l l a g e . M o r e o v e r , the p e a s a n t c a n w a t c h o v e r t h e fields a n d o r c h a r d s
w h i c h s u r r o u n d the peak o n w h i c h t h e v i l l a g e stands. T h e p r o x i m i t y
of w a t e r p o i n t s a n d of c o m m u n i c a t i o n routes does n o t a p p e a r to b e a
factor d e t e r m i n i n g the p o s i t i o n of the s e t t l e m e n t : i n d e e d the s p r i n g s ,
w h i c h are n u m e r o u s o n the h i l l slopes, are often q u i t e a d i s t a n c e a w a y
f r o m the v i l l a g e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s are p r o v i d e d b y p a t h s r u n n i n g
a l o n g t h e crest of the hills.
E v e n the l a y o u t of t h e v i l l a g e is t h e result of different t e c h n i c a l
a n d social r e q u i r e m e n t s . O f t e n , as i n t h e adroum
of the A i t M a h d i in
the p r e s e n t e x a m p l e , t h e m a i n street f o l l o w s the crest l i n e w i t h t h e
h o u s e s r u n n i n g d o w n the s l o p e s i n a h e r r i n g b o n e p a t t e r n . I n t h e p a r t
of t h e v i l l a g e o c c u p y i n g the side of the crest, t h e h o u s e s are b u i l t at
r i g h t a n g l e s to t h e c o n t o u r l i n e s , w h i c h are m a r k e d o u t , a p p r o x i m a t e l y ,
b y a l l e y w a y s just w i d e e n o u g h to a l l o w a l a d e n m u l e to pass. I n b o t h
cases, the a r r a n g e m e n t of the houses is such t h a t the stable is n a t u r a l l y
sited l o w e r d o w n t h a n t h e p a r t reserved f o r h u m a n h a b i t a t i o n a n d t h e
l i q u i d m a n u r e , t h e dirty w a t e r a n d t h e r a i n c a n r u n d o w n t o w a r d s t h e
g a r d e n s (situated b e h i n d the houses a n i n the area of t h e A'it M a d h i ) o r
to the r o a d t h a t serves for d r a i n a g e .
T h e m a i n t h i n g to b e n o t e d is t h a t t h e p l a n r e v e a l s the social
structure. M a r k e d o u t b y t w o p a r a l l e l h o u s e s a n d b y t h i c k w a l l s o r
else b y t h r e e h o u s e s p l a c e d at r i g h t a n g l e s , t h e c o u r t y a r d is a l w a y s
c o m m o n to m e m b e r s of t h e same l a r g e f a m i l y , n a m e l y the families o f
t h e f a t h e r a n d h i s m a r r i e d sons o r the f a m i l i e s of s e v e r a l brothers. T h e
p l a n t h e n s h o w s u p as c l e a r l y as w o u l d a g e n e a l o g i c a l tree t h e s u b d i v i s i o n s of the v i l l a g e c o m m u n i t y t h e e x t e n d e d f a m i l y , t h e l i n e a g e
(takharroubt),
the c l a n (adroum)with
the n e i g h b o r i n g g r o u p s a l l
b e i n g g r o u p s b a s e d o n b l o o d ties.
T h e village i n c l u d e s a n e n d o g a m o u s family of a m a r a b o u t a n d
strangers w h o have f o u n d r e f u g e (as the r e s u l t of a m u r d e r , f o r e x a m p l e )
w i t h a related family. T h e isolated houses h a v e been constructed m o r e
r e c e n t l y b y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o h a v e n o t f o u n d a n y p l a c e w i t h i n the v i l l a g e .
T h e v i l l a g e is s u r r o u n d e d b y s e v e r a l h o l y places: (1) " t h e w h i t e
stone," t h e r o c k o n w h i c h c a n d l e s are p l a c e d b y t h e w o m e n ; (2) " t h e
f o u n t a i n of the w e l l , " w h e r e l i g h t s h a d b e e n seen b y c e r t a i n p e o p l e
a n d to w h i c h c a n d l e s a r e a l s o c a r r i e d ; (g) Sidi A z z a b , t h e t o m b of the
ancestor of the m a r a b o u t f a m i l y of the A z z a b e n e , a h o l y place surr o u n d e d by a n e n c l o s u r e of dry-stone c o n s t r u c t i o n t o w h i c h offerings
are b r o u g h t o n t h e o c c a s i o n of r e l i g i o u s festivals; (4) " t h e f a l l o w
g r o u n d of t h e w a t e r f a l l , " a p l o t of g r o u n d p l a n t e d w i t h o a k trees o n
w h i c h cattle are not p a s t u r e d a n d w o o d is not cut; (5) " t h e s u m m i t , "
a n e m i n e n c e to w h i c h offerings are carried a n d w h e r e candles a r e l i t ;
(6) " B o u Sehel," a s a n c t u a r y s i t u a t e d o n a p e a k (3,600 feet) o n t h e r o a d
to T a k a , to w h i c h p i l g r i m a g e s are m a d e a n d offerings t a k e n .
T h e Algerians
i6
the i n c i d e n t m a y b e , a n d n o matter w h e t h e r it is o n a n i n d i v i d u a l
or o n a collective scale. T h i s division i n t o opposed a n d complem e n t a r y halves appears to constitute one aspect of a d e e p e r
structural o p p o s i t i o n w h i c h d o m i n a t e s the whole social, spiritual
a n d ritualistic life of the people. Different features l e a d one to
t h i n k that these conflicts b e t w e e n the leagues assumed an institut i o n a l f o r m a n d that the combats resulted f r o m the logic of the
ritual g a m e rather t h a n from a proper war. T h i s "dualist organiz a t i o n " guarantees a balance of forces t h r o u g h strange processes of w e i g h i n g , a stalemate resulting from the crisis itself. T h e
forces are b u i l t u p , come i n t o o p p o s i t i o n and c o u n t e r b a l a n c e one
another. T h u s it seems as if e q u i l i b r i u m were b e i n g sought u n d e r
conditions of the greatest tension.
T h e Gentilitial Democracy
T h e g e n t i l i t i a l , or genealogical, family, the keystone of this
society, is at the same time (as in all of A l g e r i a ) the m o d e l o n
w h i c h the w h o l e social system has b e e n constructed, w i t h o u t a n y
distinction b e i n g m a d e as to a difference i n o r d e r a n d k i n d
b e t w e e n domestic o r g a n i z a t i o n (the res privatae) a n d political
o r g a n i z a t i o n (the res publicae), since the b o n d s of c o n s a n g u i n i t y
are considered as the archetype for every social tie, p a r t i c u l a r l y
for p o l i t i c a l ties. If genealogy is used i n m o r e or less a r b i t r a r y
f a s h i o n every time that it is i m p o r t a n t to create or to justify a
social u n i t , it is because it allows a k i n d of r e l a t i o n of k i n s h i p to
be created, t h r o u g h the fiction of the e p o n y m o u s ancestor,
b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s j o i n e d together as the result of the o p e r a t i o n
2
T h e Kabyles
1^
i8
Fig.
T h e Algerians
3. S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n of
V i l l a g e of A l t
the T r i b e
of t h e A i t Y a h i a
a n d of
the
Hichem
I s o l a t e d o n a p e a k b e t w e e n d e e p r a v i n e s w h i c h s e p a r a t e it f r o m its
n e i g h b o r s , t h e v i l l a g e s e e m s to c o n s t i t u t e a s o c i a l u n i t t h a t h a s b e e n
closely d e n n e d b y t h e t o p o g r a p h y i t s e l f . B u t , i n f a c t , is n o t t h i s a p p e a r a n c e of u n i t y r a t h e r d e c e p t i v e ? T h e v i l l a g e is m a d e u p of i n t e r l o c k i n g
g r o u p s . T h e takharroubt
joins t o g e t h e r s e v e r a l p a t r i a r c h a l
families
w h o c o n s i d e r t h e m s e l v e s as b e i n g d e s c e n d e d f r o m a c o m m o n ancestor.
It must n o t be t h o u g h t , h o w e v e r , t h a t its m e m b e r s are a l w a y s j o i n e d
t o g e t h e r b y r e a l ties of k i n s h i p . F o r e x a m p l e , i n t h e takharroubt
of t h e
A i t Issaad, there m a y b e f o u n d (as w e l l as t h e A i t Issaad, p r o p e r l y
s p e a k i n g ) t h e A i t A b b a , the Ai't F e r h a t , a n d the Ai't B e l l i l . T h e m e m b e r s
of the takharroubt
c o n s i d e r t h e m s e l v e s to be b r o t h e r s ; the c h i l d r e n
g i v e to a l l the m a l e a d u l t s the n a m e of " f a t h e r " ; t h e y call a n o l d e r
m a n " d a d d a " (big b r o t h e r ) , w h a t e v e r m a y b e t h e real b o n d of k i n s h i p ,
a n d t h e y call an o l d e r w o m a n " n a n n a " (big sister). T h e effective ties
are v e r y s t r o n g a n d i n t i m a c y is great. T h e w o m e n are n o t o b l i g e d to
h i d e t h e m s e l v e s f r o m t h e men. T h e g i v i n g of m u t u a l aid is d o n e
s p o n t a n e o u s l y a n d is a n e v e r y d a y o c c u r r e n c e . E a c h takharroubt
has
a t'amen,
a " s p o k e s m a n , " w h o r e p r e s e n t s it a t t h e m e e t i n g s of t h e
tajmadt;
w h o , at t h e t i m e of t h e timechret'',
divides u p the meat into
as m a n y s m a l l a m o u n t s as t h e r e are " h o u s e s " ; w h o offers the g i f t s of
the g r o u p at the t i m e of r e l i g i o u s festivals o r w h e n a l m s a r e r e q u e s t e d .
It s o m e t i m e s h a p p e n s t h a t t h e takharroubt
has its o w n c u s t o m s : f o r
e x a m p l e , a m o n g the Ai't A b d e s s e l a m it is f o r b i d d e n to set a h e n . S o m e times it has a site r e s e r v e d for the c l a n c e m e t e r y . A n i n d i v i d u a l c a n
l e a v e his takharroubt
to j o i n u p w i t h a n o t h e r . T h e takharroubt
has
n o l e g a l j u r i s d i c t i o n n o r a n y p o l i t i c a l l i f e p r o p e r . It m a y , h o w e v e r , o n
rare o c c a s i o n s , h o l d a secret a s s e m b l y to d e c i d e o n i n t e r n a l m a t t e r s .
T h e real p o l i t i c a l u n i t is the clan, adroum;
the Ai't M a d h i a n d
t h e Ai't O u s s e b a a each h a v e t h e i r o w n a s s e m b l y house (the
tajmadt),
t h e i r o w n m o s q u e , a n d t h e i r separate cemeteries. T h e v e g e t a b l e g a r d e n s
c u l t i v a t e d b y the w o m e n are g r o u p e d a r o u n d the houses of each
adroum,
since the w o m e n of o n e adroum
are not p e r m i t t e d to be
seen b y t h e m e n of t h e o t h e r adroum.
T h e Ai't M a d h i h a v e t h e i r o w n
t h r e s h i n g floor a n d t h e i r o w n f o u n t a i n . T h e m e m b e r s of t h e
adroum
c o n s i d e r themselves to b e d e s c e n d e d f r o m a c o m m o n a n c e s t o r . A c c o r d i n g to l e g e n d , the Ai't O u s s e b a a are s u p p o s e d to be the d e s c e n d e n t s of
a w o m a n of m a r a b o u t i c o r i g i n c o m i n g f r o m t h e tribe of t h e Ai't
M e n g u e l l e t , w h o r e m a i n e d for a l o n g time w i t h o u t a n y suitor. H a v i n g
m a r r i e d a c e r t a i n Ai't O u a z z o u g , she h a d seven c h i l d r e n b y h i m a n d
t h e s e v e n t h ( O u s s e b a a ) g a v e his n a m e to t h e c l a n . T h e Ai't M a d h i are
s u p p o s e d to b e the d e s c e n d e n t s of strangers w h o came to settle o n
t h e p e a k w h i c h d o m i n a t e s t h e m o u n t a i n s l o p e o n w h i c h t h e Ai't
O u s s e b a a were already l i v i n g .
T h e c l a n , of w h i c h all m e m b e r s c l a i m to b e b r o t h e r s , h o l d s its
o w n a s s e m b l y at w h i c h are m a d e all the d e c i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e
c o m m u n i t y ( p r o c l a m a t i o n s as to h a r v e s t , r e l i g i o u s festivals, the b e g i n n i n g of p l o w i n g , c o l l e c t i v e tasks, etc.). T h e c o m m u n a l sacrifice, w h i c h
w a s c a r r i e d o u t at t h e b e g i n n i n g of p l o w i n g time a n d t h r o u g h w h i c h
Tribe
(arch)
Village
(taddart)
/
Ait
Ait
Ai't
Ai't
Ai't
Boudaf.el
AltMelUl
Igoures
Ai't Z i r i
Ai't A h t a r
Tafraout
Koukou
Tagounits
Itourar
Illilten
Menguellet
Bou Youcef
Ouakbils
AIT Y A H I A
Clan
{adroum)
<
AIT
AIT HICHEM
Ai't Y a t t a f e n
A i t Boudrar
Ait Ouacif
Ai't B o u a k a c h e
A i t o u Ogdal
Lineage
(takharroubt)
"House "
{akham)
Ai't
Ait
Ait
Ai't
MADHI
Takana
Issendalene
A g o u n i Guessaad
Taka
Ai't Boutchour
AIT
Ai't Issa
Ai't O u a z z o u g
Ai't R a b a h
Aft Messaoud
Ai't Slimane
A i t Abdesselam
Ai't M a a m a r
AitKettout
Ai't Issaad
OUSSEBAA
Ai't Si A m a r a
Madhi
Saada
Ali ou Amar
Moussa
Ai't A b d e s s e l a m
Ai't K a c i o u S a d o u n
Ai'tKaci Azzoug
Ait
Ai't
ATt
Ai't
Ai't
Issaad
Abba
Ferhaf
Ouirad
Bellil
t h e confines
o f t h e adroum.
T h e latter
t u t i o n s f o r g i v i n g m u t u a l aid, its o w n c o d e
Ait Madhi
than
among
(more r i g o r o u s a m o n g t h e
t h e A i t O u s s e b a a ) , its o w n
traditions a n d be-
t h e d i v i s i o n i n t o coffs
coincided
w i t h t h e d i v i s i o n i n t o clans, t h e Ai't M a d h i b e i n g a p a r t o f t h e l o w e r
goff
a n d the A i t O u s s e b a a b e i n g p a r t o f the u p p e r
T h e u n i t y o f the v i l l a g e
However,
since
about
(taddert)
1930, a n u m b e r
to become
making
of
common
t h e village
mayor,
into
of collective
institutions a n d
p e c u l i a r t o t h e adroum
are n o w tend-
to the village.
O n e r e a s o n f o r this is t h a t b y
an administrative
t h e authorities have
poff.
is p r i m a r i l y territorial i n n a t u r e .
favored
unit with
its amin,
the development
a sort
of c o m m o n
v i l l a g e i n t e r e s t s . E m i g r a t i o n , s c h o o l i n g a n d e c o n o m i c c h a n g e s h a v e also
p l a y e d a d e c i s i v e role. T h e n e w v i l l a g e s q u a r e n e a r t h e s c h o o l is " t h e
n e u t r a l g r o u n d " o n w h i c h the v i l l a g e assembly meets. T h e latter m a k e s
all d e c i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g m a t t e r s of p u b l i c
The
interest.
v i l l a g e o f A i t H i c h e m f o r m s a p a r t o f t h e t r i b e o f t h e Ai't
Y a h i a (the douar
latter
it is that a t r a d i t i o n a l r i v a l r y exists b e t w e e n
their
neighbors,
part
of w h a t
the A i t Menguellet.
one might
call
the confederation
r a t h e r i l l - d e f i n e d a n d u n s t a b l e social
The
T h e tribe
the A i t Yahia
and
of t h e A i t Yahia
is
of t h e I g a o u a o u e n ,
unit.
to regions.
O n e r e a s o n f o r this is t h a t w h e n g i v i n g o u t these n a m e s , t h e K a b y l e s
passed b y g r a d u a l stages f r o m
t o t h e clan. T h e
!9
transformation;
20
T h e Algerians
c e r t a i n of t h e m increase i n size w h i l e o t h e r s d e c r e a s e . T h e v i l l a g e , a n d
e v e n m o r e so the " t u f i q , " w h i c h g r o u p s t o g e t h e r s e v e r a l h a m l e t s , reassembles a f e d e r a t i o n m o r e t h a n it d o e s a t r u e c o m m u n i t y . T h u s the
adroum
of the A i t M e n d i l , m a d e u p of t w o tikharroubin
( p l u r a l of
takharroubt),
the A i t B o u r n i n e a n d the A i t Said, a n d s i t u a t e d f a r t h e r
d o w n the s l o p e , is j o i n e d to the idermen
( p l u r a l of adroum)
of the A i t
M a d h i a n d the A i t O u s s e b a a a l t h o u g h it is s e p a r a t e d from t h e m o n
t h e g r o u n d . T h e c l a n , t h e n , constitutes the f u n d a m e n t a l p o l i t i c a l u n i t .
( F o r p r o p e r n a m e s , t h e a u t h o r has f o l l o w e d the s p e l l i n g u s e d o n t h e
1 /50,ooo maps.)
These analyses are very largely true for all other Algerian groups.
For e x a m p l e , the
Akbil)
qanoun
"restitutive"
laws
general principles
(10
per
cent),
and
five
(political organization).
articles
(88
(Ait
per cent), 25
concerning
the
more
Fig. 4.
The
Tribe
of
the A i t
Yahia
21
22
T h e Algerians
T h e Kabyles
23
24
T h e Algerians
merits on w h i c h it is b a s e d are less defined. I n the K a b y l e democracy, the ideal of a democracy seems to h a v e b e e n realized; indeed,
w i t h o u t the i n t e r v e n t i o n of any restraint other t h a n the pressure
of p u b l i c opinion, the will of the i n d i v i d u a l is immediately and
spontaneously made to conform to the g e n e r a l will. B u t this
i d e a l is p u t into effect only in so far as it is n o t realized as an
i d e a l , n o t objectively f o r m u l a t e d as a f o r m a l a n d abstract principle, but instead felt as a sentiment, as s o m e t h i n g i m m e d i a t e l y
and i n w a r d l y manifest.
2 . T h e Shawia
t o
F i g . 5. T h e T r i b e s of t h e A u r e s
most needed resources. T h e great s u m m e r markets, w h i c h generally coincide with the great pilgrimages (Djebel Bous), were
formerly the occasion f o r the m o s t i m p o r t a n t e x c h a n g e s . A n y
large p u r c h a s e s designed to b u i l d up the group's reserves were
m a d e i n the f o r m of e x c h a n g e s i n k i n d , " h e a d f o r h e a d " as t h e
S h a w i a w o u l d say. Besides this c o m m e r c e directly c o n n e c t e d w i t h
a g r i c u l t u r e , t h e r e is the commerce e n g a g e d i n b y i t i n e r a n t peddlers who are usually K a b y l e s . T h u s has developed ail e c o n o m y
ofjres_pQnse to needs, established on a p r i n c i p l e gf_"a.UtQcpnsumpt i o n , " implying the existence of reserves whose use is controlled
by a very rigid discipline. T h e r e are relatively few commercial exchanges, a n d even these few are rarely motivated b y the desire to
m a k e a profit. T h e result is that the family g r o u p is its own
agent of p r o d u c t i o n and distribution and a market f o r its own
26
T h e Shawia
27
Domestic Organization
I n a d d i t i o n to b e i n g an e c o n o m i c u n i t t h e family is also a
social a n d religious unit. W i t h i n the family the h u s b a n d is legally
the master. aifiJough~~the wife., does, in fact, " t a k e tne ~leacT"in
JuaDie^rousjnatters; t h r o u g h h e r influence she p l a y s ' a n i m p o r t a n t
part in the m a n a g e m e n t of affairs and by her w o r k at handicrafts
helps the family to b e self-supporting.
T h e g r a n d f a t h e r , the chief w h o is consulted, h o n o r e d and
28
T h e Algerians
T h e Shawia
29
30
T h e Algerians
being
b o u n d b y any conjugal ties a n d to reserve for herself the possibility of a divorce w i t h o u t r e s t i t u t i o n of the m a t r i m o n i a l compensation. M o r e o v e r , the S h a w i a w o m a n , w h o like the K a b y l e w o m a n
could be arbitrarily repudiated
by her h u s b a n d , has
eagerly
but
to w h i c h
the
even
Shawia
T h e Shawia
31
32
T h e Algerians
T h e Social Structures
E a c h social u n i t has its o w n n a m e , w h i c h is considered to be
the n a m e of the c o m m o n ancestor. T h e m e m b e r s of the most
restricted g r o u p , the e x t e n d e d family, consider themselves to b e
really descended f r o m the ancestor whose n a m e they bear. I n the
larger units, the clan (hmrjiqt) and p a r t i c u l a r l y the tribe (irch),
this n a m e is sometimes t h a t of the most i m p o r t a n t or the oldest
of the sub-groups, sometimes the result of an arbitrary choice.
The harfiqt is..the most organic and mos.tdkJdnctive-social unit.
I t bears the n a m e of the c o m m o n ancestor w h o is the o b j e c t of an
anrmal^ceremom' of w o r s h i p ; i n the case i n w h i c h it is m a d e u p
of a p u r e agnatic g r o u p , it includes all the male descendants of
the c o m m o n ancestor, all the "sons of the p a t e r n a l u n c l e , " as the
S h a w i a say. I t can also be f o r m e d by a f r a g m e n t of an a g n a t i c
g r o u p or even by the association of several agnatic groups, i n
w h i c h case, a l t h o u g h t h e m e m b e r s c l a i m to b e related, t h e b o n d
u n i t i n g them is jn_.rgality a fraternity.Jbjasj&d~cm~mutual,.agreement. I n the latter case, the harfiqt is d i v i d e d i n t o subgroups
of different degrees of r e l a t i o n s h i p . In other words, even w h e n
m e r e l y an association of different groups, it is by t a k i n g the
e x t e n d e d family, the g e n e a l o g i c a l l y based u n i t , as its m o d e l
that the harfiqt proves and establishes its o w n unity. B u t since
the S h a w i a may be d i v i d e d into "sedentary p e o p l e s " and "nom a d s " (in a very relative sense since the " n o m a d s " o w n land and
the "sedentary peoples" o w n flocks), can the clan b e said to
h a v e the same function and the same structure i n b o t h types of
people? W h i l e it is true t h a t a m o n g the "sedentaries" of the
N o r t h l i v i n g in villages, the harfiqt may b e c o m p a r e d rather to
T h e Shawia
33
a village section, whereas a m o n g the n o m a d s i t m a y b e compared to a clan w h i c h lives i n tents the greater part of the time,
nevertheless this contrast m u s t n o t be e x a g g e r a t e d . For e v e n
a m o n g the sedentary p e o p l e s cohesion is n e v e r based on the
territorial b o n d a l o n e , as is p r o v e n by the cult of the c o m m o n
ancestor and by the fact that marriages are arranged by preference w i t h i n the clan, preferably w i t h a parallel cousin, w i t h the
purpose of strengthening family ties. T h e clan is then the
strongest social u n i t ; the m e m b e r s of the harfiqt are obliged to
d e f e n d its p a t r i m o n y ( w o m e n , lands and dwellings) and above
all its h o n o r , the supreme v a l u e , m o r e precious than life itself.
T h e council of the clan retained u n t i l 1 9 5 4 the m a i n
j u d i c i a l powers (in spite of the reforms of 1 8 6 5 ) a n d c o n t i n u e d
to d e c i d e lawsuits in accordance w i t h l o c a l custom. I n a d d i t i o n
to h a n d l i n g a l m o s t all marriages and divorces, it arbitrated civil
differences by using the t r a d i t i o n a l m o d e of proof, the collective
o a t h ; it imposed penalties, presided over the rulings of the diia
w h i c h w e r e m a d e i n accordance w i t h a strict r i t u a l , tried cases
r e l a t i n g to inheritances, etc.
T h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the guelda, the granary-citadel, was also
the business of the harfiqt. E a c h a g g l o m e r a t i o n has several fortified houses i n w h i c h the harvests are stored d u r i n g the absences
m a d e necessary b y the semi-nomadic existence. F o r m e r l y these
granaries were also fortresses and o b s e r v a t i o n posts; a m o n g the
T o i i a b a , they f o r m e d a sort of defensive line p r o t e c t i n g the cultiv a t e d lands against the raids of the A b d a o u i . T h e guelda, the
cornerstone of the e c o n o m i c life of the g r o u p , is also a center
for its social life: a r o u n d the guelda, the m a n y factors r e l a t i n g to
the e c o n o m i c life of the g r o u p h a v e b e e n c o m b i n e d into w h a t
m i g h t be c a l l e d a collective i n s t i t u t i o n t h e foresight r e q u i r e d
to ensure a g o o d harvest at some f u t u r e date, the right vested in
the h e a d of the f a m i l y to control c o n s u m p t i o n , the life-long
privations that the S h a w i a must impose u p o n himself even i n
2
* In many
favor
of granaries common
guelda
was
abandoned
the development
of private property
Consulte)
(made possible by
in
clan
in
has
correlation
the
facilities
34
T h e Algerians
times of plenty. Conscious of t h e f u n d a m e n t a l r o l e of t h e collective granary as a r e g u l a t i n g force that is indispensable for the
m a i n t e n a n c e of a precarious e c o n o m i c balance, the c o u n c i l of
the harfiqt decides_on its construction a n d also prescribes w i t h
e x t r e m e precision and i n g e n u i t y h o w it w i l l operate a n d f u n c t i o n .
It is the council of the elders w h o decide on the g u a r d i a n s w h o
w i l l b e responsible for the p r o t e c t i o n against theft a n d the upk e e p of the b u i l d i n g . I n a society that lives as a closed e c o n o m y
cut off from the n o r m a l currents of monetary e x c h a n g e a n d that
is i n any case quite u n a c c u s t o m e d to financial s p e c u l a t i o n , the
a c c u m u l a t i o n of goods i n k i n d (barley a n d wheat, salted meat
a n d dried fruits, h o n e y or rancid butter), w h i c h i n such a system
h a v e m o r e value than money, constitutes the only assurance
against the uncertainty of the future a n d the only possible form
in w h i c h reserves may b e built u p . T o a d d to the i m p o r t a n c e of
the guelda, it frequently h a p p e n s , as i n the u p p e r valley of the
W a d i el A b i o d , t h a t a n ancestor is b u r i e d , e i t h e r w i t h i n it or
close to it. T h e g r o u p t h e n is d o m i n a t e d by the granary, w h i c h
is also the h o l y place where a great m a n y f a m i l y rituals, such
as marriages a n d circumcisions, formerly took place; the a n n u a l
p i l g r i m a g e s to the t o m b of the ancestor were a c c o m p a n i e d by
sacrifices and w e r e f o l l o w e d b y a c o m m u n a l m e a l . T h e collective
granary, as a t a n g i b l e s y m b o l of the p o w e r of the g r o u p , of its
w e a l t h a n d of its c o h e s i o n , was invested w i t h a m e a n i n g a n d
f u n c t i o n at o n c e social a n d religious, e c o n o m i c a n d sentimental.
T h u s the harfiqt appears to b e the widest social u n i t that
can f u n c t i o n p r o p e r l y in a system in w h i c h all social g r o u p s are
p a t t e r n e d o n the m o d e l of the family g r o u p . T h e w i d e r social
units are, in fact, less cohesive and less p e r m a n e n t i n n a t u r e ;
so it is w i t h the v i l l a g e , w h i c h has little social life of its o w n and
is rarely p r o v i d e d w i t h an assembly house; so it is also w i t h the
tribe, because of the fact that gatherings of g r o u p s b e l o n g i n g to
t h e same tribe are r a r e l y h e l d , a p a r t f r o m the g r e a t assemblies
that meet for war, or for m a k i n g decisions as to the t r a n s h u m a n c e
of the animals a n d the a l l o t m e n t of collective lands, or for the
great a n n u a l markets. P o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y u n i t s , organizations
w h i c h are created only for special circumstances, the tribes are
aligned i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h their a l l e g i a n c e to the t w o great coffs
T h e Shawia
35
36
T h e Algerians
3. T h e Mozabites
37
g8
T h e Algerians
Since they were considered heretics, the Kharedjites were obliged to flee
attacks
of
tjie
Fatimides.
They
then
moved
to
Sedrata,
near
T h e Mozabites
gg
T h e Algerians
40
Government
All
business is forbidden
in the area of
the mosque;
to it are situated
on the
market
60 per cent of
T h e Mozabites
41
42
T h e Algerians
T h e Mozabites
43
c o m p i l a t i o n of M o z a b i t e customs. T h e s e ittifdqdt, w h i c h c a n be
modified at any time to settle current p r o b l e m s , but w h i c h are
always interpreted by reference to religious jurisprudence, govern political life as well as private morals and provide for archaic
but very f o r m i d a b l e p u n i s h m e n t s b a s t i n a d o , fines, b a n i s h m e n t
and e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , the latter being the supremely d r e a d e d
p u n i s h m e n t which excludes the g u i l t y person f r o m the religious
and social c o m m u n i t y and entails the loss of all his rights.
G e n e r a l l y speaking, n o i m p o r t a n t decision, n o civil regulation,
n o n e w p r o h i b i t i o n , n o sanction against a serious crime, is taken
without the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the " c i r c l e . " T h e chapter of priests,
w h i c h also supplies the dignitaries of the mosque, the i m a n , the
muezzin, the masters of the K o r a n i c schools, a n d above all the
five "priests w h o wash the d e a d " a n d w h o are at the same time
"censors of m o r a l s " e n d o w e d w i t h an i m m e n s e moral authority,
possesses considerable p o w e r . Since all Mozabites are e q u a l w i t h
o n e e x c e p t i o n u n l e s s the r a t h e r hazy distinction b e t w e e n the
acils, the descendants of the first i n h a b i t a n t s of the city a n d
the nazils, the m o r e recent arrivals, can also be c o u n t e d as an
e x c e p t i o n a n d since the exception lies in the s u p e r i o r i t y gf t h e
clergy over the laity, one can safely call this f o r m of g o v e r n m e n t
a^theocracy. N o d o u b t the clergy holds itself apart f r o m daily
affairs a n d leaves to the assembly of l a y m e n the care of t e m p o r a l
matters, authorizing it to draw u p the ittifdqdt concerning the
organization of the city. Doubtless, too, l a y m e n h a v e a voice in
the g o v e r n m e n t of the city t h r o u g h their representatives o n the
assemblies w h o must always be consulted (before g i v i n g sentence
of e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , for e x a m p l e ) ; b u t , in case of conflict, the
clergy always has the last w o r d , because it possesses f o r m i d a b l e
w e a p o n s e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n against i n d i v i d u a l s and against the
c o m m u n i t y , the suspension of all religious activities.
3
The
authority
o the clergy
in
the
past
the priests and to dispute their r i g h t to judicial and legislative powers, although
halqa
with Abadhite
of
verifying
doctrine.
44
T h e Algerians
T h e Mozabites
c o m b i n e d o p p o s i t i o n to external forces t h a n t h r o u g h
45
internal
cohesion.
46
T h e Algerians
The Mozabites
47
T h e Algerians
48
^
f
T h e Mozabites
49
T h e Algerians
T h e Mozabites
w h i c h permits this survival in t h e desert. B u t e m i g r a t i o n itself
presupposes, on t h e one h a n d , the religious doctrine, the guarantee of cohesion, which incites its followers to m a k e a r a t i o n a l
a d a p t a t i o n to t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t a n d w h i c h is r e g a r d e d as t h e
s u p r e m e value to be safeguarded by m a i n t a i n i n g its e c o n o m i c
f o u n d a t i o n s at all costs; and, on the o t h e r h a n d , e m i g r a t i o n presupposes the strong cohesion of the family, the f o u n d a t i o n of
social e q u i l i b r i u m a n d the secure base f o r the e m i g r a n t . T h e
stability and solidity of the family are themselves b r o u g h t about
by the religious doctrine, by the m o r a l order established u n d e r
the priestly government, a n d by the w h o l e political organization;
but t h e l a t t e r , in return, owes a great p a r t of its coherence to
t h e education given to t h e children by the family group, w h i c h
is c h a r g e d with teaching i n accordance with precise, strictly defined methods, the respect for principles a n d the practice of
virtues which are the basis f o r the society's existence.
It is n o t surprising, then, that a society so strongly conscious
of its values, particularly those values that c a n n o t b e rejected
without the loss of g r o u p identity, has been able to m a i n t a i n its
o r i g i n a l c h a r a c t e r . A f t e r the a n n e x a t i o n of the Mzab, certain
observers debated the o u t c o m e of the clash between the traditionalist pentapolis and the rational a n d t e c h n i c a l forces of the
m o d e r n world, a n d predicted the rapid decadence of these cities
of the desert. B u t in actual fact, while they have b e c o m e businessm e n a n d very astute financiers, the Mozabites m a i n t a i n the cust o m of leaving b e h i n d their families a n d their homes i n the
desert, a n d continue to a r r a n g e to be buried in the soil of their
own valley.
T h e resistance of a t r a d i t i o n a l group to the pressure of
W e s t e r n civilization c a n n o t be based on willpower a l o n e a n d
must have at its disposal considerable material, spiritual a n d
intellectual resources. T h e Mozabites are p r o t e c t e d against disi n t e g r a t i o n by their wealth and by their a d m i r a b l e u r b a n gov^
e r n m e n t . T h a n k s to their education t h e y have b e e n able to
master modern c o m m e r c i a l techniques a n d capitalistic practices
sufficiently well to invest their assets i n a highly competitive
e c o n o m y . F u r t h e r m o r e , their cities have never been in direct
5*
T h e Algerians
F i g . 6. S i m p l i f i e d P l a n of the C i t y of G h a r d a i a
G h a r d a i a , the p r i n c i p a l city of the M z a b , is built a r o u n d its m o s q u e
w h i c h is s i t u a t e d at t h e h i g h e s t p o i n t of the city (1,780 feet). D o m i n a t e d
by a m i n a r e t seventy-two feet h i g h in the f o r m of a p y r a m i d w h i c h ,
i n cross-section, m e a s u r e s t w e n t y feet at the base a n d six feet at the
t o p , the m o s q u e is b o t h a place f o r p r a y e r a n d a fortress (the m i n a r e t
s e r v i n g as a w a t c h t o w e r ) , w h e r e the reserve p r o v i s i o n s w e r e forrperly
stored. A r o u n d this religious center the houses are laid out in conc e n t r i c circles, as if to reduce as m u c h as p o s s i b l e the d i s t a n c e they
a r e s e p a r a t e d f r o m this c e n t e r of r e l i g i o u s life and also to reduce the
l e n g t h of the r a m p a r t s . T h e result is that the city p r e s e n t s the f o r m of
a p y r a m i d made u p of a series of ellipses laid out in tiers. C o n t i n u o u s
streets s u r r o u n d the g r o u p s of houses ( f o r m e r l y o c c u p i e d by d i s t i n c t
s o c i a l u n i t s ) , w h i l e the h o u s e s themselves are s e r v i c e d by d e a d - e n d
streets. F r o m the districts in the l o w e r t o w n a w h o l e n e t w o r k of r o a d s
c o n v e r g e on the m o s q u e . A t first w i d e a n d g e n t l e in g r a d i e n t , t h e y
b e c o m e steep a n d w i n d i n g o n r e a c h i n g the u p p e r l e v e l . T w o streets
o n l y give access to the m o s q u e : one leads to the main door, the o t h e r ,
w h i c h is e n t i r e l y c o v e r e d o v e r , is r e s e r v e d f o r the w o m e n .
T h e M a l e k i t e M o s l e m s l i v e i n s e p a r a t e districts; the district of
the M ' d a b i h , in t h e n o r t h w e s t p a r t of t h e city, a n d t h e d i s t r i c t of the
B e n i M a r z u g , in the east. T h e Israelites also live in s e p a r a t e districts
isolated b e y o n d the r a m p a r t s in the southeast p o r t i o n of the city. T h e
M o z a b i t e s occupy the a n c i e n t d i s t r i c t n e a r the mosque, a district w h i c h
is the most t r a n q u i l , the cleanest, a n d also the m o s t a u s t e r e . A n y f o r m
o f business is f o r b i d d e n w i t h i n its confines.
T h e commercial c e n t e r is situated to the south of the city; the
m a r k e t s q u a r e alone h a r b o r s 15 per cent of the businesses a n d t o these
t h e r e must b e a d d e d t h e 45 per cent w h i c h are set u p in stree'ts
a d j a c e n t to the s q u a r e . T h i s m a r k e t s q u a r e , almost r e c t a n g u l a r i n f o r m
and b o r d e r e d on f o u r sides by i r r e g u l a r l y s h a p e d arcades, is, t h e n ,
s i t u a t e d in a n o u t l y i n g p a r t of the city q u i t e close to the r a m p a r t s
(the latter are closed off by t w o massive gates, the G a t e of the S h e p h e r d s a n d the G a t e of t h e B l a c k s m i t h s ) . In the s o u t h e r n section of t h e
m a r k e t is the mgalla
of Sidi el H a d j B o u a f s , a b l o c k of m a s o n r y a p p r o x i m a t e l y s i x t e e n feet b y t h i r t e e n feet, p r o j e c t i n g a b o u t three feet
a b o v e t h e g r o u n d w h i c h is r e g u l a r l y w h i t e - w a s h e d a n d to w h i c h m e r chants and customers come to carry out their a b l u t i o n s and m a k e their
p r a y e r s a w a y f r o m the business w o r l d and its blemishes. B e s i d e this
are twenty-four rough-cast stones of u n e q u a l sizes, half b u r i e d in the
g r o u n d , i n the f o r m of a n ellipse, the haouita.
T h e s e stones w e r e d e e m e d
to c o n f e r u p o n a n y o n e w h o sat u p o n t h e m the w i s d o m a n d the g r a c e
of those ancestors w h o w e r e c o n s i d e r e d to be the p r o t e c t o r s of the
c e m e t e r i e s f r o m w h i c h the stones h a d been t a k e n . T h e haouita
was
f o r m e r l y the site of the city assembly.
T h r e e h u n d r e d and fifty business enterprises may be c o u n t e d i n
G h a r d a i a (out of a total of 482 for the w h o l e of the M z a b ) , that is to
say, a p p r o x i m a t e l y o n e f o r every fifty i n h a b i t a n t s . A g r e a t p a r t of t h e
business transactions are c a r r i e d out i n the m a r k e t p l a c e in m a k e s h i f t
stalls o r s o m e t i m e s e v e n on the g r o u n d . F o r m e r l y a f o c a l p o i n t of the
53
T h e Algerians
54
T h e Mozabites
55
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
57
58
T h e Algerians
T h e Arabic-Spekking Peoples
59
T h e City
Dwellers
6o
T h e Algerians
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
61
6a
T h e Algerians
t h e p r o p e r investment of f u n d s is u n k n o w n . I n short, e c o n o m i c
relationships are n e v e r c o m p r e h e n d e d in all their b r u t a l reality;
they are always h i d d e n b e h i n d t h e veil of prestige relationships
a n d are t e m p e r e d by the s e n t i m e n t of f r a t e r n i t y . T h e fascination
f o r social relations relegates the pursuit of profit to a position of
secondary i m p o r t a n c e .
T h e city, w h e r e reside moralists, ascetics a n d jurists w h o
r e b e l against the ritualism of the r u r a l religion, is -the b a s t i o n of
religious o r t h o d o x y and at the same time a c e n t e r o\ i n t e l l e c t u a l
activity because of its m a n y schools a n d scholars. As centers of
e x p a n s i o n f o r Islam a n d f o r Eastern civilization, the cities are
animated by a refined m o d e of life that revolves a r o u n d the
mosque as its religious a n d cultural hub. T h e souq ( m a r k e t ) , the
hammam (public b a t h ) a n d the cafe are meeting places in which
is developed the art of u r b a n e conversation, and in which the
different social classes m a y i n t e r m i n g l e . O n the o n e h a n d is the
h o m e , situated at the e n d of the quiet, winding street, w i t h d r a w n
into itself, a private retreat, a closed world reserved f o r the
w o m e n ; in contrast to this is the open society, the men's world,
the souq, the public square or the cafe, the d o m a i n of public life,
of strictly controlled and codified social relationships, of l e n g t h y
conversations full of " w i t t y slander a n d accepted p l a t i t u d e s "
( W . M a r c a i s ) . B e t w e e n these two poles is e n a c t e d the life of
these cultivated a n d refined city dwellers, of this society that is
p r o f o u n d l y M o s l e m in character a n d is i n t i m a t e l y attached to a
way of life whose center may perhaps be said to be the art a n d
the cult of social relations.
T u r k s , K o u l o u g h l i s (descendants of T u r k s and of native
w o m e n ) , A n d a l u s i a n M o o r s d r i v e n out of Spain ( w h o formerly
made up three-quarters of the p o p u l a t i o n of Algiers a n d who were
very numerous in N e d r o m a , T l e m c e n , M&iea a n d M i l i a n a ) , and
new-rich " A r a b s " a n d " B e r b e r s " formerly made up the m i d d l e
class of t h e cities. E x c l u d e d from all e m p l o y m e n t u n d e r t h e
T u r k i s h r e g i m e , t h e Andalusians c o n t r o l l e d all l o c a l industry a n d
engaged i n c o m m e r c e . T o these w e r e added whole c o m m u n i t i e s
of half-urbanized city dwellers, w h o preserved t h e i r relationships
with t h e i r h o m e l a n d , safeguarded their customs a n d t h e i r lang u a g e , a n d , b e i n g g r o u p e d t o g e t h e r i n families, g e n e r a l l y fol-
(Thousands of inhabitants)
miniers d'iiab.
1954-1960
I Europens
ESS
(Europeans)
Algriens
(Algerians)
lowed
the
same
trade:
Kabyles, who
came
to
hire
out
their
a special district;
finally,
a w h o l e f l o a t i n g mass
of
c o u n t r y dwellers w h o h a d c o m e to do t e m p o r a r y l a b o r a n d w h o
lived close to the city gates o r i n lean-to gourbis
erected a g a i n s t
the c r e a t i o n a n d e x p a n -
63
64
T h e Algerian
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
65
1 2
66
T h e Algerians
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
67
1 4
T h e medina differs from the ksar (plural, ksour), which is mainly agricultural (palm groves and gardens), in its appearance (minarets ol I tic
mosques, larger and better constructed dwellings) and in its function as a.
manufacturing and commercial center. But there, too, all gradations may be
found.
According to an investigation carried out by M. Capot-Rey in t h e
southern territories, the percentage of nomads, semi-nomads and sedentary
peoples in 1938 was 58 per cent, 17.6 per cent and 24.3 per cent in the Plains
and the Saharan Atlas, 30.3 per cent, 12.8 per cent and 56.8 per cent in the
pre-Saharan zone, and 27.7 per cent, 8.8 per cent and 63.4 per cent in the
Sahara proper. Since then the proportion of sedentary peoples, and seminomads has greatly increased.
1 8
1 4
68
T h e Algerians
that t h e i r interests were c o m p l e m e n t a r y necessarily l e d to agreements a n d cooperation between the two types of people. T h e
great markets of the Sahara (Gharda'ia, L a g h o u a t , etc.) are p r o o f
of t h e e c o n o m i c symbiosis that unites t h e nomads a n d t h e sedentary peoples. T h e city, with its armorers, blacksmiths, shoemakers,
a n d weavers, welcomes t h e n o m a d w h o , d u r i n g t h e periods of
the great markets, comes to sell his meat, w o o l a n d leather, t h e
products o f his flocks; f u r t h e r m o r e , t h e n o m a d formerly provided
these cities with t h e greater p a r t of t h e i r e x t e r n a l trade, b r i n g i n g
t h e m t h e grain f r o m t h e T e l l f o r w h i c h h e h a d e x c h a n g e d his
dates a n d fruit. M o r e o v e r , t h e ksourien could n o t do w i t h o u t
the h e l p of t h e n o m a d , w h o would offer h i m o r f o r c e u p o n h i m
p r o t e c t i o n against pillage b y o t h e r n o m a d s . I n r e t u r n t h e pastoral
n o m a d w o u l d leave to t h e sedentary dweller, his t e n a n t f a r m e r ,
the task of irrigating his palm trees a n d gardens, a n d w o u l d
entrust h i m with a p o r t i o n of his reserves. So t h e b o n d u n i t i n g
t h e m c a n n o t b e i n t e r p r e t e d as b e i n g based solely o n self-interest.
T h e pastoral e c o n o m y a n d t h e way of life it implies a r e
inseparably l i n k e d with a special attitude o f m i n d . T h e p e r m a n e n c e of t h e n o m a d i c society, c o n f r o n t e d with a n e x t r e m e l y
u n p r o d u c t i v e l a n d a n d a pitiless climate, d e m a n d s a p r o u d
a d h e r e n c e t o this way of life. T h e n o m a d is aware o f t h e fact that
t h e t e m p t a t i o n to lead a sedentary existence is f o r h i m a sure
promise o f m o r a l decline a n d that his very existence depends
u p o n r e t a i n i n g that p r o f o u n d a n d i n n a t e wisdom w h i c h is
m a d e u p o f h a u g h t y pessimism a n d resignation, of ascetic p a t i e n c e
a n d g e n t i l i t i a l pride. T h e absolute a u t h o r i t y of t h e leaders of
t h e family, t h e g r o u p o r t h e t r i b e , is a g u a r a n t e e b o t h of t h e cont i n u a n c e of t h e social order a n d of e c o n o m i c s u r v i v a l .
While
t h e n o m a d i c life d i d not rule out t h e acquisition of riches, its
sole s o u r c e of w e a l t h lay i n the flock which^wasjubject td'TKe
h a z a r d s l n h e r e n t in T h e a l t e r n a t i o n of good and lean y e a r s . T h e
desert world puts t h e n o m a d on guard against excess a n d
15
18
'"extremes and at tKe I^e'Sme'reminds'liim of the need j o r colle]Etive~cIi:ipline. T h e c o m m u n i t y , a kind of circle whose cenFer
1 5
structures,
ft
(1946).
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
is everywhere a n d yet n o w h e r e , is indeed the f o u n d a t i o n
necessary c o n d i t i o n f o r all life in the desert.
69
and
*]0
T h e Algerians
T h e N e w Sedentary Peoples
Economic
equilibrium
and human
relationships.Former
nomads whose main o c c u p a t i o n was stock raising and who lived
i n tents f o r p a r t of the year, but who have been m a d e sedentary
f o r a fairly long period, m a k e t h e i r living by the cultivation of
cereal crops c o m b i n e d with stock r a i s i n g .
Less attached t o
t h e soil t h a n t h e settled village folk, such as t h e Kabyles, they
o f t e n retain the scorn of the herdsman f o r agricultural pursuits,
a n d f o r m a less strongly i n t e g r a t e d society. E x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s
a r e the e n d result of a process that may be o u t l i n e d in the followi n g way: I n t h e b e g i n n i n g , stock raising is favored. T h e flock is
the private property of the extended family, b u t the pasture lands
are owned in c o m m o n by the whole clan or tribe. E a c h year, at
the first a u t u m n rains, the t r i b a l djemda a n d the djefnda of the
clans a l l o t t h e lands that are to be cultivated i n a c c o r d a n c e With
the capacities a n d needs of each f a m i l y , that is to say, in accorda n c e w i t h the n u m b e r of m e n and the number of teams of plow
animals (cf. in Kabylia, the distribution of lands by l o t ) . T h e
family has full use of the land f o r o n e or two years, at the end of
which time a new a l l o t m e n t is made. A m o n g all the tribes great
expanses are set aside f o r pasture lands o r left fallow by c o m m o n
accord, b u t they may also be used for f a r m i n g if need arises. T h e
fencing-in of the fields would be useless, since, even w h e n o w n e d
as private property, they b e c o m e c o m m u n a l pasture l a n d every
o t h e r year; thus their boundaries are very poorly m a r k e d , irregular, a n d sometimes even zigzag in o u t l i n e . D i s t r i b u t e d here a n d
there over the countryside, they enclose small islands of shrubs,
17
" T h e limits of the area in which this type of people has settled are
rather vague. It may be said to occupy all zones that are not inhabited either
by the old established sedentary people or by semi-nomadic or nomadic
shepherds, that is, principally in those areas of the plains in which the rainfall is over 138 inches, and in the wooded massifs.
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
71
72
T h e Algerians
19
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
73
74
T h e Algerians
each family tends to retain as its own property the lands used f o r
f a r m i n g , the c o m m o n ownership of pasture lands a n d u n c l e a r e d
sections (arch lands) maintains the cohesion of the tribal community. H o w e v e r , the territorial u n i t does n o t always coincide
with the social unit (tribe o r c l a n ) . It f r e q u e n t l y happens as a
result of land sales that the p a t r i m o n y is farmed by several
families of different origins. T h u s there is much criss-crossing of
the lands u n d e r cultivation, since a certain social unit may own
fields that are hemmed in by the lands of oUe or of several o t h e r
groups, a n d vice versa. T h e patrimony, which generally bears the
n a m e of its f o u n d e r , remains the j o i n t property of the e x t e n d e d
f a m i l y , that is, of all the descendants of the same ancestor down
to the third a n d f o u r t h g e n e r a t i o n s , the share of each of these
virtual heirs being fixed by vernacular tradition. I n most cases
the land is f a r m e d in c o m m o n by the m e m b e r s of the same
e x t e n d e d family or by several families issuing f r o m the same stock.
It is n o t the property of a collective entity, b u t of individuals
w h o have been ascribed rights that may differ greatly but are
always well defined, and these individuals are free (at least theoretically) to withdraw t h e i r share of the j o i n t l y h e l d property.
T h e shares due to each of t h e m are expressed in fractions whose
d e n o m i n a t o r s have sometimes seven or eight figures; the s i t u a t i o n
is c o m p l i c a t e d , moreover, b y t h e fact that t h e r i g h t of full ownership is here g r a n t e d to the surviving husband or wife, so that
a m a r r i a g e always offers an outside f a m i l y the possibility of
a c q u i r i n g rights to a j o i n t l y h e l d property. T o avoid h a v i n g it
g o out of t h e possession of t h e family, a property is f r e q u e n t l y set
u p as a private habous a n d so becomes i n a l i e n a b l e . E x a m p l e s
have been cited of acts of p a r t i t i o n (freda) which have allotted a
beneficiary two or three square centimeters from o n e h e c t a r e held
by several h u n d r e d j o i n t owners. W e r e it not f o r the system of
j o i n t possession, the p a t r i m o n y w o u l d f r e q u e n t l y b e c o m e worthless as a result of b e i n g divided into e x t r e m e l y small plots t h r o u g h
the strict enforcement of Moslem law. T h u s legalism, carried to
extremes, ends by thwarting its original i n t e n t a n d demands, as
it were, its own negation.
T h e i n s t i t u t i o n of j o i n t possession is, then, a guarantee of
e q u i l i b r i u m . L o o k e d at f r o m the standpoint of the m o d e r n eco-
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
75
76
T h e Algerians
F i g . 8. P l a n of a P a r t of t h e D o m a i n (haouch) of t h e B e n C h a o u a
T h i s p a r t of t h e d o m a i n of t h e B e n C h a o u a is s i t u a t e d n o r t h o f
the m a i n r o a d r u n n i n g f r o m B l i d a t o A l g i e r s . T h e s h a d e d a r e a s r e p r e sent: (1) u n c l e a r e d l a n d ; (s) c u l t i v a t e d l a n d ; (3) p a s t u r e l a n d ; (4) d w e l l -
de la proprit
rurale dans la
78
T h e Algerians
yg
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
H o w e v e r , the above description overlooks the essential features of a pact which reveals a u n i q u e view of e c o n o m i c relations.
H i r e d by v e r b a l c o n t r a c t at the b e g i n n i n g of the f a r m i n g year, in
t h e m o n t h s of O c t o b e r o r N o v e m b e r , t h e sharecropper merely
contributes his physical l a b o r while the master provides h i m with
t h e l a n d , the seed, the i m p l e m e n t s , a n d the team to do t h e
plowing. Since the c o n t r a c t comes i n t o effect i n a u t u m n a n d t h e
harvest is n o t r e a p e d u n t i l M a y o r J u n e , the m a s t e r must advance
the necessary supplies to tide the sharecropper and his family
over this period. At the festival of the Achoura he must give the
tenant a gandoura of cotton a n d a pair of shoes; at the time of
the great Moslem festivals he must provide h i m with a supply of
m u t t o n . T h e pact is a man-to-man a r r a n g e m e n t , and one would
seek in vain to find any guarantee o t h e r t h a n that of the " f i d e l i t y "
d e m a n d e d by h o n o r . Its one-sided n a t u r e is tempered I>\ the
pressure of a p u b l i c o p i n i o n that is quick to censure any abuses
on the part of the master. T h e r e are no abstract regulations, n o
Estimates as to the number of sharecroppers vary from 60,000 to 150,000.
T h e discrepancy may be explained by the fact that a number of farmers
and temporary or permanent agricultural workers are at the same time
tenant farmers. From being approximately one-third of the active rural
population in 1914, the number of sharecroppers has been reduced to less
than one-tenth at the present time.
23
8o
T h e Algerians
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
81
82
T h e Algerians
tion a n d the m a n who has nothing to offer but his arms f o r the
working of this l a n d .
T h e p r e c e d i n g analyses will have s h o w n to w h a t e x t e n t the
social a n d the e c o n o m i c structures are closely i n t e r l o c k e d . T h e
c l a n a n d the tribe may b e defined primarily as the g r o u p in
possession of a particular domain, pasture lands, forests a n d
f a r m lands. It has also b e e n shown that the jointly h e l d patrim o n y is the basis of unity f o r the e x t e n d e d family. T h u s the
aim of customs and laws t h r o u g h o u t all Algeria, and especially
a m o n g the B e r b e r - s p e a k i n g peoples, is to protect the integrity
of this p a t r i m o n y . T h e sale of land is, in point of fact, impossible, since it demands the consent of all the heirs. Moreover,
should it h a p p e n that o n e of the owners could b e induced
to sell, the other m e m b e r s of the family always have the right
(and to a certain extent the duty) to pre-empt the land, chef da,
a c c o r d i n g to an o r d e r established by custom. F o r the same reasons the m o r t g a g e loan, w h i c h may lead to the dispossession of
the d e b t o r , is almost u n k n o w n , whereas the pledging of real
estate as security f o r a debt, the n o n - p a y m e n t of w h i c h only allows the creditor to enjoy the use of the land, is quite c o m m o n .
T h e daughter, t h r o u g h w h o m the p a t r i m o n y m i g h t pass out of
t h e o w n e r s h i p of the agnatic g r o u p , is often in actual fact disi n h e r i t e d ; the f a t h e r c a n dedicate his p r o p e r t y t o some pious
f o u n d a t i o n (private habous),
thereby m a k i n g it i n a l i e n a b l e .
I f this society surrounds the p r o p e r t y of the agnatic g r o u p with
such a g r e a t n u m b e r of protective laws, it is because the integrity of the p a t r i m o n y , the u n i t y of the e x t e n d e d f a m i l y and the
authority of the h e a d of the f a m i l y a r e i n t i m a t e l y c o n n e c t e d .
I f one or a n o t h e r of these were w e a k e n e d , t h e very existence
of the family, the keystone of the whole social edifice, w o u l d be
t h r e a t e n e d . T h e Senatus Consulte
of 1 8 6 3 , b y f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e
division a n d commercialization of t h e arch lands, s h o o k t h e
t r i b a l structure to its very foundation. I n a different way, t h e
breaches in t h e system of j o i n t possession, which h a v e b e c o m e
m o r e and m o r e f r e q u e n t d u r i n g the last twenty years, have coincided (without its b e i n g possible to determine cause and effect)
with the c h a l l e n g e to t h e authority of the h e a d of the family,
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
83
w i t h t h e disruption of t h e n o r m a l c h a i n of m a t r i m o n i a l
changes, and with the disintegration of the family u n i t .
ex-
84
T h e Algerians
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
85
Zad
f ZAiD
j SELIM
MOGDAD -
RECHAICH
ben Ouachah
ben Mohammed
ben Ahmed
ben Othmane
All
SiThabet
Khalifa'
Eelgacem
Relleb
NABET
Maou
Zitoun
Rabah Achour ben Rabah
86
Social Units
Zald
O . Selim
O . Necer
O ZAID
O U LED RECHAICH
O . Belgacemben Ali
O. Si Thabet
ULED RELLEB
Kiata
O. Zitoun
O. Achour
O. N A B E T '
the three g r o u p s c a l l e d the O u l e d N a b e t . His son Zitoun and g r a n d son A c h o u r , the son of his son R a b a h , h a v e g i v e n their names to the
O u l e d Z i t o u n a n d the O u l e d A c h o u r , w h i l e the K i a t a are s u p p o s e d to be
d e s c e n d e d f r o m a certain M a i o u , an a d o p t e d son of N a b e t .
M o r e o r less i m a g i n a r y , in a n y case s u r r o u n d e d by l e g e n d s l i k e t h a t
of M a i o u , this g e n e a l o g y r e a l l y a p p e a r s to b e that of a f e w g r e a t f a m i l i e s
w h o h a v e i m p o s e d their a u t h o r i t y o n t h e o t h e r g r o u p s t h a t g o to
m a k e u p the tribe. T h i s m a y be seen, f o r e x a m p l e , in the f a c t t h a t
t h e f a m i l y t r e e of t h e M e g a d d a , t h e d o m i n a n t g r o u p , is g i v e n in m u c h
m o r e d e t a i l t h a n t h a t of t h e o t h e r g r o u p s , t h e O u l e d Z a i d a n d O u l e d
N a b e t . S i m i l a r l y , it m a y b e a s s u m e d t h a t R e l l e b w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n t o
t h e g e n e a l o g i c a l p a t t e r n to establish the s o c i a l tie t h a t l i n k s t h e
M e g a d d a to t h e O u l e d N a b e t a n d t h e O u l e d Z a i d .
sition to that of o t h e r tribes. " A group that is m u c h m o r e extensive t h a n the clan, the tribe has a less developed personality;
its f u n c t i o n s relate p a r t i c u l a r l y to what o n e m i g h t call 'external
affairs,' relations with o t h e r tribes, questions of alliances, decisions as to the h'orma of the tribe, a n d its limits, a n d matters
c o n c e r n i n g weapons a n d w a r " ( D o u t t ) . W h e r e a s the c l a n finds
w i t h i n itself its own p r i n c i p l e of i n t e r n a l l i m i t a t i o n , the tribe is
essentially defined t h r o u g h its opposition to other tribes.
W h y should a certain tribe be endowed with a m a g n e t i c
power which attracts to it isolated, scattered a n d v u l n e r a b l e
groups? N o doubt i n a society i n w h i c h e q u i l i b r i u m is achieved
o n l y t h r o u g h tension, the power of each social unit b e i n g
87
88
T h e Algerians
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
89
go
T h e Algerians'
T h e Arabic-Speaking Peoples
gi
T h e fact that only those groups that are kept in equilibrium by another form of tension should escape this division into two opposing factions
(for example, the opposition between the nomads and the gardeners of the
oases, or between the nobles and vassals among the Touaregs) seems to constitute a proof a
contrario.
23
93
94
T h e Algerians
society is organized in a c c o r d a n c e with this kaleidoscopic m e c h a nism, t h e n it becomes c l e a r why it presents these contradictory
aspects of diversity and uniformity, of unity a n d m u l t i p l i c i t y .
2
95
g6
T h e Algerians
97
98
T h e Algerians
superiority is the existence of a female society that is subordinate but at the same time relatively autonomous. T h i s society of women who live in a closed world, who are not p e r m i t t e d
to assume any i m p o r t a n t responsibilities and who, f o r the most
p a r t , r e c e i v e n o religious education, exerts a g r e a t i n f l u e n c e over
the m a s c u l i n e society, both because it gives the children their
earliest training and passes on to them the magic beliefs in
r i t u a l practices and because it opposes an effective, secret and
u n d e r g r o u n d resistance to any modification of a t r a d i t i o n a l order
of which, at first sight, it would appear to be the victim.
T h e o u t s t a n d i n g f a c t , however, is the invariability
of the
social structures, w h i c h r e m a i n c o n s t a n t in spite of t h e great
diversity of ways and conditions of life. I n all cases family
descent is defined in terms of the patrilinear r e l a t i o n s h i p ; the
social u n i t s are based on the existence of a c o m m o n ancestor w h o
is often revered a n d worshiped. Everywhere the social system is
p a t t e r n e d on t h e m o d e l of t h e genealogical system, thereby p e r m i t t i n g i n theory at leastdispersed a n d r a m i f i e d groups to
discover c o m m o n ancestors. A l t h o u g h it constitutes the best system around which to organize social units a n d their i n t e r c o n n e c t ing relations, the real or mythical genealogy supporting the
o n o m a s t i c logic is really only the social structure p r o j e c t e d into
the past and t h e r e b y r a t i o n a l i z e d and legitimized (see Fig. 10).
I n each village (or clan) of K a b y l i a , o n e f a m i l y b e l o n g i n g , i n
certain cases, to t h e oldest b r a n c h a n d f o r t h i s reason deemed
to have sacred powers, was given the privileges of officiating at
t h e solemn spring-plowing ceremonies and of leading the g r o u p
into war. I n the southern Aures, in addition to p e r f o r m i n g these
functions, this family was called u p o n to m a r c h at the head of
t h e g r o u p w h e n it was time f o r it to m o v e with t h e flocks. T h i s
c u s t o m was t h e s a m e as that prevailing a m o n g the n o m a d s a n d
semi-nomads. Everywhere is f o u n d the same l a c k of precision in
p o l i t i c a l n o m e n c l a t u r e . T h e r e a r e several reasons f o r this: (1)
there are few occasions w h e n the use o f p r o p e r names t o designate social units will not suffice, if exception is made of the great
tribal gatherings which formerly met for war, f o r the a l l o t m e n t
of specific territories, a n d f o r decisions as to flock m o v e m e n t s ;
(2) the definition of the social u n i t varies with the u n i t in terms
99
100
101
102
T h e Algerians
Life
T h i s distinctive f o r m of i n t e r h u m a n relationships c a n be
understood only by reference to the specific mode of r e l a t i o n s h i p
existing b e t w e e n m a n a n d the soil. I n d e e d , if this civilization is
inseparable f r o m a particular type of e c o n o m y (which even i n
the present day affects three-quarters of the indigenous populat i o n ) , the e c o n o m y itself can b e understood only in terms of this
civilization, because of the fact that it is closely tied to the social
structures whose cohesion m o r e or less guarantees a balance between m a n a n d his natural e n v i r o n m e n t . T h i s e c o n o m y is domi-
103
fluctuations
in the w o r l d m a r k e t ; secondly,
of
"
'
"
ic>4
T h e Algerians
105
is a proof of this. B u t is this really an example of a r a t i o n a l econ o m i c calculation? E c o n o m i s t s distinguish between direct wealth,
w h i c h offers or may offer an i m m e d i a t e satisfaction, a n d indirect
wealth, w h i c h aids in the p r o d u c t i o n of direct wealth but w h i c h
in itself affords no satisfaction. T h e b u i l d i n g u p of reserves,
which consists of setting aside a portion of the direct wealth as
a reserve f o r f u t u r e use, a n d w h i c h presupposes forethought
acting to impose a b s t e n t i o n f r o m c o n s u m p t i o n , must be distinguished f r o m the h o a r d i n g and a c c u m u l a t i o n of indirect wealth
f o r capitalistic purposes (investment), this " c r e a t i v e s a v i n g " b e i n g
based u p o n a calculated, r a t i o n a l forecast. T h u s the e c o n o m i c
calculation to be f o u n d in an a g r i c u l t u r a l e c o n o m y , in which the
whole p r o d u c t i o n cycle can be taken i n at a single glance, in
w h i c h t h e peasant does n o t separate his l a b o r f r o m its e c o n o m i c
result, and in which the setting aside of reserves is simply a def e r r e d f o r m of c o n s u m p t i o n , presupposes the idea of a concrete
a n d almost tangible future. So it is, for e x a m p l e , that the e x penditures for investment i n new stock are decided n o t i n terms
of the a n t i c i p a t e d profit, but i n terms of the revenue from the
preceding year's harvest. T h e m o d e r n e c o n o m i c system, in w h i c h
the p r o d u c t i o n process is e x t r e m e l y long a n d can be set up
o n l y after precise calculations, presupposes on the c o n t r a r y the
e x i s t e n c e of a n abstract objective. I n short, the c o n c e p t i o n of an
abstract and symbolic f u t u r e is the c o n d i t i o n that m a k e s possible
the c o m m o n e s t a n d most f u n d a m e n t a l e c o n o m i c institutions a n d
activities of o u r society: fiduciary currency derived from e x c h a n g e
through a process of symbolization, conceptualization a n d proj e c t i o n into the future; wage earning and the rational t i m i n g
of wage distribution, w h i c h implies a r a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c calculation; industrial operations and commercialization which i m p l y
p l a n n i n g , etc.
N o t h i n g is f a r t h e r removed f r o m this r a t i o n a l speculation
dealing with an abstract f u t u r e than t h e life of t h e fellah. I f
the i n s t i t u t i o n of credit is as difficult f o r h i m to u n d e r s t a n d as
the cruel h o l d of usury and rahnia would seem to indicate, it is
because it is associated with a completely different way of thinking (cf. P. B o u r d i e u , " T h e A t t i t u d e of the Algerian P e a s a n t , " in
Mediterranean
Countrymen,
J u l i a n P i t t - R i v e r s , ed., pp. 45-62).
io6
T h e Algerians
107
io8
T h e Algerians
109
T h e Algerians
110
111
" In
the
cities, lending
at
usurious
rates o interest
has always
been
112
T h e Algerians
113
114
T h e Algerians
The
o b s e r v a n c e of t h e M o s l e m
religion,
particularly
the
prescriptions
w h o s e s o c i a l a s p e c t is e v i d e n t ( f a s t i n g , etc.) is a l s o , i n t h e c o l o n i a l
context,
a w a y of d e f e n d i n g t h e p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y , a n d it has n o w t a k e n o n t h e
func-
(e.g., t h e
erection
of
the
mosques
in
Kabylia
between
1925
1945) a n d t h e r e n e w e d d e v o t i o n t o r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s w h i c h h a s b e e n
s i n c e 1955.
the
and
noted
nj
spirit and in practice from the a u t h e n t i c M o s l e m religion, nevertheless remained a t t a c h e d to Islam because of the fact that it
never ceased j u d g i n g a n d i n t e r p r e t i n g itself b y reference t o the
standards prescribed by I s l a m ; as for the religion
of the city
the
and i m b u e d
the
baraka,
with a sort
this
of diffused
mysterious
and
and
impersonal
beneficent
power
A^,pejasanj^ii.jnan_3KhO; feffils^g%eatlY
natjiKil_v^
. t h e relid e p e n d e n t on the
pn ritual," m a k e s
and
O n e c o u l d also m a k e a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e r e l i g i o n o f
that of the w o m e n .
the
men
116
T h e Algerians
ny
} 1
T h e Algerians
t r a d i t i o n b r o u g h t about b y e m i g r a t i o n , the contact with a technical civilization that is completely directed towards secular ends,
the passing over f r o m the clan, whose members are u n i t e d by
sacred bonds, to the workshop a n d the factory, or to the p o l i t i c a l
party and the trade u n i o n , in w h i c h solidarity is based on mater i a l interest or political c h o i c e a l l these are influences w h i c h
have led to a veritable t r a n s m u t a t i o n of values a n d are destroying the very soil in which t r a d i t i o n a l religion was rooted.
Must this decline of c o m m u n i t y religion, w h i c h is l i n k e d to
the disintegration of the social structures, be considered an irresistible and irreversible movement which can have no conclusion
o t h e r t h a n a slow death b y indifference, or a possible reprieve
in the f o r m of superstition? O r can one expect that a personal religion, f o u n d e d on the conscious adherence a n d the elective will of individuals, may arise f r o m the ruins of the comm u n i t y religion? W i l l the attempt at revival be m a d e by the n e w
elite, who have generally b e e n educated i n W e s t e r n schools? I n
t h e case of t h e A l g e r i a n i n t e l l e c t u a l a m a n standing b e t w e e n
two civilizations, who has b e e n deeply stricken by all t h e tragedies of his people, and who q u i t e often is himself i n c l i n e d to a
l u k e w a r m or an indifferent attitude in regard to r e l i g i o n i s it
possible that h e w i l l have the ability, the knowledge o r the desire
to lead a m o v e m e n t for t h e revival of Islam w h i c h will offer the
disorganized masses a new kind of personal r e l i g i o n , a r e l i g i o n
t h a t will b e f r e e of the r i t u a l i s m a n d f o r m a l i s m w h i c h , in t h e
past, have b e e n imposed only b y the f o r c e of p u b l i c o p i n i o n , a
r e l i g i o n that will be free at last from the spell a n d f r o m the enc h a n t m e n t s of magic? W i l l h e consider this task to be the m o s t
urgent? W h a t we c a n be sure of is t h a t t h e o n l y message t h a t will
m a k e itself heard, w h e t h e r it b e religious or political, will be the
one in which this deeply disrupted society will be a b l e to recognize its true self a n d find justification f o r its existence.
dogmatic
tone
o t h i s c h a p t e r
(very
schematically
organized)
is
examples.
119
T h e Algerians
1 20
T h e Colonial System
T h e c o l o n i a l society is a system whose i n t e r n a l necessity a n d
l o g i c it is i m p o r t a n t to understand, b e c a u s e it is t h e c o n t e x t
w h i c h gives m e a n i n g to all f o r m s of behavior, particularly to t h e
r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n the two e t h n i c c o m m u n i t i e s . W h i l e the contact between a highly industrialized civilization, s u p p o r t e d b y a
strong e c o n o m i c system, and a completely u n m e c h a n i z e d civilizat i o n m i g h t have b e e n sufficient to b r i n g a b o u t a b r e a k d o w n i n the
structures of the t r a d i t i o n a l society, i t is nevertheless true t h a t
to these disturbances, w h i c h a r e t h e n a t u r a l a n d i n e v i t a b l e consequences of the contact b e t w e e n two civilizations w h i c h are so
very different f r o m an e c o n o m i c and social p o i n t of view, t h e r e
m u s t be a d d e d the disruptions t h a t were knowingly a n d m e t h o d i cally produced i n o r d e r to ensure the c o n t r o l of the d o m i n a n t
power a n d to f u r t h e r the interests of its own n a t i o n a l s .
O n e of the main consequences of the colonial s i t u a t i o n is
t h a t the exercise of the power of c h o i c e , w h i c h theoretically
b e l o n g s to those societies that c o n f r o n t o n e a n o t h e r , has not b e e n
g r a n t e d to the d o m i n a t e d society; the m e r e fact that the d o m i n a n t
power should have b e e n able to impose its own judicial a n d
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e standards, i n defiance of the social realities a n d
i n c o n t e m p t of the resistance offered by the d o m i n a t e d society,
was sufficient to b r i n g a b o u t a b r e a k d o w n i n the social structures
o f the d o m i n a t e d society. T h u s the i m p o r t a n t laws p e r t a i n i n g
t o l a n d e d p r o p e r t y t h e C a n t o n m e n t of 1856-1857, the Senatus
Consulte of 1863 a n d the W a r n i e r law of 1873were conceived,
e v e n by their orig nators, as measures which would lead to the
destruction of the f u n d a m e n t a l structures of the e c o n o m y and of
the t r a d i t i o n a l society. O n e of the advocates of the Senatus Consulte of 1863, A. de B r o g l i e , declared t h a t this measure h a d a
d o u b l e purpose: in the first place, " t o cause a general l i q u i d a t i o n
o f t h e l a n d , " so that one p o r t i o n would r e m a i n in the h a n d s of
its f o r m e r owners, n o t as a collective h e r i t a g e of the t r i b e , b u t
as "strictly defined, privately o w n e d , personal p r o p e r t y , " a n d
t h e r e m a i n i n g p o r t i o n w o u l d b e available " t o attract a n d receive
121
timuaL^h^j^lj^^
hakjice_3h^S_bs4_^^
of
the l a n d by thejjmiilyj3r_the t r i b e ; finally t h e disintegration o f
th~trBe ahcTthe h r n x i e v i c l ^
letariat. .a-mass of disgc^s^sjed^uprooted individuals, fit only to
provide a reserve of cheap l a b o r .
C a p t a i n Vaissire relates that when the O u l e d R e c h a i c h
f o u n d out that the law of the Senatus Consulte was going to b e
applied to t h e i r tribe they were t h r o w n i n t o c o n s t e r n a t i o n , so
clearly were they a w a r e of the destructive p o w e r contained i n
this m e a s u r e . " T h e F r e n c h defeated us i n t h e p l a i n of S b i k h a , "
declared one o l d m a n . " T h e y k i l l e d o u r young m e n ; they forced
us to m a k e a w a r c o n t r i b u t i o n when they occupied o u r territories.
A l l that was n o t h i n g ; wounds eventually heal. B u t the setting up
of private property a n d the authorization given t o each individu a l to sell his share o f the l a n d , this m e a n s the death sentence
f o r the tribe, a n d twenty years after these measures have b e e n
carried out the O u l e d R e c h a i c h will have ceased to exist." T h e
clearly reasoned resistance that the whole of the d o m i n a t e d
society offered to this law, which h a d b e e n i n t r o d u c e d like a
T r o j a n horse a n d was capable of striking at the very h e a r t of its
2
A.
By
de Broglie,
the
Une
Rjorme
administrative
e n d o 1961, t w o - f i f t h s
of
en
the f a r m
Algrie,
lands were
i8(i
Paris,
under
Ficnch
were
mained
the
private
a d d i t i o n a l 5,607,500 acres);
property
property
of
(melk);
the
tribes
one-fifth
(arch).
two-fifths
of
the
During
of the
non-French
the
last
non-French
lands
twenty
C a p t a i n V a i s s i r e , Les
Ouled
Rechaich,
A l g i e r s , 1863, p . g o .
re-
years
more
T h e Algerians
122
A c c o r d i n g to a g r i c u l t u r a l statistics, 22,037 E u r o p e a n f a r m
properties (of which 13,017, a b o u t 59 per cent, are less than 125
acres in size; ,2,635 are from 125 to 250 acres; 2,588 from 250 to
500 acres; 3,797 or 17 per c e n t are m o r e t h a n 500 acres in size)
occupy an area of 6,815,000 acres, whereas 630,732 native-owned
farms (of w h i c h 438,483 or 69 per c e n t are ^less t h a n 25 acres,
167,170 f r o m 25 to 125 acres, 16,580 f r o m 125 to 250, 8,499
1.3 per cent are over 250 acres) cover an area of 18,372,900 acres,
the average size of each f a r m E u r o p e a n and n a t i v e b e i n g 300
as c o m p a r e d to 27 acres (see Fig. 11). Moreover, while the m o r e
fertile, usually i r r i g a t e d E u r o p e a n properties produce profitable crops (870,000 acres of vineyards, citrus fruits, early vegetables), at least half of the lands b e l o n g i n g to the Algerians are
m a d e up of pasture lands, and the o t h e r h a l f consists m a i n l y of
soils w h i c h are suitable only for cereal crops and small orchards
(fig and olive trees) and w h i c h produce very p o o r yields. B u t the
state did n o t stop at merely facilitating the settlement of colonists by procuring them the necessary land. It constantly gave
them aid in various f o r m s : the creation of the substructures that
are indispensable f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l development, such as drainage
o
* Captain
Vaissiere comments
as f o l l o w s
on
the
above
incident:
p e r s p i c a c i t y is s u r p r i s i n g o n t h e p a r t o f s i m p l e , i g n o r a n t m i n d s . T h e
Consulte
of
1863 is i n d e e d
the most
efficient
e n g i n e of w a r
the most
powerful
most
in t h e h a n d s of o u r colonists." H e r e can b e
t h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f c l e a r - s i g h t e d n e s s as t o t h e s h o r t - t e r m r e s u l t s a n d
to r e a l i z e
the
long-term
"Such
Senatus
that could
and
results.
be
useful
seen
inability
123
matipn.irixQionizjng niethQrJs,wi.th the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the winegrowing industry. T h e j a t t e r r e q u i r e d h e j y y j n v e s x m e i r t s . i n farming ecjmpjnjeni^-stQrage f a c i l i t i e s and processing plants; this, in
t u r n , led to thj..rjKelaprjient-oIIxQQperative associations and to
the close c o n n e c t i o n which has existed since that time between
the winegrowing industry a n d the B a n k . I t was in 1880 that the
BaiikjDf_A^riaj^
to e x t e n d credit to indivictuals.
T h i s c a p i t a l i s t f o r m of a g r i c u l t u r e ^ h ^ a T W a y s ^ r o d u ^ d - f o r - e x p o r t
(43 p e r cent o f the total vajue of exports in^ 1907;_66-.pfiLcent i n
^S22lS9-peX-CjiX-in^ig!o).
I t was in 1884 t h a t a customs u n i o n
was established. T h e railway network, b u i l t between 1879 a n d
1892, c o n n e c t e d t h e great winegrowing regions. T h e ports were
developed. T h e wine^awer-s--assoeiations formed prt'ssuu: groups
w h o soon demonstrated their power i n t h e p o l i t i c a l and e c o n o m i c
domains. F r o m 1900 to 1946, i n accordance with the policy of
granting- t h e colony financial autonomy, t h e administration of
the Algerian budget was h a n d l e d b y the F i n a n c i a l Delegations,
which i n c l u d e d ^ o j a n d e d p r o p r i e t o r s out of a total of 7 2 ' s i t t i n g
ipemiifiiSjjrhe first industries to b e created suppli^cTtKe^iro'dSets"
r e q u i r e d f o r t h e u p k e e p o f the p l a n t a t i o n s and processed the' byproducts of f e r m e n t a t i o n . P a r a l l e T t o T E i s de^eIoprnenfrdle~Europ c a n p o j x u l a j j o n increased,frorn_4io,ooo in 1882 to 780,000 in
i g n a n d at the same time began to b r e a k u p i n t o jioriaT"classes:
the 11,500 v i n e ^ r f _ r j r o r i e t o r s were highly_ privileged persons
moinsdelOha..
del h a .
(Less than 2 Vi acres)
11. D i s t r i b u t i o n
of
Farm
Properties According
to
Size
and
Ethnic
Category
The
covered
surface
by
the
area
of
farms
each
in
(indicated by the
square
represents
The
whereas
the
average
the
a c r e s i n size. T h e
although
growing
result
of
of t h e
figures
of
the
the
the
total
sector
in
black
t h a t is c u l t i v a t e d b y
Euro-
category.
total area
to
The
of farms o w n e d
European
property
owned
property
by
figure
by
is
Algerians
region
colonizing
of
efforts
of
both
of
about
is
Marshal
which
225
only
acres,
about
and
settled
the
in the coastal r e g i o n of
(from
the H i g h
Plains, on
the other
125 t o m o r e t h a n 250 a c r e s )
hand,
and
Bougie,
B o n e a n d P h i l i p p e v i l l e , a n d in the w i n e g r o w i n g r e g i o n s of M 6 i e a
On
as
Mostaganem
a n d of O r a n , i n t h e v a l l e y o f t h e Issers, i n t h e c o a s t a l r e g i o n o f
Miliana.
wine-
govern-
m e n t o f 1848. T h e s e s m a l l E u r o p e a n f a r m s , p l a n t e d w i t h v i n e y a r d s
o r a n g e groves, m a y also b e f o u n d
45
found,
in the
were
Bugeaud
the
Europeans.
Cherchel,
area
inside
s m a l l o r a v e r a g e - s i z e E u r o p e a n f a r m is r a r e l y
is p r o p o r t i o n a l
percentage
size
average
circle
particular
the large
and
property
predominates.
In
1950, 22,037
124
125
S e v e n t y p e r c e n t o f t h e f e l l a h s o w n f a r m s o f less t h a n
which
on
an
which
tends
techniques.
number.
bers
in
average
to
prevent
The
The
the
only
any
fellahs
small
rich
12 a c r e s
farm
Algerian
of
more
property
heavy
t h e o t h e r h a n d , is t h e
back
to
the
less
fertile
of
13 E u r o p e a n
farms
25 t o
125 a c r e s ,
30 f r o m
in
land
which
methods
and
are
few
small
whereas
located
the
is
plains of
large
25 a c r e s ,
250 a c r e s ,
are
250
acres, w h e r e a s
and
Saint
region,
them,
120 a r e f a r m i n g
50 o n l y
area, o u t
among
been
At
the Stkif
of
the
have
in
High
the
plains.
in
num-
it
250 a c r e s i n s i z e ; a l o n g s i d e
Littr, in t h e Chliff
over
fact
acres
are
of
predominates. T h e
bordering
o v e r 250 a c r e s . A t
farming
year,
less t h a n
125 t o
125
density,
property
157 f e l l a h s a r e e a c h f a r m i n g
farming
than
each
area
E u r o p e a n properties a n d in w h i c h
pushed
farmed
European
be
modernization
who
zones
can
25 a c r e s ,
from
farms
of
14 E u r o p e a n s ,
13
neighboring
64 a r e e a c h c u l t i v a t i n g l e s s t h a n 25 a c r e s a n d o n l y f o u r h a v e
fellahs,
properties
g r e a t e r t h a n 250 a c r e s i n s i z e .
Thus
lucrative
the
it is o n l y i n t h e c o a s t a l r e g i o n s a n d i n t h e z o n e s
crops
hillsides)
(vineyards
that
establish
itself.
stantine,
on
the
In
the
the
High
and
particularly
small
Sersou
Plains
European
district,
of
Setif,
the
vineyards
property
on
the
the
small
has
High
been
farms
have
been
replaced
by
the i m m e n s e
modern
h e is f a r m i n g
a small property
created
is
managing
large-scale
farming
to
Con-
by
the
nineteenth
in
to exist.
o n w h i c h h e raises
tive c r o p s , s u c h as g r a p e s , e a r l y v e g e t a b l e s o r c i t r u s fruits, o r
he
of
farms, w h i l e
on
able
Plateaus
official p r o j e c t s o f c o l o n i z a t i o n d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e
century
producing
planted
development,
the
lucra-
whether
European
c o l o n i s t is a l w a y s t h e h e a d o f a b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e o r is a h i g h l y
paid
m a n a g e r r a t h e r t h a n a m e r e farmer. T h i s fact e x p l a i n s to a c o n s i d e r a b l e
extent
his
behavior
and
partment of Agriculture
psychological
attitude.
(Based
on
the
De-
census.)
It is e s t i m a t e d t h a t i n t h e M i t i d j a m o r e t h a n 80 p e r c e n t o t h e
b e l o n g to t h e c o l o n i s t s a n d i n t h e S a h e l o A l g i e r s m o r e
t h a n 90 p e r
lands
cent.
A n a l o g o u s p e r c e n t a g e s m a y b e o b s e r v e d i n t h e p l a i n s o B o n e a n d o P h i l i p p e v i l l e as w e l l as i n c e r t a i n r e g i o n s a r o u n d
Oran.
(Thousands of inhabitants)
Milliers
d'habitanrsAlger (Algiers)
1500
POPULATION (19601
[Europens
(Europeans)
-IS00
E3Algriens
(Algerians)
Stif
Tizj-Ouzou .
Balna
600-
00
300
200
100
150
i-0
OJ
(Doctors)
(Beds)
Mdecins
10D
5.00<>
Fig.
Statistical
Tables
12
According
T h e t h i r t e e n A l g e r i a n dpartements
ing order according
noted
to
to the n u m b e r of E u r o p e a n
Dpartement
5 n e w f r a n c s t o $1.00.
127
descend-
inhabitants. It will
(equipment,
be
resources
the E u r o p e a n
popu-
128
T h e Algerians
that p e r i o d t h e lands p u r c h a s e d by A l g e r i a n s f r o m E u r o p e a n s
exceeded those purchased by E u r o p e a n s from Algerians.
|
T h e progress of colonial agriculture has coincided w i t h t h e
m a r k e d d e c l i n e in native agriculture. T h e great g a p b e t w e e n
these two sectors has constantly become wider, since o n e uses t h e
most m o d e r n methods a n d techniques a n d the other (some
5,125,000 people) has r e m a i n e d f a i t h f u l to the methods a n d
i m p l e m e n t s h a n d e d down by tradition. W h i l e t h e colonists'
share of t h e n a t i o n a l product has c o n t i n u a l l y increased in relative
a n d in total value, the A l g e r i a n s ' share has n o d o u b t decreased
in total value a n d most certainly has decreased in relative value,
since t h e p o p u l a t i o n has been steadily increasing. A l t h o u g h t h e
total area u n d e r c u l t i v a t i o n by t h e f e l l a h s has b e e n i n c r e a s e d
t h r o u g h encroachments on the pasture lands (this p a r t l y e x p l a i n s
the decrease i n the size of the flocks) a n d t h r o u g h t h e developm e n t of less fertile lands, it has been calculated that the quantity
of grain available for c o n s u m p t i o n was 500 pounds p e r 2.5 acres
in 1871, 400 pounds in 1900 a n d 250 pounds in 1940. T h i s is
because the yield appears to have i k o p j J e d _ ^ a n average of 500
pounds peT~2j[7acres f o r cereal crops J K i t w e e i i , 1950 and, 1956),
w h i ! e _ t E e j o p u l a t i o n has^njcreasjdjve^^
reason
o f _ t h e j y e j x J ^ i - ^ t i i - i a i e _ ^ h i c h is closely connected with t h e
paujperizatioiijjj^^
the upsetting of t h e economJ
T h e C o l o n i a l Society
It is in reference to the colonial situation, that o n e m u s t att e m p t to achieve a c o m p r e h e n s i o n of t h e way o f l i f e p e c u l i a r t o
the Europeans, a n d to know their system of values a n d the type o f
relationship they m a i n t a i n with the indigenous society. Indeed, if
we merely consider this society as a n empire w i t h i n a n e m p i r e ,
as being c u t off f r o m any relations with the colonized society a n d
igo
The
Algerians
'The
nition
p i o n e e r (or pied
of the F r e n c h m a n
noir)
p o r t r a y s h i m s e l f as t h e o p p o s i t e
( w h o m h e c a l l s a "jrancaoui"):
on
of h i s d e f i -
the one
g e n e r o s i t y , v i r i l i t y , t h e c u l t o f t h e b o d y , t h a t is, o f t h e e n j o y m e n t
strength
other
and
hand
beautya
pettiness,
cult
whose
impotence,
temple
is
the
intellectualism,
bathing
of
beach;
asceticism,
etc.
hand
physical
on
the
But
then
his
his description
According
to the
born in Algeria,
is
estimated
that
of himself
census
of
is s o m e w h a t
1954, 79 p e r
half
are
t o t h a t of F r a n c e ;
percentage
larger. T h e
of
the
Europeans
11 p e r cent i n F r a n c e , 6 p e r cent a r e f o r e i g n e r s
of
French
contradictory.
cent
origin
and
structure
half
of w o r k e r s is p r a c t i c a l l y
foreign
of t h e E u r o p e a n
difference
o f f a r m e r s (6 p e r c e n t ) ; o n t h e o t h e r h a n d
percentage
of
were
(59,000). I t
origin
society
lies i n t h e
the tertiary
t h e s a m e as i n
sector
France.
is
small
is
igi
"While
it
is m o r e
particularly
characteristic
o t h o s e
colonists
among
w h o m i t d e v e l o p e d , t h i s a t t i t u d e is m o r e o r less e v i d e n t i n t h e w h o l e o t h e
E u r o p e a n p o p u l a t i o n , w h i c h h a s l o n g h a d t h e g r e a t l a n d o w n e r s as its l e a d e r s .
132
The
Algerians
more and more separated from him by the many walls a n d obstacles that have been erected between them; as proof of this,
we have the evolution i n the image of the A r a b given to us b y
l i t e r a t u r e a n d p a i n t i n g , an i m a g e varying f r o m pure r o m a n t i c i s m
a n d exoticism to sheer i g n o r a n c e or caricature. T h e E u r o p e a n ' s
k n o w l e d g e of the a u t o c h t h o n o u s peoples has steadily d i m i n i s h e d
with the d e v e l o p m e n t of a de facto segregation that is based
on differences in standards of living a n d on the e c o n o m i c isolation of the various regions. T h e ' A r a b " n o l o n g e r receives a n y
n o t i c e apart f r o m his e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n to the E u r o p e a n . R e l a tions are b e c o m i n g m o r e a n d m o r e tinged with p a t e r n a l i s m o r
racism. As the E u r o p e a n moves in a n d b e c o m e s established, t h e
Algerian society b e c o m e s even more disintegrated, thereby giving
the E u r o p e a n an a d d i t i o n a l excuse f o r a v o i d i n g it a n d f o r viewing it with c o n t e m p t . j Q i i c n j ^ t ^ c l j i t ^
the
Europeanjljsj^rkts^f_th^
popul a t i o n lives u n t o itself a n d finds_irjua. c o m p l a c e n t press sufficient,
jujitriicatlon^
towardsthejxagjlies --ti^^
y
As the E u r o p e a n s d r a w _ f a r t h e r u a p a r t . i r o m .tbe-Ar-absr-they
also d r a w j a x t h e r ^ a p a r t
faraiJxanccyjn
Qto n l y .fj&mt-he i d e a l
F r a n c e T w h o s e values all seem r a t h e r naive and in r a d i c a l contrast to the logic o f j t h e c o l o n i a l systemTfnit | r o r Q E e I i I E r . e n c h rheri of T r a n c e , " who are always suspected of liberahjm_arjd.jv.ha
a r e "assigned" t h e r o T e ^ o f _ ^ a p e g o a t whenever^ i t. is. a .question., o f
e x p l a i n i n g a clash between t h e real world a n d the i m a g i n a r y
w o r l d i n which this w h o l e society seeks t o l i v e .
-*""
Considered from a synchronistic~p?int of view, the colonial
society makes one think of a caste s y s t e m .
It is, in point o f
fact, composed of two distinct, j u x t a p o s e d " c o m m u n i t i e s " w h i c h
11
1 0
c o m m u n i t i e s in
urban
1954.
"Although
there are n o
although
the
Algerian
c a n t r a v e l in t h e s a m e buses o r in t h e same r a i l w a y c o m p a r t m e n t s , g o to
the
s a m e h o t e l s o r s e n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n to t h e s a m e s c h o o l s as t h e E u r o p e a n s ,
the
d i f f e r e n c e s i n c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s ( t h e r o l e of t h e w o m a n i n s o c i e t y is a c a s e
in p o i n t )
residential
and
in e c o n o m i c s t a n d a r d s as w e l l as t h e f r e q u e n t
relations beyond
into.
those developed
separation
of segregation, since
at w o r k or i n b u s i n e s s a r e r a r e l y
of
social
entered
133
h a v e n o t u n i t e d to f o r m a l a r g e r g r o u p . M e m b e r s h i p i n each o f
t h e s e c o m m u n i t i e s is d e t e r m i n e d by b i r t h ; t h e b a d g e of m e m b e r ship is one's physical appearance o r sometimes one's clothing o r
f a m i l y n a m e . T h e fact of b e i n g b o r n w i t h i n the s u p e r i o r caste
a u t o m a t i c a l l y confers privilege, a n d this tends to develop a feeling o f n a t u r a l superiority i n the person benefiting f r o m these
advantages. The_ separation b e t w e e n t h e castes is also illustrated
by t h e f e w instances of i n t e r m a r r i a g e a n d by the rarity of a n y
kJnrT^r*mutu^r~ex
between them in t h e form o f such
things as gifts, meals, etc. T h e two societies are placed in a relation of superior t o i n f e r i o r a n d are separated by a great m a n y
i n v i s i b l e barriers, set u p by i n s t i t u t i o n s o r b y spontaneous selfdefense. As a result, relations b e t w e e n members .of ..the two castes
seem to have been r e d u c e d to a n ^ i n g d j i c j M e m m i r n u m , by a
sort of tacit agreement. T h e two " c o m m u n i t i e s " are thus content t o coexist w i t h o u t m a k i n g a n y real a t t e m p t to c o m m u n i c a t e
a n d , still less i n f a c t , to cooperate with o n e another. Everything, then, will r u n smoothly, provided that each i n d i v i d u a l
p e r f o r m the role f o r w h i c h h e is n a t u r a l l y fitted. H e n c e a de facto
racial segregation h a s developed. T h e f u n c t i o n of racism is n o n e
o t h e r t h a n t o provide a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of t h e existing state o f
affairs so as to m a k e it a p p e a r to b e a lawfully instituted order.
Similarly, paternalism is the privileged m o d e of b e h a v i o r of t h e
superior, so l o n g as t h e system is n o t challenged a n d e a c h person
remains i n his p r o p e r place. T h e E u r o p e a n society, a m i n o r i t y
exercising t h e r i g h t s ^ o f a m a j o r i t y i n the social, economic a n d
p o l i t i c a l spheres, is a t t e m p t i n g , through_j-acisFi(ieoingy, to transform its privileges i n t o law, in o t h e r words, to a u t h o n z e ~ e a c h
society t o r e m a i n as~it~Is7with the dominanf^oTTtmuifig'to dominate a n d the d o m i n a t e d c o n t i n u i n g to b e d o m i n a t e d . T o be sure,
the hierarchy ruling social status will not in fact b e f o u n d t o
coincide exactly with the h i e r a r c h y system governing the t w o
societies, since each caste is itself divided i n t o classes. B u t w h i l e
each caste has its o w n system of graded social positions, a n d each
individual is permitted to climb the r u n g s of the social ladder o f
his caste, it is practically impossible to cross the abyss that
separates the two ladders. Caste spirit stifles class consciousness, a fact that is clearly demonstrated by t h e attitude of the
134
T h e Algerians
T h e T o t a l Disruption of a Society
T h e p h e n o m e n a of disintegration can be observed in a l l
aspects of A l g e r i a n existence a n d a r e all inseparably connected,
a l t h o u g h for greater clarity each must be dealt with i n turn.
T h e p o p u l a t i o n explosion resulting f r o m the coexistence of an
e x t r e m e l y h i g h b i r t h rate that is l i n k e d to the conditions of extreme poverty a n d a d e a t h rate that has been appreciably reduced
by i m p r o v e d sanitation is undoubtedly one of the m a i n factors
c o n t r i b u t i n g to the present m a l a d j u s t m e n t , because the f o r m e r
h i g h l y precarious state of e q u i l i b r i u m was based in part on the
S i n c e t h e s y s t e m t e n d s t o p r e s e r v e i t s e l f i n t a c t , it w o u l d b e e a s y
d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t i t r u i n s a n y a t t e m p t s at r e f o r m , e i t h e r b y t u r n i n g t h e m
t h e a d v a n t a g e of t h e E u r o p e a n s o r b y m a k i n g t h e m i n e f f e c t u a l .
1 3
to
to
135
tjtk^jvliichjiasj^
l a n d , all the
1 8
protections
such^sTrlFInTtltu-
T h e f e l l a h h a s h a d t o c l e a r a n d b r i n g into c u l t i v a t i o n n e w l a n d s w h o s e
s o i l is o f t e n r a t h e r p o o r ; h e h a s a l s o b e e n o b l i g e d t o w o r k m o r e
the lands
which
he f o r m e r l y
allowed
to lie
fallow.
continuously
EUD
Whole of Algeria
Large Cities
Rural Cross-Section
Employed
Fig.
EM
Unemployed
Real rate of unemployraenl
13. D i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e M a l e
T y p e of A c t i v i t y a n d A g e
(Based
groups
on
Algerian
Group
an investigation
carried
the
1961,
during
summer
the
title,
of
Population
out by sampling
the
published
under
Statistical
D a t a , b y A . D a r b e l , J . P. R i v e t
S o c i o l o g i c a l S t u d y , b y P.
Travail
Inactive
et
results
of
Travailleurs
and
According
representative
which
en
Claude
are
Algrie,
Seibel;
low
(36.7
per
have
been
of
(57.5 p e r
Algeria,
for
cent).
the
cent)
Life
Algerians. A
good
I,
II,
Bourdieu.)
and
people
the most
be
Vol.
people
w h o w e r e w o r k i n g o n t h e d a y t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n w a s m a d e ) is i n
very
to
Vol.
T h e real rate of e m p l o y m e n t ( d e n n e d b y t h e p e r c e n t a g e of
of
to
particularly,
in
histories
difficult
if
the fourteenindicate
years of
number
of
considers
the
whole
to t w e n t y - y e a r
age
group
the
existence
them
136
that
one
have
general
years
for
been
of
adolescence
the great
compelled
majority
to
look
137
T h e Algerians
i 8
3
replaced
time
1956
by
the
the
demanded
traditional
metayage
a sum
of
tenant
farming
system
system
(sharecropping).
money
or
an
was
Certain
acknowledgment
prohibited
and
owners
that
of
at
indebtedness
c o v e r i n g t h e h i r i n g o u t of a n i m a l s , t h e p r o v i s i o n o f f a r m i m p l e m e n t s ,
half
t h e cost o f
the
feed. In
other
cases t h e
tenant
(khamms)
and
became
f a r m w o r k e r . C e r t a i n o n e s c o n t i n u e d as i n t h e past i n spite o f t h e n e w
law.
igg
o u
140
T h e Algerians
A n e f f o r t h a s b e e n m a d e to r e s o l v e t h e p r o b l e m o u r b a n h o u s i n g .
T h u s t h e r e h a v e b e e n c o n s t r u c t e d d u r i n g t h e l a s t f o u r y e a r s s o m e 100,000
dwellings.
1 5
Fig.
14. P o p u l a t i o n
Shifts
Within
Algeria
Between
1954 a n d
i960
143
144
T h e Algerians
to the conflicts created by the weakening of the t r a d i t i o n a l systems of sanctions and by the development of a double set o f
m o r a l standards. Constantly being faced with a l t e r n a t i v e ways
of b e h a v i o r by reason of the intrusion of new values, a n d therefore compelled to make a conscious e x a m i n a t i o n of the i m p l i c i t
premises or the unconscious p a t t e r n s of his own t r a d i t i o n , this
m a n , cast between two worlds a n d r e j e c t e d b y b o t h , lives a
sort of double inner life, is a prey to frustration and i n n e r
conflict, with the result that he is c o n s t a n t l y b e i n g t e m p t e d
to a d o p t e i t h e r an attitude of uneasy oyeridentification or o n e
of rebellious negativism.
W h i l e presented only in broad outline, the preceding pages
m a k e possible a b e t t e r understanding of the war in Algeria. T h i s
conflict was not merely t h e sum total of t h e i n d i v i d u a l passions
involved, that is to say, the i r r a t i o n a l and s u b j e c t i v e manifestation of i n n e r tensions, n o r was it by any means a mere misunderstanding which could b e cleared up by a conversion of m i n d s
i n d u c e d b y p r o p a g a n d a or education o r e v e n by some s i m p l e
e c o n o m i c changes; b u t in reality it was based o b j e c t i v e l y on a n
o b j e c t i v e situation of w h i c h the individual tensions a r e only t h e
resultants. Its underlying causes may b e f o u n d i n a b i t t e r l y real
d r a m a : the overthrow of a vital o r d e r and the collapse of a
w h o l e world of values.
7- T h e Revolution Within
the Revolution
146
T h e Algerians
1417
b y F a v r o d : La rvolution
2
algrienne
to t h e French:
( P i o n , 1959), p. 174.
F e r h a t A b b a s : Speech of February
17, i960.
quoted
148
T h e Algerians
to
the
newspaper
El
Pueblo
Buenos
Aires,
149
igo
T h e Algerians
ip^
T h e Algerians
152
a n d the " F r e n c h of A l g e r i a " or, better, " t h e E u r o p e a n s of Alg e r i a . " B y the latter expression and by the insistence with which
they recall the Spanish origin (and m o r e rarely the Italian origin) of the pieds noirs (descendants of the pioneers), they m e a n
to u n d e r l i n e the fact that they refuse to ascribe to these people
the qualities of the t r u e F r e n c h m e n . A l l these stereotype phrases,
which are based to a certain extent on actual e x p e r i e n c e (particularly a m o n g those who formerly w o r k e d in F r a n c e ) but whose
m a i n f u n c t i o n is to express the distinction they wish to m a i n t a i n
b e t w e e n ideal F r a n c e and c o l o n i a l F r a n c e , were called i n t o
q u e s t i o n by the actual fact of the war in w h i c h all F r e n c h m e n
indiscriminately participated, and in which the soldier " o f
F r a n c e " sometimes behaved as t h e worst of t h e pieds noirs would
(or would n o t . . . ) behave. H a v i n g learned by e x p e r i e n c e that
the m e m b e r s of the H o m e A r m y (mtropolitains),
when placed
in the colonial situation, would be c o n v e r t e d very rapidly to the
colonialist a n d racist attitudeis it n o t true that the great
m a j o r i t y of the leaders of the extremist movements were f r o m
m e t r o p o l i t a n F r a n c e ? t h e Algerians have felt (without always
stating it explicitly o r admitting it) that this a t t i t u d e was n o t
a t t r i b u t a b l e to individual malice or to a congenital disposition
p e c u l i a r to a c e r t a i n e t h n i c g r o u p , but r a t h e r to a special situation a n d the c o n d i t i o n i n g it imposes.
5
jgg
154
T h e Algerians
155
W a r as C u l t u r a l
Agent
156
T h e Algerians
157
158
T h e Algerians
159
T h i s c h a n g e is particularly noticeable in the field of education. T h e r e was o r i g i n a l l y a good deal of resistance to the first
attempts at m a k i n g education available f o r all c h i l d r e n , particularly for girls. T h e school, it was said, produced renegades
(m'turni),
individuals who h a d b r o k e n with their c o m m u n i t y
and their ancestral traditions. T h e first teachers, who, with m u c h
zeal and devotion, c a m e to teach in A l g e r i a a b o u t the year 1 8 8 5 ,
were astonished at t h e swift progress m a d e b y their p u p i l s , w h o
were eager to a c q u i r e a general education a n d even m o r e eager
to obtain technical or agricultural training. B u t the years t h a t
followed b r o u g h t n o t h i n g e x c e p t cries of d i s a p p o i n t m e n t a n d
acknowledgment of failure. I t seemed that o n c e t h e children h a d
g o n e b a c k to t h e i r h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t they forgot everything
they h a d learned in school. O n e of the reasons for this was t h a t
the r e l a t i o n between master and pupil (like the relation b e t w e e n
a
T h e fact t h a t t h e a r m y of t h e N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t ( F . L . N . )
took
etc.,
has
been
major
factor
contributing
to
this
by
new
disassociation.
S i m i l a r l y , w a y s of b e h a v i o r w h i c h , i n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t , w o u l d h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d a n a b s o l u t e d e n i a l o f t h e A l g e r i a n w a y of l i f e h a v e b e c o m e p o s s i b l e ,
b e c a u s e t h e y h a v e b e e n a u t h o r i z e d o r p r e s c r i b e d b y o r d e r s of t h e F . L . N .
m o d e r n institutions and techniques h a v e been assigned a change in
a n d m a y n o w be adopted without hesitation o r reserve.
Thus
symbol
160
T h e Algerians
T h e Algerians
i6g
n o t e in certain individuals has been replaced by pride i n themselves a n d a shame at h a v i n g b e e n ashamed. Because he n o longer
looks on his condition as being an i n e v i t a b l e destiny but r a t h e r
as a situation that can b e c h a n g e d , the A l g e r i a n can at the same
time accept himself as an Algerian and can i g n o r e his status as a
d o m i n a t e d member of society; he can adopt the techniques a n d
institutions i n t r o d u c e d by the colonizer w i t h o u t accepting the
position of the colonized.
T h e relations b e t w e e n the m e m b e r s of the d o m i n a t e d society have also b e e n modified. T h e war was, at the b e g i n n i n g ,
a r a t h e r episodic affair that each A l g e r i a n lived f r o m day to day
within the confines of his own village. Gradually, however,
t h r o u g h exchanges of i n f o r m a t i o n , t h r o u g h the reading of newspapers and listening to the radio, each person b e g a n to realize
that the same events were g o i n g on t h r o u g h o u t all the regions
of Algeria. T h e feeling of b e i n g engaged i n a c o m m o n a d v e n t u r e ,
of being subject to a c o m m o n destiny, of c o n f r o n t i n g the same
adversary, of s h a r i n g the same preoccupations, the same sufferings and the same aspirations, widened a n d deepened the sentim e n t of solidarity, a sentiment which was u n d e r g o i n g at the
same time a v e r i t a b l e transformation as the idea of fraternity
tended to lose any ethnical or religious coloration a n d b e c a m e
s y n o n y m o u s with n a t i o n a l solidarity. T h e village, the closed
microcosm in w h i c h the country dweller once lived, was n o w
i n contact with the whole of Algeria. T h r o u g h the press, t h r o u g h
the radio, t h r o u g h wider contacts, through the action of the
p o l i t i c a l commissaries, each Algerian c o m m u n i c a t e d with a n d
was in c o m m u n i o n with a wider social unit; h e participated in
a national existence.
8
usurers
popular
T h i s d e e p s o l i d a r i t y finds e x p r e s s i o n in m a n y
different
163
The
Resettlement
Policy
T h e A l g e r i a n p e o p l e h a v e b e e n subjected to a v e r i t a b l e
diaspora. T h e f o r c e d o r voluntary displacement o f peoples assumed gigantic proportions. T h e n u m b e r of persons w h o n o
longer i n h a b i t the h o m e in w h i c h they were living in 1954 m a y
be roughly estimated at a b o u t 3 m i l l i o n , if one takes i n t o acc o u n t t h e moves that occurred as a r e s u l t of the resettlement o f
c o m m u n i t i e s a n d t h e exodus to t h e towns a n d cities. T h i s m e a n s
that a p p r o x i m a t e l y o n e A l g e r i a n o u t of three is n o l o n g e r l i v i n g
i n his f o r m e r place o f abode. W h i l e t h e regroupings of c o m m u n i -
164
T h e Algerians
165
The
during
situated
comparative
the nineteenth
on
the
border
study
o t w o g r o u p s
centuryon
o t h e
areas
on
the
great
and
on
European
the
other
properties,
had
o l a r g e - s c a l e
t h e p l a i n o t h e C h e l i f f , f o r e x a m p l e )
disintegration,
who
hand,
the
a class
a very different
the
populations
colonial
thereby
resulting
from
history
regions
development
escaped
agricultural
the forces
workers
an
(in
of
employed
analogous,
al-
caused
b y t h e p o l i c y o r e s e t t l e m e n t c a n p r o v i d e a b a s i s f o r f o r e c a s t i n g t h e
sequences of
this
policy.
166
con-
Fig.
15. T h e
Military Situation
in
1957
167
Fig.
16
P o p u l a t i o n Shifts i n the N o r t h
o f t h e Departement
of C o n s t a n t i n e
A d e t a i l d r a w i n g of a p o r t i o n of t h e m a p i n d i c a t i n g t h e
shifts
map
taking
gives
in Algeria
trict,
place
a more
since
indicates
indicate
the
in
Algeria
exact
idea
between
of
the
1954
and
upheavals
1955 ( t h e f i g u r e p l a c e d w i t h i n
the
rate
sometimes
of
increase
very
or
large-scale
i960
that
population
(Fig.
have
14),
taken
this
place
each c o m m u n e , or
decrease).
However,
movements
fails
disto
have
taken
p l a c e w i t h i n a s i n g l e c o m m u n e , s u c h as t h e shifts i n p o p u l a t i o n
result-
ig).
168
which
it
authorities in
the
169
the site of the villages, the layout, the width of the streets, the
interior arrangement of the houses and many other details.
E i t h e r u n a c q u a i n t e d with, or willfully i g n o r a n t of, the traditional structures and standards, little inclined to consult the people involved, and b e i n g placed in a situation such that, even if
they h a d sought it, this c o o p e r a t i o n w o u l d h a v e b e e n tacitly refused t h e m , they went a h e a d a n d i m p o s e d t h e i r o w n arrangements, generally without n o t i c i n g the distress caused by the measures they i n i t i a t e d . C o n v i n c e d that they must m a k e m e n h a p p y in
spite of themselves, persuaded that they k n e w t h e real needs of
others b e t t e r t h a n t h e latter d i d themselves, assured of b e l o n g i n g
t o a superior civilization that was absolutely good in itself, the
officials were u n a b l e to conceive of the customary life of the
people as b e i n g a n y t h i n g o t h e r t h a n a p r i m i t i v e and b a r b a r o u s
survival, a n d c o n c l u d e d that any resistance offered to the order
they wished to impose was the m e r e expression of an o b s t i n a t e
and a b s u r d r o u t i n e way of t h i n k i n g .
T h u s , through either a deliberate or an unconscious ignorance of the h u m a n realities involved, the local authorities
charged with o r g a n i z i n g these new settlements usually imposed,
without any r e g a r d f o r the desires a n d aspirations of those b e i n g
resettled, an o r d e r that was absolutely f o r e i g n to t h e m , a way of
life for w h i c h they were not suited and w h i c h was not suited to
t h e m . A n i m a t e d by t h e f e e l i n g that they were carrying out a
great p l a n , were " b r i n g i n g a b o u t the evolution of the masses,"
e x a l t e d by t h e i r passion for p u t t i n g things in order, a n d often
devoting all of their enthusiasm, good will a n d resources t o the
p e r f o r m a n c e of their activities, the officers i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y put
i n t o p r a c t i c e plans whose implications h a d n o t b e e n t h o u g h t out.
T h e y b e g a n by a t t e m p t i n g to discipline space, as if t h r o u g h it
they h o p e d t o discipline m e n . E v e r y t h i n g was characterize! 1 l)\
u n i f o r m i t y and straight lines. B u i l t on prescribed sites i n . u cordance with set standards, the houses were laid out i n straight
lines along wide streets, which could serve equally well to o u t l i n e
the plan of a R o m a n c a m p or a colonial village. I n the center is
the square, with the characteristic t r i a d of the villages of F r a n c e
t h e school, the town hall and the war m e m o r i a l . I t is as if the
10
1 0
O n t h e w a r m e m o r i a l o a r e s e t t l e d v i l l a g e i n t h e r e g i o n o C o l l o
is a s i n g l e n a m e , t h a t o a c a i d w h o w a s k i l l e d b y t h e
F.L.N.
there
T h e Algerians
authorities thought that they could create village life by c r e a t i n g
its outer symbols. A census would be taken, a m u n i c i p a l council
a n d a m a y o r chosen, a g r o u p organized for defense of the village,
a c o m m e r c i a l center set u p preferably i n the m a i n street, with a
grocery store, a butcher shop and a M o o r i s h cafe, and the most
l o y a l villagers w o u l d be g r a n t e d as a reward a n d a favor the authority to set u p shop; an infirmary w o u l d be b u i l t , t o w h i c h t h e
military doctor came to g i v e consultations a n d administer t o t h e
sick once or twice a week. A n d they would consider that they h a d
accomplished the m a i n p a r t of t h e i r task w h e n they were able to
show the visitor a v i l l a g e with well-laid-out houses a n d wide,
clean streets, with the basic essentials of collective e q u i p m e n t
a n d with a r u d i m e n t a r y administrative organization. T h e y
seemed to have been f a i t h f u l to the revolutionary p r i n c i p l e of all
or n o t h i n g . B u t this was only in appearance. T h e resettlements
m i g h t really have b e e n (and still c o u l d b e , i n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t )
the occasion f o r a true revolution of the a g r i c u l t u r a l society, if
they had been a c c o m p a n i e d by an a g r a r i a n reform, by a redistribution of l a n d , and by a concerted attempt to i m p r o v e agricultural methods; but that would have presupposed a challenge to
the very foundations of the colonial order.
A l l these villages, even those that a p p e a r to b e the m o s t
"successful," n o w have t h e desolate aspect of d e a d c i t i e s . T h o s e
w h o live i n t h e m , even w h e n they a r e e n j o y i n g a standard of
comfort previously u n k n o w n ( a n d this is sometimes the case)
express i n t h e i r w h o l e a t t i t u d e a p r o f o u n d discontent a n d i n n e r
d i s t u r b a n c e . T h e mere fact of a c h a n g e of residence (by emigration to the cities, f o r example) is known to be sufficient to b r i n g
about a c o m p l e t e c h a n g e in the attitude toward the world. I n the
case of the resettled populations, the s h a r p b r e a k w i t h their familiar e n v i r o n m e n t and their customary social world, in w h i c h
the t r a d i t i o n a l ways of b e h a v i o r were felt to b e the n a t u r a l ways,
led t o the a b a n d o n m e n t of these f o r m s of b e h a v i o r , o n c e these
people h a d b e e n cut off f r o m the original soil in w h i c h they were
r o o t e d . T h e e x t e n d e d family, clan or village b r o k e u p o n c e it was
placed i n a resettled c o m m u n i t y . T h e c h a n g e i n e n v i r o n m e n t
really requires a c o m p l e t e c h a n g e i n conduct. B u t the f e e l i n g
of h a v i n g b e e n u p r o o t e d f r o m their accustomed surroundings
171
172
T h e Algerians
Fig.
17. T h e
"Resettlements"
in
the
Territory
of Ai'n
Arbel
Situated to t h e east o f C o l l o , o n t h e t e r r i t o r y o c c u p i e d b y t h e
zariba
o f A i ' n A r b e l , t h e n e w v i l l a g e g r o u p s t o g e t h e r a b o u t 2,500 p e r s o n s b e l o n g i n g t o g r o u p s (zaribat)
t h a t w e r e f o r m e r l y settled at distances v a r y i n g f r o m a half-mile to t w o miles f r o m one another. S i t u a t e d
i n t h e c e n t e r of a f a r m i n g area o n l a n d that h a d b e e n c a r v e d o u t of
t h e f o r e s t , e a c h zariba
(clan) g r o u p e d together all t h e descendants of
a c o m m o n a n c e s t o r , t h a t is t o s a y , t h e r e w e r e s o m e s e v e n t y p e r s o n s i n
t h e s m a l l e s t zariba
a n d s o m e 420 p e r s o n s i n t h e l a r g e s t . H a v i n g a b a n d o n e d t h e i r houses, m o s t of these resettled persons h a v e also g i v e n
u p f a r m i n g t h e i r l a n d s (all those that w e r e s i t u a t e d to the east of t h e
h a c h u r e d l i n e ) . I t is n o t s o m u c h t h e f a c t t h a t i t t a k e s f r o m h a l f a n
h o u r to a n h o u r a n d a half to w a l k to t h e m (resulting i n the a b a n d o n m e n t o f t h e f a r m s ) , as t h e f a c t t h a t t h e o w n e r s c o u l d n o l o n g e r l i v e
s u r r o u n d e d b y t h e i r fields.
T h e Algerians
174
village";
" I u s e d to s e l l w h e y i n C o l l o , n o w I o n l y h a v e f o u r g o a t s l e f t . I u s e d t o t a k e
t w o h o u r s to m a k e the trip to C o l l o . A l l that h a s b e c o m e impossible
today,
To
of
the farms
there
g e n e r a l l y b e e n a d d e d c o n s i d e r a b l e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e a m o u n t of l i v e s t o c k .
has
The
c o n s e q u e n c e s of r e s e t t l e m e n t e v i d e n t l y a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y s e r i o u s w h e n t h e m o v e
is o n e t h a t c o n c e r n s t h e n o m a d s (200,000 of t h e m a p p r o x i m a t e l y a r e s a i d
h a v e been
r e s e t t l e d ) w h o s e sole w e a l t h
consisted of t h e flock a n d f o r
to
whom
t h e s e d e n t a r y l i f e m e a n s a c o m p l e t e c h a n g e i n t h e i r m o d e of e x i s t e n c e .
175
176
T h e Algerians
(detail)
177
178
T h e Algerians
1 4
T h e c o u n t r y d i s t r i c t s h a v e a l w a y s b e e n t h e s c e n e o a s o r t o p e n d u l u m
m o v e m e n t : d r i v e n f r o m t h e l a n d b y a p o o r y e a r , s o m e o t h e f e l l a h s a n d
a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k e r s w o u l d g o a n d seek a l i v e l i h o o d in t h e cities. A
y e a r w o u l d b r i n g b a c k to t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l life this p a r t i c u l a r p o r t i o n of
rural
of
population.
derealization,
an
extent
that
it
full
has
scope
perhaps
to
this
made
the
promising
the
movement
the
latter
irreversible.
1 6
a p p e a r a n c e o f a c l a s s of p r o f i t e e r s , w h o w e r e o f t e n
supported
by the
the
army
179
T h e Algerians
i8o
Fig.
ig. T h e
"Resettlements"
in
the
Kerkera
Region
(Collo)
I n t h e w h o l e o f t h e arrondissement
( a d m i n i s t r a t i v e district) of
C o l l o , s o m e 33,000 p e r s o n s o r m o r e t h a n a t h i r d o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n h a v e b e e n r e s e t t l e d . T h e r e s e t t l e m e n t c e n t e r o f K m 10 ( k i l o m e t e r 10) w a s c o m p r i s e d o f 3,264 p e r s o n s ( a b o u t 589 f a m i l i e s ) t o w h i c h
w e r e a d d e d i n S e p t e m b e r i 9 6 0 t h e i , o g i i n h a b i t a n t s (205 f a m i l i e s ) o f
t h e zariba
K e r k e r a , situated about one-half m i l e a w a y f r o m the res e t t l e m e n t center o n the side of the hill w h i c h o v e r l o o k s the valley of
t h e W a d i G u e b l i . A t R e d i r , 3 7 1 f a m i l i e s , c o m p r i s i n g i,8g4 p e r s o n s ,
w e r e r e s e t t l e d . F i n a l l y , a t K m ig t h e a u t h o r i t i e s g r o u p e d t o g e t h e r t h e
zaribat
Lazilet, el Afia, O u t a i e t A i c h a , el H a m m a m a n d
Bourguel.
W h e r e a s at A i n A r b e l the n e w v i l l a g e w a s established in a n a r e a a l r e a d y
o c c u p i e d b y o n e of the c o n t r a c t e d g r o u p s , t h e site of t h e r e s e t t l e m e n t
p r o j e c t o f K e r k e r a , at t h e e d g e of t h e W a d i G u e b l i w i t h its d a n g e r o u s
spring overflows, had been occupied by only a few scattered houses. By
r e a s o n o f its s i z e a n d t h e a r b i t r a r y w a y i n w h i c h i t s s i t e w a s s e l e c t e d ,
the K e r k e r a project, w h i c h brings together formerly separate groups,
is t h e p r i z e e x a m p l e o f t h e r u r a l s h a n t y t o w n
(bidonville).
(See m a p o n o p p o s i t e page.)
situ-
to leave
their houses,
which
were
almost
the
all
situ-
together,
a fact
n o w m a d e its appearance,
q u i t e different f r o m
the
terrible
m a t e r i a l misery they h a d to endure was, however, n o t h i n g comp a r e d to the m o r a l misery of these m e n w h o had been torn f r o m
their f a m i l i a r world, their h o m e , their lands, t h e i r customs, their
beliefs, e v e r y t h i n g that h e l p e d them to l i v e .
1 0
As a consequence
16
Placed by force i n
o t h e d e p r e s s e d c o n d i t i o n o a g r i c u l t u r e
and
stock
r a i s i n g , t h e r e m a y b e n o t e d i n n e a r l y a l l c a s e s a d r o p i n t h e s t a n d a r d o l i v i n g
consumed. Life
e x i s t e n c e , a s i n k - o r - s w i m affair. T h e
becomes a
capital
hand-to-mouth
p h y s i o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n of these
l e a d s to a v e r y h i g h d e a t h r a t e , p a r t i c u l a r l y a m o n g
181
children.
people
182
T h e Algerians
183
184
T h e Algerians
End
of a W o r l d
T o t a k e a s i n g l e e x a m p l e : a t t h e t i m e o a l a r g e - s c a l e m i l i t a r y o p e r a t i o n i n 1959, t h e w i v e s o a m a r a b o u t , f r o m a v i l l a g e n e a r M i c h e l e t , f l e d i n
t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i g h t to a n e i g h b o r i n g v i l l a g e w h e r e t h e y h a d n o a c q u a i n t ances. T h i s c o n d u c t , w h i c h w o u l d formerly h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d scandalous,
s i n c e t h e w i v e s of a m a r a b o u t r a r e l y l e a v e t h e i r h o m e , w a s l o o k e d o n as b e i n g
almost normal.
M
185
186
T h e Algerians
187
g r e a t e r i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d , at the same t i m e , a k e e n e r p r i d e in h e r
tasks a n d responsibilities.
T h u s , c o m b i n e d with o t h e r influences such as e d u c a t i o n ,
w h i c h has increased the d e m a n d s of the young and t h e i r desire
f o r e m a n c i p a t i o n , t h e wider a c q u a i n t a n c e with other cultures
that has been p r o d u c e d by the shifts in p o p u l a t i o n , the urbanizat i o n a n d political i n d o c t r i n a t i o n of the masses w h i c h has led to
a w i d e n i n g of t h e " i n t e l l e c t u a l o u t l o o k , " the war s i t u a t i o n has
upset the entire cultural system. H o w e v e r , c o n t r a r y to what
o n e m i g h t t h i n k , a state of open w a r f a r e is less u n f a v o r a b l e to
c u l t u r a l exchanges t h a n a s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h resistance is underground and disguised. Paradoxically, open conflict brings the two
sides together j u s t as m u c h as it places t h e m in opposition, because, i n order to win the war, it is necessary to b o r r o w t h e most
efficient weapons of one's adversary, a n d perhaps, also, because
war r e m a i n s a d i a l o g u e w h e n all is said and done.
T o express the present state of affairs the old Algerians
often say: " W e are now i n the fourteenth c e n t u r y . " T o t h e m
t h e f o u r t e e n t h century is the century of the end of the world,
at which time e v e r y t h i n g that was the rule will b e c o m e the
exception, w h e n all that was f o r b i d d e n will b e now p e r m i t t e d ,
a t i m e , f o r e x a m p l e , w h e n c h i l d r e n will n o l o n g e r respect t h e i r
p a r e n t s , the wife will go to the m a r k e t p l a c e and so on. T h e
mind of the people thus expresses its e x p e r i e n c e of a topsy-turvy
world i n which everything works backwards; it sees in the diso r d e r a n d chaos w h i c h surround it the final state a n n o u n c i n g
the e n d of t h e world. A n d indeed, i n Algeria, we are witnessing
t h e e n d of a world. B u t t h e e n d of this world is felt by the people
t o be the a n n o u n c e m e n t of a new world to come.
A l g e r i a n society h a s b e e n u n d e r g o i n g for 130 y e a r s a n d is
u n d e r g o i n g t o d a y a great u p h e a v a l . N o domain has b e e n s p a i e d .
T h e pillars of the t r a d i t i o n a l order have b e e n shaken or overt h r o w n by the c o l o n i a l situation and the war. T h e u r b a n m i d dle class has b e e n b r o k e n u p a n d dispersed; the values that it
represented and protected have been swept away by the e r u p t i o n
of new ideologies a n d by the a p p e a r a n c e on the scene of a new
elite, of new leaders w h o often c o m e f r o m t h e c o m m o n p e o p l e
188
T h e Algerians
189
the same time led to a new attitude toward society and toward
the f u t u r e that is featured by a great thirst for l e a r n i n g , understanding, i n f o r m a t i o n and material progress. O n e can see a
m a n i f e s t a t i o n of this awakening of the political conscience in
the appearance of an oral l i t e r a t u r e composed principally of
p o p u l a r songs which exalt the revolutionary struggle. Usually
anonymous and i n s p i r e d by precise events,, they sing of the
atrocity of the war, the heroism of the c o m b a t a n t s a n d of h o p e
f o r peace. S i m p l e a n d naive, these poems i n B e r b e r or A r a b
language, sung in accordance with the modes of the traditional
music, are b o t h c h r o n i c l e and chanson de geste.
T h e r e has b e e n an infiltration of traitors i n t o the A r m y of L i b e r ation
T h e y almost succeeded in shaking it to its f o u n d a t i o n s ;
De G a u l l e is b e g i n n i n g to boast a b o u t it, happy at his success,
H e continues to watch m o r e and m o r e closely, t h i n k i n g that his
seeds of discord have t a k e n root,
W h e r e a s we h a v e sworn that A l g e r i a will live, even should only
o n e m a n survive.
T h e n u m e r o u s students [ w h o have j o i n e d the F . L . N . ] have been
forced by traitors to a b a n d o n their post.
I f they slumber, they dream, b u t if t h e y a r e awakened, they will
say " A l l right, c o u n t o n m e . "
A t the b o t t o m of his h e a r t , h e wishes to betray his brothers.
O n the m a n who goes astray f r o m his duty the eagle will p o u n c e
a n d he will be carried off.
T h e flag is u n f u r l e d by t h e w i n d a n d d a w n has risen over it.
A n d o n the day when Algeria lives again, t h e o r p h a n will o n c e
m o r e find his father.
( R e c o r d e d in K a b y l i a in 1958.)
Listen to this story.
B e attentive and in order to hear
A n d understand w h a t I say,
B e sure n o t to fall asleep.
W h e r e v e r t h e F r e n c h m a n goes,
H e leaves b e h i n d bloody traces;
N o one is spared,
E v e n the old are struck down.
H e has despoiled the trees which were l a d e n with fruit.
H e has p o i s o n e d t h e waters of t h e streams.
igo
T h e Algerians
W h e r e v e r the F r e n c h m a n goes,
B u l l e t s pierce the walls,
T h e wheat fields are destroyed by fire.
T o feed the people even acorns are b e c o m i n g h a r d to find.
A n d as for the h o n o r that has been violated,
W o r d s are not sufficient to describe it.
F r o m one generation to a n o t h e r
T h e message will b e transmitted
So that it will never be f o r g o t t e n
H o w the people were seized by the throat.
Every day each village can count one m o r e person w h o has died.
P o o r child w h o weeps w i t h o u t understanding
T h e stiffness of the body of its m o t h e r .
Everywhere the F r e n c h m a n goes
T h e fields are left b u r n e d b e h i n d him,
T h e cattle that were tied up
Have died b u r n e d to a crisp.
T h e y even b u r n the swaddling clothes
I n w h i c h are wrapped the new-born babes.
N o t o m b will be opened f o r t h e m
Only the c o m m o n grave
W i l l receive the dead.
( R e c o r d e d in Algiers in i960.)
F i n a l l y , it must b e r e m e m b e r e d that the Algerians f e e l
themselves to b e affected by t h e experiences of all the countries
that were f o r m e r l y c o l o n i a l possessions, a n d that the C h i n e s e
v e n t u r e , of w h i c h they are generally ill-informed, has aroused
a m b i v a l e n t attitudes of m i n g l e d interest a n d distrust. A l g e r i a
has n o w b e c o m e resolutely open to the world.
T h e size a n d d u r a t i o n of the c o l o n i a l enterprise, the n u m e r i cal i m p o r t a n c e of the E u r o p e a n population settled in A l g e r i a
a n d the influence it has exerted through the power of e x a m p l e ,
t h e setting u p of a capitalistic economy, the p r o l o n g e d control
of the civil a n d military administration in a great m a n y fields,
t h e u n u s u a l appeal a n d deep p e n e t r a t i o n of F r e n c h c u l t u r e , t h e
severity and l o n g d u r a t i o n of the war of l i b e r a t i o n , w h i c h h a d
a direct or an i n d i r e c t effect on all spheres of existence a n d on
all social classesall these a r e factors w h i c h h a v e led to a complete transformation of the old Algeria. T h e economic and social
lgi
192
T h e Algerians
T h e F r e n c h s y s t e m o o r t h o g r a p h y f o r t h e f o l l o w i n g t e r m s is
in
this
book
orthography
because
does
it
not;
reflects
the
also, since
local
almost
F r e n c h a n d use t h e F r e n c h o r t h o g r a p h y ,
v e n i e n c e of reference
to f o l l o w
dialect
all
in
works
on
French
Standard
Orthography
way
the
employed
the
standard
subject
are
it was d e e m e d advisable
Orthography
con-
the
first
field.
Definition
achoura
'ashura'
(Arabic.) R e l i g i o u s festival.
acils
asil
(Arabic.)
adab
in
for
adab
Descendants
city
inhabitants
nazils
(nazil).
(Arabic.)
in
of
the
Education,
Mzab;
culture,
see
cour-
tesy.
adainin
adaynln
(Berber.)
situated
as
adekuan
Part
on
of
Kabyle
house
serves
stable.
adukan
of
g a b l e w a l l s e r v i n g as s h e l f o r c u p board
for
utensils;
see
tadekuant
(tadukant).
adroum
(Berber.)
adhrum
Clan;
pi.
iderman
(id-
harman).
akham
(Berber.) T h e
akhm
akharrub
Both
and
this
of
buildings
group
where
lives.
(Berber.)
All
the
members
are
descended
families
whose
from
the
s a m e ancestor to the f o u r t h or
fifth
generation,
generally
same
name
selves
as
roubt
(thakharrubth)
rouba
193
house."
collection
same
akharroub
"large
having
and considering
"brothers";
(kharrubah).
see
and
the
themtakharkhar-
Glossary
194
French
Standard
Orthography
Orthography
akoufi
akfi
Definition
(Berber.)
Large
jar
of
dried
clay,
house
near
the
entrance,
of
for
i m p o r t a n t f o o d supplies (grains), or
on
the p r o t r u d i n g wall
rates
for
stable
from
smaller
that
living
provisions
sepa-
quarters,
(dried
other
f o o d s , seeds). T h e l a t t e r j a r s ,
smaller,
are
also
(tikufiyin),
sing,
figs,
leguminous
much
called
tikoufiyin
takoufit
(thaku-
fith).
amin
amln
rch
'arsh
Berber.)
v i l l a g e s . Arch
ing
in
tribe
an
as
personal
Tribe,
land
group
is l a n d
indivisible
whole
manner
and
property
of
belong-
is
of
to
not
the
individual
members.
azriya
azriyah
(Local Arabic.)
husband,
In
the
Aures
herself
(azri:
baraka
barakah
Woman
widowed
as
region
without
or
repudiated.
she
conducts
veritable
courtesan
single).
(Arabic,
Berber.)
beneficent
Mysterious
power
favoring
and
selected
persons. C a n be transmitted t h r o u g h
heredity,
initiation
or
name-bor-
r o w i n g ; c a n b e w i t h h e l d b y g i f t of
nature
berrou
bat'el
or
(Berber.)
divine
Act
power.
by
which
husband
the
refusing
alent of w h a t
of
traditional
to
accept
he
paid
marriage.
This
formulas
the
equiv-
at the
time
repudiation
w i t h o u t r e t u r n of the m a r r i a g e p a y ment
is
particularly
offensive
be-
without
exchangewhich
t h e l o g i c of h o n o r .
receiving
is c o n t r a r y
to
Glossary
*95
Definition
French
Standard
Orthography
Orthography
chebka
shabakah
(Arabic.) Net,
chefda
shaf'ah
( A r a b i c . ) R i g h t o r e d e e m i n g r e a l
e s t a t e o r o p r e - e m p t i o n ,
whose
d e v e l o p m e n t received great i m p e t u s
f r o m B e r b e r c u s t o m in o r d e r to
keep strangers or foreigners a w a y
f r o m the property.
cheikh
shaykh
COS
saff
ohba
suhbah
netting.
life.
(Arabic.)
Moiety.
Political
and
onistic alliance
(pi.
(Arabic.)
company."
"The
ag-
sufuf).
Patron-
family
to
exchange for
diia
dyah
(Arabic,
poorer
fidelity
Berber.)
Compensation
Blood
paid
f a m i l y to f a m i l y o f
djelf
jalf
(Local
families
Arabic.)
in
and allegiance.
by
money.
murderer's
victim.
Hollow,
soil
of
w h i c h is c u l t i v a t e d b y n o m a d s .
djemda
jama'ah
(Arabic.)
Assembly
members
of
of
village;
all
see
male
tajmadt
(tajma'th).
douro
lahldl
(Arabic.)
dr lahll
money)
Touaba;
Douro
piece
of s a l e
see
by
or
sum
auction
haqd-dkhoul
of
among
haqq-
dukhul).
fellah
fallh
(Arabic.)
Fellah,
ferqa
firqah
(Arabic.)
Division,
peasant.
fraction
(social
unit).
freda
faridah
gandoura
gandrah
Man's
robe
of
linen
or
Glossary
French
Standard
Orthography
Orthography
gourbi
gurbi
Definition
(Arabic.)
Roughly
consisting
of
ment
made
mud
daubed with
guela
qal'ah
habous
hubus
built
often
of
dwelling,
single
apart-
or
boughs
earth.
foundation;
to religious
consisting
of
do-
establish-
property,
the
hishmah
halqa
halqah
(Arabic.)
Shame, modesty.
(Arabic.)
The
"circle";
of l e a r n e d p e r s o n s i n
hammam
hammam
haouch
hawsh
bath.
building
C o u r t of city
hawitah
assemblage
Mzab.
erty
haouita
Dignity,
in
the
center.
dwellings.
(Arabic.) G e n e r a l l y a s m a l l , roofless,
stone
enclosure, encompassed
by
high
wall
of
around
marabout. In
of
the
26 t o m b s t o n e s
the
tomb
Mzab, an
laid
out
ellipse
in
the
m a r k e t place, w h e r e questions of a
secular
financial
nature
(legal
transactions,
deliberations,
political
de-
dead.
haqd-dkhoul
haqq dukhul
(Arabic.)
Wedding
present
from
s a l e b y a u c t i o n c o n s i s t i n g of o n e
douro a m o n g t h e B e n i - B o u - S l i m a n e
in the A u r e s region.
harfiqt
harfqth
( B e r b e r . ) C l a n , g r o u p u n i f y i n g seve r a l e x t e n d e d f a m i l i e s ; pi.
hirfiqin
(hirflqln).
Glossary
French
*97
Standard
Definition
Orthography
Orthography
h'orm
hrm
( L o c a l A r a b i c . ) S a c r e d t e r r i t o r y , site
of t h e five t o w n s of t h e M z a b ,
w h e r e t h e o b s e r v a n c e of t h e t r u e
r e l i g i o n , free f r o m all c o n t a m i n a t i o n , is m a i n t a i n e d .
h'orma
hurmah
(Arabic, Berber.)
Honor
by
oposi-
t i o n to p o i n t of h o n o r .
iderman
idharmn
(Berber.)
Clans;
sing,
adroum
Large
jars;
sing,
ad-
hrum).
ikufan
ikufan
(Berber.)
akoufi
(akufi).
ittifqt
kanum
ittifqt
knn
(Arabic.)
Collection
written
customs.
(Arabic,
Berber.)
of
Mozabite
Entrance,
hearth
c o n s i s t i n g of a h o l e h o l l o w e d i n t h e
g r o u n d in u p p e r p a r t of h o u s e
d a u b e d inside w i t h
kharrouba
kharrbah
khouan
khwn
( A r a b i c . ) S e e akharroub
(Local
Arabic.)
(akharrub).
"Bothers."
b e r s of a r e l i g i o u s
and
clay.
Mem-
brotherhood.
( A r a b i c . ) A c t of v e i l i n g , h i d i n g , sihitman
kitmn
lencing;
gious
ksar
kasr or qasr
lada
al'ada
lhara
al-hrah
arrangement
permitting
M o z a b i t e a u s t e r i t y to a d j u s t t o r e l i prescriptions.
(Local Arabic.)
Oasis
gardeners'
v i l l a g e ; t h e h o u s e s of s t o n e o r d r i e d
e a r t h c l i n g to t h e s h e l t e r o f t h e
r a m p a r t s as a p r o t e c t i o n
against
n o m a d i n c u r s i o n s ; pi.
ksour.
(Arabic, Berber.) Custom, tradition,
rule.
Ldada
imezwura
(al'ada
imazwura):
"the
custom
of
the
fisrt," o r " t h e c u s t o m ( e s t a b l i s h e d )
b y t h e first o n e s . " T h e
ancestral
tradition.
(Berber.)
"The
house."
Dwelling
p l a c e . C o l l e c t i o n of h o u s e s s h e l t e r -
i.8
Glossary
French
Standard
Orthography
Orthography
Definition
ing Berber family, cattle leased o u t
and
matmoura
matmrah
food
(Arabic.)
supplies.
Underground
silo,
prop-
e r t y of f a m i l y o r g r o u p .
malla
musalla
(Arabic.)
Slab
raised
up
on
and
mashmal
mechta
masht
said.
(Arabic.) C o m m o n l a n d s of the c l a n
o r v i l l a g e , g e n e r a l l y s e r v i n g as p a s tures.
(Arabic.)
ment
of
At
first,
winter
semi-nomads
encamp-
of
eastern
madah
(Arabic.) P o p u l a r singer, k i n d of
wandering t r o u b a d o u r w h o recites
p o e t r y , n a r r a t e s r e l i g i o u s h i s t o r y of
Islam or relates local legends.
mektoub
maktb
(Arabic.)
written.
nazils
nazil
Fate,
arrived
towns in the
qanun
each
rahnlyah
has
been
(asil),
inhabitants
of
Mzab.
rahnia
what
( A r a b i c . ) A s o p p o s e d to acils
recently
qanoun
or
usually
oral,
belonging
to
village.
(Arabic.) M o r t g a g e of r e v e n u e s of a
p r o p e r t y i n p a y m e n t of i n t e r e s t
a loan.
souq
siiq
srir
sarir
(Arabic, Berber.)
(Arabic.)
on
Market.
"Bed";
elevation
con-
s t r u c t e d of e a r t h , i n t h e f o r m of a
b e n c h o n w h i c h is s p r e a d
particularly
of
important
bedding,
person-
ages.
taricht
ta'rishth
under
Apartment,
the
same
Glossary
French
Orthography
*99
Standard
Orthography
Definition
r o o f as t h e r e s t o f t h e h o u s e , a b o v e
t h e s t a b l e , adainin,
with
the
Reached
dhar,"
living
by
and
ladder
small
connecting
quarters
thaddarth
tadkant
tadjadit
tajaddith
elevation
(akufi).
(Berber.) Village. C a n be m a d e
o f a s i n g l e c l a n , adroum,
tadekuant
"adhab-
built-up
s u p p o r t i n g l i t t l e akoufi
taddart
(taqa'at).
or by
(Berber.) Small
adekuan.
( B e r b e r . ) L i t e r a l l y , of jadd;
father,
ancestor.
grand-
Consanguinity;
l i n e a g e . A l l t h e d e s c e n d a n t s of
same ancestor, real or
tajmat
tajma'th
(Berber.)
takharroubt
thakharrbth
( B e r b e r . ) S e e akharroub
rouba. L i t t l e akharroub;
roubin
(tikharrubln.)
takiya
taqyah
See
djemda
(Arabic.)
Prudence
justification
made
with
the
mythical.
(jam'ah).
dogmatic
ments
up
or several.
and
kharpi.
tikhar-
in
supplying
for
adjust-
traditional
con-
servatism.
taleb
tlib
(Arabic.)
Scholar,
student
in
gen-
eral. O n e w h o seeks k n o w l e d g e :
extension,
pious,
wise
man,
uncomplicated,
by
virtuous,
detached
devoid
of a l l p a s s i o n .
tamaouokt
tim'awqth
(Berber.)
Literally,
"the
woman
w h o is p u t i n distress, l e f t i n a
s t a t e of h e s i t a t i o n . " W o m a n w h o ,
b y t h e f a c t of barrou
batel, o r b y
refusal of d o w r y settlement a n d its
c o u n t e r p a r t s , finds h e r s e l f in
an
a m b i g u o u s s i t u a t i o n , w i t h o u t a sett l e d social status a n d thus e v e n exc l u d e d f r o m t h e c y c l e of m a t r i m o nial exchanges after the m a n n e r of
a gift refused to w h i c h n o countergift can be made.
Glossary
200
French
Standard
Orthography
Orthography
Definition
(Berber.)
t'amen
roubt,
"Spokesman"
takhar-
i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n t h e as-
s e m b l i e s , o w h i c h it is t h e g u a r a n t e e b e c a u s e i t is t h e d e p o s i t o r y
the
its
confidence
(amen)
all
members.
taousa
(Arabic.)
twsah
guest
to
Gift
in
host
and
kind
made
by
publically
pro-
c l a i m e d o n t h e o c c a s i o n o f e s t i v a l s
and
taqaat
(adainin)
ceremonies.
( B e r b e r . ) P a r t o h o u s e
taqa'at
(adaynin)
contiguous
human
beings.
Habitable
part
o h o u s e .
taqbilt
thaymat
taymat
thaqbilt
( B e r b e r . ) C o n f e d e r a t i o n o t r i b e s .
( B e r b e r . ) L i t e r a l l y , o ayma:
brother.
tikharrubn
timechret'
timashrat
(Berber.) Sing,
kharrflbth).
(Berber.)
among
village
tural
first
takharroubt
Apportionment
all
on
the
(tha-
inhabitants
meat
o
t h e o c c a s i o n o a g r i c u l -
ceremonies
autumnal
(festivals
plowing,
of
rain
the
cere-
m o n i e s , e t c . ) , o r of r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s
('id-assghir,
tiouizi
tiwizi
toufiq
tfiq
Mulud,
(Berber.) C o l l e c t i v e w o r k ; see
(Local
where
Arabic.)
clan
or
twizah
etc.).
(Arabic.)
touiza.
Territorial
unit
"confederation"
of
root.
Collective
work;
see
ti-
ouizi.
ummah
(Arabic.) M o s l e m c o m m u n i t y ;
mod-
e r n s e n s e of t e r m : n a t i o n .
zwiyah
Glossary
201
French
Standard
Orthography
Orthography
zariba
zariba
Definition
(Arabic.)
Village
of
mountain
an enclosure
of
thorns
a n d s h r u b s the m e m b e r s of families
descended from a c o m m o n
(pi. z a r a ' i b ) .
ancestor
Selected Bibliography
BERNARD
and
LACROIX.
B E R Q U E , J . Etudes
BIROT
Evolution
d'histoire
du nomadisme,
rurale
1906.
T a n g i e r s , 1938.
maghrbine,
Universitaires de F r a n c e .
C A P O T - R E Y . Le Sahara franais,
Presses
Presses Universitaires de F r a n c e ,
Le droit musulman,
CHARLES.
mard.
CHOURAQUI.
DEPONT
and
COPOLANI.
Les
du Nord,
confrries
1952.
religieuses
musulmanes,
1897.
DERMENGHEM.
DSPARMET.
Le culte
Ethnographie
. Coutumes,
institutions,
croyances
maghrbin,
1954.
la Mitidja,
1918.
des Musulmans
d'Al-
de
L'Afrique
du Nord,
Presses Universitaires de F r a n c e ,
kabyles,
Selected Bibliography
. La rorganisation
203
de la proprit
rurale dans la
Mitidja,
Algiers, 1948.
. " V i g n e et structures sociales en A l g r i e , " Diogne,
t e m b e r 1959.
LARCHER.
Trait
lmentaire
de lgislation
algrienne,
Sep-
Algiers,
1903LETOURNEAU.
. Les
L'Islam contemporain,
E d . I n t . , Paris, 1950.
villes musulmanes
de l'Afrique
du Nord, Algiers,
G. Les Arabes
MASQUERAY.
1911.
. " L e s institutions k a b y l e s , " Rev.
MINER,
in
Change,
Casbah: Algerian
CulUniversity of M i c h i g a n
1936.
T a b l e s on Algerian E c o n o m y , Statistique
gnrale
de
l'Algrie,
1958.
G. Algeria:
The Realities,
trans, by R. M a t t h e w s ,
K n o p f , 1958.
. " D a n s l ' A u r s , " Annales, J u l y - S e p t e m b e r 1957.
. " L e s socits berbres de l'Aurs m r i d i o n a l , "
Africa,
1938Y A C O N O . Les bureaux
arabes, L a r o s e , Paris, 1953.
TILLION,
. La colonisation
des plaines
du Chliff,
Algiers, 1955.
Index
Abadhite
doctrine,
Banishment.
Bank
Baraka,
Mozabites
Ouled,
Ostracism
cultural
A b d i , O u l e d , 25, 35
Beni-Bou-Slimane,
Beni
I s g u e n , 40
Beni
Melkem,
el,
Abiod, Wadi
Achoura,
A cils,
25
e l , 25, 34, 35
festival
of,
Beni
name
t r i b a l , 87-91; p o w e r
in,
Aghbala,
of
principle,
3, 5,
7-8,
10-12,
bat'el,
10
See
B o r d j i a , 78
Bou
N o u r a , 40
Bourdieu,
organization
P.,
105
A g o u n i - n - T e s e l l e n t (A'it A k b i l ) , 2on
B o u r g e o i s i e , i n A r a b cities, 64
Agriculture, decline
D e B r o g l i e , A.,
See
also
lah,
with
culture
B n e , 57, i25n
i76n
Agnatic
interchange
Arab
B e r r i a n e , 39, 40, 49
Berrou
88-90
76
culture,
A r a b . See
3, 12
Aggregation,
35
Merzoug,
Berber
112
Adroum,
10, 35
B e n i M e n n a , 76
79
43
Adab,
interpntration
w i t h B e r b e r s , 56, 57, 93
36
Abdi,
Wadi
123
Bedouins,
33
Abderrahmane,
See
of A l g e r i a ,
of n a t i v e ,
Resettlement
dispossession
i28n.
policy;
Fel-
Business
of
120
B u r i a l c u s t o m s , 12, 35-36, 41
success, M o z a b i t e ,
51-54
A h m a r K h a d d o u , 27
Akham,
Algeria,
topography,
Algiers
i25n,
(dpartement),
Algiers,
Sahel
Almsgiving,
of,
30, 47
culture,
Berber,
93. See
interchange
xii-xiv,
also
5,
with
Bedouins
3, 32, 36
Assimilation
ciple
of,
Athbedj,
and dissimilation,
prin-
84
Atlas:
Saharan,
topography,
66; T e l l i a n ,
Autoconsumption,
30-31
xiii
26, 103
C a d i , 7, 30, 42
C a d s , 140
C a n t o n m e n t of 1856-1857, 120
C a p i t a l , 9, 39, 48, 64, 72, 73, 103
C a p o t - R e y , 67n, 69
C e r e a l g r o w i n g , 27, 58, 66, 67, 70-72,
73, 80; c o l o n i a l , 123
Chebka,
37
Chechia,
154, 156, 158
Chefa,
5, 6, 75, 82
C h l i f f , 56, 57, 78, 16511
C h e r a a , 179
Citrus growing, colonial industry
123-126
Aurs,
Azriya,
yjn
i25n
Arab
Arch,
124,
i76n
Algiers
Amin,
xiii
164
of,
ndex
205
Climate,
effect
68, 72, 7 3 ,
off:
on
economy,
57,
65,
103
Arab,
Family
solidarity,
as
social
factor,
97: A r a b , 60; K a b y l e , 1 2 ; M o z a b i t e ,
go-gi;
Kabyle,
13-16;
49,
51;
M o z a b i t e , 4 2 , 4 3 ; S h a w i a n , 2 9 , 34-
of,
141-142.
Shawian,
28;
breakdown
See
also
Social
Struc-
Islamic,
103,
109-111
tures
35
ohba,
Fatalism,
78
Collo, i6gn,
i72n,
i74n,
Colonists, alienation
Colonization
and
175,
Father,
179
83;
o, 132
rule,
xiv,
also
Resettlement
French
role
27-28,
Favrod,
139,
tribal,
124,
Constantine,
High
64, 6 5 n ,
Plains
125, 1 3 5 . See
Corporations,
urban
of,
also
Arab,
56-57,
Woman
C r i m e a n d p u n i s h m e n t , 20-23, 4 1 , 4 3 ,
Curse,
Fort National
135,
Freda,
123
(arrondissement),
images
of,
151-152
74
de
Libration
(F.L.N.),
3-4
129,
115-116
i47n
Financial Delegations,
Front
47
126,
religion,
83
France,
60-62
64,
171-176;
Ferqa,
25,
of,
Ferhat Abbas,
83-84
182
Arab,
Shawian,
14711
Comte,
Confederations,
10-11;
attitude
possession
Constantine,
102, 186:
31
C o m m e n s a l i t y , 3, 4, 13
109
3-4,
Kabyle,
Fellah:
policy
of,
i47n,
163, 164, i 6 g n ,
154,
Nationale
i gn,
16111,
182
D a h r a , 57
Daoud,
Ouled,
Despois,
Diia,
84,
25,
Gandoura,
35
G e n t i l i t i a l f a m i l y . See F a m i l y o r g a n i -
33
Divorce,
Djebel
Djelj
zation
29-30
Djebabra,
Gourbi,
26
lands,
Djema,
G h a r d a ' i a , 4 0 , 68
i72n
Bous,
67
See
35, 59, 7 1 , 1 3 9 - 1 4 0
Douro,
10;
Doutt,
87
Dresch,
135
War,
lahll,
10
48, 5 1 ,
95,
Arab
El
Ateuf,
Emigration,
88-go
Guela,
165.
See
Okkaz
family),
39;
and
group
ties,
K a b y l e , 5-12;
ian,
27-32; of
structural
3-5:
l 6
Mozabite, 41;
model,
97-98:
60;
Shaw-
b u s i n e s s , 4 8 , 60;
12-24; S h a w i a n , 3 5 - 3 6
11,
Arab,
Habous,
Halqa,
as
Kabyle,
180
40
5 , 6, 7 4 , 7 5 , 82
Hachouma,
84
40
Family
also
of
(Bou
39,
33-34.
Guela
Guebli, Wadi,
Guerrara,
effects
El
as s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n ,
also
G r e a t f a m i l y , 78; a n d p o w e r of n a m e ,
in
Doutrs,
Education,
182
37
Granary,
140
45
Djurdjura,
Gours,
Djerba,
7g
86
g6
4 1 , 43n
Hamada,
37
Hammam,
62
Hanencha
(Harar
Hanotreau
and
Haouita,
84
7-8
42
Harfiqt,
32-34,
Haqd-dkhoul,
Hillalian
Home
family),
Letrouneux,
36
10
Arab
Army,
invasions,
152
56,
8g
Index
2o6
H o n o r , 96, 1 1 2 : K a b y l e , 3, 6, 10, 17,
Mao
Tse-tung,
164
2 0 - 2 3 ; S h a w i a n , 28, 33; d e c l i n e o,
Marabouts,
184;
as g u a r a n t o r
pacts,
of
sharecropper
78-81
Honorable
H'orm,
e x c h a n g e , 9, i 6 n , 8 1 , 103
40
H'orma,
28
Humboldt,
Wilhelm, von,
Inheritance
byle,
customs,
5-6;
3, 5,
Shawian,
102;
Ka-
28
I s l a m , c o n v e r s i o n s t o , 5 6 , 62
law,
cultural
Isnard,
6,
13,
38,
influence,
42, 7 4 ,
92;
107-118
126
Ittifqt,
39, 42-44, 47
J e w s , 63, 93,
Kabylia,
111
topography,
Kerkera,
i76n,
Khamms,
See
Khelouf,
Ouled,
Khouan,
109
Khouidem,
Kinship,
Melk,
Ouled,
12 i n
au
See
Sharecrop-
M o o r s , A n d a l u s i a n , 62
M o r o c c a n s , 84
95
M o r o c c o , 60, 185
5,
102:
Arab,
66-67,
34-36; a b a s i s f o r s o c i a l u n i t y , 82-83;
policy
on,
lands,
120-122;
sale
58.
also
See
159
a i d , 2, 1 1 - 1 2 , 28, 4 8 , 6 0 , 7 5 ,
112; pacts, 76
M z a b , t o p o g r a p h y , 37
policy
M z a b , W a d i , 37, 40
35
ittifqt
91
M z i r a , 36
N a i l , O u l e d , 84, 86, 91
L i t t l e K a b y l i a , 56
Nazils,
43
N e d r o m a , 62
Magic,
N e g r o e s , 63
quint.
M o n t e s q u i e u , 20-21
66, 68
Lvi-Strauss,
109
M o h a m m e d D i b , 148
imeitvura,
Lartique,
family),
M i t i d j a , 57, i 2 5 n
67-68, 69
nomads'
(Mokran
M i l i a n a , 62, i 7 2 n
70, 7 4 - 7 6 ; K a b y l e , 1-2, 5 ; M o z a b i t e ,
of
i4gn,
Michelet, i84n
67n
Resettlement
of,
5-10;
ping
s c h o o l s , 4 3 , 48, 60
colonial
Ouled
Mtayage
78
84-86
Koranic
Landholding,
Kabyle,
M e n a , 35
K o u l o u g h l i s , 62
Laghouat,
4:
M e l i k a , 4 0 , 47
78
54
Liada
of
150, 1 5 8 - 1 5 9 , 164
Mechmel,
1
Mechta,
71
Meddah,
x i i i , 94
Mda, 62
Mdersas,
60
Medina,
67n
Mektoub,
Abadhites
fictitious,
Ksourien,
tribes
84
Kitmn,
Ksar,
93;
S h a w i a n , 29-30
Matmoura,
71
M a y , 1958, d e m o n s t r a t i o n s
Medjana,
180
I38n
Kharedjites,
89,
S h a w i a n , 29-30
Marriage customs,
113
I r r i g a t i o n , 6 7 , 68
Islamic
27,
87
Hospitality,
4,
N e m e n c h a s , 164
Index
207
Nomads,
Saharan,
76;
Shawian,
27,
Sersou, 69
Stif, 64, 65n
32-33
Shantytowns, 178
Oases, paradox of, 37-38
Sharecropping, 2, 78-82
O a t h , collective, 22-23, 33
O i l , 5 4 " . 69
Social structures:
continuity
of,
66-
Souq,
62
Ouarsenis, 57
94-95. See
also
T r a d i t i o n a l i s t society
Syncecism, 44
legalized
as
social
break-up,
factor,
xii,
58,
xiii,
33.
" 3
Personality, concealment of, 96
Philippeville, i25n, i76n
P i m o n t , 164
Pied noir (pioneer), i3on, 152
8 2
Politeness, 95
Population:
growth,
63n,
119,
128,
growth, European,
also
123
Marabouts
13, 20-23
Spcialise,
i72n, 183
Senatus
Consulte
i34-35
Swing-plow, 67, 72
Taddart,
Tajmat,
3, 12, 17, 22
Takharroubt,
3, 12
Takiya, 54
Taleb, 47
Tamaouokt,
10
T'amen,
3
Tamesroit,
3m
Taousa, 9, 106
Taqbilt,
3
T e l l region, xi, 45-49, 58, 65n, 66,
68, 69, 76, 84
Terrorism, 153
Theocracy, 43
Thresholds, 12
Tiaret, 69
T i l l i o n , G., 35, 36
Timechret',
3, 12, 22
Tiouizi,
11
T l e m c e n , 60, 62, 140
Tolls, paid by nomads, 66
T o u a b a , 10, 33
Touaregs, 3111,9111
Toufiq,
13
Trabadjar,
183
Traditionalism, colonial, 155-156
Traditionalist
society,
94-96;
aUitudes toward work, 104; and economic planning, 104-105; sources,
109-114
T r a n s h u m a n c e , 25, 35, 71, 334
T r i b e : A r a b , 82, 83-84, 86-87; Kabyle,
3; Shawian, 32, 36
Tunisia, 185
T u r k s , 62
Index
208
Umma,
112
Unemployment,
W e b e r , M a x , 104, 114
129,
174-176,
182-
183, 191
U s u r y , 39, 1 1 1 - 1 1 2
Wife,
Arab,
83;
K a b y l e , 7; S h a w i a n , 25, 27-31.
role
of,
See
Winegrowing,
95:
Woman,
layout,
1;
colonial
social
u n i t , 3, 13
of,
s t a t u s o f , 97-98: K a b y l e ,
W a r , A l g e r i a n : c a u s e s , 145-147; a n d
cultural exchange,
187-188;
and
decolonization,
163; a n d
native
v i e w o f d o m i n a n t c u l t u r e , 159-162
5-
10; M o z a b i t e , 49; S h a w i a n ,
29-32;
c h a n g e i n , 186-187.
Wife,
r o l e of
W a r n i e r l a w o f 1873, 120-121
industry
123-126
V e i l , 154, 156
Kabyle:
4,
also W o m a n , status of
1,
Y a c o n o , 78
Zaouia,
8g, 116
Zariba,
175, 180