Tides of Revolution

Cuba and Qubec circa 1959

Zo Nissen Trent University zonissen@trentu.ca

Few revolutions are triggered by a single event...[instead] a series of disjointed incidents converge to create a climate of anarchy, violent ferment that shocks a society into desperate convulsions which eventually overthrow its legitimate authority. - Peter C. Newman 1 On New Years Day, 1959 Fidelista leader Fidel Castro triumphantly marched into Havana signalling the end of a war 2 and the beginning of institutionalizing socialism, antiimperialism and a bold conception of revolution-for-export whose influence would extend to Latin America, Africa and beyond. The successful removal of dictator Fulgencio Batista showed the oppressed of the newly decolonizing world, that ossified corrupt lites could be toppled by indigenous nationalist movements bearing popular legitimacy and dedication to social and economic justice. Over 2600 kilometres away in Montral Qubec Canada, French Canadians were facing their own oppressor, Premier Maurice Duplessis. Le Chef of the Union Nationale personified an antiquated conservative Qubcois nationalism that dated from the nineteenth century. 3 The period under which Duplessis was Premier became known as La Grande Noirceur (The Great Blackness). Described in Pierre Vallires White Niggers of America (1971) Qubec under Duplessis resembled a Third World nation, where workers were exploited under American capitalism and the poor were left without sanitary living conditions. 4 On 26 April 1959 Montral, Qubec, would welcome the revolutionary leader of Cuba after his victory over Batista. 5 The presence of Castro in Montral came at a time when the tides of revolution were about to hit the shores of the city. Little did anyone in the province know that Maurice Duplessis would succumb to a heart attack ending his oppression. The influence of the

1 2

Denis Smith, Bleeding HeartsBleeding Country (Edmonton: M.G Hurtig LTD., 1971) 50. Aviva Chomskey, A Story of the Cuban Revolution (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011) 43. 3 Bryan Palmer, Canadas 1960s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009) 159. 4 Pierre Vallires, White Niggers of America (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971) 83-4. 5 Robert Wright, Three Nights In Havana (Toronto: HarperCollins, 2007) 23.

Fidelistasincluding the worlds leading theorist of guerrilla-led communist revolution, Argentinean Ernesto Che Guevarawas especially dramatic in the activism of radical nationalist thinkers like Vallires and Pierre Bourgault. Ultimately, the rise of the Rassemblement pour lIndpendance Nationale (RIN) and movements like the Front de libration du Qubec (FLQ), can be linked to the ideology of the Fidelistas. This paper will show that the idealistic reformers of Cuba influenced the revolutionary youth of Qubecs Quiet Revolution, but due to their innate bourgeoisie conceptions of separatism, could not have provoked an armed proletariat revolution. The Quiet Revolution has been described as both the liberation of the Qubec people from oppression, but also as the fastening of capitalistic shackles. Susan Mann in her 1982 publication The Dream of Nation concludes that the Revolution had fooled the masses. 6 Instead of creating a great society, Lesage had opened the doors of Qubec to capitalism. 7 Following in this analysis Bryan Palmer in his 2009 work Canadas 1960s, suggests that the election victory of Jean Lsage in 1960 was not the rise of a social revolution but instead the continuation of capitalism and the beginnings of cultural change. 8 Under Lsage little occurred in the economic sphere outside of nationalizing Hydro Qubec. Instead from 1960-1 unemployment in the province accounted for 40 percent of the national average. Wages were also 35 percent lower on average than their English counterparts and 36 percent of dwellings in areas were uninhabitable.9 Coincidently, while there appeared to be little systematic change, Qubec under Lsage underwent an opening of the cultural floodgates.10 However, the lack of economic change, and the ability to openly discuss dissatisfaction produced groups looking for social upheaval, the
6 7

Susan Mann, The Dream of Nation (Toronto: Macmillan, 1982) 298. Mann, Nation, 299. 8 Palmer, 1960s, 322. 9 Palmer, 1960s, 319. 10 Palmer, 1960s, 320.

most notorious being the FLQ. Palmer argues, in opposition to Louis Fournier, that the influences on the FLQ during the first wave in 1963 were the result of philosophies from the Belgian resistance fighters in World War Two. 11 However, in doing so Palmer has overlooked the role of Cuban ideologies and contact with Georges Schoeters, the Belgian immigrant who has been credited with the founding of the FLQ. 12 Fournier, in the groundbreaking book F.L.Q. The Anatomy of an Underground Movement (1984) outlines how Schoeters had met Che Guevara in Cuba in 1959. While he was instrumental in the formation of the FLQ, he was not the leader.13 However, both Fournier and Palmer overlook the language and images used by the FLQ from 1963 to 1970. Their manifestos speak of overthrowing colonial shackles, and their first flag held the Cuban colours of blue and white. 14 Other chroniclers of the Quiet Revolution and subsequent rise of the FLQ do make the connections between Cuba and the revolutionary youth. Gustave Morf in Terror in Quebec (1970) argues that the influence of the Cuban revolutionaries is easily understood in their language and direct quotations from Castro and Guevara speeches. 15 James Stewart also suggests the importance of the Cuban Revolution outweighs all other Marxist ideologies and guerilla warfare strategies. In describing the three founding members of the FLQSchoeters, Raymond Villeneuve and Gabriel HudonStewart suggests that the knowledge of Schoeters time in Cuba (the fall of 1959), the ideological and technical training 16 influenced the others to such a degree

11 12

Palmer, 1960s, 328. Malcolm Levin and Christine Sylvester, Crisis in Quebec (Toronto: The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1973) 71. 13 Fournier, FLQ, 28-9. 14 Fournier, FLQ, 29. 15 Gustave Morf, Terror in Quebec (Toronto: Clarke, Irwin and Company, 1970.) 11. 16 James Stewart, The FLQ (Montral: Montral Star, 1970) 15.

that upon their arrests and subsequent deportations Villeneuve declared he will never return until Canada becomes a second Cuba. 17 During the Quiet Revolution Qubec had undergone what some have determined to be a rapid escalation into capitalism and cultural progression. The periods preceding the rise of Jean Lsage and his Liberal cabinet of reforms, were among the dark ages for the lites and working classes of Qubec. Under Duplessis Qubec invited foreign investment that capitalized on the lower wages and poor working conditions. Further adding misery was the inability for the working classes to strike under the 1937 Act Respecting Communist Propaganda (Padlock Law) introduced by Duplessis to root out communism in the labour unions. 18 Unable to strike and having no voice outside the Church, the working class was left marginalized and exploited. Further complicating the political climate of Qubec was the role of the Catholic Church. For the French Canadians in the 1940s and 1950s, one was either with the church or against the whole of Qubec. 19 However, the Padlock Law, while successful in eliminating strikes, eventually came under attack by a number of unions. The best-known confrontation took place with the Confdration des Travailleurs Catholiques du Canada (CTCC) and the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) against the Duplessis forces in Murdochville 1957. 20 However, Murdochvilles predecessor Asbestos (1949) has been credited with the opening of the floodgates that led to the Quiet Revolution. 21 From Asbestos emerged a new intellectual lite trained with international views of socialism and liberal humanism. Among the most notable was Pierre Elliott Trudeau, future Prime Minister of Canada and later friend of Fidel Castro. From the fires of Asbestos

Stewart, FLQ, 16. Mann, Nation, 246. 19 Kevin J. Christiano, Reason Before Passion (Toronto: ECW Press, 1994) 26-7. 20 Palmer, 1960s, 160-1. 21 Henry Milner and Sheilagh Hodgins Milner, The Decolonization of Quebec (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973) 153.
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emerged the phoenix Cit libre. The journal Cit libre would allow the bourgeoisie left-leaning minded intellectuals of Qubec to openly challenge the power of Duplessis. 22 Recently the historiography has questioned the relative importance of Asbestos and the contributors of Cit libre, arguing that the strike was one of many in the period, and the journal had a limited following. In both cases this critique does stand, however Asbestos has been heralded as the turning point, not because of the event but because of the actors involved. Apart from Trudeau, Jean Marchand and Grard Pelletier had also been involved in the Asbestos strike. Trudeau, Marchand and Pelletier would take their ideals to the federal Liberal party in 1965 and their collective influence would shape Canada-Qubec relations for the following thirty years. The death of Duplessis in 1959 and successor Paul Sauv allowed the disenchanted workforce and intellectual lites of the 1950s to elect the reformers Lsage and Ren Lvesque. However, the reforms of the Lsage government did not take Qubec past the vision set out inside the pages of Cit libre. 23 Qubec had rapidly advanced into the twentieth century, but at the expense of the proletariat. As a result other factions emerged and began to preach a different form of Qubec nationalism, sovereignty. Among them were the predecessors of the sovereigntyassociation advocates Parti qubcois (PQ), RIN and Ralliement National (RN). Consequently, the rise of a new left and right brought about the insurgence of revolutionary thoughts from Latin America. 24 Unhappy with the democratic system, some students and young workers believed that another action must take place, one that would see the toppling of Qubcois colonialism, American capitalism and exploitation. These new ideals would form the FLQ, Arme de Libration du Qubec (ALQ) and propaganda machines of La Conge, Parti Pris, Qubec Libre, Rvolution qubcois, and La Victoire.
22 23

Milner, Decolonization, 143. Milner, Decolonization, 164. 24 Palmer, 1960s, 325.

The impact of the Cuban Revolution can best be portrayed through the manifestos, communiqu and actions taken the FLQ, RIN, and ALQ. The remainder of this paper is divided into three sections to represent the three major periods of the FLQ. The opening section will discuss the publications released in 1963 including the April manifesto and how the thoughts and ideals were derived from those of Castro and Guevara. In addition, this section will discuss the definition of terrorism and sabotage, their uses and whether these followed the 1960 publication of Guerilla Warfare by Guevara. The second section will make use of the publication from the FLQ from the post-Schoeters period by focusing on the influence of Vallires and his understanding of guerilla tactics. The third and final section of the paper will discuss the 8 October 1970 FLQ manifesto, published after the kidnapping of British diplomat James Cross. This section will argue that the actions of the FLQ had diverged from the philosophies of Cuban Revolution and had committed acts of terrorism as defined by Guevara. While the history of these two peopleCubanos and Qubcoiswere in some ways worlds apart, some youth began to make a connection between two colonized nations. While later advocates of the FLQ would turn their backs on their youthful ideologies, the evidence shows that a revolution some 2600 kilometres away sparked a period of revolt. The histories of the two nations may be different but the ideas were very much the same. The 1960 RIN Manifesto claimed: At the present time, when peoples throughout the world are throwing off the colonial yoke and nations are demanding full independence, French Canada cannot willingly remain under the foreign economic and political control. 25 Following this declaration by the RIN the first FLQ manifesto was published on 16 April 1963 and displayed to the world that a revolution was in store for la belle province. The manifesto was titled A Message to the Nation by the Front de Libration Qubcois (FLQ) and borrowed
25

Fournier, FLQ, 16.

from the words of Castro and Guevara. Among the members of the first wave of the FLQ was a Belgium freedom fighter Georges Schoeters. Currently his influences on the FLQ have been challenged. 26 Nevertheless, Scheoters was the only member of the FLQ to have any involvement with the Cuban revolutionaries, having met Castro and Major Camilo Cienfuegos at the National Institute of Agrarian Reform, and Guevara during his efforts to help the agrarian reform in latter 1959. 27 This direct connection to the Cuban revolutionary movement, and the use of Fidelista rhetoric can only mean that while Scheoters may not have been the leader of the FLQ in 1963 he was a founding father and influential thinker. Prior to the release of the April manifesto, in their first publication to the people of Qubec, the FLQ clearly defined the intentions of the group. In doing so the FLQ used a theory from Castro that was set out in his famous speech History Will Absolve Me. 28 Notice to the Population of the State of Quebec was published following the attacks on three Canadian military establishments in Montreal on the night of 7-8 March. The notice described the aims of the new revolutionary FLQ (then titled The Quebec Liberation Front 29 ). The notice set forth the founding four goals of the liberation cell. The FLQ will sabotage (authors emphasis added) all colonial institutions, media outlets and commercial institutions that speak the colonial language, and finally all factories that discriminate against the French-speaking workers. 30 Apart from the colonial institutions that would become the focal point for the revolutionary group, the FLQ would also focus its sabotage on American cultural and commercial interests. 31

Fournier, FLQ, 28. Fournier, FLQ, 29. 28 Castro declared that a revolutionary force must inform the people so that there would be no confusion regarding the goals of the peoples forces, for friend or foe. Ali, Castro, 26-27. 29 Stewart, FLQ, 10. 30 Stewart, FLQ, 10. 31 Stewart, FLQ, 10.
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The use of the phrase sabotage rather than terrorism was an important differentiation in terminology deriving from the writings of Guevara. In the 1960 publication of Guerilla Warfare, Che Guevara outlines the need for sabotage in the progression to revolution. Acts of sabotage are very important, wrote Guevara but he was careful to distinguish between sabotage and terrorism. Sabotage is a highly effective method of warfare while terrorism is generally ineffective and indiscriminate in its results, since it often makes victims of innocent people and destroys a large number of lives that would be valuable to the revolution. 32 Understanding this key difference, the May 1964 edition of La Cogne declared, [our] actions have never spread terror among the population but rather a climate of enthusiasm and impatience for liberation. We do not terrorize our people; on the contrary, the [FLQ] is a vast front of love and fraternity (authors emphasis added). 33 However, while terrorism was seen generally as ineffective, Guevara concluded that the use of terrorism to put to death a noted leader could be extremely effective. 34 This one acknowledgment that terrorism can be functional would come about in 1970 when the FLQ used this idea to escalate their revolution. For now though, terrorism was not on the lips of the FLQ or the supporters of independence. 35 Following this notice to the population of Qubec, Andr Majora later contributor to the Parti Priswrote his own ideals for the liberation of Qubec for Libert. What is extremely interesting to note within this piece was the outright declaration that Major was speaking on behalf of himself and no other organization. However, he was quick to acknowledge that he
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Che Guevara, Guerilla Warfare (Delaware: S.R. Books, 1997) 60. Grard Pelletier, The October Crisis (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971) 78. 34 Guevara, Guerilla, 60. 35 Fournier argues Schoeters at no time advocated acts of violence, especially those that could be labelled terrorism. Although Fournier contests the influence of Schoeters, the level of sabotage during his tenure was minimal in comparison to the period between 1968-1970, further supporting the differentiation between acts of sabotage over acts of terrorism. Fournier, FLQ, 29.

shared the ideals of many in the separatist faction, including the RIN. 36 In the article, Major attacked Trudeau and Pelletier (who wrote that separatism was dead), arguing that words cannot kill separatism, that it was alive and doing well.37 He continued to declare that within Qubec nationalism was the flesh and blood of socialism, and that to instill this socialism and create a free man, a liberation movement must destroy colonialism and capitalism. 38 Major concludes that this liberation movement would continue where the Rebellions of 1837-8 had left off, 39 and that a good many of us will fight, arms in hand.40 However the tone presented here rings not of the Patriotes but of the Fidelistas. During the Cuban Revolution both Castro and Guevara used the patriotic image of Jos Mart, not only because he helped formulate their ideologies, but also because the image would help gain the support of the people. 41 The need to acquire popular support was advocated by both Castro and Guevara as the only way a revolution could succeed. 42 After the success of the Revolution Castro used the image of Mart in the first and second Declarations of Havana further applying the ideology of mass support to revolutionary governments. Did the separatists of the RIN and later FLQ cells use the image of J.L. Papineau and the Patriotes to draw on public memory and thus gain the support of the masses? There is no question that the FLQ believed the events of the 1837-8 rebellion were a sign that revolution coursed through their blood. Castro declared in the Second Declaration of Havana that revolution was not exported

Andr Major Arms in Hand, in Frank Scott and Michael Oliver Quebec states her case (Toronto: Macmillan, 1964) 77. 37 Major, Arms, 77. 38 Major, Arms, 78-9. 39 Major, Arms, 80. 40 FLQ Manifesto, in Frank Scott and Michael Oliver Quebec states her case (Toronto: Macmillan, 1964) 82. 41 Ali, Castro, 37. Further evidence of their admiration for Mart is found in Jay Mallin, ed., Che Guevara on Revolution (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1969.) 70, 77, Tariq Ali, ed., Fidel Castro: The Declarations of Havana (London: Verso, 2008) 86, and Fidel Castro, My Early Years (New York: Ocean, 2005) 103. 42 Che Guevara, Global Justice (New York: Ocean Press, 2002) 30-1.

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but born within a societys history. 43 Understanding the importance of history the FLQ found what they could exploit as their founding revolutionaries. The importance placed on educating the members of the FLQ cells was described by one unnamed participant in Fourniers book. They described that upon entering the organization they were taught the goals of the group and lectured in the histories and ideals of Algeria, Cuba, Vietnam, the French Resistance, and the Patriotes of 1837-1838. 44 However, the importance placed on the Patriotes is peculiar given the outcome of the Rebellion. Fernand Ouellet describes the Patriote movement as a party seeking the goals of the French bourgeoisie who only rebelled because they were forced to act upon their verbal agitations. 45 Furthering the poor reputation of the Patriotes, Mann concludes the leader Papineau was no rebel, but rather an advocate of the Qubec Act of 1774. 46 Furthermore, Mann argues that the emergence of the Rebellion was not strictly a French affair, that William Lyon Mackenzie in Upper Canada (Ontario) also led a small force to try to topple the colonial powers. 47 Therefore, unlike their colonial brothers in Cuba, the youth in Qubec had no historical foundations for their socialist revolution, but this did not deter them from creating one. Following the March Notice to the people and Majors declaration for armed struggle, the 1963 April manifesto of the FLQ was finally published. The manifesto declares: Ever since the Second World War, the various enslaved peoples of the world have been shattering their bonds to acquire the freedom which is theirs by right. Most of these peoples have overcome their oppressors, and can today live in freedom. 48 Given that only a minor selection of countries had
43 44

Ali, Castro, 96. Fournier, FLQ, 25. 45 Fernand Ouellet, The Historical Background of Separatism in Quebec, in Ramsay Cook, ed., French-Canadian Nationalism (Toronto: Macmillan, 1969) 55-6. 46 Mann, Nation, 70. 47 Mann, Nation, 74. 48 FLQ Manifesto, in Frank Scott and Michael Oliver Quebec states her case (Toronto: Macmillan, 1964) 83.

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overcome oppression by way of the masses, this statement can suggest only a small number of modern influences: Cuba, Algeria, and India. Furthermore, the manifesto declared that the Qubec people had come as far as they could with colonialism, and that it was time to break the bonds of oppression and take back what was theirs: QUEBEC PATRIOTS, TO ARMS! THE HOUR OF NATIONAL REVOLUTION HAS STRUCK! INDEPENDENCE OR DEATH! (authors emphasis added). 49 As described by Morf in terror in Quebec the line INDEPENDENCE OR DEATH! was taken from Castros Revolucin o Muerte (Revolution or Death). 50 Interestingly this quotation also appeared in the March Notice to the Population of the State of Quebec. Nevertheless, the historiography has overlooked this outright advocacy of Cuban born influence. Following the mass efforts of the FLQ to attack their targets with bombs that eventually killed and maimed civilians, many of the separatist organizations in Qubec began to deplore the actions of the FLQ. First among them was Pierre Bourgault, head of propaganda for the RIN and future agitator of the PQ. Bourgault expressed: Were opposed to violence, but the real guilty parties are not the people who favour revolution: they are the people who make it inevitable. He concludes, [and] we in the RIN are also responsible, because we have not worked hard enough for the cause of independence. 51 Therefore, because the RIN was failing the FLQ had to turn to revolutionary violence? Bourgault appears to be alluding to the ideals of Guevara who argued that, when democracies fail to provide change for the people, when diplomatic means can no longer free the people, only then are revolution the only option for the people. 52 Nevertheless, why had Bourgault when referring to the FLQ determined to speak of the ideals of Guevara? The

49 50

Manifesto, 87. Morf, terror, 11. 51 Fournier, FLQ, 39. 52 Guevara, Justice, 91-2.

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only rational conclusion must be that Bourgault knew of the influence of Guevara on the FLQ. Following Bourgaults condemnation of the violence was Ren Lvesque. Oddly, Lvesque, who was known for his admiration of Castro, chose in his response to categorically condemn the violence of the FLQ. 53 Lvesque declared that any measure taken outside of democracy that used violence was unacceptable. Furthermore, Lvesque made good use of the moment to condemn the police for their suspicion that all separatists were terrorists. 54 The first wave of the FLQ movement came to an end in June of 1963 when the founders were arrested after the infiltration of Jean-Lacques Lanciault. 55 During this period the FLQ had perpetrated eleven bombings (acts of sabotage) on their declared targets along with other acts of vandalism. 56 However, the movement was far from dead. The remaining individuals who were released without charge, helped form the ALQ and La Cogne. These two factions would carry forward the revolutionary struggle through acquiring arms and distributing propaganda. From July 1963 to September 1965 the FLQ, ALQ, La Cogne and the Parti Pris would continue the message of the founding fathers. Furthermore, the FLQ and official organs would conduct three bombings, fourteen acts of robbery, and the establishment of the training camp in SaintBoniface. 57 After September 1965 a new leader came into the fold, but the message and influence remained the same. The second wave of the FLQ came about in September 1965 when Pierre Vallires joined the FLQ to help free the white niggers of America. Vallires, a journalist who came from a
53 54

Fournier, FLQ, 39. Fournier, FLQ, 39. 55 Fournier, FLQ, 38. 56 Pelletier, Crisis, 197-8. 57 Pelletier, Crisis, 197-9. The creation of an army training camp is one of the most significant displays of the FLQs use of Guevarian tactics. In Guerilla Warfare Guevara states the necessity to establish a base outside of the urban centre for training, propaganda, and command purposes. Guevara determined that if a revolution remained urban it would be subject to harassment from officials and would also lead to its break up. Since this had happened with the first wave, the new members understood the implication set out by Guevara. Che Guevara, Che on Liberation (Montral: Editions Latin America, 1972) 8-9.

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working class background made his roots in the Qubec separatist community by contributing to Rvolution qubcois, which would merge with Parti Pris (where Vallires would also become a contributor). However before the resurgence of a leader in the FLQ it appeared the foundation left by Schoeters was still alive and well. The romantic portrayal of Castros and Guevaras ideals appeared in numerous publications from July 1963 to September 1965. 58 In La Cogne of 31 October 1964 the FLQ published a pamphlet on techniques for revolution. The title of the article was Methods and Techniques of Subversion, and the article drew heavily on the ideals of Guevara. Under the first subheading Slogan Painting the FLQ describes the need to create agitation through the use of graffiti, or in other words the use of urban propaganda. 59 Further, the 30 June edition of the same year also published an article on the use of pamphlets and their need to reach the largest audience. 60 Guevara placed a large emphasis on the use of propaganda claiming it could create a base of guerilla support through its ability to reach a large number of civilians. 61 The FLQ not only understood the importance in creating the mediumLa Cognebut also the message. In a December 1965 issue of La Cogne Paul Lajoie (pseudonym) declared that the FLQ would publish four editions of the paper, one for the National, Secondary School, University and Union. 62 This ideal was taken directly from Guevara who determined besides the publications of general interests there must be others more specialized for different sectors of the population. 63 There is no question that the members of La Cogne and therefore the FLQ were consciously referring to the works of Guevara.

58 59

Milner, Decolonization, 185. Pelletier, Crisis, 227. 60 Pelletier, Crisis, 230. 61 Guevara, Guerilla, 120-121. 62 Pelletier, Crisis, 108. 63 Guevara, Guerilla, 120.

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In May 1966 La Cogne published [in] a true democracy there is no appeal the people. It is the people that govern and the people cannot appeal to itself. 64 In the same edition the FLQ attack the RIN for their falsity that was appealing to the people through democratic institutions. 65 What these two publications draw upon are the words of Guevara who argued that democratic systems do not provide change. Instead, groups that work within the system only continue the cycles of exploitation. 66 Therefore, while the works in La Cogne drew from the intellectual foundation of the Cuban revolution, the FLQ were missing a leader with the same core beliefs. That leader would appear in Pierre Vallires in the fall of 1965. Vallires, in his autobiographical work White Niggers of America first published via Parti Pris in 1968, and later in English in 1971, outlined the philosophies of the FLQ and the strife many working class families in Qubec underwent in the Duplessis period. Vallires who was imprisoned awaiting trail under the charges of manslaughter, wrote this piece under the most severe of emotional strains. 67 Nevertheless, the work drew on a number of influences, the primary being Guevara. However, while references to the ideas of Guevara appear, the most interesting discussion regarding the rise of the FLQ appears halfway through the text. After taking great pains to describe the plight of the working class, using the image of his father to whom the book was dedicated Vallires digresses into a discussion on revolutionary parties. Vallires determined that had there been a revolutionary party in Qubec when he was a child, his father and other working class men of Qubec would have supported it in droves. 68 However, Vallires failed to resolve why a revolutionary party never existed before the FLQ. Outside the inability for communist parties to propagate in Qubec due to the Padlock Law, communist
64 65

Pelletier, Crisis, 36 Pelletier, Crisis, 42. 66 Che, Liberation, 8-9. 67 Pierre Vallires, White Niggers of America (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971) 9. 68 Vallires, Niggers, 114.

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parties at no time took on an armed revolutionary stance. Instead the rise of the revolutionary party can be linked to the success of the Cuban Revolution, which was the first modern revolution of the proletariat. As Guevara concludes, the revolution showed that a small band of men could change a country; the rest of America should follow suit and join the brotherhood. 69 Therefore the absence of a revolutionary party in Qubec before the FLQ was not that the people did not want one, instead the people did not have a successfully tested model on which to create one. In an earlier publication by Vallires under the pen name Mathieu Hbert, Pierre determines the rise of the FLQ came not from an abyss or from an idea. Instead the FLQ formed as a result of the accumulation of exploitation and the want for revolution. 70 Further, Vallires declared that the FLQ was looking not to simply educate society on their exploitation, which follows the Marxist approach, but also to help them revolt against their oppressors. 71 This message is identical to the one professed by Guevara; educating the masses is the most powerful tool of a revolution. 72 By educating the people they will become supporters of the cause therefore establishing the first key to the revolution, creating a popular force that can defeat an oppressing army. 73 The use of the Cuban revolutionary language only shows that the creation of the revolutionary party or movement could not occur in Qubec until other modern forces were successful in overthrowing a similar colonial experience. Cuba was the model and they were not shy of boasting about the ability to export their knowledge. Their revolution became a model and

Jay Mallin, ed., Che Guevara on revolution; a documentary overview. (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1969) 78-9. 70 Mathieu Hbert, What is the FLQ? in Norman Sheffe, Issues for the Seventies Canadian/Canadien (Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1970) 96-7. 71 Hbert, FLQ, 97. 72 Che, Justice, 34-5. 73 Che, Guerilla, 50.

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method in which colonialism could be toppled. 74 However, while the first and second wave of the FLQ understood the model, and studied it intently, the attempt to free comrades through kidnapping spelled the end to the FLQs Cuban association. The fall of the FLQ from the ideologies of the Cuban revolutionaries came in the wake of Vallires continued incarceration and the failure of the PQ to win the 1970 election. Even though the PQ had gained 24 percent of the popular vote, they had only acquired seven seats. Alternatively the Liberals now led by Robert Bourassa only acquired 42 percent of the popular vote yet they walked away with seventy-two seats. 75 From his jail cell Vallires wrote to Jacques Larue-Langlois of the FLQ stating the need to take drastic action against the forces that were holding him. He went so far as to suggest the kidnapping of a well-respected Qubcois politician or a member of Trudeaus cabinet. 76 This sudden aggression by Vallires, given his ideological background seems somewhat frightening. Given that Castro and Guevara never romanticized kidnapping, the influence of such an act had obviously come from another source. However, while kidnapping was not an option for the Fidelistas, political assassination was. As mentioned previously in Guevaras 1960 Guerilla Warfare, Che welcomed the use of terrorism in the instance that it could remove a political leader who was known for his brutality. 77 Did Vallires consciously believe that Pierre Laporte belonged in this category? Further, did his abductors and murderers Paul Rose and Bernard Lortie believe that assassination would bring the revolution to its final destination or was this an attempt only to free political prisoners?

Mallin, Revolution, 88. Malcolm Levin, and Christine Sylvester, Crisis in Quebec (Toronto: The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1973) 77. 76 Fournier, FLQ, 133. Nearly two years after this desperate plea on 26 June 1968 by Vallires, Little Handbook of Urban Guerilla Warfare by Brazilian revolutionary leader Carlos Marighela was secretly distributed. In its Qubec Preface it stated the use of kidnapping foreign diplomats was successful in releasing several political prisoners in Brazil. This was released in early 1970. Fournier, FLQ, 180. 77 Guevara, Guerilla, 60.
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On 5 October 1970 British Trade Commissioner James Cross was kidnapped by the liberation cell of the FLQ. Less than a week later, on 10 October, Minister of Labour Pierre Laporte was taken prisoner by the Chnier cell. As a result the FLQ published their last manifesto for the people of Qubec. Replaced by desperation were the romantic quotes from Castro and Guevara. The manifesto declared [it] is a group of Quebec workers who have decided to do everything in their power to enable the people of Quebec to take their destiny into their own hands once and for all. 78 Reminiscent of their first manifesto were the attacks on capitalism and the belief that Qubec could become a utopian society. 79 The manifesto described that all had been lost in the 1970 election; any goal to have Ren Lvesque lead the people into their revolution was dashed by the curtain of the democracy for the rich. 80 The manifesto, in describing the plight of the Qubcois people, declared that their money and language were being taken away from them. They claimed that society was made of terrorized slaves, terrorized by big bosses. 81 In a final plea to the people of Qubec the FLQ called all workers, teachers, and students to arms, so they could take back their freedom. 82 Following the Castro-esque call to the people, the FLQ drew further from their initial foundations and reiterated the Guevara call to revolution: dont wait for some miracle of organization! MAKE YOUR REVOLUTION YOURSELVES. 83 Yet again the voice of Castro and Guevara appear in the legitimization for the actions taken. Guevara declared that the masses must support the guerilla fighters otherwise the war would be destined to fail. However, Guevara also determined that any act that caused the support

78 79

Fournier, FLQ, 223. Fournier, FLQ, 224. 80 Fournier, FLQ, 224. 81 Fournier, FLQ, 226. 82 Fournier, FLQ, 226. 83 Fournier, FLQ, 226.

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to dwindle would also result in the destruction of the revolution. Prior to the murder of Laporte it appeared as though the nation was with the FLQ. 84 In a letter to le Devoir on 28 October 1966, [a] group of Christians of the University of Montreal wrote that they supported the measures taken by the FLQ, in violence they would see their revolution move forward. 85 Consequently, while the population had been aroused by the manifesto, providing verbal and moral support for the groups, the news of the death of Laporte brought about a drastic fall. The sympathy was replaced with fear, anger and frustration. 86 The FLQ had committed a true act of terrorism under the definition of Guevara. 87 Whatever popular support they had was gone, the group was in disarray and eventually the FLQ would lose not only its leader in Vallires but the Qubcois nation. From September of 1965 to the assassination of Laporte, the FLQ planted over fifty bombs in Montral, organize eight robberies, and showed that they were a force to be reckoned. The escalation in bombings, eclipsing the first two waves suggests that the FLQ understood the Marxist approach to revolutionary escalation.88 Coincidently, Marxs theory was also a favoured belief of Guevara who wrote revolutions must always increase in intensity. 89 Even when the FLQ was slowly progressing away from Cuban ideology, at their core they remained Guevaras guerilla warriors. The Quiet Revolution attempted to liberate Qubecers from a nineteenth-century antiquated form of nationalism by creating a cultural revolution, but in doing so overlooked the need for a social revolution. Decades of antiquated nationalism under Duplessis created hopes in

84 85

Denis Smith, Bleeding HeartsBleeding Country (Edmonton: M.G Hurtig LTD., 1971) 74-5. Pelletier, Crisis, 116. 86 Smith, Hearts, 86. 87 Guevara, Guerilla, 60. 88 Mallin, Revolution, 94. 89 Mallin, Revoluiton, 94.

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the Lsage government that could not be met. Restriction on finances resulted in the use of scapegoat tactics, which ended with the targeting of federal institutions as the core problem for the people of Qubec. However, before Lsage could instill notions of English domination, groups such as the RIN had already created a base for the movement known as separatism. Electrifying voice of Pierre Bourgault and later Ren Lvesque legitimized the concept that Qubec could throw off the shackles of colonialism once and for all. Consequently, when the RIN and PQ failed to grab the electoral victories some youth started preaching the ideals of Cuban revolutionaries and began to plan their own Cuban type revolution in North America. The first wave of the FLQ drew heavily from the ideals of Castro and Guevara. Intellectual leaders such as Schoeters determined that sabotage would eventually lead to the rise of the free Qubcois nation. However, after the infiltration of the FLQ in 1963 the founding fathers of the Cuban born system were exiled. While this should have led to the demise of the FLQ, it had the opposite effect. From 1963 to 1965 the FLQ functioned under multiple cells that took part in sabotage, propaganda and armament. During this period the ideals of Castro and Guevara became the voice of the FLQ declaring the education of the people so they may support the revolutionaries and therefore overthrow the oppressive government. La Cogne became the propaganda machine that would help reach new members including their next leader Pierre Vallires. Vallires, who did not shy away from declaring his admiration for the Cuban Fidelistas, reinvigorated the FLQ with the use of Guevarian ideology. Vallires would be arrested and removed from the group, but his influence had not disappeared. After years in detention awaiting his trial, Vallires called for the kidnapping of a Canadian politician in hopes of gaining his freedom in the bargaining talks. The use of kidnapping does not appear anywhere in the text of

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Castro and Guevara, however the use of terrorism for political assassination does. Nevertheless, the use of assassination could only be used on those who were instrumental in creating suffering for the population; neither James Cross or Pierre Laporte were guilty of such a crime. Instead the act of killing Laporte turned the Qubec society against the FLQ that fit with the model of Guevara who determined the use of terrorism could prove fatal for a revolution. The views of a firebrand-Castro and guerilla-Guevara were able to grab hold of a generation of Qubcois, provoking questions regarding the equality of the races. Exploitation, dehumanization and violence marked the lives of Cubanos and Qubcois in the first half of the twentieth-century. While the people of Qubec experienced a very different form of colonial oppression to that of the Cubanos, the level of discontent was similar. Furthermore, the isolation of these two nations, one physically, the other culturally, created further resentment towards growing American capitalism and imperialism. Nevertheless, while there was a revolutionary tide growing in Qubec from 1963-1970, by 1971 the Qubcois were no longer in support of an armed rebellion. The actions of the FLQ in 1970 had forced the Qubcois to choose between democracy and terrorism, and do to the innate conceptions of separatismbased within the bourgeoisiethe Qubcois chose democracy. Consequently, in the 1976 Qubec provincial election, la belle province elected the PQ under the leadership of separatist Ren Lvesque.

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Bibliography Primary Sources Books Castro, Fidel. Che: A Memoir. New York: Ocean Press, 2006. ---. Fidel Castro Speaks with the people of Cuba. Havana: Comision Nacional de Bibliotecas, 1962. ---. My Early Years. New York: Ocean Press, 2005. Guevara, Che. Che on Liberation. Montral: Editions Latin America, 1972. ---. Global Justice. New York: Ocean Press, 2002. ---. Guerilla Warfare. Delaware: S.R. Books, 1997. Lvesque, Ren. An Option Quebec. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968. Mallin, Jay. Ed. Che Guevara on revolution; a documentary overview. (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1969. Pelletier, Grard. The October Crisis. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971. Scott, Frank and Michael Oliver. Quebec states her case. Toronto: Macmillan, 1964. Stewart, James. The FLQ. Montral: Montral Star, 1970. Vallires, Pierre. The Assassination of Pierre Laporte. Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1977. ---. The Impossible Quebec. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1980. ---. White Niggers of America. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971. Periodicals Globe and Mail. 1 January 1960 to 1 January 1970. Le Devoir. 1 January 1960 to 1 January 1970.

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Secondary Books Ali, Tariq. Ed. Fidel Castro: The Declarations of Havana. New York: Verso, 2008. Bouthillier, Guy and douard Cloutier. Ed. Trudeaus Darkest Hour. Montreal: Baraka, 2010. Chomsky, Aviva. A History of the Cuban Revolution. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. Christiano, Kevin J. Reason Before Passion. Toronto: ECW Press, 1994. Coleman, William D. The independence movement in Quebec 1945-1980. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984. Cook, Ramsay. Ed. French-Canadian Nationalism. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1969. ---. Watching Quebec. Montral: McGill-Queens University Press, 2005. Ct, Marcel and David Johnston. If Qubec Goes Toronto: Stoddart, 1995. Deutschmann, David. Ed. Che Guevara Reader. New York: Ocean Press, 2003. --- and Deborah Schnookal. Ed. Fidel Castro Reader. New York: Ocean Press, 2007. Dickinson, John and Brian Young. A Short History of Quebec. Montral: McGill-Queens University Press, 2003. Dion, Lon. Qubec: The Unfinished Revolution. Montral: McGill-Queens University Press, 1962. Fournier, Louis. F.L.Q. The Anatomy of an Underground Movement. Toronto: NC Press, 1984. Haggart, Ron and Aubrey E. Golden. Rumours of War. Toronto: New Press, 1971. Levin, Malcolm and Christine Sylvester. Crisis in Quebec. Toronto: The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1973. Mann, Susan. The Dream of Nation. Toronto: Macmillan, 1982. Milner, Henry and Sheilagh Hodgins Milner. The Decolonization of Quebec. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973. Morf, Gustave. Terror in Quebec. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin and Company, 1970.

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Palmer, Bryan. Canadas 1960s. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009. Parizeau, Jacques. An Independent Quebec. Montral: Baraka, 2009. Radwanski, George and Kendal Windeyer. No Mandate But Terror. Toronto: Simon & Schuster, 1971. Regush, Nicholas M. Pierre Vallires. New York: The Dial Press, 1973. Rich, Adrienne and Armando Hart. Ed. Manifesto: Three Classic Essays on How to Change the World. New York: Ocean Press, 2005. Saywell, John. Quebec 70. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971. Sheffe, Norman. Issues for the Seventies Canadian/Canadien. Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1970. Smith, Denis. Bleeding HeartsBleeding Country. Edmonton: M.G Hurtig LTD., 1971. Taylor, Charles. Reconciling the Solitudes. Montral: McGill-Queens University Press, 1993. Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970. Montral: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. Wright, Robert. Three Nights In Havana. Toronto: HarperCollins, 2007.

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