REBUILD INDIA IN NETAJI'S WAY

After 56 years of independence, hundreds of problems have heaped up to

cripple our national life. The poor have become poorer, while a handful of
capitalist rich people have enormously inflated their earnings. Unemployment is
steadily going up, health & education are far away from the reach of the
common people. There is no indication of 'power' being handed over to the
'people'. The representatives of the national bourgeoisie capitalist class,"with
the patronage of the imperialist powers, are running the central administration,
and as such, people's emancipation has not been achieved. Beginning from the
1930s, Subhas Chandra Bose had been advocating from various platforms
alternative means of socialist reconstruction, but our post-independence
national leaders have never cared to follow them. From 1947 onwards India
had gone through series of political experiments, but with no tangible result.
Gandhian policy had failed. Nehru's 'socialistic pattern of society' had also
failed to bring solace to the toiling masses. Despite Indira Gandhi's series of
'nationalisation' programme and evoking 'Emergency' in the country, 'garibi'
(poverty) and unemployment, ill-health and illiteracy could not been eradicated.
Rajib Gandhi and Narshimha Rao, aided with 'economic reforms' programme
also failed to achieve results. Short spell regime of the United Front also didn't
have the desired impact on our national Life. And the present NDA regime,
headed by BJP, with the 'second generation reforms' has plunged the country in
more socio-economic disasters and political crises. The basic reason is that we
are far from socialism. The ruling national bourgeoisie class, tied up with
capitalist and imperialist forces, can not achieve socio-economic emancipation
of the people. Against this background, people are showing their confidence in
the ideals and programmes of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. The people are
having growing faith and conviction that for overcoming the problems of
poverty-unemployment-illiteracy and disease, we must follow the path of
socialist reconstruction as shown by Subhas Chandra Bose. Netaji has
adequately expressed his socio-economic and political ideas for socialist
reconstruction of the country in his various writings, speeches and discourses.
We must study these documents which are quite relevant in the context of our
present day national crisis.

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2. In his unique reconstruction programme, Netaji gave emphasis and
priority on eradication of poverty and unemployment, illiteracy and disease,
preceeded, of course, by a strong national defence system. According to him,
thes'e three priority areas constituted the most vital fundamental problems of
the country. [Vide his Tokyo speech (1944) and Haripura speech (1938)]. He,
therefore, wanted us to take effective measures to solve these three
fundamental problems first. But, unfortunately, necessary attention has
not been given to these problems on priority basis and. hence, the basic needs
of the people have not been satisfied. In 56 year rule the Governments have
miserably failed to build and implement pro-people economy and
planning.
In recent times the Nobel prize winner and renowned economist Amartya Sen
has also said that for national development, first of all, we must introduce
universal primary education and health-scheme. Subhas Chandra's thoughts are
echoed through Sen's theory.

3. After 'great escape' from India in January 1941, Netaji was in Germany for
a considerable time where he organized the Indian Legion and was engaged in
other preparatory work for his final war of independence from abroad. But
even during these hectic days he was planning for India's reconstruction
after independence. He asserted that for eradication of poverty and
unemployment we urgently needed Industrialization and scientific agriculture
and that must be aided by the state. He wrote in an article, 'Free India and her
problems', published in a German periodical in August 1942 : 'India will
therefore need industrialization and scientific agriculture through state aid, if
she has to serve the problem of poverty and unemployment.'
Subhas Chandra further emphasized that, for successful implementation of his
aforesaid three priority-based programmes we must increase our national
production, particularly agricultural and industrial production, through modern
scientific methods and arrange for their equitable social distribution. And more
precisely, he wanted to develop this system of national production and
distribution through socialist means.
Subhas Chandra declared very categorically that post-independence
reconstruction of India could be achieved only through socialist means. His
main objective was to establish socialism. Subhas told in his presidential
address at the Haripura Congress session (1938) : 'I have no doubt in my mind
that our chief national pioblems relating to the eradication of poverty, illiteracy
and disease, and to scientific production and distribution, can be effectively
tackled only along socialistic lines.'

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Incidentally, we may recall his observations on 'Science and Polities' made at
the third general meeting of the Indian Science News Association at Calcutta
on August 21, 1938. In reply to questions posed by Professor Meghnad Saha at
the meeting, the then Congress President Subhas Chandra told : "Firstly,
industrialisation is necessary for solving the problem of unemployment.
Though scientific agriculture will increase the production of land, if food is to
be given to every man and woman, a good portion of the population will have
to be transferred from land to industry. Secondly, the rising generation are now
thinking in terms of Socialism as the basis of national reconstruction and
Socialism presupposes industrialization.' In our present context, the term
'industry' has a wider connotation, which includes urban-based large scale
industries, along with rural-based small scale and cottage industries, food-
processing and other agro-based industries, etc. Moreover, we must realize the
significance of Netaji's concept of industrialization vis-a-vis socialism.

4. For furtherance of his socialist thoughts, Subhas Chandra wanted to form a

National Planning Commission which would take care to formulate a
comprehensive plan for post-independence national reconstruction. During the
hectic days of freedom movement, Subhas Chandra had no doubt in his mind
that India would achieve freedom shortly, and no imperialist power on earth
could prevent it. He was, therefore, getting himself prepared with a draft plan
as to how to reconstruct the country after attaining independence. Subhas was
the first national leader to form a National Planning Committee in 1938 while
he was the President of the Indian National Congress. Even while he was
vigorously engaged in his liberation struggle and his INA, he formed a separate
'reconstruction' department of the Provisional Government of Free India. As
an ardent believer in socialism and planned economy, Netaji Subhas Chandra
thus initiated the concept of Planning Commission in Indian politics.
The concept of co-operative federalism based on principles of decentralization
and the endeavour to strengthen the local bodies by empowering the
Panchayati Raj Institutions are in a way the legacy of the perceptions conceived
by Netaji 65 years ago.

5. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that for tackling the three fundamental

problems, as mentioned earlier, Netaji introduced two more important
concepts in relation to his programme of national reconstruction which he
explained in detail in his speech delivered before the students of Tokyo
Imperial University in November, 1944. He mentioned in his speech that for
tackling the three most important fundamental problems of India, viz. the

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problem of eradication of poverty and unemployment, illiteracy and disease,
the responsibility must be taken by the State (in free India) and secondly, the
methods for tackling these problems must be determined by the Indian
conditions and in Indian way. He further explained the issue : 'Well, at present,
public opinion in India is that we cannot leave it to private initiative to solve
these national problems, especially the economic problem. If we leave it to
private initiative to solve the problem of poverty and unemployment, for
instance, it will probably take centuries. Therefore, public opinion in India is in
favour of some sort of socialist system, in which the initiative will not be left to
private individuals, but the State will take over the responsibility for solving
economic questions. Whether it is a question of industrializing the country or
modernizing agriculture, we want the State to step in and take over the
responsibility and put through reforms within a short period, so that'the Indian
people could be put on their legs at a very early date.
'But in solving this problem, we want to work in our own way. We will,
naturally, study experiments made in other countries - - but, after all, we have
to solve our problems in an Indian way and under Indian conditions.
Therefore, the system that we shall ultimately set up will be an Indian system to
suit the needs of the Indian people.' [Tokyo speech, 1944].
But unfortunately, during the last five decades, this way of solving India's
fundamental problems, as advocated by Netaji, has not been followed with
proper planning and sincerity. Moreover, it's a matter of concern that in recent
times, public sector enterprises are being discouraged and closed and the
private sector is given wider scope to operate even in areas of fundamental
problems. An alarming policy of indiscriminate disinvestments and
privatization is being followed. Such a policy may benefit a limited section of
the society, but the majority of the people will be plunged in more poverty. In
accordance with the gravity of social needs and bigger public interest, it's now
high time to demarcate the areas of public sector and private sector.
Private sector can be allowed to operate in the economic field, say in the field
of industry or agriculture or in the field of housing or infrastructure
development, but they must work under the overall guidelines and policy
framework of the state and national planning body. Private sector may also
work in collaboration with public sector under the same policy framework. But
for overall national interest, multinational companies cannot be generally
encouraged to operate in Indian soil. It is a common experience for the
developing countries that MNCs generally cause exploitation of the poor,
weakening of national economy and uphold the interest of the neo-imperialist
forces. Netaji time and again warned his countrymen against the evils of
imperialism and possible activities of post-war neo-imperialist agencies.

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6. Subhas Chandra has suggested in different contexts various means of
eradication of poverty. The main facets of these suggestions are abolition of
Zamindary system, radical land reforms, granting of agricultural loans and
development of co-operative movement, increasing agricultural production by
scientific methods, widespread industrial development plan under state
ownership and state control, and at the same time, revival of cottage industries
in necessary spheres, etc.
The relevant portion from Subhas Chandra's Haripura speech (1938) may be
quoted in this context: 'Regarding reconstruction, our principal problem will be
how to eradicate poverty from our country. That will require radical reform of
our land system, including the abolition of landlordism. Agricultural
indebtedness will have to be liquidated and provision made for cheap credit for
the rural population. An extension of the co-operative movement will be
necessary for the benefit of both producers and consumers. Agriculture will
have to be put on a scientific basis with a view to increase the yield from the
land.
To solve the economic problem, agricultural improvement will not be enough.
A comprehensive scheme of industrial development under state ownership and
control will be indispensable. A new industrial system will have to be built up in
place of the old one, which has collapsed as a result of mass production
abroad and alien rule at home. A Planning Commission will have to consider
carefully and decide which of the home industries could be revived despite the
competition of modern factories, and in which sphere large-scale production
should be encouraged.
During the last five decades after independence all these means of
reconstruction suggested by Subhas Chandra have not been followed by and
large. Distribution of surplus land to landless, land-ownership rights to the
tillers, recovery of vested fallow land and turning those to cultivable land, forest
land to the landless poor and to develop social forestry and cultivation, etc. are
some of the important facets of radical land reforms. This sort of radical land
reforms have not been implemented throughout the whole country with due
sincerity and urgency. Due to the central policy-makers' unholy compromise
and alliance with the capitalists and landlords, the interests of the hungry poor
millions have largely suffered.

7. For the sake of pro-people agriculture and industrial developments, Subhas

Chandra advocated state control and nationalization. But he didn't stop at that
point. He want further to make radical recommendations that all that we

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needed ultimately was the 'socialization' of our means of agricultural and
industrial production and distribution. He clearly stated in his Haripura speech
(1938) : The State, on the advice of Planning Commission, will have to adopt a
comprehensive scheme for gradually socializing our entire agricultural and
industrial system in the spheres of both production and distribution.' By virtue
of his social and political foresight and intelligence, Subhas Chandra could
realize that most of the beneficial effects of nationalization might eventually be
negatives due to crude intervention and control of bureaucrats. But bureaucrats
are not people's representatives, they have no commitments to the people.
Hence, if needed, they do not hesitate to forego people's interest for the sake
of their own personal benefits. Besides this, there comes the question of mental
aptitude - - ardent sincerity to fulfill the targets -and unfortunately, the
bureaucrats, in general are lacking in them. Eventually, the progress is slowed
down, corruption prevails, and anti-people activities are accelerated. Subhas
was aware of this character of bureaucracy. Hence, he had apprehensions that
nationalization alone might not be able to bring the desired results. In fact, the
experience of 56 years after independence has proved Subhas Chandra's
apprehensions correct, that is why, Subhas Chandra rightly gave a call to
'change the composition and character of the bureaucracy' [Haripura speech,
1938]. Moreover, he wanted to lead the country towards 'socialisation' through
a bold socialistic reconstruction programme. But, in fact, our national leaders
did not follow him, and the country obviously didn't move on his line. In spite
of nationalization in the field of banking, insurance, a few heavy industries and
others, mainly due to evils of bourgeois leadership and bureaucratic set-up,
even after 56 years, the country is facing hundreds of acute problems - - and
still now, millions of people are living below the poverty line. On the plea of
this apparent failure of experiments with nationalization, but obviously,
ignoring the basic reasons behind, countrywide processes of denationalization
have now started. The country has thus started moving again in backward
direction. Series of disinvestments and privatization have followed. The
country is now being tied up with the reins of capitalist economy. In the midst
of this difficult situation, the country again desires to seek solace and guidance
in the planned socialistic reconstruction programme advocated by Netaji
Subhas Chandra.
Incidentally, it may be mentioned that bureaucratic mentality or work may raise
its head in different forms, but it, in each of its form, is harmful for the nation.
As the administrative bureaucracy is harmful, so is equally harmful the party
bureaucracy. That the party bureaucracy can occasionally be dangerously
harmful for a nation, is quite very evident from the downfall of the Soviet
Union. When the party in power becomes detached from the people and
exploits the administration, there comes the possibility of such disastrous

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effects. It's now time for us to be cautious about this party bureaucracy. Subhas
Chandra's concept of socialism can make us free from the evils of all
bureaucratic set-ups.

8. For implementation of Subhas Chandra's proposed programme of

reconstruction and socialization, we need, no doubt, extra capital. If we can go
ahead with a well-planned, disciplined approach towards a well-defined goal of
public welfare, we can solve the problem of capital by social utilization of
abundant resources that are available in a vast country like India. If we are
sincere in our goal of raising the standard of living of millions of poor illiterate
people, and if we never .deviate from this basic social objective the problem of
capital can never stand in our way. People's spontaneous support adds strength
to people's welfare programmes. But during the last 56 years the bourgeois
leadership lacked this will for sincere public welfare and as such, various
capital-related problems arising out of the evils of capitalist system cropped up.
Black money accumulated at the one end, and on the other hand, the poor
became poorer.
Besides this general approach, Subhas Chandra gave some concrete suggestions
for procuring extra capital. In his Haripura speech (1938), Subhas Chandca
suggested that we can go for internal or external loans for the purpose or even
we may take the course of inflation. To quote him : 'Extra capital willt have to be
procured for this, whether through inernal or external loans or through inflation' [Haripura
speech, 1938].
But these methods should be deeply scrutinized from all possible angles. In our
present day circumstances, the country is so over burdened with huge quantity
of internal and external debts, that •these methods will not be feasible
proposition. Subhas Chandra agreed in principle to raise internal or external
loans. But the main thing to be considered is, on what terms or from what
sources or under what circumstances we should secure loans or take measures
for inflation. Otherwise, there would be scope for confusion or wrong
direction. Our present day rulers have made our national economy crippled,
dependent and anti-people by accepting external loans from imperialist and
capitalist bodies (like IMF, World Bank or WTO) in their terms and conditions.
That the country is now in a debt-trap, is a matter of serious concern. If we are
clear in our objective and honest in our purpose, no vested interest can divert
us to any anti-people wrong path. That is what Subhas taught us.

9. That Subhas Chandra was very clear and transparent in his political vision
and objectives, was evident from his political philosophy and a related
statement which we may refer to here. The basic objective of his socialist

7
thoughts was to improve the lot of millions of toiling masses of India, whom
he called 'have-nots' and they are trie majority of our population. Subhas
Chandra wanted to improve their position at the cost of the 'haves' or the rich,
who are minority in our society. Subhas argued : 'Moreover, if after the capture
of political power, national reconstruction takes place on socialist line - - as I
have no doubt it will - - it is the have-nots who will benefit at the expense of
the haves and the Indian masses have to be classified among the have-nots',
[Haripura Speech, 1938]. Ultimately, of course, Netaji aimed that there should
be no have-nots in free India.
In this way, by defeating the capitalist system, patronized by imperialists,
Subhas Chandra wanted to build up socialism in India. This was indeed a
revolutionary idea. It is needless to mention that if the country proceeded in
this way as advocated by Subhas Chandra, there would not have been any
problem in respect of procuring capital for reconstruction work. But during the
last 56 years' rule, the reverse has happened. Only 10% of our population have
grown rich, while the rest 90% of our population have become poorer. The
accumulated black money has started controlling the society and the State. It
has so happened only because the country has not been led in Subhas' way.
Unearthing of black money may be one of the means of regenerating our
presently shattered economy.

10. In the name of 'globalisation', the present Indian policy is pushing the
indigenous industry in sharp competition with the foreign industry of capitalist
and imperialist countries, as a result of which the Indian industry and economy
are on the brink of serious crises. Subhas Chandra warned the country long
before - - 60 years ago -- against the damaging effects of such unequal
competition in industrial field. Subhas Chandra told : 'it is, of course, preposterous to
permit foreigners in this country to compete with the nationals on equal terms, ... The right of
the future Indian Parliament to differentiate or discriminate between nationals and non-
nationals, whenever Indian interests require it, should remain intact and this we cannot
sacrifice on any account.' [Haripura Speech, 1938]. Unfortunately, in free India
many such rights are sacrificed in the interest of the neo-imperialist powers.
When we are now swept away by the onslaught of globalisation and the
country is on the verge of losing economic sovereignty, we remember how
strongly Netaji advocated for national autonomy. In response to Prof.
Meghnad Saha's query, he said : Though-from the industrial point of view the
world is one unit, we should nevertheless aim at national autonomy, especially
in the field of our principal needs and requirements1. (August 21, 1938)

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11. Ever increasing population is undoubtedly a problem for successful
implementation of reconstruction programme. Subhas Chandra had, therefore,
rightly drawn our attention to the population problem long before. He was of
the opinion that the trend of increasing population could create problem for
any of our long-term programme. He explicitly told, 'I simply want to point out
that where poverty, starvation and disease are stalling the land, we cannot
afford to have our population mounting up by thirty millions during a single
decade' [Haripura speech, 1938]. We have not been able to fully realize this
truth even in 56 years; hence the problem goes on increasing. India's
population was about 35 crores by the end of thirties, while currently the
population of divided India has crossed 100 crores. We have failed so far to pay
our due attention to the alarming aspects of this problem. The Government
has failed to formulate a suitable national population policy. Population is the
biggest asset of the country - - it is essential to utilize it properly. But if the
situation so demands, it becomes imperative to restrict the population.

12. We must not forget another important aspect of Subhas Chandra's

revolutionary reconstruction programme. Subhas Chandra wanted to build up a
new modern India based on its earlier tradition and culture. He told before the
students at Tokyo University : 'We want to build up a new and modern nation
on the basis of our old culture and civilization' [Tokyo speech, 1944]. In an
earlier article also he asserted: 'India could contribute something to the common culture
and civilization of humanity, in religion and philosophy, in architecture, in painting, dancing
and music and in other arts and handicrafts, India would offer something unique to the
world.' [Free India and her problems' - from a German periodical published in
August 1942].
In the October, 1935 issue of the journal 'Science and Culture', edited by
Meghnad Saha, Subhas Chandra wrote in his article 'Some problems of nation-
building' - that we must adopt modern science and culture in our work of
nation-building. Neither the Gandhite opposition to modern industry, nor the
orthodox leftists' opposition to computers or modem information technology
is desirable. At the same time, we must not forget the past tradition and culture
of India. Lessons from the aforesaid ideas of Subhas Chandra will no doubt
help us in our task of nation-building.

13. Education was also an important aspect of Subhas Chandra's socialistic

reconstruction programme. He looked at Education on a national perspective.

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He said : 'through a common educational policy we shall have to foster a common spirit
among the entire population' [Haripura speech, 1938]. But what about our present
education system? It is discriminating in nature, offering vast opportunities to
the rich and minimum to the poor, and thus creating a disparity in society,
resulting in social imbalance right from the beginning.
Subhas Chandra deeply felt that education must develop a national spirit and
patriotism amongst us right from our childhood. Children must be taught to
love the country and render service to the common people. This sort of
training would help to foster solidarity and harmony among the entire
population. ['An Indian Pilgrim', S. C. Bose] Imparting such education is,
therefore, very important with a view to nation-building. 'Man-making mission'
propounded by Vivekananda and a vision of universality propagated by
Rabindranath Tagore inspired Subhas Chandra to formulate such policy of
education in free India.
We must also resist all sorts of attempts to commercialise and/or to
communalise education. Education must not be allowed to be used as a
commodity for making profits. A free and man-making education can
strengthen the foundation of our nation.
Netaji also thought about other aspects of education. He suggested : 'experiments
will have to be made for evolving a national system of education in accordance vvilh the needs
of the Indian people ['Free India and her problems', Germany, August 1942]. Technical
education and research should also be a priority issue for free India. Netaji said
: 'We should also tackle the problems of technical education and technical
research. So far as technical education is concerned, as in the case of Japanese
students, our students should be sent abroad for training in accordance with a
clear and definite plan so that as soon as they return home, they may proceed
straightway to build up new industries.
So far as technical research is concerned, we shall agree that it should be free of
governmental control of every kind. It is only in this unfortunate country that
government servants are entrusted with scientific research on receipt of
princely salaries and we know very well what results have been obtained there
from' ['Science and Polities' answers to questions posed by Prof.
Meghnad Saha : August 21, 1938J.

14. Of late, three very critical problems are bothering us most. These three
problems are -firstly, regionalism and divisiveness; secondly,
communalism and minority problems, and thirdly, problems of self-reliance for
the backward, weaker and underdeveloped classes. By exploiting,

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distorting and instigating these three problems, many small or big parties
have recently sprung up in Indian politics and are serving their self-interests,
but basically they are retarding the progress of the country. Subhas Chandra
had repeatedly warned us regarding these three problems and had expressed
the necessity of solving them for proper reconstruction of the
country.
Subhas Chandra's revolutionary thoughts regarding overall
development of united India inspire us all the time. For a vast country like
India having different castes, religions, languages and regional culture,
Subhas Chandra wanted to strengthen the foundation of a strong
central government, along with provincial or regional autonomy, in order
to keep India united, and at the same time, ensuring regional development.
He clarified his opinion in this respect : 'While unifying the country
through a strong central government, we shall have to put all the minority
communities, as well as the provinces at their ease, by allowing them a large
measure of autonomy in cultural as well as governmental affairs' [Haripura
speech, 1938]. During the last 50 years of national planning process, Subhas
Chandra's ideal has not been followed - - hence, so many problems in this
respect have cropped up throughout the country. There may be an apparent
contradiction in the idea of a strong central government and, at the same time,
regional autonomy, but a pragmatic political will and capability can make a
harmony between the two. This has not been successfully achieved in India so
far. Even during the last 56 years, a centre-state amicable relationship, a well-
balanced good relationship built through a policy of equitable distribution of
resources and other governmental rights and responsibilities — could not be
achieved, and as such, regional and divisive forces are gradually raising
their heads. We can make our country free from this vexed problem only by
successful implementation of Subhas Chandra's ideas.
Fight against communalism and casteism is an integral part of Subhas
Chandra's concept of socialism. He fought throughout his life against these two
social monsters. When Subhas first gave this call for fight against
discrimination on caste and creed, when he started to plead for socio-economic
and educational development and self-reliance for the backward classes, at that
time, many of today's so-called leaders of scheduled castes, tribes and backward
classes could not be traced even. But during the last 50 years taking advantage
of the Government's inaction and indifference in the matter, many divisive
forces have come out in the open. We can get rid of such a situation only by
following Subhas' way.
As Subhas Chandra fought against the capitalist and feudal forces, he also
fought, particularly in view of Indian situation, against the divisive forces of
casteism. He declared in his speech, at the London Conference in June, 1933 :

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'Free India will not be a land of capitalists, landlords and castes. Free India will be a social
and political democracy.' [Presidential address at the Third Indian Political
Conference, London : 10 June, 1933].
Netaji's concept about communalism was also very clear and deeply analytic.
He was of the opinion that the problem of communalism was created --- the
Britishers used to nurse this
discriminating policy in the interest of sustaining their rule in India. He said in
Tokyo University in November 1944 : 'You will find that outside, where there is no
British influence, there are no differences among the Indian people. In the Indian
Independence Movement in East Asia and in the Indian National Army there is no
question of religion or caste or class. It is just in India where the British have influence and
control that you will find these differences.' A few of the political parties also used
to exploit this matter for satisfying their vested interests. Netaji believed that,
once we could establish equality in true sense in socio-economic and political
field, there would have no problem like minority-problem in our
country. While presenting the picture of future free India as he dreamt of, he
wrote : 'In the matter of political and economic rights there will be perfect
equality among the whole population. When every individual has
employment, food and education and has freedom in religious and cultural
matters there will be no more any minority-problem in India.' [The Indian
Struggle, S. C. Bose]

15. Netaji fought throughout his life against two sinister menace -- one,
imperialism, and the other, communalism, which he asserted, caused
tremendous damage to India. During the dark days of 200 years of dependence,
India was ruled and exploited by the British imperialism, and communalism - -
as created, fomented and nursed by (lie Britishers -- was one of their dirty
weapons, which kept the people of India divided and weak as a consequence of
their infighting. But the most alarming part of the whole story is this that, even
after independence these two evil forces are still active in Indian peninsula and
continue to damage the basic interest of the people and the country as a whole.
Of course their apparent faces have changed, but their basic characters have
remained unchanged. The principal leader of the world imperialism is now the
USA and the communalism is now working through India's present ruling
clique the BJP and its allies. Under the
onslaught of this twin evil forces, India's prospect and sovereignty -- both
economic and geographical - are at stake. Although the days of imperialist
colonies are over, neo-imperialism is now active through its various channels
and agencies in the developing countries mainly aimed at economic
exploitation. Agencies like IMF-WB-WTO on the one hand and the

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devastating policies of Liberalisation, Privatisation & Globalisation on the other
hand are penetrating deep into the socio-economic fabrics of the developing
countries putting them under the clout of growing poverty and unemployment.
The establishment of WTO (World Trade Organization) after the GATT
(General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) is a tool of the United States and
other developed countries to interfere in the markets of Third World Countries
in respect of trade and commerce, trade in services, patents, agriculture and all
other economic issues. Socialism will be far away if we cannot combat these
evil forces by our united fight against them. This must be our priority task to
rebuild India in Netaji's Way.

16. Of course, Netaji could visualize it long before. While leading the INA in
the final war of independence from abroad, Netaji wrote an open letter to
Gandhiji sometime in 1944. Obviously, that was the time when the Second
World War was heading for its final stage as the Anglo-American forces were
fighting hard against the Axis Powers. During this critical juncture of time
Netaji in his aforesaid letter made some historical comments, rather political
forecast, about the emerging postwar World Power. Netaji said : 'Even if the
Allies could somehow win the war, it will be United States of America, and not
Britain, that will be top dog in future and it will mean that Britain will become a
protege of the USA.'
Netaji further said in his letter about the war aims of the USA : T may say that
the ruling clique at Washington is now dreaming of world domination. This
ruling clique and its intellectual exponents, talk openly of the 'American
Century', that is, in the present century the USA will dominate the world. In
this ruling clique, there are extremists who go so far as to call Britain the 49th
State of the USA.'
As we all know, Netaji's forecasts have been proved to be correct. The
American imperialists are dominating the world since the post-war day. Their
aggressive military powers, as well as economic ambitions are viciously
spreading their tentacles over the hundreds of developing countries, and India
is no exception.
After the end of Cold War the United States has embarked upon a course of
global strategy. The foundation of the strategy is based on USA's imperialist
interest all over the world. The USA, by using NATO, wages military actions
against the poor countries to protect its global interest. By using IMF, World
Bank and WTO the imperialists are interfering the internal affairs and
sovereignty of poor nations.
The economic imperialism headed by USA in the name of Globalisation,
Liberalisation and Privatisation is forcing the third world countries to evolve

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capitalist model of economy. While aspiring to rebuild India in Netaji's way, we
must be firm and cautious to safeguard our country from the onslaught of the
world imperialist and capitalist powers headed by the USA.
We must remember Netaji's candid assertion : 'Ours is a struggle not only against
British Imperialism, but against world imperialism as well' [Haripura speech, 1938].

17. We find a comprehensive picture of Subhas Chandra's programme of

freedom struggle and post-independence socialist reconstruction in his
historical discourse 'Forward Bloc and its
justification'. After secretly escaping from India, when he was absconding in
Kabul and when danger and death were hunting him at every moment of his
existence -- then, at that critical juncture of his life. Subhas drafted this
discourse in cool head (in January-February, 1941). In political circle, it is
known as 'Kabul Thesis'. In his thesis, Subhas described his future plan of
action and his objectives in the form of eight-point programme of his party
Forward Bloc. This eight-point programme was summarized as follows :

(1) Complete national independence and uncompromising anti-

imperialist struggle for attaining it.
(2) A thoroughly modern and socialist state.
(3) Scientific large-scale production for the economic regeneration of the
country.
(4) Social ownership and control of both production and distribution.
(5) Freedom for the individual in the matter of religious worship.
(6) Equal rights for every individual.
(7) Linguistic and cultural autonomy for all sections of the Indian
community.
(8) Application of the principles of equality and social justice in building up the
New Order in Free India. In our determination and struggle for 'Rebuilding
India in Netaji's way, we must keep in mind every point, every word of the
aforesaid 8-point programme, and work accordingly. This programme is very
relevant even today in our work for rebuilding India as per dreams of Netaji.

18. India, as dreamt of by Netaji, is yet to be built. In a letter written to the

revolutionary leader Barin Ghosh in 1930, Subhas told about the aims and
objects of his life and struggle as such: '...we do not want to emancipate the
people merely from political bondage - - rather we want to free them from all
restraint. The main objective of freedom struggle is to remove all the three
types of restraint

14
-political, economic and social restraint. Once we can remove all sorts of
restraint, then only we can build a new society based on communism or
Samyabad. The main objective of our freedom struggle is to build up 'a free
and classless socielty'.'
If we venture to rebuild India in Netaji's way, we must remember this main
objective of his freedom struggle.

19. 'There is no guarantee that our countrymen will be freed merely with the
end of the British rule. After the removal of the foreign rulers, if power is
vested in the hands of the local reactionary bourgeoisie clan, then the
emancipation of the exploited poor people will not be achieved.' Netaji, with
his political foresight and intelligence, didn't rule out one such possibility. In
fact, it has exactly so happened in India. Once it so happened, Netaji told, we
would require a second revolution to free our people from the clutches of the
reactionary national bourgeoisie. Netaji pronounced these words at a time in
1944 when the Indian National Army was engaged in their struggle for
freedom. While teaching 'what is revolution', Netaji told his young trainees at
the Cambay Swaraj Youth Training Camp on 25 April, 1944 : 'If with the end
of the British rule in India, power is vested in the hands of the Indians, but, in
spite of that, the problems of poverty and unemployment, epidemics and
death-rate still persist like before, and no adequate provisions are made for
food for the hungry and education for the illiterate people, then our task would
remain unfulfilled ... Our revolution would be completed only when we could
build our new society based on truth and justice - - where every Indian would
get his birth-rights fulfilled ... If our revolution ends only after driving out the
Britishers, then another revolution would be necessary for building up a new
social order in India ... You can not retire from your work immediately after
attaining India's independence only, as after fighting against the alien power,
you have now the onerous task of saving the nation from the clutches of the
reactionary forces in India.' History is the best witness, what Netaji
pronounced, as stated above, have proved to be true in letter and spirit. We
must, therefore, now make preparations for the second revolution which, in
turn, would be our preparations for building up a new society - - or the New
Order.

15
20. The aforesaid second revolution would obviously be a socialist
revolution and as characterized by Netaji, it will be an 'Indian
revolution in Indian way under Indian conditions.'

21. It is, thus, our firm conviction that to rebuild Indian in Netaji's way, we
must strive to establish Socialism, and that, too, in an Indian way and under
Indian conditions. Netaji unambiguously explained it in his speech at the
Calcutta session of the All India Trade Union Congress on July 4, 1931 : T
have no doubt in my mind that salvation of India, as of the world, depends on
Socialism. India should learn from and profit by the experience of other
nations - - but India should be able to evolve her own methods in keeping with
her own needs and her own environment. In applying any theory to practice,
you can never rule out geography or history. If you attempt it, you are bound
to fail. India should therefore, evolve her own form of socialism.'
Netaji further clarified his idea of Socialism in his Presidential address at the
conference of the All India Naujawan Bharat Sabha at Karachi on 5 April 1931
and also at the U.P. Naujawan Bharat Sabha Conference held at Mathura on 26
May 1931.
While explaining his concept of Socialism, Netaji told that, our collective
life must always be based on certain principles. According to him, there are five
such principles, viz. Justice, Equality, Freedom, Discipline and Love; these are
essential to form the basis of our collective life. Netaji adequately explained the
significance of such principles in his aforesaid speeches at Karachi or Mathura.
As for example, he said at Karachi (1931) :
There is hardly any necessity of arguing that all our affairs and relations should
be guided by a sense of justice. In order to be just and impartial, we shall have
to treat all men as equal. In order to make men equal we shall have to make
them free. Bondage within the socio-economic or political system - - robs men
of their freedom and gives rise to inequalities of various kinds. Therefore, in
order to ensure Equality, we must get rid of bondage of every kind -- social,
economic and political -- and we must become fully and wholly free. But
freedom does not mean indiscipline or license. Freedom does not imply the
absence of law. It only means the substitution of our own law and our own
discipline in a place of an externally imposed law and discipline. Discipline
imposed on us by ourselves is necessary not only when we have attained
freedom, but is more necessary when we are struggling to achieve freedom.
Therefore, discipline, whether for the individual or for society, is necessary as a
basis of life. Lastly, all these fundamental principles viz., Justice, Equality,
Freedom and Discipline - - presuppose or imply another higher principle viz.,
Love. Unless we are inspired by a feeling of love for humanity we can neither

16
be just towards all, nor treat men as Equal, nor feel called upon to suffer and
sacrifice in the cause of freedom, nor enforce discipline of the right sort. These
five principles, therefore, should in my opinion be the basis of our collective
life. I shall go further and say that these principles constitute the essence of
Socialism as I understand it, and the Socialism that I like to see established in
India.
We must visualize this philosophy of Socialism as conceived by Netaji and we
must go for this Socialism while rebuilding India in Netaji's way.

A FOUR-POINT TASK AHEAD

1.
(a) For a life, the first and foremost necessity is food and proper meal. It is the
absolute source of sustenance, and only a secondary commodity for trade. The
right to food is a fundamental right. So, every person, every community, every
country has a right to be able to produce food or have access of food. Society
have the right to shape their food and agricultural economies, (b) The right to
work is a fundamental right. For peasants and landless workers, this translates
into livelihood security in agriculture, (c) Land rights are central to food
sovereignty. Land reforms, interrupted or reversed by globalisation, need to be
introduced and made central to peace and security of the people, (d) Farmers
are the first and last breeders. Their rights are based on collective cumulative
innovation. So, they have a right to seed and to be freed of seed monopolies,
(e) Small farms produce more livelihoods and more foods than larsc industrial
farms. Small farmers need to be treated as the backbone of agriculture, (f) The
farmers, in many cases, are not getting just or even remunerative price for their
produces, and it results in farmers' suicides and hunger deaths in many states,
induced by policies of globalisation, (g) The people belonging to agriculture is
the biggest portion of the country's population.
Therefore, the Party should pay prime attention towards developing and streamlining
thie movements of farmers, small farmers, land laborers and agricultural workers, in
a concrete and distinct way. It will he variant in tactics according to the situation oj concerned
stales, e.g. cofee-planters of Kerala and jute producers of West Bengal — hut as a strategy it
will have one target for resisting foreign invasion in country's agriculture. It is the task of the
Party to work out a broad review of the changing class-pattern of the agricultural people
because of the different treatments made by different interest blocks.

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2.
(a) For his livelihood, a man needs work. Right to work, or job. is a
fundamental right. Besides agriculture, country needs industry. People
can never allow the idea of transforming the country simply into a market place
of foreign goods. India's own industry should be grown up, and that industry
must be developed in Indian way. (b) A consolidated trade union
movement throughout the country, therefore, is to be organized, which will
take up this political task, rather always fighting for their economic demands. A
vehement and sustained resistance against foreign capital investment is a virtual
necessity in case of protecting Indian industry, (c) Each and every workers'
movement must be converted into a political struggle which is to keep pace
with mother political party and other front organisations, (d) Workers of the
country must have the patience, the vision and the discipline to work at the
grass root with like-minded people, and build new committed alliances,
between different castes and different classes. They must get into pro-people
actions, engage themselves in constructive work and test their thoughts and
reflections in a concrete way, so that they may develop better and sharper
insights in building their movements, (e) Workers are the largest in share of the
country's human power.
In this case, the Party shall take up a multi-faced campaign against foreign capital investment
in the prime sectors, against consumarism and fettishism, against anti-labour measures,
against govt. 's decisions succumbing to WTO in cases of imports. In all steps, workers are to
be tagged with. Besides, it must be remembered, all the workers of different industrial sectors
do not fall in line about the furiosity of the situation, because of the developing class-
disintegration among the working-classes themselves. Party therefore, shall put all effort to
stand coal-miners beside auto-workers, and the tea besides steel. Here also a systematic study
is necessary or the changing pattern of working-class composition.

3.
(a) Literacy is absolutely urgent one, just after food and clothing, one's health
and shelter. But literacy does not mean education. Education is a process by
which people of poor and backwards will be able to discover themselves, their
position in the society, the exploitations rendered unto them, the structure of
the society, the motive of a capitalist state etc.; and thereby they will feel and
get an urge to combat. (2) Millions of people of a country, but without
education, is no power at all, nor even for a party. All the imperialist powers
and their stooge capitalist govts. now profess for literacy and promise for

18
funding, but they crumble the education process on the other. Americanisation
of education is just a part of its expression, and saffronisation is a sub-clause of
it in Indian context, (c) Education, in general, are going towards a course of
trade and commerce, and common people's participation in the process will
diminish rapidly in the future. Thus the ruling class and their govt. will get a
relief from job generation and will be able to confine the administrative
machinery among the educated rich, (d) While education is a precious stone,

culture is the light that it shines. And a man without culture is a man of no
identity. Globalisation is thus striving for that destination. It demands one
nation, one race, one culture, one language. Of course, one single civilisation.
Party must take up the task of 'educating people' as urgent and necessary one. Party must
formulate a programme for the purpose, which will promote political education for the people.
That will be a parallel non-official education process, mainly oral. It will be a medium for
consistent contact with people, and will pay a feed back for recruitment of party workers and
sympathisers. It will generate a strong resistance against colonial invasion and fundamentalist
encroachment in the sphere of education and culture. Student, youth and cultural front of the
Party will serve best for the task.

4.
(a) Party will make a bridge with .the mass through its organisations. In rural
areas it will organise mass-meetings. In urban and semi-urban areas it can
provide seminars, workshop etc. But in all cases it needs a presentation,
whether a print document, an audio or a video.
(b) In urban and semi-urban areas a pertinent factor is the lower-middle class
and middle-middle class people. At the same time, the intelligential, which have
a very passionate strength, but succumb to inconsistency. They are very
sensitive of their democratic rights, which are often threatened.
(c) There lies a constant undercurrent of mixing and blending of class-
interest and inner-class opportunism, contributory to their stand which
alter frequently. This is a very complex mathematics, which is fine, but
dangerous. Party therefore must try to sort out the interest points of different character,
plying among the lower-middle and middle-middle class. Party must take care of their
democratic rights and, if necessary, shall lead to democratic movements. On the other hand,
Party can engage them in 'parallel non-official educational process' as mentioned earlier. In
each and every comer Party shall go to spark with democratic agitation, democratic movement,
and stand and share with people. Those are the seeds of 'revolution'.
India is in the midst of a major transition in economic, social and political life.
It is a transition, which should be guided by the principles of democracy,

19
secularism, federalism, socialism and social justice. India can attain its cherished
goal of socialism only by following the way, which Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose
has shown to India.

Netaji said that,

'We do not want alone political freedom. We want freedom from all
bondage. Only then a new society based on socialism can be established
— A free and classless society — an establishment of classless society is
our main objective of liberation movement.'
Forward, therefore forward!!!

_________________End_________________

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