Geography Of The Homeless Shelter: Staff Surveillance And Resident Resistance Author(s): Jean Calterone Williams Reviewed work(s):

Source: Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development, Vol. 25, No. 1 (SPRING, 1996), pp. 75-113 Published by: The Institute, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40553294 . Accessed: 30/08/2012 03:12
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Of Geography The HomelessShelter: Staff Surveillance Resistance And Resident

Williams JeanCalterone Science of Department Political TheJohns HopkinsUniversity
combines ABSTRACT:Thisarticle studyofhomeethnographic withan examinain shelters and lessfamilies individuals several An of environments theshelters. exploration tionofthephysical and their of of thegeography theshelters regulations stringent shelters serveas institutional homeless the reveals waysinwhich of intrusion surveillance low-income and government spacesfor and homeless people. Shelter regulations are based upon that social serviceagencyarguments homeless professionalized or thanpoverty, rather themselves, unemployment, lowpeople and to arethe"problem" be addressed income shortages, housing of the andrecording minutiae homecorrected. observing Through activiand residents' less shelter past personalhistories current client the to and shelter attempt control correct homeless staff ties, shelhoused.Homeless inorder he orshemaybecomestably that control surveillance and resist socialworker ter residents through as of to small acts of resistance the construction social worker as lazy, and ofhomeless "unbiased ill,or mentally person expert" "abnormal."

75 Inc. ISSN 0894-6019, 1996TheInstitute,

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resident a WestCityhomeless of Angie, a sixty-year-old after shelter, painfully limpsback to theshelter campingfor withFrank, elderly tendays in themountains an homeless at manwhohad also stayed theshelter withwhomAngie and In has a romantic relationship. theless thantwo weeks that shehas beencamping, has Angle'sarthritis worsened signifiwalk intoan agoherusuallybelabored cantly, transforming in nizedshuffle. weeksbefore Two after Angle'sreturn, living theshelter overa yearwithout for secured subsidized having and Frank madeplanstoleavetheshelter and housing, Angie in stateparkswithFrank's and sister. SincebothFrank camp Social Security Angie were receiving Disabilitypayments, and because he recently Angieforherseverearthritis Frank Frank underwent reasonedthatifthey triple bypasssurgery, for year, a between their incomes two couldsave camped they afford to enoughmoney eventually housing together. and Frank feeling left abouttheir Angie hopeful plansand after to happytobe able tosharea tent consigned sepaliving ratemen's and women'sdormsat the shelter. WhenFrank a and discouraged brought depressed Angiebackto theshelshe ten was ter, explained:"...after days myarthritis so bad I I couldhardly walkso I had tocomeback[here]. wanted Frank tocomebackwithme,butI guessI didn'tfigure blood relaa thathe would choosehis sister overme." Although ostive, it that she her tensibly was herarthritis forced toconcedethat did couldnotcopewithliving outdoors, Angieclearly notenofhertendaysinthestate Shedescribes joymany aspects park. in a tent, and other sleeping cooking campfire, by aspectsof outdoorlifewithdistaste: "We got our drinking waterfrom thetownnearwhere wereand boiledwater we from creek the to wash our dishesin. Butwe couldn'tshoweror wash our hairand I couldn't standthat. The first weekendwe wokeup and itwas 29 . 1was shaking." her Notwithstanding aversion to camping, maintains thatshe would have stayedif Angie she could have physically withstood outdoorlife, such was

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herdesire livefree thedorm-like to of and atmosphere shared A and other rulesat theshelter. mature livingspace,curfew woman whohaslivedonherownfor misses years, many Angie freedoms comewithone's ownliving that thesimple space:"I I had a taste freedom of we can'twaittogetoutofhere. [while Fm I'm Not werecamping]. that notgrateful [that able tostay in theshelter], becauseI am. But[inmyown place],ifI want TV I and not towatch all night,can,orcomeoutoftheshower aboutgetting dressedright havetoworry away/7 LikeAngie,manyhomelesswomeninterviewed this for shelters for a mixture gratitude homeless of to studyexpress heads" and distaste someasfor a overtheir providing "roof staff living arrangements, interference, pectsofthecommunal and shelter rules.Although architecture rulesof the the and eachhas a curfew, from 7:00 shelters varysomewhat, ranging in withcase managers tomidnight, mandatory meetings p.m. to their whichtheclients expected revealto staff are personal and current histories goals, and sharedlivingspace which and makesit difficult findtimeto themselves to (Huttman 1992: Indeed, becauseofshelRedmond 1992: Weisman 78). 97; mainstaff ofthewomen ter rules invasive and practices, many is last resorted onlyafter to tainthattheshelter their choice, severalother options. exhausting in I beganinSeptember 1994toconduct of research homein violenceshelters a largeSouthwestern less and domestic The research includesin-depth, cityI have called WestCity. with35 homeless interviews semi-structured people,and oninseveral with shelters approxigoing participant-observation and 100 shelter residents thecase managers, usually mately A hiredto workwiththem. resocial workers, professional 1995casefiles onefamily at homeviewof50randomly chosen theinterviews participant-obserand lessshelter supplements research vation.The larger upon whichthisessay is project based examines the contextsand meanings of women's domestic between the homelessness, particularly connections

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violenceand homelessness. a result, As thoughparticipantobservation occurred withbothmenand women, mostofthe interviews of 35) were conducted withwomen,and the (33 madehere most to generalizations pertain clearly women'sexin shelters. periences emergency in The shelters houseas fewas 45 represented thisproject to as manyas 100 individuals; have cumbersome of all sets rulesand a significant amountof contact betweenresidents In and staff. contrast armory-style to whichtendto shelters, have fewer rulesand expectations residents to be less of and thesmaller, moretightly controlled shelters offer well-staffed, more and such rooms each for privacy amenities, as individual and clients case manager. the family fewer per Although more comfortable environmentaccompanied more is strinliving by theseshelters almostalways full,and are gentregulations, homeless arenotaccepted intothem due tolack many people ofspace.Moreover, at thesmaller staff shelters tendto family acceptthosehomeless people who appearmost"motivated" or mostlikely successfully to transition of homelessness out within three the months they at theshelter. may that live This ill excludesome mentally women,although thosewho have been "stabilized" medication sometimes on are accepted. This project to explicate cultural, the historical, attempts in and socialforces involved theformation homelessness of as a "publicproblem" de(Gusfield 1981),and in theattendant of to WestCityhas cities, velopment solutions it.Like other defined homelessness a problem be addressedby social as to workers fundedby thestate employedin facilities partially forexample, families housingdevelopers or (as opposed to, for the havingprimary responsibility confronting issue) and has responded principally opening by temporary, emergency shelters rather than low-income building permanent, housing and the (Huttman Redmond 1993). 1992;Funiciello Assigning of "fixing" homelesspeople to social workers indiproblem vidualizesand medicalizesthereasonsthatpeople become

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homeless, since social workeras social deviance expert not 1991:12-14) (Nathanson helpspeopletofind housing only with them orother social for housing programs byadvocating but beservice "dysfunctional" agencies, also by eradicating to of haviors. According a narrative "social deviance,"such in As have been instrumental theloss ofhousing. behaviors Nathanson Constance argues,
States powerful a strain toward There intheUnited is in and the of locating sources socialconflict socialchange rather thanin theinadequacies thefailings individuals of Social dislocations result that from ofsocialinstitutions. are as socialand economic change framed perlarge-scale of and their solutions couchedin terms sonal problems in 1991:223). behavior alterations individual (Nathanson

illas of of The construction homelessness a problem mental and a "street ness,drug and alcohol addiction, person"or and establishes unan reflects further "underclass" mentality, as of derstanding poverty an individualfailingand social in as and surveillance control theshelter worker setting the to focusofsolutions homelessness. In addition to exploring narratives of poverty and the environment this homelessness, essayexamines physical of to and oftheshelters therelationship staff client, arguing with in whichhomelessshelter interact residents thatspaces are as and one another withthestaff as important thestories Althatwomentellabouthow theyhave becomehomeless. of homelesspeople severalexcellent ethnographies though have been publishedin the past severalyears(Kozol 1988; Wolch Golden1992;Liebow 1993;Wagner 1993),as Jennifer Liebow7 TELL THEM WHO s of out points inherreview Elliot havebeen I AM: THE LIVES OF HOMELESS WOMEN,there homeless few studies thatattemptto integrate relatively withan understanding theinstitutional of stories people'slife inwhichsheltered reside:"How does homeless people spaces

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withthebiographies life or intersect thehomeless'industry' to their to of ability pathsand dailyroutines individuals affect withtheinstitutional context homelessness, of particucope 1995: institutions?" toresist domination helping (Wolch by larly of Liebow beginsto examinethe institutional context 180). of homelessness studying effects shelter the rules,case by and constraints" thedaily on manager philosophy "geographic intends womenin theshelters. research livesofhomeless My the of tofurther spaceson theexexplore impact institutional in of concentratingparperiences homeless peopleinshelters, the and to ticular theconstant on surveillance attempts control resisand residents, resident dailylives of homelessshelter tanceto staff control. to As recipients government of and funding subject govWestCityhomelessshelters ernment operating regulations, for intrusion surand serve institutional as spaces government has of veillance.2 MichelFoucault written theadvanceof"disin of utilized thestate a variety inciplinary technologies," by stitutional tocreate to"transtocontrol bodies, docility, settings form" "improve" and (Foucault1995;Rabinow1984:17).The as reliesupon constant observahomelessshelter institution tionand recording resident of as social actions, well as their allowstaff to and sexualhistories, techniques powerthat as of "know"homeless residents to measure and and judge shelter 1995: them a socialbody"(Foucault 184), against "homogenous conceived theproductive, as and moralnorm. sane, Foucault notedthat development "hierarchized has the of and thosein as surveillance," a toolto bothobjectify control and hospitals, created schools, prisons,
builtsimply be to ...anarchitecture is no longer that seen...butto permit internal, an articulated detailed and control torender visible those whoareinside inmore it; that to an terms, architecture wouldoperate transgeneral to a form individuals: acton thoseit shelters, provide to to the of to holdontheir conduct, carry effects powerright

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMELESS SHELTER Williams: them to to to (1995: them, makeitpossible knowthem, alter 172).

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shelof homeless examines geography several the Thisarticle in Transition, long-term a transitional ters, including People and shelter elderly disabledpeople (where for Angie housing withchilfor and Frank lived),as wellas twoshelters families It Shelter theLighthouse. also willproand the dren, Family to of videa picture homeless people'sresistance case manager in whichfor someentails and surveillance shelter rules, living and forothers meanssmall,dailyacts campsaroundthecity within shelter. the ofresistance the of the tool As a keystaff within shelters, creation a file a on each resident, including "case plan" or listof goals the the combines techon resident towork whileintheprogram, is "the to and normalization transform of observation niques 1995: of of into economy visibility theexercise power"(Foucault are meansby whichresidents "known," 187).As thecentral in socialworkers West and professional objectified controlled, and detaileach resident's past personalhistory Cityshelters followthe and record resident's current by "progress" goals, on heror his activities a dailybasis.As Foucaultargues, ing an ... "thecase is no longer a setofcircumstances defining act ... it is theindividualas he maybe described, judged,mea. ." ... and with others trained corrected. (Fousured, compared case plan and case filein the 1995:191).Through shelter cault the client"progress," homelessperson whichstaff recorded isas thanhomelessness a political himself herself(rather or to causedsomeone losehousand sue ortheevents issuesthat and of control, correction. ing)becomestheobject inquiry,

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The FamilyShelter withchildren is families for The Family Shelter homeless lined motor housedina renovated, lodgeon a street one-story in variousstates disrepair now ofand of withsimilar motels, families and to fers weektoweekrentals low-income primarily for itself thereputation attracthas the others. Although street it dealers and sex workers, is flanked low- to by ing drug the communities. tree-lined residential middle-income, During and to withpeoplewalking bicycling are daythestreets filled workand school. and from has eachofwhichhousesone TheFamily Shelter 26 units, of and of consist a bedroom small The family. smaller theunits and room,bedroom kitchenette, thelargercontaina family and kitchenette. Everyunitis almostalwaysfull;sometimes movesout vacanciesoccurfora day or twowhenone family Shelter has and another movesin,buttheFamily constantly to lackofspace.Shapedin a "U" arounda turn peopleaway for and haveseparate, outsideentrances so theunits field, grassy The smallapartments. roomstendto be smalland resemble Most old and linoleum butnotindisrepair. the dark, carpeting colmorehomey throwing residents tomaketherooms by try overdingycouchesand occasionally orful blankets tapinga are asked in a comto child'sdrawing thewall,though they the whenthey enter shelter, listofrules, received prehensive to or other decorations thewalls. to avoid nailing posters with A separate housesa bright childcarecenter building and highchairs, a filledwithtoys,cribs, a roomforinfants and olderwith children five and a roomfor toddler room, age All children's and games. therooms books, display computers, outsideis and and paintings thefenced playground drawings In to with and scattered toys bikes. addition thechildcarearea, areas contain severalother swingsand grassyor sand-filled Available from a.m.to6:00p.m.to 7:00 other for children. toys or the residents who areworking have appointments, on-site

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childcarecenter, whichdoes notchargea feeto shelter resiis that cannot afford offer to their dents, a luxury mostshelters clients. Children fed are breakfast, anda snack, work and lunch, on artprojects, on thecomputer, outsidein theyard, or play overseen a full-time and volunteers. staff by Another accommodates case managers7 the and building offices a conference and room. mentioned As "jobdeveloper's" first enterthe shelter, case manager a above,when families withtheparents drawup an individualized meets to planfor entrance into securing housingand employment, facilitating GED orjob training or mandating attendance drug at classes, rehabilitation and continues meetweekly to with counseling, theresident updatehis or herprogress offer to and interventionand advocacywhenneeded.Thesemeetings fraught are with demands by staff information for about a homeless resident's and 1987: (Marin 47). activities, feelings, motivations suchrequests information for even before adIndeed, begin mittance theshelter, to sinceeach personmustrespondto a seriesofpersonalquestions his cirregarding or hercurrent if cumstances he orshewishestobe considered theshelter. for Onceaccepted, homeless the is person askedevenmorequesthose aboutcurrent and tions, including personal relationships socialandsexualhistories. Thoseunwilling answer to personal or wherequestions to keepstaff constantly apprisedoftheir abouts(byrecording times the leave and destinations on they a sign-out sheetin theoffice) maybe considered uncooperativeorsuspected "having of to something hide." to information Residents, however, attempt avoid sharing with somebecausethey notwishtorevealeverything do staff, aboutthemselves a relative to others because they stranger, areuncertain whether willapprove howthey staff of havespent their eviction shoulda case manager believe time, foreseeing have squandered their fearincriminatthey days.Stillothers or member giving ingthemselves another family by personal information a social serviceagencythatwill permanently to

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a it. one record Forexample, casemanager, Laura,warned resiwould notbe allowedto stayanother dentthatshe probably if about at month theshelter she did notbeginto talkto staff exThe and heractivities feelings. homeless Mareia, resident, know to that didnottalk Laurabecauseshe"didn't she plained her."Laura respondedthatMareiawould onlyget to know s withher, Mareia' pointthatshe did herby talking ignoring with and frustrations her notwishtoshare innermost thoughts but was someonein a someonewho was nota friend, rather aboutherwork of Similarly, writing position poweroverher. describes a ina shelter single Lisa Ferrill for homeless women, scenein whichshe assistsa homeless woman,who had lived to intoa permanent for at theshelter sometime, settle placein home: ment a nursing
not us orders tokeepintouch had Nancy given allfirm withher.She wantedto "forget aboutthatplace/'Mary we and I wishedherwell and said goodbye,knowing shewould wouldmissherendearing personality, knowing to we notmisstheinvasion represented her.We had bein Nancy'slife;she would come uninvited participants 1991:73). haveitbacknow...(Ferrill

of the EchoingFerriirs pointregarding invasiveness the womanin EuroAmerican a shelter Erin, 28-year-old system, for calledEndowment West a transitional CityFamiprogram for lies (EWF),expresses requests perangerat theconstant of as sonalinformation has experienced a result herintershe thathomeless actionswithsocial serviceworkers. Arguing "couldbe anyarenot"sickordiseased"butthat they people she despairsofhavinganypartofherlifenotrecorded one," "I in agency files: havetoanswertoAFDC, Vocational Rehab, I EWF.I have to tellall thesepeoplewhatI'm doing.... didn't withmynew boytellthem[at EWF] aboutmyrelationship friend because I wantedone partofmypersonallifeto myshownherbysocialserthat distrust the self." complains She

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vice workers sometimes has made hersand otherhomeless For AFDC wanted people'slivesmorecomplicated. example, Erinto lookfor butshe was excusedfrom work, doingso because she was taking classes through Vocational Rehabilitation.AFDC employees demandedthatErincome intotheir in to office do herhomework order provethatshe was too to for until Rehabusywithittosearch employment, Vocational bilitation and theAFDC workers steppedin on Erin'sbehalf withdrew their request. The expectations residents that shouldsharetheir private withstaff liveswithstaff, combined and monitoring regulationofbothcommunity private and space,allow case managers at theFamilyShelter constantly to under keep residents observation. Family The Shelter twocommunity has areasfor a to offices an outside and adults, largeroomattached thestaff covered a and couches, phone, patio.Thespaceinsidecontains a deskwhichcanbe used byresidents makecallsfor to housthis ingorjobs.Becausean open doorleads from roomto the mainshelter can area,conversations be overheard reception thestaff member duty thereception on at desk.Moreeasily by residents outsidetheshelter over, maynothave people from intheir and must leavethedoorsand windowsoftheir rooms, unitsopenwhenever another shelter resident visits, enabling staff haveaccesstoresident to unin"personal space"through Weisman that rulesdisallowthe terrupted supervision. posits visitors most at or shelters, thelackofprivate ing spaceinwhich to entertain them shouldthey permitted site,"suggests be on thathomelesspeople do not need privacy, self-expression, and or friendships, sexualrelations, at leastthattheseneeds shouldnotbe takenseriously" (1992:78). Indeed,theFamily Shelter regulations regarding private space and theoverseeof publicspace by case managers seem designedto dising theformation friendships sexual relationships of or courage as and amongtheresidents, well as betweenresidents those at notstaying theshelter.

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As a result themanyrulesregarding of private space and takes accesstothecommunity staff room, socializing generally on on thepatio.Sinceit is surrounded one side witha place witha small and children's fenced playground on theothers lot, personcan be seen well before parking anyapproaching In for he orshecomesintoearshot. order womentochoosethe room a West on City community patioovertheairconditioned of can be as warmas 110 ), theattraction summer (which day and free staff members' an area relatively from management that residents seemtoperceive control must strong. be Indeed, as areundersurveillance, conversations orlowerto stop they walksby,regardless how of member a whisper whena staff the or commonplace innocuous topic. framed thedisinteractions often are and Staff resident by A in powerand authority between them. form easy of parity existsbetweenone case manager, banter sometimes Mark,a in different othEuroAmerican his40s,and several residents; ers admitto feeling uneasyaroundor judged by Markand three American womanwith staff. a Euroother children, Betsy, "authoritarian" thatMarkhas grown increasingly complains She as theend ofherstayat theshelter growscloser. has sethepieceand has founda cureda job as a seamstress paid by weeks.She deshecan movetoin several low-rent apartment of that the scribes incident highlights effect thepowerdifan Severalnights betweenstaff and clients. ferential previous, resident notreturned had that whenBetsy discovered another out totheshelter curfew (and indeedthewomanstayed all by the children. she Betsyclaims night), looked after resident's the that that whenMarkdiscovered shehad watched children at the he rather thanreporting client, "yelled me,sayall night of Embarrassed list by ingI was on hisshit infront mysister." of of memtreatment herin front a family thecase manager's unableto respondin at berwho was notstaying theshelter, is kinddue to his ability evicther("verbalabuse" ofstaff to felt she for Betsy that had beentreated grounds termination),

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likea childbuthad no recourse would notjeopardize that her stay. his Perhapsby way ofexplaining sometimes patronizing attitude toward residents, the Markarguesthatmanypeople becomehomeless adultsas a result havinggrown in as of up families. believesthatpeople withdysHe "dysfunctional" functional wheredrugs, domesalcohol, family backgrounds, and dependenceupon AFDC or otherforms ticviolence, of welfare havea greater chanceofhaving similar thrived, problemsin their livesas adults.Moreover, Markasserts, are they oftenunable or unwillingto keep stable employment. He that aboutfivepercent homeless of shelclaims, though, only ter residents' workhistories be attributed lazican to irregular but ness.Mostdo wanttowork aredepressed afraid look or to in for workor participate interviews, despitetheir or besteffind forts cannot full-time or permanent, employment, havea In mental illness that interferes employment. addition with to these other he difficulties, argues, manyhomeless peoplelack and others withdrugsand alhave problems support family toMark, cohol. classes lowfor According mandatory parenting incomepeople providea keyto breaking "cycleof dysthe as such classes teach them different function," ways of that behavior. parenting avoid "passingdown"dysfunctional The Family Shelter staff's focuson dysfunctional families oforigin an explanation homelessness as for to account helps mixofkindness, for their and condescension toward respect, If theresidents. a personnow homelessgrewup in a home where violence druguse werethenorm, wayofthinkand this if that can inggoes,then person be somewhat forgiven shehas married alcoholic an and neither them find of can permanent becauseshewitnessed similar a as a child. This work, dynamic also explains Mark'sinclination treat to homeless peopleas if werelessthanadults, he believesthat as are they they lacking fundamental skillsthatwill allow themto be successful life and happy, skillsthathe arguesare his responsibility life to

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ensure that learn.He espousesa theory akinto the"culthey tureofpoverty" that low-income thesis, arguing peoplefrom thosewho aredependent families," "dysfunctional including on welfare, on thisway oflifeto their children. pass Like Mark,culture poverty of advocatesclaimthatlowincome families poordue toinherited are behavioral deficiencies (suchas laziness, to and inability delaygratification, irrewillin turn that teachtheir children. sponsible sexuality) they Thiswould create generation one after another "who,lacking and consistent close and family organization rearedwithout withadults ... are passive,have difficulty abrelations with stract and seek thinking communication, escape from problemsthrough uninhibited of relatively expressions sex or aglack and gression, ego strength are unableto plan forthefuture."^ Where culture poverty used as an explanation the of is for orhomelessness, thosetrying "help"thehometo poverty lesswill, Mark, like insist compulsory on classesand parenting withthe"job developer"at theshelter. mandatory meetings As MichaelKatz argues, the of thehowever, culture poverty sisis ambiguous tautological: and "Thepathological behavior ofpoorpeoplecausestheir which thesource their is of poverty, behavior" It a (Katz1989:41-42). precludes focus pathological in on thepatterns "inclusion exclusion American of and life," and on "unemployment structural and tounderdislocation," standwhypeoplearepoor(Katz 1989:237-238). The Lighthouse In contrast theoccasional to warmorbright touches the at and a somewhat the Shelter, environment, Family supportive shelter starkand depressing. too is is It Lighthouse family housed in a former but and motel, thebare linoleumfloors fluorescent combined with rooms that ontoa halllights, open rather separate than outside entrances eachroom, for make way

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMELESS SHELTER Williams:

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fora less inviting as shelter, well as one in whichhomeless A families havelessprivacy. two-story a building facing courtwitha pool, thefamily shelter one of severalsimilar is yard within largeLighthouse a Other buildings complex. buildings in thecomplex contain alcoholrehabilitation an center and a cafeteria. complex in one ofthemorehigh-crime The is large and dilapidated areasofthecity, surrounded theoccasional by rundown dinerorauto shop. A bedroom and a bathroomgenerallycompriseeach unlessthefamily severalchilhas accommodations, family's inwhich casethey havetwoconnecting rooms. Comdren, may areasarein short of munity supply, consisting a playroomfor a areanext theparking with swing to lot a children,smallsandy and a smalllibrary setand several room tables, picnic /reading lockedexcept whena volthat remains hours specified during readsaloud tothechildren. the and unteer Although cafeteria roomsin thecomplex serve several meeting ostensibly might as alternative areas,residents community may not use the and mayenter cafeteria during the rooms specimeeting only thehourswhenbreakfast dinner and fiedmealtimes. During clients mustexitfrom shelter the are servedat thecafeteria, are does not and thedoorstothebuilding locked.The shelter to rooms. allow families eat in their The Lighthouse manyofthesame rulesas theFamily has alcohol drugs, and and Shelter, including weapons, disallowing abuse on or off shelter Such verbaland physical the grounds. chaosand ensure that at theshelter life feels as rulesminimize in theserules as Moreover, theory, non-threateningpossible.4 willbe treated a of that residents provide modicum assurance without somereceiving thatothers not.5 do privileges fairly, In additionto rulesbasic to safeand comfortable communal theLighthouse others that more are however, imposes living, deor stringent invasive.For example,detailedregulations for bothinthecafeteria and scribe clothing wearing acceptable mustwear thebuildingwhichhouses theshelter. Everyone

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menmay whenoutsidetheir shoesat all times rooms, though are wearsandalswhilewomenand children maynot.Women whichincludes"loose fitting instructed dress"modestly/7 to ... shorts and tanktopsare T-shirts short blousesand regular is there no Brassieres required/' are notpermissible. Although that written mandate mendress"modestly/' must they always and wearshirts, therulesdisallow"openshirts [the] showing neither womennor men may wear chest."In the cafeteria, of shorts anykind:womenare toldto wearjeans,dressesor slacks. and skirts, mento wearjeansorother sick The Lighthouse policyis also spelledoutin somedeof staff tail.Unlessa client expects everyone complains illness, whichenin or to participate a dailyjob search employment, from 8:30a.m. to 2:30p.m.,as well as the tailsexiting shelter If at attend meetings theshelter. a shelgroupand individual will ter resident becomes a case manager takehertemperaill, if if tureto determine she has a fever; she does not,she must in continue Shoulda resident participate thedailyactivities. and for to tofeelsick, mayreturn theshelter rest 24 hours, she thattime. the butshe muststayin herroomduring Together thatshelter residents consickpolicyand dresscode suggest uninand immodestly form thelazy, to sexually irresponsible thus of of hibited "underclass" theculture poverty thesis; Lightcannot trusted lookfor be to assumesthat housestaff jobs they themwillfeign nor sickness avoid work), to control to (they libidos laziness or Lest selvessexually. their infringe upontheir or their abilities pursue to children, Lightemployment carefor toward pathof the to houserulesaredesigned guideresidents behavior. "acceptable" In addition thoseruleswhich to controlling appearovertly other orseemtounnecessarily lifestyles, infringe uponresident moredifficulties residents, for shelter rulessimply create parin in be ticularly situations whicha job might at stake.Forinand mustsupervise their children all times, at stance, parents to unliketheFamily Shelter (whichallows residents baby-sit

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basisand also has a day carecenfor another a limited one on residents cannotwatcheach other's teron site) Lighthouse of the nordoes itoffer care.Violation either rule children, day or could child baby-sitting mandating supervision disallowing to a However, find jobs stayat theshelter. jeopardize person's for residents vocational orsignup for might training, example, need to be on thephone providedfortheir"business"use, be mainhall.As phonecallsmust on found a tableinthenoisy maximum therisk losinguse ofthe at of kepttoa five-minute withchildren adultsshouting and and thehallis filled phone, have a difficult soundingprofestime residents and talking, while children sometimes sional.To haveto supervise unruly to on thephonemakesit thatmuchmoredifficult seem reto a number the of to employers, who, according sponsible alreadydo not wish to hirehomeless people interviewed, people. is Thefront doorleadingin and outoftheLighthouse next that residents out and tothestaff office, therulesrequest sign return. and leavetheshelter, signinwhenthey whenever they of residents to signin and According thedirector theshelter, have themafter residents can out so thatthestaff "monitor" tests or the beenawayfor day.Urinalysis breathalyzer maybe of is a givenwhenever client "suspected" drugoralcoholuse. at thosestaying the In order ensure that staff supervise can to roomkeysin theoffice. shelter, Upon retheykeep resident must to residents to request be letintotheir turning theshelter, roomsand wait untila case managerhas thetimeto do so. of AfricanAmerican resident theshelter, a Freda, 28-year-old access to herroom(as continuous thatthestaff's complains for reliance them herown access)inon well as herenforced felt creasesa powerdifferential alreadysharply by herand 1993:183): residents also Funiciello someother (see
Thisplace is greatiftheydidn'thave assholeswho havethekeyto The felt really powerful.... [casemanagers]

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yourroomand we don't.I'd be crazyto leave myTV in Theymakeyou waitand waitto getyourkey, myroom. evenifyourkidhas to go to thebathroom. Theyunlock all thedoorfor you and thesame keyunlocks thedoors [intheshelter].

convention many on an intrusion established With suchstaff treatment as fronts theLighthouse, well as thepatronizing at of residents by exemplified thesickpolicy'smandatethata to taken staff provethatshe womanhave hertemperature by their of loss often resent that is ill,itis notsurprising residents relievedto have founda even while feeling independence, an Fredagoeson todescribe incident withan opening. shelter between staff the with staff succinctly that captures relationship at and client theLighthouse:
WhatI don'tlikeaboutthisplace are thrulesand and by regulations, theabuseofauthority case managers. and at The other night 8:30 p.m.I was doinglaundry, I a to, laughedloud with womanI was talking and thecase toldme to be quiet,thathe had made another manager go parent to bed at 8:00p.m.and he could makeme go our don'trespect privacy. too.. Theytalkand laugh ..They their aboutyou,makefunofyou.... personal Theybring feelit. havea bad day, livesintothisplace.Ifthey you

in Fredaaskedtosee her After incident thelaundry the room, has file,and foundthatthe staff been keepingtrackof the that for She checks havearrived her. conjectures casemanthat the of are able to see theamount thecheckthrough enagers it. velopeand record
If to I was hesitant aboutgetting file. you try enmy themessagenotto rock force they giveyou yourrights, me theboat.Technically couldkick outon thestreet. they but I'd have to stayin a motel, themotelsaroundhere in to suck.The one we werestaying [prior coming really had two rats.A lot ofpeople would [feel to theshelter]

GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOMELESS SHELTER Williams: if felt that more comfortable about] complain[ing]they safe be wouldn't putout.You can getputoutfor talking they backtoa case manager."

93

and In addition theencroachment "abuse ofauthority" to by thestaff's to "put out" homelesspeople shelter staff, ability increase resiwith rulestosignificantly other shelter combines abouttheir dentinsecurity housing. Inevery to or staff theauthority admit discharge has shelter, on a heavily theminds weighs family,powerthat anyhomeless or of most residents.However disrespectful disdainfula be towardclients, residents staff shelter's repeatedly might A about their statusat the shelter. case managers approach shehas beenblamed for ask womanmight whether, example, a or severalresidents, whether case an between for argument to her hardenough resolve situthinks is working she manager each week a recordof ation.Otherslistand turnin to staff havefiled employment or prospect they every application job knowstheyhave to theyhave investigated ensurethatstaff time.To thehomelesspeople livingat notsquanderedtheir to detail:their this theshelters, is nota petty ability remain to mostshelters have funding houseddependson it.Though for eachhomeless family 90 days,mostadmitpeople support at makesa decision the less suchas 30 days,and staff for time, merits extension an a time aboutwhether resident end ofthat not to 90 days.A personwho staff perceives to be working disharor to hardenough, havebroken rules, to have created an notreceive extension. other residents, might mony among for have shelters Sincemost requests shelconsistently more onesturnwithsomeofthesmaller can terthanthey manage, have ingaway morepeople in thecourseofa yearthanthey when soonas possible wanttoknowas casemanagers housed, residents resident a current simply plansto leave.Sometimes clothes in their to do notreturn theshelter theevening, leaving in and otherpersonalbelongings theirrooms.Some call to

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that do at whileothverify they notwishtoremain theshelter, needtomaintain ersnever contact staff again.Case managers' to on translates stern warncurrent information bedavailability for a eviction curfew violations. however, If, ingsorautomatic at resident lateonly is shelters usually count she can once, most on herbed still availableto herwhenshe returns the to being shelter. Whilemostshelters admit a time peoplefor certain period, for one month, homeless and knowthey can example people depend on housing for at least that lengthof time,the written rulesinform residents thatroomsare Lighthouse's risk basis/' and residents "providedon a consecutive night if their rooms another to homeless to return losing family they theshelter after 6:00 p.m. without staff authorization. prior Whena homeless first enters shelter, Lighthouse the the family will will staff indicate thata resident's program performance be reviewed within weeksofhisor herarrival, two withcontinuedstaycontingent activities efand upon theresident's In forts. thatsense,ifthey withtheregulations, resicomply dentswillbe ensured leasttwoweeksofshelter. at However, case managers senda mixedmessagewhenthey also statein therulesthat residents mustsecuretheir roomson a night by fear thatshe will return to basis,creating in a resident night in theshelter theevening 6:00p.m.to find that room her past has beengivento another family. Forresidents to to mandate trying conform theLighthouse that five interviews applications day, or each they complete job who mustalso pickup their children after schoolor day care, it maybe difficult exactly to timetheir arrival theshelter. at of for who cars Particularly themajority residents arewithout and rideoften inWest unreliable buses(bus arrival times City as muchas a halfhourfrom postedtimeson the mayvary someroutes) walktoappointments, fear their or the that rooms havebeengivenaway ifthey return curfew adds to may past their A considerable stress. resident be due daily might tardy

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to a delayedbus,havingbeen unableto finda pay phoneat knowshe and to thebus stopin order calltheshelter letthem to thebus,and afraid leave the wouldbe latebefore boarding while fear the a tolookfor phonefor that buswouldarrive stop is staff proneto susthe she was gone.However, Lighthouse due who arrive in theevenings to spelate that residents pect beenusingdrugsorarelying have cialcircumstances actually reand thosewho needto regularly abouttheir whereabouts, a due curfew to a job usuallymustundergo testfor turn after drugoralcoholconsumption. shelter a "work as its describes family TheLighthouse protwo if does notfind job within a that a resident stating gram/' 32 hoursa weekand notina at weeks, working regularly least will be asked to she makingcommission, probably position ifthe leavetheprogram. allows,a Alternatively, case manager in and part-time can resident participate training programs workwherehoursspentin bothtotalat least32. The shelter but find to doeshavea jobdeveloper helpresidents work, even male resiare withhis help theopportunities limited. Many in construction other or dentshaveexperience jobs typionly basisorseasonalor workon a project project by callyoffering Femaleresidents may have workedfor positions. part-time or in foodor other restaurants, as services, fast housekeeping childcareneedscanpreclude in stores. cashiers retail Juggling sincesome day carefacilities certain (secured jobs accepting of withthehelpoftheDepartment Economic the for residents in children theevenings. do notcarefor TransportaSecurity) 10:00 do notrunafter busesinWest is tion also a problem; City the and in somepartsofthecity lastbuses comeat 7:00 p.m., A of p.m.and do notrunat all on theweekends. number resiminimum at dentstakejobs at fastfoodrestaurants wage in with in and that can to order ensure they stay theshelter, those makeno morethan$6.00to $8.00 jobs better-paying typically reasonthatpeople have is an hour.Yet poverty a primary

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in traceable largeparttolow-paying irreguor shelter, sought larjobs. More obviouslythanin othershelters, some Lighthouse staff seempredisposed distrust to homeless people.One staff in a American hislate-20s, described shelmember, Tom, Euroin terresidents thisway:
of want work. to Ninety percent homeless peopledon't Mostshelters don'tforce to work- they're like people three month vacations people.You getyour for rent, your foodpaid for it'sgreat! wantto Whywouldn't anyone livefor I free? knowpeoplewho go toAlaska,then come herefor three months' and for [vacation] stayin a shelter that time. I knowthere a lotofpeoplewhogo from are shelter to shelter they'd rather drugsand drink do thanhave to work. someofthem, makemore For from benthey money efits than do atwork; wouldthey wanttowork? they why Allshelters shouldbe work like programs theLighthouse. You can'tjustprovide shelter these free to peopleand not force them work. likegiving fat to It's a person who'son a dietlotsoffood- cakeand candybars- it'stootemptThese[homeless] ingforthem. peoplehave to be taught responsibility.

Withits emphasison a mandatory workprogram and close as attention case plans and supervision, opposedtoindividual moretypical theFamily of the is Shelter, Lighthouse program on theprinciples peoplearehomeless that organized through their own fault, becausethey notwantto work, areusdo or ingdrugsand alcohol. People in Transition IftheFamily Shelter tendstotreat homeless with residents a mixture warmth, of and paternalism, theLightand support, houseregards with them and suspicion blame, PeopleinTran-

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withneglect or often treat their clients sitioncase managers the indifference. a fewblocksfrom Lighthouse, Just Peoplein within city a utilizes three Transition buildings publichousing are WhiletheFamilyShelter and Lighthouse homeproject. adultswithchildren, lessshelters PeopleinTransition serving and assists itself a transitional as describes livingprogram or over18whoarephysimen elderly andwomen, those single, disabled.Likeother transitional livingprocallyor mentally in Transition forup to two provideshousing People grams, months offered mostemergency than three the rather by years I havereferred itas a "shelter" becausein to shelters. However, shelter an manyways it morecloselyresembles emergency than Rather than transitional a housing people living program. houshomes most as transitional inapartments single-family or in clients together live do, ingprograms PeopleinTransition's rerooms (three madeup ofseveral a complex largesleeping menand twofor servedfor women)eachofwhichhousesup as These "dorms/7 the to ninepeoplewho sharea bathroom. refers them, to haveninebeds placedaroundtheroom shelter to at different angles,in an attempt providea bitofprivacy. at standbesideitand a padlockedtrunk Eachbed has a night beof thefoot thebed, theonlyspace forresidents' personal On besidesseveralshareddressers. topofthedresslongings and perersare stacked bedding, piles ofwomen'sclothing, and sonalbelongings, womenalso makeuse ofthespace unbeds forthepossessionsthatwill notfitintotheir der their trunks. commuhosta largekitchen, Other roomsin thecomplex sevthat couches, has room area,and a recreation dining nity These and tattered eralbookcases novels, a television. holding bare are the rooms, including dorms, uniformly and drab;neito providewall hangnor ther staff theresidents the attempt a touches. or otherdomestic When,forinstance, ings,rugs, has and out oftheshelter another notmoved womanmoves of intotake place, bed sheusedremains the her stripped sheets,

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blankets comforter, thebare,stained with or mattress inand stitutional brown metal frame bed as serving uglyanddepressreminders thisis not"home." that ing The area oftownand housing itself dangerous are project forthelargely clientele. Some residents in are places elderly use walkers, move aroundslowlyand painor wheelchairs, others have hearing sightproblems. or Afraid walk to fully; aroundthesurrounding whichis knownformuggings area, of theshelter was beatenwhilewaiting (a former employee fora bus acrossthestreet from shelter), the and robbery, sex within smallyarddirectly residents the in work,many stay front thecluster buildings of of whichhouse them. Theyare frustrated depressed their and and isolation, evenwithin by thehousingproject notalwaysfeelsafe,as theft, do vandalwithin yard.In the the ism,and assaulthave also occurred winter 1994,two residents of witnessed severalyoungmen another and theresibeating personon theproject grounds, dentscalledthepolice.As thepolicehauledtheyouths away, theyoungmen pointedto the elderly shelter residents and threatened they that wouldreturn "knew and whothey were." The staff offices People in Transition in a separate of are acrossthesmallyardfrom dorms,and remain the building unlocked the noonand 1:00 during hoursof10:00a.m.to12:00 to4:00p.m.The office a phonefor has resident and mesuse, and mailmaybe pickedup as well.The twocase mansages of offices rarely and agersand director theshelter in their stay at length withthosewho liveat theshelter, durspeak except that has ingtheone houra week meeting each resident with one ofthecase managers. this At thecase manager is meeting, tomonitor offer ina resident's and aid search housing, for emor health and checkon their mental benefits, care, ployment, and physical health. One case manager routinely spendsanywherefrom to 15 minutes five withresidents rather thanthe hourset aside fortheweeklymeetings. thiscase Moreover, from office his manager generally emerges onlyonce during

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deal withBeth, theday,and as a result, residents mostoften in Beth theadministrative assistant. speakstoresidents a rude in reticent and and condescending and they, turn, way, appear withBethand two aroundher.One day I lunched apologetic Pat and female residents, and Cathy, Bethspokeas ifPat and that werenotpresent. suggested itwouldbe "good She Cathy to the for" homeless peopleat theshelter dressup in Hallowin on 31st eencostumes October and participate a talent show, "increase their self-esteem." becauseitmight mustagree Bethalso monitors residents' mail,whichthey in into at to to receive Peoplein Transition order be admitted food stamps,or payWhendisability theprogram. checks, the records date, theresidents the and checks (who arrive, office incomes $100) or month greater one-third their the of of payper fees. The their checks and areaskedtopay their mustsignfor at theshelter on that relies theexpectation thoseliving system the that willnotpayina timely which manner, supports belief mailbefore resithe staff shouldhaveaccesstotheir personal do. dentsthemselves in InAugust 1994, typical of of a month terms themakeup housed 31 men and 20 of the shelter, People in Transition 41 ofwhomwereEuroAmerisix American, Africanwomen, one American, Latinoand oneAsian.Sixteen can,twoNativeof weredesignated oftheresidents, three them women, only with history a "substance abuse"problems. as having Anyone ofheavyalcoholor druguse is notacceptedintotheshelter or had month without periodofabstinence havhaving a three to treatment a program prior applyingcompleted onemonth allow someoneintotheshelter theshelter. Staff might ingto but is who has a shorter periodofabstinence, sucha decision to "substance abusers"mustsubmit random rare.Moreover, attend Alcoholics orurinalysis tests, Anonymous breathalyzer drink oroff on and cannot orNarcotics Anonymous meetings, no one can use drugsin their theshelter Although premises. althe allowsmoderate timeaway from shelter, staff the free

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if coholuse. However, someone drinks actsthreatening and or he abuse "uncontrolled/7orshewillbe placedinthesubstance and be unableto drink their initial arprogram again.Upon rivalat theshelter, staff warnsresidents thatunannounced, willbe conducted staff; random searches thedorms of such by searches occurwhenstaff a resident been using has suspects drugs. As might suggested some residents' be to by ability consumealcohol theshelter off inTransition does premises, People nothave as manyrulesas theFamily Shelter Lighthouse. or at theshelter, from shelter other theft the or Keeping weapons violenceor threatening and the residents, behavior, missing in curfew 10:00p.m.can result eviction. theother of On hand, case managers residents stayovernight theshelto off permit tergrounds, long as theysubmit requestin advance,a as a other shelters notoffer. though And do residents "privilege" are notsupposedto visitin others7 staff do members dorms, not closelyor regularly monitor resident movement, except for nightly check. a bed HomelessCamps One alternative shelters stillprovides semblance to that a of community mutualsupportexistsin the organized and thatdot thedesert and fruit orchards aroundWest campsites One suchhomeless is on state-owned City. campsite property that abutsa freeway a mileoff busythora Just half overpass. the of vansand campers which make oughfare, panoply rusty and arecompletely obscured up thecampsitin a smallravine from roadbydesert the brush and trees. Approached a dirt by roadwhich endsata chainlinkfence, pathtothecampcan the be accessedonly foot in A a by through break thefence. whistle onthefence with hand-lettered reading: a "Beware! hangs sign Blow whistle before will The entering!" sound ofthewhistle

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whomever resides thecamp, at summon surrounded currently by a pack oftenor so mangy dogs who have been knownto ifvisitors bite venture into people, particularly unaccompanied thecamp. have arranged severalcampershells,an Camp residents and somerusty vansthat abandoned serveas living bus, quarintoa rough circle. Scattered abouttheedgesofthiscircle ters of and are a variety old cars,trucks bicycles thattheresident is to or to other mechanic attempting repair usingfor parts fix cars. One camperservesas the community food pantry, to at thana weekare whichpeople staying thecampforlonger to to means. expected contribute, according their some people come to thecamp in searchof an Although withtheir and alternative theshelters to curfews, regulations, for the information, camphas itsown setof requests personal rules.Very sickpeople (mentally physically) notwelor are norareheavydrugusersorthose whogetviolent while come, drunk. Such people disturb qualityoflife, the whichat least theday seemspeaceful and somewhat Moreduring solitary. the carethat other residents notwishto do over, they require call to or feelcapable to give,and might undo attention the in theform visitors of from social serviceagencies, or camp that possibly or stateauthorities city demanding thecampbe vacated. The camphas existed fiveyears, for withdifferent people inand outthroughout period, this a Bruce, 35moving though EuroAmerican has livedherefor all five man, nearly year-old inSeptember, At6:00a.m.on a Thursday Bruce years. morning awakeand working hislatest on mechanical is already project, with and missing front fenda 1973Chevy chipped green paint to and ers,muttering himself thedogs that rangearoundhim whilehe works.He sportsa scraggly beardand wears only loose fitting jeans heldup by a piece ofrope.Bruce'sreputationas a gifted mechanic often attracts people withautomoand tiveproblems limited resources thecamp.Someremain to

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the whileothers onlyuntilBrucecompletes repairs, stayon formonths and evenyears.SinceI have arrived thecamp at with a 30-year-old AfricanAmerican socialworker from Leon, a cityorganization whichsends someoneto thecamps spoto aid to Bruce radically offer andhousing options theresidents, is notfriendly towardus, as he ostensibly be toward might who hearaboutthecampthrough wordofmouth and people seekitoutas a place to stayor forBruce' automotive s expertise.Not happyaboutbeingdisturbed, Brucechatsfora few minutes abouthis attempts gain ownership theChevy, to of thenturns back to his work.He respondsto Leon's offer of blankets sleeping and refusal. bags witha gruff We are soon joinedby Nancy, 40-year-old a EuroAmerican womanwho is preparing day laboron a construction for sitealongwithherboyfriend another and womanstaying at thecamp.The manwho locatedthejob and has arrived that to morning drivethemto thesiteis a former camp resident himself who now has his own apartment, occasionally and with drives tothecamptovisit out current He campresidents. has drivenNancyand theothers theconstruction all to job week,and though Nancyadmitsthattheworkis physically she havebeenreadyeachmorndifficult, and theothers very wrist swollen her is ingat 6:30a.m.Thismorning boyfriend's from injury an the but incurred day before, he plansto work anyway. In contrast Bruce' barely to s checked annoyance, Nancyis and warm.With hairbrushed her back in a articulate, funny it and ponytail, freshly polishednails,and cleanshorts t-shirt, is difficult tellthatshe livesin thedesert to without running water. Leonbelieves that wouldleavethecampifhe could she but a or help herenter shelter findsubsidizedhousing, her with is and social boyfriend "a drinker" does notwishtowork service and Nancywantsto livewithhim.Accordagencies, to Leon,mostpeople at thecamp had at one timeor aning other lookedto social services help themto,forexample, to

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find or but benefits, becamediscourdisability housing receive benefits werecutwithout explanation an or aged whentheir withthearray case managers of to them, disgusted assigned at someworking odds withone another and others overlaps to for requests personal ping.Bruce7antipathy socialworkers' information attempts "change"homeless or to acpeoplethat mostoffers assistance for echoesthecomcompany probably ofmanywho livein suchcamps. plaints of her Nancyis intheprocess "winterizing" trailer, adding to theoutsidewalls ofscrapwood, metal, another and layer in corkboard,and filling cracksand holes from inside. the thatshe has been cold duringtheincreasingly Complaining becauseshe lacksanything shorts wear, but to cool evenings blankets jeans.Whenwe return the and she asks Leon for to sweatshirts blankets and for campanother day,Leon brings and herboyfriend, thattherestof the onlyNancy believing residents would refuse them. camp to ResidentResistance Staff Control Notallhomeless to peopleturn campssuchas theoneBruce and Nancylivein,though similar beliefs about manyexpress or thepatronizing suspicious attitudes socialservice of workers. Many also complainabout social worker invasiveness, "emotional distance"(Ferrill which, along withmaintaining 1991:124),has beeninstitutionalized partofa professional as if standard whichis claimedtobe necessary homeless lowor incomepeople are to be "helped" (Funiciello 1993:182). To find"resistance" of amonghomeless people to thediscipline theshelter tonarratives homelessness and of which them paint as undeserving, mustrecognize one actionsother thanorganizeddemonstrations, ofwhich initially are coordinated many non-homeless advocatesor serviceproviders. by Organized create short-lived a but ofattention, itis uprisings may flurry

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1985:29) that best forms ... resistance" of the"everyday (Scott in cultural represent people's ongoingparticipation creating their livedexperiences, relationthe that mostaffect meaning, to situations they that develop,and solutions their shipsthey devise.7 in of resistance narratives "the to Attheshelters West City, ill suras homeless" "dysfunctional," or mentally often lazy, as in shelter demandstobe treated humanberesidents' face and for histories issues,or as individuals ingswithparticular rather thanas a mass rule whoma certain maybe detrimental, reasonsforbeall of "thehomeless," of whomhave similar the to and homeless needtofollow rulesinorder learn coming of Othersresisttheconstructions "dependent "discipline."8 the can which that homeless onlybe "helped"by argue poor," from shelsocial service taking by agencies, self-consciously feel needwhile thekindofhelpthey they ters (whenavailable) in is that to refusing participate thestory theshelter "helping themto fitback intothemainstream." Although theyoften in themselves from other toseparate peopleliving the attempt and that the shelter refusing label "homeless" byclaiming by at other homeless havebetter valuesthan people, thesame they intheshelters utilize creative time those myriad attempts living and of toresist constructions"undeserving" toevadethestaff's in Their micro-management. participation constructpersonal is homeless by peopleas undeserving tempered the ingother as demandstheyplace on theshelter, well as their expectawithdignity humanity not and and be tionsthat they treated as simply a "case." have of Forinstance, residents PeopleinTransition refused as that tocarry thecharade thecasemanager "professional" out that onceitwas perceived he did nottakean is helping them, withother in behalf active interest their lives,orworkon their to hold an ongoingcontest see who can agencies.Residents in of office for theleastamount time thecase manager's spend theirweeklyappointments (supposed to last an hour),the

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These residents minutes. record maybe read as beingthree that is it whichsuggests of a refusing narrative homelessness who needs socialworker, withthehelpofa professional only thatsuchpeople willbecomeperto "change"thehomeless, homed. manently and taketheir residents as shelter Just complaints rarely this left for to demandsdirectly staff fearofeviction, practice to few residents (whohad very resources PeopleinTransition in when tenuous with) an extremely position. Specifically, begin ill of American resident theshela Sharon, mentally Africanthe whodid notwork from casemanager decidedtoswitch ter, her behalfto another, onlychoicewas a staff on residents7 sexualtalk"stressed out."Sharon her whoseconstant member to continues meetwiththissecondcase manager, despitehis himas morewilling because she perceives sexualinnuendo, to case manager help hersecurehousingand thantheother than bearable be benefits. Sexualharassment other might more find and becannot no housing receiving helpat all; ifSharon theend ofherallotted to receive disability payments by gin menher timeat theshelter, severememory lapses and other on meanthat willbe living thestreet. she talproblems probably can Whileinactive case managers cause homeless people that attitudes itis so distress, toocan case manager significant reasons rather thanthestructural resident theshelter herself, and that investigation corwhyshebecamehomeless, warrant a a rection. resident, protested percepTracy, FamilyShelter as not"equal" to others: tionofhomeless people
The don'tlookatus as thesameas them. case [People] of don't even think us as the same as them. managers at the [Mark, case manager theshelter] mad at me for got whenshewas sick[with gallblada aboutJulie worrying He aboutmyself, derinfection]. said I shouldjustworry to havetobe any becauseI haveenough do. Weshouldn't ... it's humannature care different other than [to people

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I abouta friend]. don'thave to careso muchthatI'd let peoplestaywithme,butI careaboutfriends.

Also complaining thechildcareworkers that "lookdown on "Ifwe had jobs,and thoseotherpeople asserts: her/7 Tracy became homeless, wouldn'tlook down on them'cause we we've beenthere, knowwhatit'slike/7 at oncedistinwe She between herself thechildcareworkers, and a guishes making claimto moralsuperiority to greater experience, and life and at thesame timemaintains their that"anyequality, arguing that one can becomehomeless/7 it is plausiblethatsomeday she and thechildcareworkers couldexchange places. a forty-year-old feels Marta, Latina, routinely disrespected members theFamilyShelter, at thatthestaff by staff stating and the lives/7 that twomain"gossipsaboutpeople'sprivate tenance workers have "no compassion77 thepeople at the for as becausethey were shelter, acting ifpeoplebecamehomeless than that had "runintocrises.77 like Moreover, lazyrather they Erin and Mareia, Martais disturbed thestaff's constant surby veillanceof shelter residents. example,residents the For at Shelter mustrequestand sign forclothing from the Family donations as eventhemostmundane peror room, wellas for sonaloftoiletries hygiene and items. Martaexpresses uneasiness abouthavingto ask forpersonalitemsfrom staff memwill that she bers,fearing thestaff think is "usingtoo much77 oris "greedy.77 goesso far toborrow She as laundry soap from herhusband, who does notliveat theshelter from and whom will she separated due to his physical abuse,so thatthestaff notthink has used toomuchoftheshelter she soap. a American of mother two,arguesthat the Michelle, Eurois superior theLighthouse, Shelter to where Family program she had stayedfiveyearsago,butnonetheless to objects cerIn tainFamilyShelter staff Michellelapractices. particular, in ments that staff does notapproach eachresident a moreindividualized to the reawayinorder attempt ascertain specific

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sonseachperson become has homeless rather staff the assumes each person'spoverty be addressedthrough can counseling and life skills classes.Michelle's comments extend a critique to ofpoverty policygenerally:
I Theonlything don'tlikeaboutthisprogram that is I've seenthem throw five with placetogo. out families no Martahad bad credit she couldn'tgetan apartment. so Now she's livingin hercar.... no off They're better than whenthey camein here.The thing she hasthemoney is, for placebutno onewouldrent her. wasn'tlikeshe a to It didn'ttry. see heron thephoneall thetime. I'd

Shelter allowedMartato staylonger than ThoughtheFamily months whenshe could notfind herallocatedthree housing, and in so doingprovided individualized the treatment which Michelle shouldgovern staff's workwithcliarguesroutinely shewas eventually askedtoleavewithout secured ents, having Michelle does notbelievethatshe is an apartment. Similarly, "It from mandatory the classesat theshelter: gripes learning I me that haveto go to parenting classessinceI've beentwice And in LifeSkillsclass,we weregivenan exercise to already. If a a budgetfor manwho made $60,000 year. anyofus made that we wouldn'tbe here.I toldtheladythat, thatshe much, shouldgive us an exercise budgetwith$1,000a month/' to Michelle's comments makeclearherunderstanding most that women's homelessness cannot attributed budgeting be to probwitha classon suchskills. is difficult supIt lemsand fixed to of on a and how to porta family three $1,000 month, learning in divideup $60,000 year, add and subtract a to figures colwill not help a woman like umns of expensesand equity, Michelle. American of mother two who became Gloria,an Africanhomelessafter and herhusbanddivorced, she likeMichelle has analyzedwhywomenbecomehomeless howshelters and and agencies couldbetter servethem. uses oneexample She to

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of can explainhow shelter regulations workto thedetriment residents:

At [theMinistry another WestCityhomeless shelter, and shelter], don'tservebreakfast, kidsgo to school they And not without breakfast. you're supposedtohavefood in yourroom, So and it forces people to be dishonest. if that's little you're the lie [that don'thavebreaktelling you fast foodin yourroomwhenyouactually then what do], I other will you telljustto stayin theprogram? was lie lucky enoughto have a carand I kepta coolerin itwith ice.I'd take[thekids]to schooland we'd sitat thepicnic withmilk. tableand havecereal had to at Also,everyone topay$225a month stay [the That'ssomething lotofpeopledon'trealize. a Ministry].

if to listened Gloria'scritique, shelter the Arguably thestaff in would be morehumaneand able to diminish some stress inditheresidents' lives.However, Dee Dee's experience as mosthomeless cates, people'sideas arenotwelcomeand can in eviction result from shelter. the Dee Dee, a Euro-American of resident the Lighthouse, claimsthatstaff theMinistry at asked herto leave after she wrotea letter complaint aboutan employee who "used to of in whisper thewomen'searswhocouldn't speakEnglish, sayown countries." After the ing theyneed to go back to their evictedher,theLighthouse Dee Dee and Ministry accepted her daughter: "This is like a country club comparedto the ... theyhave 400 people [at the Ministry] not and Ministry The kids ran around like animals,and were enough staff. treated animals." like to women's Contrary someoftheother abouttheinvasiveness Lighthouse of Dee complaints policies, Dee asserts "knowing that as business," wellas the everyone's structured nature theprogram, bothaspectsthatmake of are itstrong:

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The organizational structure expertise theLighthouse what and of is makesthem successful. recidivism oftheir The rate clients peoplewho don'twanthelpbutdon'twanttobe on thestreets think and really they're to slideby - is notrelated thedelivery theprogram.... to of This going works because knows business.... who program everyone everyone's People comehere incrisis hearing other are and that are is people'sstories similar healing.

Dee Dee does notpointout,however, as at mostshelters, that homelessresidents mustrevealdetailsabout their personal in workhistories, families orderto be acand relationships, and informationexis ceptedintotheprogram, their personal withotherstaff, while the case managers strive to changed maintain distance notsharing their own perprofessional by withresidents. sonalhistories a as Moreover, Tammy, resident of a domestic violenceshelter, staff members who suggests, to to whilealso controlattempt provide counseling residents accessto shelter homeless ask lingtheir peopleto divulgeinthat formation potentially could place at risktheir continued "I'd if residence theshelter: feelmorecomfortable an outat side personoffered Thatway I can say anything counseling. I and m notafraid11 off. piss staff Thereare some things can'tsayto staff/7 she at thanshewas at Although is happier theLighthouse theMinistry, Dee stillcalls it a "circuson all ends/'acDee And the and decisions. tively critiquing program casemanager theMinistry evicted for her asserting belief her that a though staff member shouldchange behavior, remains his she outspo"I kenattheLighthouse: was toldtoputmy17-year-old daughteron thecity [togo toschool]on [a very bus street dangerous infront theshelter] 5:30inthemorning.had tocallsome I of at I ofthecase managers their on adviceto me. I think can give them someunbiasedadvice."Byasserting she has a perthat from which case managers learn, can and spective Lighthouse in particular hersareunbiasedcriticisms, Dee places that Dee in herself thesame league withthestaff, their undercutting

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claimsto "expert"status.Case managersas licensedsocial striveto remain"unbiased";the positionof social workers to relies as worker professional fairly upon theability remain advoliveswhileoffering from detached specialized people's betakesTracy's advice.Dee Dee, then, and "objective" cacy liefthatshe is "thesame" as thecase managers thesense (in She one stepfurther. argues thatthey all humanbeings), are are them they ofimparting as that is as capableofteaching she and adviceto her. knowledge Conclusion and of has As Gusfield arguedin terms drinking driving, is as of theconstruction homelessness a "publicproblem" init (Gusfield 1981:5-8; to relatedto attempts solve trinsically witha becamea problem 1991:11).Homelessness Nathanson to someone aboutwhich or status," "something ought "public in theearly1980s, academics, as do something" 5) (Gusfield: to and activists paid increasingly attention precaripoliticians, ously housed populations,slowly changingthe notionof to "bums"and "vagrants" the"homeless." However, despite for concern and charitable current impulsestoward popular ear"skidrow"populations toward not thehomeless directed "bum" and of lierin thecentury, representations thealcoholic a have notbeen excisedfrom narrative disaffected "vagrant" ofhomelessness. number homelessfamiof the Indeed,although growing homelessness of as liesis often cited evidence thewaysinwhich of examination family from structural dislocation, mayresult indicates transitional shelters long-term and housing programs a as to continues be defined essentiallymenthat homelessness have been Social workers tal health and individual problem. thehomeless for through primary responsibility "fixing" given From perthe of and surveillance control "deviant lifestyles."

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the for as of designated "fixing" spective shelter institution it to homeless, then, becomesimperative analyzethearchiteccontext The ofvariousshelters. specific tureand regulations establish para and bothreflects helpstofurther oftheshelter of ticular understanding why people becomehomelessand Shelter staff shouldbe crafted. to howresponses homelessness of residents and sometimes suspecthomeless patronize often in offer assistance real other times staff to trying deceivethem; or for a search low-income housing morestableemployment. treatment homeless of of people in theshelRegardless their as understand residents the staff ters,however, commonly "cases" to which an "expert" responds by using informethods (suchas demanding personal professionalized life a case plan,and mandating skillsclasses) mation, writing the in order correct control homeless and to person.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

for and SuzetteHemberger their I wish to thank Matthew Crenson whichthisarfrom of and critique theresearch project support ongoing for ticlecomes,and LauryOaks and Cass Russett providing thoughtful on comments this essay. NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. have been information All names and identifying background of in the to changed order protect anonymity theparticipants. this I thank suggesting lineofinquiry. LauryOaks for ot was madeinthecontext critiquLeacock ThisquotebyEleanor 1967: quotedinKatz thesis. Leacock of 3-4, ingtheculture poverty 1989:39. to that had Somewomenstated they beenreluctant seekhousing shelter resifrom other for ofviolence fear inan emergency shelter dents. to ill womenattest withmentally homeless Ferrill's experiences withthem as in staff encounter working thedifficulties that may on to reliance rulesto remain and shelter residents, points staff's

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6.

7.

8.

ill in treatment mentally women(Ferrill of consistent their 1991, avoid acWestCityfamily shelters generally esp. 97). However, ill cepting seriously mentally womenormen. shelIn interviews staff residents women'shomeless with and of and conflicts between staff clients Liebow(1993)foundthat ters, on of weredefined thepowerlessness clients one hand,and by of from womenon the the or staff's authoritarianismfear violence socialworkers, believed that professional as other. Somestaff they the neededto "change" women. lack a serious studiesoften Ortner Sherry arguesthatresistance and culture "dominated of of examination thepolitics groups." of on theculture homeless Thisarticle partofa larger is project in s that detailOrtner' contenpeoplein shelters explores greater resistance least at andunderpins tion that "culture informs, shapes it" from (1995:181). as muchas itemerges situationally in workers an industrialInAihwaOng's study womenfactory of articulation she little "coherent rural town, found Malaysian izing in terms." the ofexploitation classorevenfeminist Rather, women in individualized resisted fragmented, ways againstwhatthey their treatment threatened "moral that tobe inhumane perceived status" (1987:196).
REFERENCES CITED

for Lisa Ferrill, (1991).A FarCryFromHome:Lifein a Shelter Homeless TheNoblePress. Women. Chicago: of and Punish:The Birth thePrison. Michel(1995).Discipline Foucault, New York: Secondedition. Translated Alan Sheridan. Vintage by Books. the of Theresa (1993).Tyranny Kindness: Funiciello, Dismantling Welfare in NewYork: Atlantic The toEndPoverty America. Monthly System Press. of Outside:Meanings and Myths (1992).The Women Golden,Stephanie ofCalifornia Press. Homelessness. Berkeley: University R. of Problems: The Gusfield, Drinking-DrivJoseph (1981). Culture Public of Order. and theSymbolic University ChicagoPress. ing Chicago: Huttman, Elizabeth, and Sonjia Redmond (1992). Women and Shelters Long to Evidence Need toLookBeyond of Homelessness: Term Assistance Permanent and SocialService Housing.Journal ofSociology SocialWelfare and 19(4):89-111.

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the Poor:From Waron Poverty Katz,MichaelB. (1989).TheUndeserving New York: Pantheon Books. totheWaron Welfare. HomelessFamiliesin (1988).Racheland Her Children: Kozol,Jonathan New York: Fawcett Columbine. America. in Distortions Working-Class of Eleanor (1967). Leacock, Reality American 31 Science and Society (1967):3-4. SocialScience. Women. Tell WhoI Am:TheLivesofHomeless Elliot (1993). Them Liebow, The New York: FreePress. the The at and Peter (1987). Marin, Helping Hating Homeless: Struggle the 39-49. ofAmerica. 274(1640): Margins Harpers A. Constance (1991).DangerousPassage:The SocialControl Nathanson, in Adolescence. UniofSexuality Women's Philadelphia: Temple Press. versity and of Discipline: Factory Spirits Resistance Capitalist Ong,Aihwa(1987). in StateUniversity New York of Press. Women Malaysia. Albany: ReB. (1995).Resistance theProblem Ethnographic and of Ortner, Sherry ofSociety History and fusal. for 37(1): Study Society Comparative 173-193. Paul (ed.) (1984).The FoucaultReader.New York:Pantheon Rabinow, Books. Forms Peasant of C. Scott, James (1985).WeaponsoftheWeak:Everyday Press. New Haven:YaleUniversity Resistance. in and Resistance a David (1993).Checkerboard Square:Culture Wagner, Boulder: Westview Press. Homeless Community. CriLeslieKanes(1992).Discrimination Design:A Feminist Weisman, By of Urbana:University IllioftheMan-MadeEnvironment. tique noisPress. Review TELLTHEM WHO I AM:THE LIVESOF of (1995). Wolch, Jennifer Liebow. UrbanGeography HOMELESS WOMEN,byElliot 16(2): 178-188.