Jessica Steele 16 May 2011 ENGL 725 Defining the Eccentric Citizen: The Implications of Borders in Transnational Frameworks

I fear there is little reason for a compliment to our laws for their respect and favour to the female sex. St. George Tucker Merriam-Webster defines nation as a community of people composed of one or more nationalities and possessing a more or less defined territory and government (Nation) (italics are my own). In this very definition we find the ambiguous conception of nation at once at odds with the idea of a singular one defined nationality territory and government and with the definition of nation as an overflow or interweaving of more nationalities and those less defined borders and laws which are applicable to territory and government (Nation). Here we see an inherent anxiety over the ideas of inclusion and exclusion as explicitly implicated to the contents within such borders, i.e. - the legitimate or illegitimate citizen as defined by the nation. Caren Kaplan, Norma Alarcn, and Minoo Moallem, in Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State, define the contradictions and aporias resulting from the two heterogeneous boundaries of the contents [sic] (things, object, and referents)(Derrida 1993-17) and concept in the creation of nation. Through this double concept of the border, the editors suggest an impossible unity of the nation which is always transitional, hybrid and in alterably social (5), yet we see at once collapsed in Benedict Andersons (1983) portrayal of nation as imagined community (Kaplan, Alarcon, and Moallem 6). As a political community (emphasis my own) constructed through the image of their [the citizens or a selection of] communion (Prez 40), it becomes critical to explore such contradictions and aporias as they come to signify the excessive and variable subjectivities created by such imagined and yet physically consequential borders.

STEELE 2 In an analysis of the nation as imagined, Judith Butler, relating issues of knowledge/power integral to the work of Foucault [The History of Sexuality 1990] and here, specifically to Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, speaks to the need to locate politics in the production of knowledge that creates and censors the margins that constitute, through exclusion, the contingent intelligibility of that subjects given knowledge-regime (Kaplan, Alarcn, and Maollem 9). It is through this location, the editors suggest, a discovery of the consequential subject and emancipation, as Foucault, sited here, points to the juridical systems of power [as they] produce the subjects they subsequently come to represent. [As such] the feminist subject turns out to be discursively constituted by the very political system that is supposed to facilitate its emancipation (Kaplan, Alarcn, and Maollem 9). To explore this production of knowledge and, as consequence, the borders of resulting juridical systems of power through the imagined nation, a productive method for redefining the eccentric subject (Kaplan, Alarcon, and Moallem 1) results from an analysis of historical and/or current narratives deployed intentionally or unconsciously in the construction of the powerful borders of an imagined community, specifically located in the doubleness and contradiction of its falsely impassable borders of content and concept. As a specific example of the significance of narrative and its implications in construction of the imagined community, I focus, to start, on the early American republic during the foundations of a nation. Here, we see the presence of remote communities connected in thought and idea through such narratives as letters, newspapers, and novels. Although, certainly, the histories of such narratives extend far before and beyond this analysis, my critical focus pertains to the common themes of such scripts in the formation of nation and eccentric citizen at this time and a theoretical model for examining its affects. In Wise and Foolish Virgins: "Usable Fiction" and the Early American Conduct Tradition, Sarah Newton describes the role of didactic conduct books, specifically, in the early American republic as not only influencing fiction but delineat[ing] approved gender roles and influencing American character beyond its historical moment (140). Ascribing themselves as designators of the legitimate citizen, through form, writers Newton argues would assume a kind of theological power and stand:

STEELE 3 in regard to their material and their audience, in loco parentis, of assuming the voices of mothers or fathers or at least mentors, fully initiated adults who have completed a successful passage themselves and who have gain the authority thereby to speak for the culture at largeto teach young women right thinking for the Benefit of Society in general. (Newton 157) While conduct manuals were found in abundance during the formation of our early nation, John Gregorys A Fathers Legacy to His Daughters will serve as one example of such authority and as representative of the cyclic themes spread through such narratives. Written as a moral guide for his daughters, yet read popularly through the early nation, Gregorys voice takes on the theological sense of mission for the benefit of a needful and wayward congregation (Newton 157-58). Beyond simply the popularly imagined feminine dichotomy of heart and head Newtown describes, Gregory asserts an engendered national ideal: The natural hardiness of our hearts, and strength of our passions, inflamed by the uncontrouled licence we are too often indulged with in our youth, are apt to render our manners more dissolute, and make us less susceptible of the finer feelings of the heart. Your superior delicacy, your modesty, and the usual severity of your education, preserve you, in great measure, from any temptation to those vices which we most subjected. The natural softness and sensibility of your dispositions particularly fit you for the practice of those duties where the heart is chiefly concerned. (9) Through the transcription of the natural characteristics of his gendered audience and the duties put forth to such audience, we see repeated themes of a separation of the types of acceptable citizens through gender, where the female role of the correctly behaved early republican woman is viewed as subservient to the Rights of Men as a result of this imagined dichotomous nature. Conforming and perpetuating the nations prescribed role of women within the domestic sphere, Gregory proclaims: The intention of your being taught needlework, knitting and such the like, is not on account of the intrinsic value of all you can do with your hands... but to enable you to judge more correctly of that kind of work, and to direct the execution of it in others. Another principle end is to enable you to fill up in a tolerable agreeable way, some of the solitary hours you must necessarily pass at home. (27) Furthering cementing this gendered role, he expresses the common anxiety over education and women as related to independence and removal from such sphere. Writes Gregory: "Wit is so flattering to vanity,

STEELE 4 that they who possess it become intoxicated and lose self-command" (18-19). Through Gregorys delegations, he transcribes the dichotomous setups into which people and actions either do or do not fit: one either is or is not a virgin, is or is not dutiful daughter, is or is not fallen, is or is not damaged goods (Newton 158). As such, we see form and content in this narrative genre construct both an authoritative power and the imagined yet consequential parameters for legitimate and illegitimate citizens. Traditionally marking a social commentary to the historical realities of upper to middle-class communities in the early American republic, many late eighteenth-century romance novels served as a more subversive tool to preach for, or, perhaps more critically, to question the conduct required of the new citizen defined by the Constitution and a selection of its constituting subjects. As a literary hybrid of the conduct genre and fiction, Newton describes the eighteenth-century sentimental or romance novel as an affective treatment of conduct tracts which made the process of deciding to do right or wrong plausibly human and alive (140). Describing a mythic model to test female virtue as well as affirm womens entitlement through motherhood and self-control (140), Newton suggests questions of morality and conduct intertwined with female initiation and triumph or tragedy (140-41). Here, we see the trial/initiation motif by which female characters are tested, judged, rewarded, or punished by conduct book standards of virtue and right behavior (Newton 140). Through the refusal of rights and acceptance of early American women who failed to meet national codes of conduct, I argue these initiation motives are at once a larger, metaphorical narrative tract for the role of legitimate citizen. Certainly through early women writers, we see a sub-textual narrative develop around traditional national gendered motifs, allowing for a subtle communication of the problematic definition of citizen without the dichotomous, and therefore, rebellious nature of didactic tracts such as Mary Wollenstcrafts. Through these fictional narratives, we can view the making of new civilizations [i.e. the contents of the newly formed nation] as imbricated in notions of The Rights of Man and Rights of the Citizen (Kaplan, Alarcn, and Maollem 1). By this I mean the contradiction and anxiety of a defined (or defining of a) citizen as applied to the ideological basis of a nation formed on universal ideals. Through the removal of strict

STEELE 5 borders, such as syntax, law, and the elite- Eurocentric ideology of the Founding Fathers1, I would argue fiction created a platform to explore the nuanced definition(s) of New Republican citizens specifically as illustrated through the subalteran(Spivak), or often voiceless, quasi-citizens of the New Republican women. Perhaps the most obvious motif of this fiction, and to Newtons allusion to motifs of trial, corresponds to the popular motif of the Fallen Woman within eighteenth-century sentimental novels. Here, authors often demonstrate the paradigm of the ideal women, and by extension the virtuous citizen, as well as the portrait of her more dramatic opposite (Newton 140). Beyond simply the destruction of a virgin, the Fallen Woman, as often symbolized by the heroines death, represents a removal of dependence of a husband and her subsequent rights as citizen. Newtown describes the: archetype of the woman who is tested and fails; the woman who begins in innocence and ends in experience; the woman who, knowing the rules of the Garden, takes the forbidden fruit. It is, of course, a ritual reenactment of the sin of EveBoth congruent and paradoxical to this avowed message are covert messages which reveal womens ability to generate meaning in their lives and create their own destiny, or, in other words, avow their personhood rather than their mere instrumentality. (157) Although the trope of the Fallen Woman is grounded in the active agency on the part of the women in seduction, Saidiya Hartmans modern case study, Seduction and Power, points to the complicated and ungainlyissues of consent, agency, and will (112) in relation to sexuality and subjects lacking legal rights and/or voice within a community or nation. Describing the figuration and deployment of sexuality in the context of captivity (112), specifically nineteenth-century slave law, Hartman writes: Rape was not simply unimaginable because of purported black lasciviousness, but its repression was essential to the displacement of white culpability that characterized both the recognition of black humanity in slave law and the designation of the black subject as the originary locus of transgression and offense. (111)
1

Throughout this paper, I use the term Founding Fathers, not in its strict reference to those select key influencers of the nation (i.e.- the signers of The Declaration of Independence), but a more broad allusion to citizens possessing the means of ideological, economic, and political construction of the nation due to manifestations of power as related to gender, politics, etc.

STEELE 6 In exploring the negotiations of presumed rape consent, Hartman seems to suggest interplay between the construction of person (112), specifically gender, and agency or guilt. In the laws selective recognition of slave personhood (135), Hartmans argument can relate the construction of identity of the eccentric citizen, as one lacking rights and voice within a nation where the disavowal of sexual violence [or perhaps one could argue for multiple threads of oppression here] is specific not only to female engenderment but to the condition of enslavement in general (135). Proving subjectivity is [often] tantamount to injury(145), Harmans argument not only calls for the legitimizing of humanity, and, therefore, human rights (111-137), but for a theoretical construction which transgresses the spatiality and temporality historical representations of identity and gender on a trans-national scale (Kaplan, Alarcon, and Moallem 15). As a specific case-study of the romance novel, Hannah Fosters The Coquette (1797) employs traditional motifs of the genre to demonstrate the implications of gender to such an incongruous (Kaplan, Alarcon, and Moallem 1) conception of nation both ideologically and literally in the form of citizenship. Directly referencing the novels historical generation through title, The Coquette or, the History of Eliza Wharton a Novel Founded on Fact, Fosters novel re-articulates the factual narratives of media derived from the heroines true-life counterpart Elizabeth Whitman (1788), however, more broadly seen within the ideological manifestations of nation subjected on to the inclusion/exclusion of a gendered citizen. Specifically, Foster challenges the cyclic narrative production of the gendered motifs of separate spheres and seduction, both historically (through media/conduct novels) and fictionally (Sterne, Richardson, etc.), as a construction of womens assumption of the appropriate role of citizen as the Republican Mother (Kerber 237)2. Here, we often observe a womans seduction, or fall, and parallel
2

I allude to the conceptualization of the Republican Motherhood as defined by Linda K. Kerber. Here, a woman assumes a legitimized role within the Republic and within Republican politics through the nurture[ing] of public-spirited male citizens, where she guaranteed the steady infusion of virtue into the Republic ( Kerber 11).

STEELE 7 or assumed exclusion from the private sphere, or patriarchal household, as consequently linked to her membership or acceptance within her role as citizen and, as such, her surrounding community and larger ideals of the nation. Ideological constructs of the role of women and nation were, and perhaps are, wrapped often problematically within the economic and reproductive implications of national historical movements. Specifically we see this as related to survival of the family during the Revolutionary War, where soldiers would temporarily or permanently leave the fate of next generation citizens in the hands of the matriarch. Linda Kerber, in Women of the Republic, explores the historical context of womens role in relation to survival of the new nation:

Women were made refugees by the war. The war was so disruptive to family life that one begins to wonder whether the cult of domesticity the ideological celebration of womens domestic roles was not in large measure a response to the wartime disruption and threat of separation of families. Peace would bring renewed appreciation of what had once been taken for granted. (47) Tracing a continued trend of the role of women as citizen, tied to that of motherhood even up to and through the Industrial Revolution, Kerber continues:

Believing as they did that republics rested on the virtue of their citizens, Revolutionary leaders had to believe not only that Americans of their generation displayed that virtue, but that Americans of subsequent generations would continue to display the moral character that a republic requiredAnd within families, the crucial role was thought to be the mothers: the mother who trained her children, taught them their early lessons, shaped their moral choicesMotherhood was discussed almost as if it were a fourth branch of government, a device that ensured social control in the gentlest possible way. (200) Such ideological underpinnings of womens role within nation found its way to multiple moral renderings of ascribed civilized conduct, such as through the correct education of women in her assigned role of perpetuator of nationalistic virtue. Assigning the sentimental novel and, afterwards the Gothic novel, as literature which celebrated female weakness and emotionalism (Kerber 10), womens fall, often symbolically within the novel, was implicated in a critique of women as a removal from her role as educator and mother and, therefore, role as citizen. In these manifestations, although certainly more

STEELE 8 historically and ideologically complex than those which are traced here, we can view critical intricacies of ideology and patriarchal hegemony implicated within a nations construct of women as citizen and those narratives employed to either perpetuate or question these assignments. Such historical ramifications can be located both in parallel and resistant to historical narrative renderings, specifically those of Whitmans narrative (constructed through historical media such as gossip, newspapers, and additional tracks), and fictional narratives such as Fosters. Foster in a rather modern fashion- reconstructs both the fictional trope of The Fallen Woman (Davidson viii) as well as, and through, Whitmans historical seduction (Davidson viii). While both narratives were historically given meaning as a good moral lecture to young ladies (Davidson viii), Fosters portrayal alternatively seeks to highlight the lack of voice, choice, and agency available to the quasi-citizen through a more nuanced rendering of a womans seduction. Metaphorically, the fall in both histories can be viewed as a fall from the ideal Republican Motherhood (Kerber), citizenship and, likewise, nation. As an emblem of the founding ideologies of the New Republic, fictional Eliza assumes the desires of a pre-republic nation in its subjects quest for freedom, independence, action, and self expression (Davidson 145). In her reluctance to choose between the acceptance of a dependent (Foster 41) marriage to Reverend Boyer or seduction vis--vis the rakish Major Sanford, Eliza becomes literally and metaphorically voiceless and immobile in her inability to fulfill her desires as independent subject, as independent of a husband and, consequently, independent citizen. Similarly, the historical subject of Whitmans narrative is made voice-less, literally through death and dubbed3 by those in power (to write, circulate, and sway ideological constructs in the New Republic) to define her story and, likewise, emblematic role within the nation; She refused two as good offers of marriage as she deservedbecause she aspired higher than to be a clerygmans wife; and having coquetted till past her

I am referring to Tom Boellstorffs process of dubbing, which her literally defines as, to provide an alternative sound track to (a film or television broadcast), especially a translation (Boellstorff 225). Boellstorff, however, extends the act of dubbing as a juxtaposition of subjectivities, where, Like a dub, the fusion remains a juxtaposition; the seams show. Speech and gesture never perfectly match (236).

STEELE 9 prime, fell into criminal indulgences, wrote the Independent Chronicle of September 11, 1788 (Davidson xii). As I will explore, this muting and transcription occurs through the inability of the seduced, or independent woman, to find place within the nations construct of citizenship as, in this case, applies to specifically to gender. Critic Cathy N. Davidson suggests fictional Elizas voice-less-ness (symbolically manifested most prominently through her inability to choose a suitor and her following death) is Fosters portrayal of the character render[ing] herself as she has been symbolically rendered by her society. At crucial junctures in the novel, Eliza chooses silence, but that narrative silence provides the subtext from which we can best read the protagonists fall(xviii). Continuing the metaphor of Eliza imagined as nation, Foster portrays her heroines silence, and similarly, the nations silence or ambiguity toward defining citizen as related to a gendered eccentric subject (Kaplan, Alarcon, and Moallem 1). In her/its contradictory denial and simultaneous affirmation of (these) difference(s), Eliza and the nation seek to manipulate the borders of citizenship to their desires of independence, and, in the case of the nation, reproducing those desires (Kaplan, Alarcon, and Moallem 1). Much like the pioneers of Elizas nation, Elizas quest for independence can exist only outside of a patriarchal nationhood rooted in contrasting ideals. Fosters rendering suggests only through the recuperation of the definition of the nation- one subscribed to the inherent rights of a more inclusive definition of citizenship- will those founding ideologies be perpetuated. Turning to modern case studies, Anannya Bhattacharjees The Public/Private Mirage: Mapping Homes and Undomesticating Violence Work in the South Asian Immigrant Community implicates the narratives of law and theory in defining imagined communities. Here, Bhattacharjee ascribes Western feminist theories as aiding to define the terms private and public as central to the general status of women (308). Bhattacharjee suggests the conceptualizations of private, as the patriarchal family home, and, public as outside-the-family-home (308) has been defined as such through Western feminism. Through Fosters, and concurrently many narratives of the early nation, we see the struggle for a more inclusive definition of the rights of citizen, often as defined by gender, symbolized through these

STEELE 10 traditionally bi-polar spheres. Western feminist thought, argues Bhattacharjee, has asserted collective change results only from those women who are able to project their experiences of oppression in their private lives into the public (308). Applying this theoretical history to the subalteran(Spivak) women of the South Asian immigrant communities within the United States, Bhattacharjee constructively argues for a more nuanced definition of these two spheres, and likewise, the definition of the nation itself. As subjects whose stakes of citizenship are both consistently questioned, threatened, and seeking definition, one can relate the position of Bhattacharjees South Asian immigrant community to threads of women in the Early Republic, specifically as the ideological force of the nation plays [or played] a dominant role in[the] immigrant communitys [and/or I argue early republican women and many quasi-citizens] construction of its identity (310). Foster and Bhattacharjee, through the examination of these individuals whose citizenship is held in question, both succeed in questioning the borders of citizenship and nation. As simultaneously Hindu and Indian, Bhattacharjee describes the constructive power of the label and, therefore, the often destructive power of the constrictions of nation, through the label South Asian, as one which subsume[s] more than one nation and, therefore, a less rigid conceptualization; one which connotes little national authorityand less solidified cultural homogeneity (309). Despite the presumed flexibility of the new imagined community of immigrants, Bhattacharjee continues to describe a transplanted community characteristic of the exclusive nature of nationhood. Similar to the ideological traces of the Founding Fathers in nation, as illustrated by Foster, Bhattacharjee describes, community members, who have the resources to construct actively this identity, belong[ing] predominantly to the male bourgeoisie, the creator of nations (310). Bhattacharjees conceptualization of a transplanted South Asian community, in many ways, mimics the historical underpinnings of Fosters, and likewise, the U.S. nation:

The bourgeoisie in the South Asian community, upon displacement from the nation of its origin, finds itself represented in the form of an immigrant community in a foreign nation. Where once it had posited itself through a hegemonic process as the universal norm in the nation of its origin, it now perceives itself to be in a position defined by difference and subordination. The immigrant bourgeoisies desire to overcome this condition and regain its power of self-universalization manifests itself in its projection of

STEELE 11 itself as the leader of the community, guarding and propagating the essence of national culture. (310) Through this conceptualization, Bhattacharjee extends Fosters metaphorical analysis of gender and nation to one which transcends the spatiality and temporality of the construction of the definition of a nation to the concept of a unique community. As such, Bhattacharjee critically extends this analysis to the manifestations of transnational citizens (gender-exclusive) as they exist within the inclusionary/exclusionary definitions of multi-(or singularly) nationalistic subjectivities. Included in Bhattacharjees argument is her description of a bad faith (315) immigrant woman. Assuming immigrant women may in bad faithfalsely claim to be battered in order to be able to selfpetition for citizenship, laws to benefit undocumented immigrant women are denied and consequentially result in an immigrants subjection to possible deportation (Bhattacharjee 315). Meanwhile, any bad faith of the sponsor, often the patriarch of the family, is not held accountable (Bhattacharjee 315-16). Such analysis breaks-apart the questions of double-standard, agency and assumed guilt of the gendered subject in the inclusion/exclusion of citizenship of the nation/state. Similarly, as Whartons and Whitmans narrative fall implicates a fall from nationhood, their degree of agency becomes critical in interpreting their ability to exist within such nation. We see through their narratives a silence and assumed or dubbed guilt in seduction through the trope of the Fallen Woman. Beyond the early American Republic, such questions of guilt and seduction are historically traced throughout implications of the incongruous citizen and his/her agency in the U.S. nation. For instance, Saidiya Hartman likewise extends this to her previously mentioned historical and national discourse of seduction in slave law, where: seduction makes recourse to the idea of reciprocal and collusive relations, and engenders a precipitating construction of black female sexuality in which rape is unimaginable. As the enslaved female is legally unable to give consent or to offer resistance, she is presumed to be always willing (113). Here, the laws circumscribed recognition of consent and will occurred only in order to intensify and secure the subordination of the enslaved, repress the crime, and deny injury (Hartman 114). In a parallel fashion, Bhattacharjee describes the negation of the bad faith

STEELE 12 sponsor where the, typically male, U.S. citizen fails to be held accountable(316) in the destruction of the family vis--vis the deportation of the bad faith(316) quasi-citizen. Instead, as we see in all these representations, the law and/or nation-state selectively (emphasis my own) attempts to preserve its original intention the sanctity of the family ( Bhattacharjee 316). Such constructions demonstrate not only the extension of nationalistic ideology to law, but also the incongruous subjects enforced, or dubbed, identity within the nation and the implicated urgency for a more inclusive definition of citizen. As a model for resistance, Bhattacharjee demonstrates Western feminist assumptions of home, private, public, and the state as fundamentally questionable (313) through her extension of the nationstates power within the home/private sphere: Feminists such as [Catherine A.] MacKinnon [in Toward a Feminist Theory of the State] see the state, organized around male power and expressed in law, as that which remains conveniently out of private homes. It appears however, that for immigrant homes, the state can hardly be accused of inaction if anything, it is actively involved in determining the very existence of the family. (316) As evidence, Bhattacharjee describes the intricacies and implications of U.S. law in the construction of immigrant womens common dependence on, and subjectivity to, her role as authentic wife. As a womans primary motivation, presumably [and legally], should be familial commitment to the man she marries, not legal [independent] status for herself, Bhattacharjee demonstrates a literal, and modern, manifestation of Elizas quest for citizenship (314). Through the theoretical construction of a privatized nation (now a bounded space into which only some of the people can walk some of the time), Bhattacharjee allows for new definitions of the nation as a possible exclusionary community (329). Although Hartman, Bhattacharjee and Foster distinctly question the definition of citizen in relation to gender and ethnicity, I argue these specific case-studies of nation and citizen showcase implications, not only for gender, but for all incongruous citizen subjects as consequence of nationalistic ideologies and extending theory (i.e. - Western feminist thought as shown here). As a significant theoretical model for resistance, a reading of Bhattacharjee calls for a new view of national power as one of a network of intersecting powers (327). Such powers I have demonstrated are

STEELE 13 perpetuated through narratives, in multiple forms (such as the media, fiction, ideology, and law shown here) towards the construction of variable and falsely imagined separate spheres, not solely within the domestic, but within the exclusion of nation and/or community itself. Viewing a nation as a private, exclusionary community, the implications of legitimate and illegitimate citizen (whether legally or ideologically) becomes critical in extending human rights within the historically private space of a multitude of nationally constructed or forgotten home[s] (327). While Bhattacharjee demonstrates the theoretical component of activism which must adhere to a continual of overturning oppressive definitions, Foster illustrates Bhattacharjees parallel call to remain watchful for opportunities to make strategic interventions within the given definitions themselves (329). Finally, collectively, Hartman, Bhattacharjee and Foster call for both a historical and forward-thinking recuperation of eccentric subjects, through the perpetuating powers of narrative, to redefine the place of multiple national homes and its assumed or forgotten contents/concepts.

STEELE 14

Works Cited Bhattacharjee, Anannya. "The Public/Private Mirage: Mapping Homes and Undomesticating Violence Work in the South Asian Immigrant Community."Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies Democratic Futures. (1997): 308-329. Print. Boellstorf, Tom. "Dubbing culture: Indonesian gay and lesbi subjectivities and ethnography in an already globalized world." American Ethnologist 30.2 (2003): 225-242. Web. 11 Apr 2011. Davidson, Cathy. "Introduction." The Coquette. Ed. Cathy N. Davidson. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Print. Foster, Hannah W. The Coquette. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Print. Gregory, John. A Fathers Legacy to His Daughters. Boston: Printed for J. Douglas MDougall, 1779. Hartman, Saidiya. Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State. Durham: Duke University Press, 1999. Print. Kaplan, Caren, Norma Alarcon, and Minoo Moallem. Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State. Durham: Duke University Press, 1999. Print. Kerber, Linda K. Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America. Chapel Hill: Published for the Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina Press, 1980. Print. Prez, Laura Elisa. Between Woman and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State. Durham: Duke University Press, 1999. Print. "Nation." Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. 2011. Merriam-Webster Online. 13 May 2011 <http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/nation>