American Independence

AMERICAN
Independence
From Common Sense to the Declaration
BEN PONDER
Appendix
The Text of Common Sense

I ncluded here is an edited and complete transcription of the text of
Common Sense as it appeared in Philadelphia beginning on February
14, 1776. Because there are many reprint editions of Common Sense
now available in bookstores and libraries, it is important that I explain
my rationale for producing my own version. First, I must note that I
am by no means dismissing all other editions of Common Sense as
deficient or incorrect; they simply do not fit the analytical parameters of
this study. In the case of this book, my goal is not modernized clarity or
grammatical correctness; it is to make accessible to my readers the text
as it appeared in Philadelphia during the spring of 1776.
The overarching objective of this study is to facilitate a deeper
understanding of the American colonial experience of Common Sense
and of the political mentality driving the decision for independence.
Therefore, my argument requires that twenty-first century readers
engage with essentially the same text as did eighteenth-century
colonists. I have not concerned myself in this study with what Common
Sense meant to audiences in 1792, 1809, or 2007; I want simply to
elucidate what the text meant to American colonists in early 1776.
Although my primary historical focus is highly specific, my
methodological focus lends itself toward more generalization. I have
intended in this book to exemplify a method of rhetorical
historiography that can be applied to other texts and contexts, and this
appendix is part of that metacritical strategy. In basic terms, my reasons
for appending a complete text of Common Sense to this book are
threefold: convenience, integrity, and precision.
Convenience. The expository and dialogic nature of my
argument requires that readers have ready access to the nuanced
pamphlet text. I include it here as a tool for readers to quickly cross-
reference my arguments and footnotes with the source material itself.
Original copies of Common Sense are the least convenient option for
readers, since most extant 1776 editions are cloistered in research
libraries. Microfilmed or digitized images of the pamphlet are more
widely available, but they too often lack optimal navigability or
legibility. Most Paine scholars still prefer to fish for an increasingly rare
1945 hardcopy of Philip Foner’s Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, but
even if a reader obtains an edition of this venerable work, Foner’s
editorial practice is too loose for a close textual analysis of Common
Sense (though I do cite several other Paine texts from this edition, when
textual exactitude is less of a necessity).
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 555
Integrity. By appending an edited version of Common Sense to

this book, I am also, in the spirit of academic research, “publishing my
data.” Humanistic inquiry does not typically strive for replicable
“results” with the verve of scientific inquiry, but even humanists can
benefit from keeping the object of study consistent across multiple
investigations. Page citations from a smattering of versions—especially
in the case of a proliferated text like Common Sense—can too easily
become empty conventionalities of scholarly discourse. To analyze a
complex text like Common Sense, authors and readers alike need to
verify that we are all talking about the same thing. In order to focus the
critical vision of my readers on the inner workings of Common Sense, I
have formally partitioned the text into sections and paragraphs. This
citation technique should prove helpful to readers of this book, and it
will also enable scholars of Common Sense to discuss the text—
regardless of the edition used—with a specificity traditionally reserved
only for versified poetry, drama, and scripture. A textual taxonomy of
Common Sense—as part of a broader critical methodology—will be of
great service in furthering the conversation about this core text of the
American Revolution.
Precision. Instead of attempting to “merge” dozens of different
editions of Common Sense from 1776, I decided to focus upon a single
imprint that best represents the copies of the pamphlet circulating in
America during the spring of 1776. The original edition used for this
transcription was printed by Benjamin Towne and published by
William and Thomas Bradford in Philadelphia in February 1776. The
extant copy I used as my source is held in the Charles Deering Library
at Northwestern University. Following Richard Gimbel’s citation guide
in Thomas Paine: A Bibliographical Check List of Common Sense, this
edition is CS-12. I have omitted only page numbers, printer’s footers,
and a half-title page (directly preceding the full-title page) that reads,
“COMMON SENSE.” This individual imprint is virtually identical to
other imprints of Common Sense produced in 1776 by Towne, although
the printer did make one minor edit in this impression: the correction
of a misspelled word (he missed a few others).
I use the Bradford/Towne edition here for two primary
reasons. First, I chose this edition because it contains all of Paine’s
additions to Common Sense, including the British naval figures, the
“Appendix,” and the “Epistle to the Quakers.” These “large additions”
were added with the advent of the Bradford edition and subsequently
pirated by Robert Bell and most other American printers. The second
reason for using this impression in particular is its location—both
geographical and social—at the very heart of the independence
movement. Calling this the “Bradford edition” is somewhat misleading;
William Bradford was semi-retired and preoccupied with drilling the
Pennsylvania militia, while his son, Thomas, then the main proprietor
556 The Text of Common Sense
of the London Coffee House and the Pennsylvania Journal, is best

regarded as the “authorized retailer” of the expanded edition. It was
Thomas Paine himself who spearheaded this round of republication as
author, editor, advertiser, print broker, financial agent, and circulation
director. Paine worked closely with the two print shops producing his
new edition, Benjamin Towne and the German-American printers,
Melchior Steiner and Carl Cist. Paine was by mid-February 1776 no
longer anonymous in Philadelphia, so he certainly dropped in on the
printers periodically to inspect their work. Towne’s Pennsylvania
Evening Post was a significant flashpoint of the independence
movement during the late winter and early spring, and so it is fitting
that the text printed here comes from his press.
A word about editing and style: the text of Common Sense is
here reproduced exactly as it appears in the extant pamphlet from
which it is derived. Spelling, misspelling, and idiosyncratic spelling
have been fully preserved and replicated. Punctuation, capitalization,
and italicization are likewise identical to the source. In a couple of
instances, I have inserted a missing letter in brackets, but only when a
lacuna threatened to confuse the meaning. My editorial policy in this
text of Common Sense has been to avoid textual intervention and to
preserve the original typography (the exception to this being the
modernized internal “s” rather than “ſ”). In the rest of this study, I have
taken some editorial license to smooth punctuation or to make minor
spelling modifications with the same intent: to minimize the glaring,
pedantic “[sic]” that would litter the verbatim republication of any early
modern text. In the late eighteenth century, spelling and punctuation
were yet far from standardized, and printers and typesetters were often
as responsible for “mistakes” as authors. Inasmuch as standard spellings
did exist during the eighteenth century, I have sought to preserve in the
body of this book most Anglicised (e.g., rather than “Anglicized”)
spellings as a subtle reminder that American English did not yet exist in
1776.
The citations used herein conform to the following basic
system: the capital letter or numeral representing the section, a
separating period, and then the paragraph number within that section.
The section heading citations are:
F. The “Foreword” (Introduction) to Common Sense.

1. Section 1 on the origin and design of government.
2. Section 2 on monarchy and hereditary succession.
3. Section 3 on the present state of American affairs.
4. Section 4 on the present ability of America.
A. The “Appendix” to Common Sense added by Paine to the
Bradford edition.
E. The “Epistle to the Quakers” added to the Bradford edition.
COMMON SENSE;
ADDRESSED TO THE
INHABITANTS
of
AMERICA,
On the following interesting

SUBJECTS.
I. Of the Origin and Design of Government in general,

with concise Remarks on the English Constitution.
II. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession.
III. Thoughts on the present State of American Affairs.
IV. Of the present Ability of America, with some miscellaneous
Reflections.
A NEW EDITION, with several Additions in the Body of the Work.

To which is added an APPENDIX; together with an Address to the
People called QUAKERS.
N. B. The New Addition here given increases the Work upwards of
one Third.
Man knows no Master save creating HEAVEN,

Or those whom Choice and common Good ordain.
THOMSON.
PHILADELPHIA printed.
And sold by W. and T. BRADFORD.
INTRODUCTION.
F.1
PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet
sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of
not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being
right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defence of custom. But
the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason.
F.2
As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling
the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have
been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the
inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own Right,
to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and as the good
people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination,
they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of
both, and equally to reject the usurpations of either.
F.3
In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing
which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to
individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not
the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious,
or unfriendly, will cease of themselves, unless too much pains are
bestowed upon their conversion.
F.4
The cause of America is in a great measure, the cause of all mankind.
Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but
universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind
are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested.
The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War
against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders
thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to
whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class,
regardless of Party Censure, is the AUTHOR.
F.5
P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a
View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute
the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is
now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a
Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.
F.6
Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the
Public, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not the Man.
Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any
Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but the
influence of reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776.
COMMON SENSE.
Of the origin and design of government in general. With concise

remarks on the English constitution.
1.1
SOME writers have so confounded society with government, as to
leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only
different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants,
and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness
positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining
our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates
distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher.
1.2
Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state
is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we
suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we
might expect in a country without government, our calamity is
heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.
Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of
kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the
impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man
would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it
necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the
protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same
prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to
choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of
government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears
most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest
benefit, is preferable to all others.
1.3
In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of
government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some
sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then
represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state
of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand
motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal
to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is
soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn
requires the same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable
dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labor out the
common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had
felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was
removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and
every different want call him a different way. Disease, nay even
misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet
either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in
which he might rather be said to perish than to die.
1.4
Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly
arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would
supersede, and render the obligations of law and government
unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as
nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen,
that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration,
which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax
in their duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness, will
point out the necessity, of establishing some form of government to
supply the defect of moral virtue.
1.5
Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the
branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on
public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will have
the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other
penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by
natural right, will have a seat.
1.6
But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise,
and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it
too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first,
when their number was small, their habitations near, and the public
concerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their
consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select
number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the
same concerns at stake which those have who appointed them, and who
will act in the same manner as the whole body would act were they
present. If the colony continue increasing, it will become necessary to
augment the number of the representatives, and that the interest of
every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to
divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper
number; and that the elected might never form to themselves an interest
separate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety of
having elections often; because as the elected might by that means return
and mix again with the general body of the electors in a few months,
their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of
not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will
establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will
mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the
unmeaning name of king) depends the strength of government, and the
happiness of the governed.
1.7
Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode
rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world;
here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and
security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears
deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest
darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will
say, it is right.
1.8
I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature,
which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the
less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier repaired when
disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the
so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for the
dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the
world was over-run with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a
glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and
incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily
demonstrated.
1.9
Absolute governments (tho’ the disgrace of human nature) have this
advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they
know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the
remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the
constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may
suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part
the fault lies, some will say in one and some in another, and every
political physician will advise a different medicine.
1.10
I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if
we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English
constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient
tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials.
First. — The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king.
Secondly. — The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the
peers.
Thirdly. — The new republican materials, in the persons of the

commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.
The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people;
wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing towards the
freedom of the state.
1.11
To say that the constitution of England is a union of three powers
reciprocally checking each other, is farcical, either the words have no
meaning, or they are flat contradictions.
1.12
To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two
things.
First. — That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after,
or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease
of monarchy.
Secondly. — That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose,
are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown.
1.13
But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to
check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a
power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other
bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has
already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity!
1.14
There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of
monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet
empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required.
The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king
requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by
unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole
character to be absurd and useless.
1.15
Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the king,
say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalf of
the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the
distinctions of an house divided against itself; and though the
expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they appear idle
and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction
that words are capable of, when applied to the description of something
which either cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to be within the
compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they

may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation
includes a previous question, viz. How came the king by a power which the
people are afraid to trust, and always obliged to check? Such a power could
not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, which needs
checking, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes,
supposes such a power to exist.
1.16
But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will
not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; for as the
greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a
machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which
power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and
though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is,
check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their
endeavors will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at last have its
way, and what it wants in speed is supplied by time.
1.17
That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution
needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence
merely from being the giver of places pensions is self-evident,
wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door
against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish
enough to put the crown in possession of the key.
1.18
The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by
king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride
than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some
other countries, but the will of the king is as much the law of the land
in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding
directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more
formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the
First hath only made kings more subtle — not more just.
1.19
Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of
modes and forms, the plain truth is, that it is wholly owing to the
constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the government that
the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.
1.20
An inquiry into the constitutional errors in the English form of
government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a
proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under
the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of
doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate
prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to
choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favor of a rotten
constitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one.
Of monarchy and hereditary succession.
2.1
MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation, the
equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the
distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for,
and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names of
oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the consequence, but seldom
or never the means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man
from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to
be wealthy.
2.2
But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural
or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men
into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the distinctions of
nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men
came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like
some new species, is worth enquiring into, and whether they are the
means of happiness or of misery to mankind.
2.3
In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology,
there were no kings; the consequence of which was there were no wars;
it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into confusion. Holland
without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any
of the monarchical governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the same
remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs hath a happy
something in them, which vanishes away when we come to the history
of Jewish royalty.
2.4
Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the
Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was
the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the
promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to their
deceased kings, and the christian world hath improved on the plan by
doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred
majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is
crumbling into dust!
2.5
As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on
the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the
authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared by

Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government
by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been very
smoothly glossed over in monarchial governments, but they
undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their
governments yet to form. “Render unto Caesar the things which are
Caesar’s” is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of
monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a king,
and in a state of vassalage to the Romans.
2.6
Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the
creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king. Till
then their form of government (except in extraordinary cases, where the
Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic administred by a judge and
the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to
acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts. And
when a man seriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid
to the persons of Kings, he need not wonder, that the Almighty ever
jealous of his honor, should disapprove of a form of government which
so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven.
2.7
Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for
which a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of that
transaction is worth attending to.
2.8
The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon
marched against them with a small army, and victory, thro’ the divine
interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews elate with success, and
attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him a
king, saying, Rule thou over us, thou and thy son and thy son's son. Here
was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, but an
hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, I will not
rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you, THE LORD SHALL
RULE OVER YOU. Words need not be more explicit; Gideon doth
not decline the honor, but denieth their right to give it; neither doth he
compliment them with invented declarations of his thanks, but in the
positive stile of a prophet charges them with disaffection to their proper
Sovereign, the King of heaven.
2.9
About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into the
same error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous
customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but

so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's two sons, who
were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt and
clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, Behold thou art old, and thy sons
walk not in thy ways, now make us a king to judge us like all the other
nations. And here we cannot but observe that their motives were bad,
viz. that they might be like unto other nations, i.e. the Heathens,
whereas their true glory laid in being as much unlike them as possible.
But the thing displeased Samuel when they said, Give us a king to judge us;
and Samuel prayed unto the Lord, and the Lord said unto Samuel, Hearken
unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee, for they have not
rejected thee, but they have rejected me, THAT I SHOULD NOT
REIGN OVER THEM. According to all the works which they have done
since the day that I brought them up out of Egypt, even unto this day;
wherewith they have forsaken me and served other Gods; so do they also unto
thee. Now therefore hearken unto their voice, howbeit, protest solemnly unto
them and shew them the manner of the king that shall reign over them, i.e.
not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of the
earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And notwithstanding
the great distance of time and difference of manners, the character is
still in fashion, And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people,
that asked of him a king. And he said, This shall be the manner of the king
that shall reign over you; he will take your sons and appoint them for himself,
for his chariots, and to be his horsemen, and some shall run before his chariots
(this description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) and
he will appoint him captains over thousands and captains over fifties, and
will set them to ear his ground and to reap his harvest, and to make his
instruments of war, and instruments of his chariots; and he will take your
daughters to be confectionaries, and to be cooks and to be bakers (this
describes the expence and luxury as well as the oppression of kings) and
he will take your fields and your olive yards, even the best of them, and give
them to his servants; and he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your
vineyards, and give them to his officers and to his servants (by which we see
that bribery, corruption, and favoritism are the standing vices of kings)
and he will take the tenth of your men servants, and your maid servants, and
your goodliest young men and your asses, and put them to his work; and he
will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants, and ye shall cry
out in that day because of your king which ye shall have chosen, AND THE
LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN THAT DAY.” This accounts
for the continuation of monarchy; neither do the characters of the few
good kings which have lived since, either sanctify the title, or blot out
the sinfulness of the origin; the high encomium given of David takes no
notice of him officially as a king, but only as a man after God’s own
heart. Nevertheless the People refused to obey the voice of Samuel, and they
said, Nay, but we will have a king over us, that we may be like all the
nations, and that our king may judge us, and go out before us, and fight our
battles. Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he
set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and seeing
them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I will call unto the Lord, and
he shall send thunder and rain (which then was a punishment, being in
the time of wheat harvest) that ye may perceive and see that your
wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord, IN
ASKING YOU A KING. So Samuel called unto the Lord, and the Lord
sent thunder and rain that day, and all the people greatly feared the Lord
and Samuel. And all the people said unto Samuel, Pray for thy servants unto
the Lord thy God that we die not, for WE HAVE ADDED UNTO
OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING. These portions of
scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal
construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his protest against
monarchical government is true, or the scripture is false. And a man
hath good reason to believe that there is as much of king-craft, as
priest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the public in Popish
countries. For monarchy in every instance is the Popery of government.
2.10
To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession;
and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the
second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition on
posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have
a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for
ever, and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of
his cotemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to
inherit them. One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly of
hereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise she
would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ass
for a lion.
2.11
Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors than
were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have no
power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might say,
“We choose you for our head,” they could not, without manifest
injustice to their children, say, “that your children and your childrens
children shall reign over ours for ever. Because such an unwise, unjust,
unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them
under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most wise men, in their
private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary right with contempt;
yet it is one of those evils, which when once established is not easily
removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the
more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest.
2.12
This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an
honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we take
off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their first rise, that
we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal
ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or pre-eminence in
subtility obtained him the title of chief among plunderers; and who by
increasing in power, and extending his depredations, overawed the
quiet and defenceless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions.
Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his
descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was
incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to
live by. Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy
could not take place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or
complimental; but as few or no records were extant in those days, and
traditionary history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse
of a few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently
timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the
vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to threaten,
on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for elections
among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at first to favor
hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it hath
happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience,
was afterwards claimed as a right.
2.13
England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs,
but groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in
his senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a
very honorable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti,
and establishing himself king of England against the consent of the
natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original.—It certainly
hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to spend much time in
exposing the folly of hereditary right, if there are any so weak as to
believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and lion, and
welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion.
2.14
Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? The
question admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by election, or
by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes a
precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession. Saul was
by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear
from that transaction there was any intention it ever should. If the first
king of any country was by election, that likewise establishes a

precedent for the next; for to say, that the right of all future generations
is taken away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not only of
a king, but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of
scripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of
all men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of
no other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all
sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one all
mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; as
our innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and as
both disable us from reassuming some former state and privilege, it
unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary succession are
parellels. Dishonorable rank! Inglorious connexion! Yet the most
subtile sophist cannot produce a juster simile.
2.15
As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that
William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted.
The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will not bear
looking into.
2.16
But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession
which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and wise men it
would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens a door to the
foolish, the wicked, and the improper, it hath in it the nature of
oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to reign, and others
to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their
minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in
differs so materially from the world at large, that they have but little
opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to the
government are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any
throughout the dominions.
2.17
Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne is
subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time the
regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every opportunity and
inducement to betray their trust. The same national misfortune
happens, when a king worn out with age and infirmity, enters the last
stage of human weakness. In both these cases the public becomes a prey
to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully with the follies either
of age or infancy.
2.18
The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favor of
hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and
were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the most barefaced
falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history of England
disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that
distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there have been
(including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars and nineteen
rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it makes against it,
and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand on.
2.19
The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York
and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. Twelve
pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought between
Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his
turn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war and the
temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the ground
of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace,
and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; yet, as
sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his turn was
driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him. The
parliament always following the strongest side.
2.20
This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not
entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families were
united. Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489.
2.21
In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom
only) but the world in blood and ashes. ’Tis a form of government
which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend
it.
2.22
If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some
countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives without
pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the
scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle round. In
absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military,
lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king, urged
this plea “that he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our
battles.” But in countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in

England, a man would be puzzled to know what is his business.
2.23
The nearer any government approaches to a republic, the less business
there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the
government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a republic; but in
its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt
influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, hath so
effectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtue of the
house of commons (the republican part in the constitution) that the
government of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France or
Spain. Men fall out with names without understanding them. For it is
the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution of
England which Englishmen glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an
house of commons from out of their own body—and it is easy to see
that when the republican virtue fails, slavery ensues. Why is the
constitution of England sickly, but because monarchy hath poisoned
the republic, the crown hath engrossed the commons?
2.24
In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give
away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it
together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowed
eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into the
bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sight of
God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.
Thoughts on the present state of American affairs.
3.1
IN the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain
arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to
settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and
prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for
themselves; that he will put on, or rather that he will not put off, the
true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the
present day.
3.2
Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between
England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the
controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all
have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the
last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice of the king,
and the continent hath accepted the challenge.
3.3
It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho’ an able minister
was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of
commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a temporary
kind, replied, they will last my time.” Should a thought so fatal and
unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the name of
ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation.
3.4
The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ’Tis not the affair of
a city, a county, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent—of at
least one eighth part of the habitable globe. ’Tis not the concern of a
day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in the contest, and
will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, by the
proceedings now. Now is the seed time of continental union, faith and
honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the
point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge
with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
3.5
By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new æra for politics is
struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c.
prior to the nineteenth of April, i.e. to the commencement of
hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; which, though proper
then, are superceded and useless now. Whatever was advanced by the
advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and the
same point, viz. a union with Great-Britain; the only difference
between the parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposing
force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first
hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence.
3.6
As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, like
an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but
right, that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, and
inquire into some of the many material injuries which these colonies
sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, and
dependant on Great Britain. To examine that connexion and
dependance, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what
we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if
dependant.
3.7
I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under
her former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion is
necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same
effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We
may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is
never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to
become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting
more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have
flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power
had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath
enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have a
market while eating is the custom of Europe.
3.8
But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is true,
and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own is
admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive,
viz. the sake of trade and dominion.
3.9
Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large
sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great-
Britain, without considering, that her motive was interest not
attachment; that she did not protect us from our enemies on our account,
but from her enemies on her own account, from those who had no quarrel
with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on the
same account. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the
continent throw off the dependance, and we should be at peace with

France and Spain were they at war with Britain. The miseries of
Hanover last war ought to warn us against connexions.
3.10
It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no
relation to each other but through the parent country, i.e. that
Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister colonies
by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about way of
proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving
enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps
ever will be our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of
Great-Britain.
3.11
But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame
upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages
make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to
her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and the
phrase parent or mother country hath been jesuitically adopted by the
king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair
bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not
England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been
the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from
every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender
embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is
so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first
emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still.
3.12
In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of
three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our
friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every European
christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment.
3.13
It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the
force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world.
A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, will
naturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because their
interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the
name of neighbour; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops
the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of townsman; if
he travels out of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the
minor divisions of street and town, and calls him countryman, i.e.,
county-man; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in

France or any other part of Europe, their local remembrance would be
enlarged into that of Englishmen. And by a just parity of reasoning, all
Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are
countrymen; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when
compared with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale,
which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones;
distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the
inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore, I
reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England
only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.
3.14
But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it
amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes
every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, is
truly farcical. The first king of England, of the present line (William
the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England are
descendants from the same country; wherefore by the same method of
reasoning, England ought to be governed by France.
3.15
Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies,
that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this is
mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do the
expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never suffer itself
to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia,
Africa, or Europe.
3.16
Besides, what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our
plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace
and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to
have America a free port. Her trade will always be a protection, and her
barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.
3.17
I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a single
advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great
Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our
corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported
goods must be paid for buy them where we will.
3.18
But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are
without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to
ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any submission
to, or dependance on Great-Britain, tends directly to involve this
continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with
nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom,
we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for
trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it. It is
the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions,
which she never can do, while by her dependance on Britain, she is
made the make-weight in the scale of British politics.
3.19
Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and
whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power,
the trade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection with Britain.
The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the
advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then,
because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of
war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The
blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ’TIS TIME TO
PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England
and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the
one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise
at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument,
and the manner in which it was peopled encreases the force of it. The
reformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if the
Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted in
future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety.
3.20
The authority of Great-Britain over this continent, is a form of
government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious
mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful
and positive conviction, that what he calls “the present constitution” is
merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that this
government is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may
bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are
running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it,
otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the
line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and
fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a
prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our
sight.
3.21
Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am
inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of
reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions.
Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who cannot see;
prejudiced men, who will not see; and a certain set of moderate men,
who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this last
class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities
to this continent, than all the other three.
3.22
It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow;
the evil is not sufficiently brought to their doors to make them feel the
precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But let
our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston, that seat of
wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to renounce
a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that
unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence,
have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out to
beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within the
city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present
condition they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a
general attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both
armies.
3.23
Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences of
Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, “Come, come,
we shall be friends again, for all this.” But examine the passions and
feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the
touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter love,
honour, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and sword
into your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only deceiving
yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future
connection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honour, will
be forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present
convenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than
the first. But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask,
Hath your house been burnt? Hath you property been destroyed before
your face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or
bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and
yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then are you
not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shake
hands with the murderers, then are you unworthy the name of
husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title
in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant.
3.24
This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those
feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, we
should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying
the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of
provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers,
that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the
power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do not
conquer herself by delay and timidity. The present winter is worth an
age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent
will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that
man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be
the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful.
3.25
It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all
examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer
remain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britain
does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this
time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the
continent even a year’s security. Reconciliation is now a fallacious
dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her
place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, “never can true reconcilement
grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep.”
3.26
Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have
been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that
nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than
repeated petitioning—and nothing hath contributed more than that
very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark
and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God’s
sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation
to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent
and child.
3.27
To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we
thought so at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived
us; as well may we may suppose that nations, which have been once
defeated, will never renew the quarrel.
3.28
As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this
continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and
intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a
power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot
conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or four
thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for
an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it
in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness—There
was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.
3.29
Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper
objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something
very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an
island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its
primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each
other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to
different systems: England to Europe, America to itself.
3.30
I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse
the doctrine of separation and independence; I am clearly, positively,
and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of this
continent to be so; that every thing short of that is mere patchwork,
that it can afford no lasting felicity,—that it is leaving the sword to our
children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little
farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.
3.31
As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a
compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy
the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expence of
blood and treasure we have been already put to.
3.32
The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion
to the expence. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is
a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary
stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently
ballanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been
obtained; but if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man
must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a
contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of
the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a
folly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I have always
considered the independancy of this continent, as an event, which
sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the
continent to maturity, the event could not be far of[f]. Wherefore, on
the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth the while to have
disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we
meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at
law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring.
No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the
fatal nineteenth of April 1775*, but the moment the event of that day
was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of
England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title
of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can unfeelingly hear of their
slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.
[*Massacre at Lexington.]
3.33
But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the
event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons.
First. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king,
he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And
as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to liberty, and
discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper
man to say to these colonies, “You shall make no laws but what I please.”
And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant, as not to know,
that according to what is called the present constitution, that this
continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is
there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has
happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit his
purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in
America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England. After
matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the
whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low
and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall go backward,
or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning.—We are
already greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter
endeavour to make us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the
power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us?
Whoever says No to this question is an independant, for independancy
means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or whether
the king, the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell
us, “there shall be no laws but such as I like.”
3.34
But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there
can make no laws without his consent. In point of right and good
order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one
(which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of people,
older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law.
But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease to
expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the
King's residence, and America not so, makes quite another case. The
king's negative here is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can be
in England, for there he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for
putting England into as strong a state of defence as possible, and in
America he would never suffer such a bill to be passed.
3.35
America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics,
England consults the good of this country, no farther than it answers
her own purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the
growth of ours in every case which doth not promote her advantage, or
in the least interfere with it. A pretty state we should soon be in under
such a second-hand government, considering what has happened! Men
do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: and
in order to shew that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I
affirm, that it would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal the acts for
the sake of reinstating himself in the government of the provinces; in order,
that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILTY, IN
THE LONG RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND
VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE. Reconciliation and ruin are
nearly related.
3.36
Secondly. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain,
can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of
government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the
colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the
interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property will
not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs but
by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of commotion
and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants would lay hold
of the interval, to dispose of their effects, and quit the continent.
3.37
But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but
independance, i.e. a continental form of government, can keep the
peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I dread
the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than
probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the
consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of
Britain.
3.38
Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will
probably suffer the same fate) Those men have other feelings than us
who have nothing suffered. All they now possess is liberty, what they
before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to
lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the
colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth,
who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a
government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all,
and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that
Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil
tumult break out the very day after reconciliation? I have heard some
men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they
dreaded an independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars. It is
but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case
here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up
connexion than from independance. I make the sufferers case my own,
and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property
destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible of
injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider
myself bound thereby.
3.39
The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience
to continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable
person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the least
pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly
childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for
superiority over another.
3.40
Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect
equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are all (and we
may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are without wars,
foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are never long
at rest: the crown itself is a temptation to enterprizing ruffians at home;
and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal
authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where
a republican government, by being formed on more natural principles,

would negociate the mistake.
3.41
If there is any true cause of fear respecting independence, it is because
no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way out—Wherefore, as
an opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same
time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself,
than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better.
Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would
frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve to useful
matter.
3.42
LET the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The
representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subject
to the authority of a Continental Congress.
3.43
Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts,
each district to send a proper number of delegates to Congress, so that
each colony send at least thirty. The whole number in Congress will be
at least 390. Each congress to sit. [....] and to choose a president by the
following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken
from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole
Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates of
that province. In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from
twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president was taken
in the former Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen
shall have had their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may
pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of
the Congress to be called a majority.—He that will promote discord,
under a government so equally formed as this, would have joined
Lucifer in his revolt.
3.44
But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, this
business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and consistent,
that it should come from some intermediate body between the
governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and the
people, let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the
following manner, and for the following purpose.
A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each
colony. Two members for each House of Assembly, or Provincial
Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be
chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in behalf of
the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to
attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more
convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the
most populous parts thereof. In this conference, thus assembled, will be
united, the two grand principles of business, knowledge and power. The
members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had
experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and
the whole, being impowered by the people, will have a truly legal
authority.
3.45
The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a
CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies;
(answering to what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing the
number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of
Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business
and jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our
strength is continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property
to all men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according
to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for
a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to
dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen conformable to the said
charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the
time being: Whose peace and happiness, may God preserve, Amen.
3.46
Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar
purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise observer on
governments Dragonetti. “The science” says he “of the politician
consists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom. Those men
would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of
government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness,
with the least national expence.” Dragonetti on virtue and rewards.”
3.47
But where says some is the King of America? I’ll tell you Friend, he
reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal
Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in
earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the
charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of
God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know,
that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS
KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free
countries the law ought to be King; and there ought to be no other. But
lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion
of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people whose
right it is.
3.48
A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man
seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become
convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of
our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power,
than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance. If we omit it
now, some * Massenello may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular
disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and the discontented,
and by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may sweep
away the liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the
government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the
tottering situation of things, will be a temptation for some desperate
adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can Britain
give? Ere she could hear the news the fatal business might be done, and
ourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the oppression of
the Conqueror. Ye that oppose independance now, ye know not what
ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the
seat of government. There are thousands, and tens of thousands, who
would think it glorious to expel from the continent, that barbarous and
hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to
destroy us, the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us,
and treacherously by them.
[*Thomas Anello, otherwise Massenello, a fisherman of Naples, who after
spiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, against the oppression
of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then subject, prompted them to
revolt, and in the space of a day became King.]
3.49
To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have
faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us
to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little remains of
kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope,
that as the relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that we
shall agree better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns to
quarrel over than ever?
3.50
Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the
time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence?
Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now is
broken, the people of England are presenting addresses against us.
There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be
nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his
mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty
hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise
purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They
distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The social compact
would dissolve, and justice be extirpated the earth, of have only a casual
existence were we callous to the touches of affection. The robber, and
the murderer, would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries
which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.
3.51
O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but
the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with
oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and
Africa, have long expelled her.—Europe regards her like a stranger, and
England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and
prepare in time an asylum for mankind.
Of the present ABILITY of AMERICA, with some miscellaneous

REFLEXIONS.
4.1
I Have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath
not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries,
would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in which
we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, what
we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independance.
4.2
As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the
time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things
and endeavour, if possible, to find out the very time. But we need not
go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time hath found us. The
general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact.
4.3
It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our
present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world. The
Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined
men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of
strength, in which, no single colony is able to support itself, and the
whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more, or,
less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is already
sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that Britain
would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while the
continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no
forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now; but
the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the country is
every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be far
off and difficult to procure.
4.4
Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under the
present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port towns
we had, the more should we have both to defend and to loose. Our
present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man
need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the
necessities of an army create a new trade.
4.5
Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account
will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave
posterity with a settled form of government, an independant

constitution of it’s own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. But to
expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and
routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using
posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great
work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which, they derive no
advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of honor, and is the true
characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling politician.
4.6
The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be
but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national
debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a
grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred
and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions
interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy;
America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the twentieth
part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again. The
navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions
and an half sterling.
4.7
The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without
the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the
above estimation of the navy is a just one. See Entic's naval history, intro.
page 56.
The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with
masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight
months boatswain’s and carpenter’s sea-stores, as calculated by Mr.
Burchett, Secretary to the navy.
For a ship of 100 guns £35,553

90 29,886
80 23,638
70 17,785
60 14,197
50 10,606
40 7,558
30 5,846
20 3,710
4.8
And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of the
whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was as its greatest
glory consisted of the following ships and guns.
Cost of
Ships. Guns. Cost of one.
all.
6 100 £35,533 £213,318

12 90 29,886 358,632
12 80 23,638 283,656
43 70 17,785 746,755
35 60 14,197 496,895
40 50 10,606 424,240
45 40 7,558 340,110
58 20 3,710 215,180
85 Sloops, bombs, and fireships, one another, at 2,000 170,000
Cost 3,266,786
Remains for guns, 233,214
[Total] 3,500,000
4.9
No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable
of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are her
natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch,
who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards
and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials they use.
We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, it
being the natural manufactory of this country. It is the best money we
can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it cost. And is
that nice point in national policy, in which commerce and protection
are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that
means replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver.
4.10
In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is
not necessary that one fourth part should be sailors. The Terrible
privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement of any ship last
war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her complement of
men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social sailors will
soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in the common
work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to begin on

maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries
blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. Men of war,
of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in New-England,
and why not the same now? Ship-building is America’s greatest pride,
and in which, she will in time excel the whole world. The great empires
of the east are mostly inland, and consequently excluded from the
possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no
power in Europe, hath either such an extent or coast, or such an
internal supply of materials. Where nature hath given the one, she has
withheld the other; to America only hath she been liberal of both. The
vast empire of Russia is almost shut out from the sea; wherefore, her
boundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage are only articles of
commerce.
4.11
In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the little
people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might have
trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept securely
without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case now is
altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve with our
increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have
come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant
contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same might have
happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen
or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole Continent, and carried
off half a million of money. These are circumstances which demand our
attention, and point out the necessity of naval protection.
4.12
Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain, she
will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a
navy in our harbors for that purpose? Common sense will tell us, that
the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others, the
most improper to defend us. Conquest may be effected under the
pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a long and brave resistance,
be at last cheated into slavery. And if her ships are not to be admitted
into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to protect us? A navy three
or four thousand miles off can be of little use, and on sudden
emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect
ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why do it for another?
4.13
The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth
part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them not in
being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if only a
plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as are fit for
service, can be spared on any one station at one time. The East, and
West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which Britain
extends her claim, make large demands upon her navy. From a mixture
of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted a false notion
respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should have
the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed, that
we must have one as large; which not being instantly practicable, have
been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage our
beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from truth than this; for if
America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, she
would be by far an over match for her; because, as we neither have, nor
claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our
own coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to one the
advantage of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over,
before they could attack us, and the same distance to return in order to
refit and recruit. And although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over
our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West
Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is
entirely at its mercy.
4.14
Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of
peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy. If
premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their
service, ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty guns, (the
premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants) fifty
or sixty of those ships, with a few guard ships on constant duty, would
keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves with
the evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering their fleet, in
time of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite the sinews of
commerce and defence is sound policy; for when our strength and our
riches, play into each other’s hand, we need fear no external enemy.
4.15
In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even to
rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior to that
of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world. Cannon
we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day
producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our
inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore,
what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we
can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to the government
of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in. Jealousies
will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and

who will go forth to quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his
own countrymen to a foreign obedience? The difference between
Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shews
the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves, that
nothing but Continental authority can regulate Continental matters.
4.16
Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that
the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied,
which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless
dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the
present debt, but to the constant support of government. No nation
under heaven hath such an advantage as this.
4.17
The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being
against, is an argument in favor of independance. We are sufficiently
numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. It is a matter
worthy of observation, that the more a country is peopled, the smaller
their armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the
moderns: and the reason is evident, for trade being the consequence of
population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to
anything else. Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and
military defence. And history sufficiently informs us, that the bravest
achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation.
With the increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of
London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults
with the patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less
willing are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and
submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.
4.18
Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in
individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the
Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety
of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would
create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being able
might scorn each other’s assistance: and while the proud and foolish
gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union
had not been formed before. Wherefore, the present time is the true time
for establishing it. The intimacy which is contracted in infancy, and the
friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most
lasting and unalterable. Our present union is marked with both these
characters: we are young, and we have been distressed; but our concord
hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable æra for posterity to
glory in.
4.19
The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens
to a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government.
Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have
been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of
making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a form of
government; whereas, the articles or charter of government, should be
formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterward: but from
the errors of other nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the
present opportunity — —To begin governvent at the right end.
4.20
When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at
the point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of
government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we
shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may
treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom?
where our property?
4.21
As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of all government,
to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other
business which government hath to do therewith, Let a man throw
aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the
niggards of all professions are so unwilling to part with, and he will be
at once delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the companion
of mean souls, and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and
conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there
should be diversity of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger
field for our Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking,
our religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this
liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be
like children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their
Christian names.
4.22
In page twenty-five, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a
Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans) and
in this place, I take the liberty of re-mentioning the subject, by
observing, that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemn
obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of every
separate part, whether of religion, personal freedom, or property, A

firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends.
4.23
In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and equal
representation; and there is no political matter which more deserves our
attention. A small number of electors, or a small number of
representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the
representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is increased.
As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the Associators
petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-
eight members only were present, all the Bucks county members, being
eight, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester members done the
same, this whole province had been governed by two counties only, and
this danger it is always exposed to. The unwarrantable stretch likewise,
which that house made in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority
over the Delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large,
how they trust power out of their own hands. A set of instructions for
the Delegates were put together, which in point of sense and business
would have dishonored a schoolboy, and after being approved by a few,
a very few without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed
in behalf of the whole colony; whereas, did the whole colony know, with
what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public
measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy
of such a trust.
4.24
Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued
would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things.
When the calamities of America required a consultation, there was no
method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from
the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with
which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin.
But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a
CONGRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the
mode for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration. And
I put it as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether
representation and election is not too great a power for one and the same
body of men to possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought
to remember, that virtue is not hereditary.
4.25
It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are
frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes, M. Cornwall (one of
the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York
Assembly with contempt, because that House, he said, consisted but of

twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not with
decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary
honesty.*
[Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and
equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh’s political Disquisitions.]
4.26
To CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however
unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and
striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our
affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for
independence. Some of which are,
First.—It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for some
other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators, and
bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while America calls herself
the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however well disposed she may
be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state we may
quarrel on for ever.
Secondly.—It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will give
us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that
assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening
the connection between Britain and America; because, those powers
would be sufferers by the consequences.
Thirdly.—While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must,
in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The precedent is
somewhat dangerous to their peace, for men to be in arms under the
name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the paradox: but to unite
resistance and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for
common understanding.
Fourthly.—Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to
foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the
peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, at
the same time, that not being able, any longer to live happily or safely
under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been driven to
the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time,
assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and
of our desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial would
produce more good effects to this Continent, than if a ship were
freighted with petitions to Britain.
4.27
Under our present denomination of British subjects we can neither be
received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, and
will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.
4.28
These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all
other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time
become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independence is declared,
the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some
unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates
to set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with the
thoughts of its necessity.
APPENDIX.
A.1
SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather,
on the same day on which it came out, the King’s Speech made its
appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of
this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more seasonable
juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness of the one,
shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read by
way of revenge. And the Speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way
for the manly principles of Independance.
A.2
Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise,
have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance
to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be
admitted, it naturally follows, that the King’s Speech, as being a piece
of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration
both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity
of a nation, depends greatly, on the chastity of what may properly be
called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass some
things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new methods of
dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that guardian of our
peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent
delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public
execution. The Speech if it may be called one, is nothing better than a
wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common good, and the
existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering
up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants. But this general massacre of
mankind, is one of the privileges, and the certain consequences of
Kings; for as nature knows them not, they know not her, and although
they are beings of our own creating, they know not us, and are become
the gods of their creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is,
that it is not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be
deceived by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves
us at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading,
that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored
Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.
A.3
Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece,
fallaciously called, “The address of the people of ENGLAND to the
inhabitants of AMERICA,” hath, perhaps from a vain supposition, that
the people here were to be frightened at the pomp and description of a
king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character of the
present one: “But,” says this writer, “if you are inclined to pay
compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of,”
(meaning the Marquis of Rockingham’s at the repeal of the Stamp Act)
“it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince, by whose
NOD ALONE they were permitted to do any thing.” This is toryism
with a witness! Here is idolatry even without a mask: And he who can
calmly hear, and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to
rationality—an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be
considered—as one, who hath, not only given up the proper dignity of
man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly
crawl through the world like a worm.
A.4
However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either
says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human
obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by a
steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured for
himself an universal hatred. It is now the interest of America to provide
for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more
her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to
support a power who is become a reproach to the names of men and
Christians—YE, whose office it is to watch over the morals of a nation,
of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who, are
more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to
preserve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption,
ye must in secret wish a separation—But leaving the moral part to
private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the
following heads.
First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain.
Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan,
RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE? with some occasional
remarks.
A.5
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the
opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this
continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly
known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a state of
foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered
in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence.
America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although the
progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history of
other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would be
capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative
powers in her own hands. England is, at this time, proudly coveting
what would do her no good, were she to accomplish it; and the
Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if
neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of America, by
which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure
continue, were the countries as independant of each other as France
and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better market.
But it is the independance of this country on Britain or any other,
which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and
which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer
and stronger every day.
First. Because it will come to that one time or other.
Secondly. Because the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to
accomplish.
A.6
I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies,
with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak without
reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the following
seems the most general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or
fifty years hence, instead of now, the Continent would have been more
able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our
military ability, at this time, arises from the experience gained in the last
war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally
extinct. The Continent, would not, by that time, have had a General,
or even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us,
would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians:
And this single position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove,
that the present time is preferable to all others: The argument turns
thus—at the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted
numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers,
without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some
particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the
former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: And
that point of time is the present time.
A.7
The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come
under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by the
following position, viz.
Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the
governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now
circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive ourselves
of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may contract. The
value of the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely
deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada, valued

only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of
twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one
penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly.
A.8
It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without
burden to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen,
and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of government. It
matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when sold
be applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the
Congress for the time being, will be the continental trustees.
A.9
I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the earliest and most
practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; with
some occasional remarks.
A.10
He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his
argument, and on that ground, I answer generally—That
INDEPENDANCE being a SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, contained
within ourselves; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and
complicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives
the answer without a doubt.
A.11
The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is
capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any
other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy.
Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is
nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is
endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation without
law; wisdom without a plan; a constitution without a name; and, what
is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for
dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never existed
before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property of no
man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mind of
the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before them,
they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is criminal; there is
no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one thinks himself at liberty
to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not to have assembled
offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited
to the laws of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn, between,
English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in
arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits his
liberty, the other his head.
A.12
Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of
our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions. The
Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done
in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into a state,
in which, neither Reconciliation nor Independance will be practicable.
The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old game of
dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers,
who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods. The artful and
hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two of the
New-York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there
are men who want either judgment or honesty.
A.13
It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation:
But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how
dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide thereon. Do they
take within their view, all the various orders of men whose situation
and circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein.
Do they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose all is already
gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted all for the defence of his
country. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private
situations only, regardless of others, the event will convince them, that
“they are reckoning without their Host.”
A.14
Put us, says some, on the footing we were in sixty-three: To which I
answer, the request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with,
neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be granted, I
ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such a corrupt and
faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, nay,
even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretence of
its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in that case,
Where is our redress?—No going to law with nations; cannon are the
barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decides
the suit. To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the
laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances,
likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns
repaired or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts
(contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions
worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been
complied with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the
Continent—but now it is too late, “The Rubicon is passed.”
A.15
Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary
law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to
human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obedience thereto.
The object, on either side, doth not justify the means; for the lives of
men are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles. It is the violence
which is done and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our
property by an armed force; the invasion of our country by fire and
sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant,
in which such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to
Britain ought to have ceased; and the independancy of America should
have been considered, as dating its æra from, and published by, the first
musket that was fired against her. This line is a line of consistency;
neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a
chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors.
A.16
I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well
intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways,
by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that one of
those three, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the
legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob:
It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the
multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked,
is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy be
brought about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity
and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest
constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin
the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not
happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new
world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe
contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few
months. The Reflexion is awful—and in this point of view, How
trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or
interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world.
A.17
Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an
Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge
the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and
prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either
inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of
Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be

publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be
independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, and
honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. Every
day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such beings yet
remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promote
it; for, as the appointment of committees at first, protected them from
popular rage, so, a wise and well established form of government, will
be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them. Wherefore,
if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have
prudence enough to wish for Independance.
A.18
In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us
together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut
against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. We shall
then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for there is
reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by
treating with the American states for terms of peace, than with those,
whom she denominates, “rebellious subjects,” for terms of
accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for
conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we
have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a
redress of our grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly
redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade. The
mercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us;
because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if this
offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to.
A.19
On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made
to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this
pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be
refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be
opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with
suspicious or doubtful curiosity, let each of us, hold out to his
neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line,
which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former
dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none
other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and
resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the RIGHTS OF MANKIND
and of the FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA.
To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called

Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing a late
piece, entitled “The ANCIENT TESTIMONY and
PRINCIPLES of the People called QUAKERS renewed, with
Respect to the KING and GOVERNMENT, and touching the
COMMOTIONS now prevailing in these and oter parts of
AMERICA addressed to the PEOPLE IN GENERAL.”
E.1
THE Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonors religion
either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever. To
God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion.
Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a
religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the
professed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with.
E.2
As you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in
the place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in
order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity, of
putting himself in the place of all those, who, approve the very writings
and principles, against which, your testimony is directed: And he hath
chosen this singular situation, in order, that you might discover in him
that presumption of character which you cannot see in yourselves. For
neither he nor you have any claim or title to Political Representation.
E.3
When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they
stumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have
managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) is
not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you,
it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together, and
the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust.
E.4
The two first pages, (and the whole doth notmake four) we give you
credit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love and
desire of peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural, as well
the religious wish of all denominations of men. And on this ground, as
men laboring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do
we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. Our plan is peace for
ever. We are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real end to
it but in a final separation. We act consistently, because for the sake of
introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the evils
and burthens of the present day. We are endeavoring, and will steadily
continue to endeavor, to separate and dissolve a connexion which hath
already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it
remains, will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries.
E.5
We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride nor
passion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies, nor
ravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath the shade of our own vines are
we attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violence
committed against us. We view our enemies in the characters of
Highwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselves
in the civil law; are obliged to punish them by the military one, and
apply the sword, in the very case, where you have before now, applied
the halter——Perhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers in
all and every part of the continent, and with a degree of tenderness
which hath not yet made its way into some of your bosoms. But be ye
sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground of your Testimony. Call
not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the Bigot in the place of the
Christian.
E.6
O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If the
bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all
the difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence.
Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make a
political hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof, by
proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they likewise bear ARMS.
Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St. James’s, to the
commanders in chief at Boston, to the Admirals and Captains who are
piratically ravaging our coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who
are acting in authority under HIM whom ye profess to serve. Had ye
the honest soul of * Barclay ye would preach repentance to your king; Ye
would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal ruin. Ye
would not spend your partial invectives against the injured and the
insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and spare
none. Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us the
authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we
testify unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye are
Quakers, but because ye pretend to be and are NOT Quakers.
[*“Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity; thou knowest what it is to be
banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, and set upon
the throne; and being oppressed thou hast reason to know how hateful the
oppressor is both to God and man. If after all these warnings and
advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but
forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow
lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation.—Against which
snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt
thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself
to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which neither can,
nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee, to be at ease in thy sins.” Barclay’s
Address to Charles II.]
E.7
Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your
testimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was reduced to,
and comprehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that by the people
only. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for conscience; because,
the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity: And it is
exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended
scruples; because, we see them made by the same men, who, in the very
instant that they are exclaiming against the mammon of this world, are
nevertheless, hunting after it with a step as steady as Time, and an
appetite as keen as Death.
E.8
The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of
your testimony, that, “when a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh
even his enemies to be at peace with him”; is very unwisely chosen on
your part; because it amounts to a proof, that the king’s ways (whom ye
are so desirous of supporting) do not please the Lord, otherwise, his
reign would be in peace.
E.9
I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for which
all the foregoing seems only an introduction, viz.
“It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called to
profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences unto
this day, that the sitting up and putting down kings and governments,
is God’s peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to himself: And
that it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor
to be busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive the
ruin, or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, and safety of
our nation, and good of all men: That we may live a peaceable and
quiet life, in all goodliness and honesty; under the government which God
is pleased to set over us.”—If these are really your principles why do ye
not abide by them? Why do ye not leave that, which ye call God's
work, to be managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to
wait with patience and humility, for the event of all public measures,
and to receive that event as the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what
occasion is there for your political testimony if you fully believe what it
contains? And the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do not
believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what ye
believe.
E.10
The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man the
quiet and inoffensive subject of any, and every government which is set
over him. And if the setting up and putting down of kings and
governments is God’s peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be
robbed thereof by us; wherefore, the principle itself leads you to
approve of every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings
as being his work. OLIVER CROMWELL thanks you. CHARLES,
then, died not by the hands of man; and should the present Proud
Imitator of him, come to the same untimely end, the writers and
publishers of the Testimony, are bound, by the doctrine it contains, to
applaud the fact. Kings are not taken away by miracles, neither are
changes in governments brought about by any other means than such as
are common and human; and such as we are now using. Even the
dispersing of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was effected by
arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be the means on one side, ye ought
not to be meddlers on the other; but to wait the issue in silence; and
unless ye can produce divine authority, to prove, that the Almighty who
hath created and placed this new world, at the greatest distance it could
possibly stand, east and west, from every part of the old, doth,
nevertheless, disapprove of its being independent of the corrupt and
abandoned court of Britain, unless I say, ye can shew this, how can ye
on the ground of your principles, justify the exciting and stirring up of
the people “firmly to unite in the abhorrence of all such writings, and
measures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happy
connexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great-
Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and those
who are lawfully placed in authority under him.” What a slap in the
face is here! the men, who in the very paragraph before, have quietly
and passively resigned up the ordering, altering, and disposal of kings
and governments, into the hands of God, are now, recalling their
principles, and putting in for a share of the business. Is it possible, that
the conclusion, which is here justly quoted, can any ways follow from
the doctrine laid down? The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen;
the absurdity too great not to be laughed at; and such as could only
have been made by those, whose understandings were darkened by the
narrow and crabby spirit of a dispairing political party; for ye are not to
be considered as the whole body of the Quakers but only as a factional
and fractional part thereof.
E.11
Here ends the examination of your testimony; (which I call upon no
man to abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to
which I subjoin the foll[o]wing remark; “That the setting up and
putting down of kings,” most certainly mean, the making him a king,
who is yet not so, and the making him no king who is already one. And
pray what hath this to do in the present case? We neither mean to set
up nor to put down, neither to make nor to unmake, but to have nothing
to do with them. Wherefore, your testimony in whatever light it is
viewed serves only to dishonor your judgment, and for many other
reasons had better have been let alone than published.
E.12
First, Because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion
whatever, and is of the utmost [d]anger to society, to make it a party in
political disputes.
Secondly, Because it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom disavow
the publishing political testimonies, as being concerned therein and
approvers thereof.
Thirdly, Because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony
and friendship which yourselves by your late liberal and charitable
donations hath lent a hand to establish; and the preservation of which,
is of the utmost consequence to us all.
E.13
And here without anger or resentment I bid you farewel. Sincerely
wishing, that as men and christians, ye may always fully and
uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right; and be, in your
turn, the means of securing it to others; but that the example which ye
have unwisely set, of mingling religion with politics, may be disavowed
and reprobated by every inhabitant of AMERICA.
FINIS.
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Index
Adams, Abigail xxiii, 243, 456, Almon, John xx, 349, 36,
Adams, John xxiii, xxv, 4, 13-14, American Crisis xxiii, 109, 111, 153,
17-18, 28-29, 32n, 46, 64, 76n, 115, 157, 193, 202, 214-216, 227-228,
124n, 132, 162, 164n, 177, 207, 237, 267, 268, 277n, 280, 427,
212, 222, 225-226, 235n, 260, 263,
275n, 278n, 290, 296, 299, 303, American Philosophical Society
319n, 321n, 325, 351, 368, 372-374, xxiii, 41, 127, 128, 130, 136, 164n,
396n, 406, 420, 455-460, 487, 506n, 197, 210, 230n, 299,
518, 524, 526-530, 532-534, 540,
547, 549, 550n-551n, 553n American Revolution xxix, xxx, 6, 7,
8, 9, 10, 13, 22, 26, 27, 32, 68, 74,
Adams, Samuel xxxiii, 64, 112, 132, 98, 120, 121, 122, 215, 234n, 240,
240-241, 243, 258, 261-263, 275n, 275n, 279n, 292, 294, 295, 296,
277n, 287, 303, 351, 405, 420, 326, 327, 329, 332, 341, 362n,
450n, 455, 468-469, 551n, 553n 396n, 397n, 461, 509n, 513n, 516,
542, 544, 550n, 555,
Aesop 84, 194-195, 233n, 442
Anderson, Benedict xxix, 91
“Aesop, Junior” 442
“Appeal to Heaven” 21, 22, 84, 116
Age of Reason xxiii, 73, 81-82, 95,
226 argument (argumentation) xxx-xxxi,
9-10, 12, 17, 21-22, 30, 40, 42, 49-
Agreement (Non-Importation, 50, 53, 56, 59-60, 67, 69, 80-81, 83,
Non-Exportation) xv, xvi, 54 86-91, 101, 111, 114, 119, 140, 143,
145, 154, 156-157, 162-163, 167n,
Aitken, Robert xxiv, 39, 40, 41, 43, 172, 184-185, 190, 192, 200, 203-
67, 68, 73n, 76, 77, 135, 233n, 270, 204, 215-220, 222-223, 242-243,
277n, 279n, 322n, 463, 247-249, 251, 259, 261, 263, 266-
267, 271, 273-274, 284, 286, 288-
Allen, Andrew 483, 488, 511n 290, 305-306, 311-313, 316-318,
341, 348, 350-351, 353, 358, 370,
Allen, James 439-440, 488-490, 373, 379, 384, 386-388, 393, 407,
495-496, 511n-513n 411, 415-419, 421, 424-426, 429-
436, 441-444, 448-449, 457-458,
Allen, John 9 465, 469-472, 476, 478-479, 486,
515, 522, 532-533, 536-537, 554,
Allen, William 488, 496, 511n 574-575, 578, 583, 594, 601-602
almanacs 8, 32, 44, 48, 50, 57, 58, “Aristides” 306, 307, 311, 323n,
91, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192-196, 441, 442
231-232, 467
aristocrat 291 Bartlett, Josiah 59, 75n, 257, 260,

277n-278n, 551n
Arnold, Benedict 268, 327
Barton, Thomas (Reverend) 173,
artisans 9, 27, 53, 132, 156, 251, 199, 211, 234-235, 401, 450
375, 449, 480
battle xii, xv, xvii, xxvi, 2-3, 21-23,
Atlantic xxvi, 3, 10, 11, 99, 106, 34, 39, 51, 72-73, 79, 102, 111, 161,
118, 128, 135, 177, 238, 308, 338, 223, 239-240, 256, 266-270, 272,
348, 351, 369, 450n, 458, 505 274, 316, 343, 367, 382, 390, 403,
424, 428, 504, 526, 528, 569, 572-
Austin, John xxix 573, 602
author xxxiii, 6, 9, 12, 14, 42, 44, Belfast 349

46, 53, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66,
67, 76n, 78, 84, 99, 102, 103, 112, Belknap, Jeremy (Reverend) xxxii,
141, 145, 166, 205, 216, 232n, 241, xxxiiin, 119, 237, 278n,
246, 248, 254, 255, 256, 258, 259,
260, 261, 276, 283, 284, 288, 289, Bell, Robert viii, xvii-xviii, xix, 41,
290, 291, 304, 305, 306, 307, 312, 43, 44, 46, 50-69, 75n-77n, 96, 110,
315, 318, 319n, 339, 341, 348, 353 132, 245-247, 251, 254-257, 276n,
277n, 288, 305, 310-311, 322n,
authority xxxii, 2, 3, 12, 15, 20, 24,
30, 56, 80-81, 83-85, 88-89, 97, Ben-Saddi, Nathan 51
101, 105, 107-108, 110, 113, 117-
119, 142-143, 146, 162, 171, 177, Biddle, Edward 74n, 483, 506n
184-185, 204, 232, 255, 262, 282,
294, 300, 305, 311, 327, 333-335, Biddle, Owen 38, 130, 136, 164n,
345-347, 354, 358, 359, 369, 382, 197, 504, 508n, 514n
402, 412, 414, 415, 418, 428, 433,
437, 438, 439, 448, 459, 465, 468, bicameralism 455, 457-460
475, 476, 477, 479, 480, 482, 490,
492-495, 497, 499, 500, 502-503, Black, Edwin xxix
505, 509n, 510n, 511n, 513n, 520,
522, 528-529, 548, 550, 567, 571, Blackstone, William 51, 78, 142,
578, 584, 585-586, 594, 596, 606- 443, 453n
607, 609
Bland, Richard 295
Aylett, William 290
Bolingbroke, Lord 31, 138, 142
Ayres, Captain 467
book viii, xxvii-xxx, 8, 10-11, 15, 26,
Bache, Benjamin Franklin 32, 134- 39-41, 45-47, 50-55, 57-61, 64, 66-
135, 164 69, 73n, 75n-77n, 81-84, 90-91,
132, 137, 140-145, 151, 156, 158,
Bailyn, Bernard 176, 397 175, 177, 187-188, 190, 230n, 241,
246-247, 254-256, 270, 279n, 284,
Baltimore, Lord 477 309, 315, 322n-323n, 339-340, 349,
351, 375, 380, 391, 396n-398n,
652 Index
400-442, 450n, 452n, 457, 461, 465, 369-370, 377, 379-380, 389, 391,
469, 496, 506n, 510n, 516, 547, 393-395, 397n, 402-403, 410, 412,
551n, 554-556 416, 422-423, 430, 434, 439, 440,
444, 446, 458, 463-467, 470, 473,
Boston xv, xviii, xxvi, 51, 70-71, 476-478, 480, 483, 485, 491, 495,
75n, 100, 121n, 132, 176, 190, 201, 498-499, 502, 504-505, 510n, 516,
204, 234n, 239-243, 252, 255, 261, 520-523, 525, 529, 531, 532, 534-
264, 268-269, 276n, 299, 308, 329, 536, 545-548, 550n, 555, 577-578,
335, 339, 380, 410, 467-468, 549, 583-584, 591, 594, 597
579, 607
British Constitution xxviii, 10, 15,
Boswell, James 465 22, 29, 86, 88, 90, 92, 99, 101-102,
105, 108, 146-148, 150, 154, 184-
Boudinot, Elias 358, 359, 362n, 186, 225, 273, 291, 305, 312-313,
553n 316, 332-333, 348, 354, 365, 380,
423, 477, 520-522, 525, 535-536,
Boulton, James xxix, 122n-123n, 545-546, 550n
353, 362n
broadsheets 45, 54
Bradford, Thomas xvii, 42, 59, 61,
63-65, 68, 164n, 245, 254, 256, broadsides 2, 3, 8, 32n, 38, 45, 47,
276n-277n, 291, 307-308, 313, 49, 54, 57
322n-323n, 359, 397n-398n, 405,
450n, 452, 463, 466-467, 490, 514n, Brunswick, Duke of 114, 395
531, 555, 556, 557
Bunker Hill xv, 73n, 79, 159, 225,
Bradford, William xvii, 59, 63-65, 404, 582
68, 245, 254, 256, 276n-277n, 291,
307-308, 313, 322n-323n, 359, 392, Burgh, James 10, 19-20, 33n, 41,
397n-398n, 405, 450n, 452n, 463, 50-52, 62, 75n-76n, 141-143, 166,
466-467, 490, 496, 508n, 514n, 531, 339-340, 349, 351-352, 597
555-557
Burke, Edmund xxix, 11, 25, 107,
Braxton, Carter 295, 303, 321-322 110, 123n, 224-225, 229, 322n, 343,
347-348, 361n
British xvi-xviii, xxiv, xxv-xxviii, 2-6,
10-12, 15-16, 21-22, 24-25, 28-30, Cadwalader, Colonel 492
33n, 37-39, 46, 48, 54-55, 57, 60,
63, 70, 71-72, 74n, 79-80, 86-88, “Candidus” xviii, 55, 305-306, 312,
90, 92, 99-103, 105-108, 111-112, 322n-323n
114, 117, 123n-125n, 127, 133-134,
138, 141, 144-148, 150-151,154, Cannon, James xviii, 122n, 411-412,
176-177, 180, 181-182, 184-186, 415, 420, 422, 451n, 468-469, 488,
192-196, 204, 208, 220, 222, 225, 491, 504,
232n, 237-239, 247, 252-254, 262,
264, 267, 269, 272-274, 279n, 282, Carpenter, Samuel 466
288-289, 291, 293, 297-302, 304-
305, 310, 312-314, 316, 318, 327, Carpenters’ Hall 335, 461-462, 498,
329-354, 356-357, 362n, 364, 365, 502, 514n
Carroll, Charles, of Annapolis circulation xi, xxx, 32, 49, 54, 58,
(father) xxiii, 331 59, 63, 76n, 84, 177, 247, 252-257,
260, 276n-277n, 282, 307-309, 352,
Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton (son) 455, 481, 484, 519, 552, 556
xxiii, 122, 331-332, 360n, 551n-
552n Cist, Carl 65, 236n, 244, 255, 277n,
556
Carter, Landon (Colonel) 261,
278n, 286, 290-291, 295, 301, “Civis” 486-488, 511n
320n-323n
Clark, Abraham 539, 552n
The Case of the Officers of Excise 4,
32, 163 class xii, 9, 11-12, 14-16, 38, 47, 49,
82, 127, 132, 134, 149, 166, 237,
“Cassandra” xii, xviii, 411-413, 415- 286, 292, 295, 298, 315, 323n, 326,
417, 420, 422-423, 440, 446, 451n- 328, 353, 360n, 374, 374-375, 388,
452n, 397n, 402, 419, 458, 473, 478, 488,
504, 510n, 537, 550n, 558, 579
Catholic 25, 81, 83, 86-87, 92,
121n-122n, 185, 194, 299, 331, 421, clergy xii, 93, 128, 173, 188, 283-
439, 476, 510 284, 336, 365, 385-386, 390-391,
395, 398n, 401-402
“Cato” (William Smith) xviii-xix,
96, 276n, 301, 322n, 400-401, 411- Clifford, Thomas, Jr. 376, 397
436, 440-449, 450n-453n, 488
Clinton, Henry (General) 236, 291,
Cato’s Letters (Trenchard and 320n
Gordon) 20-21, 34n, 56
Clitherall, James 491-492, 512n,
causality (Cause or Causes) x, xii, 514n
xxx, 123n, 140, 147, 163, 175-176,
243, 281, 428 clock 42, 127, 132, 144, 150, 169,
172, 173, 178, 180-181, 185, 190,
Chalmers, James xviii, 51, 74n, 305- 197-199, 209-210, 212, 214, 220,
307, 329, 351, 386 223, 230n, 394, 463, 508n, 541
charter 29, 92, 117, 173, 220, 272, Clymer, George 322n, 439, 488,
298, 335, 402-403, 407, 414-417, 504, 511n
422, 428, 437-438, 476, 479, 486,
492-493, 502-503, 520, 546, 586, coffee houses 32, 57, 144, 245, 249,
595 309, 463, 464-466, 470, 508
Chase, Samuel 331, 524, 540 College of Philadelphia xvii, 38,

173-175, 197, 211, 385, 391, 395,
church 20, 25, 51, 75, 79, 81, 83-84, 402, 411, 468
86-87, 92-94, 105, 120, 129, 194,
250, 252, 326, 336, 385-386, 389- colonies xv, xvi, xxv-xxix, xxxi-xxxii,
391, 398n, 401-402, 405, 410, 445, 2, 5-6, 11-12, 15, 23, 29, 37, 40, 44,
450n, 470, 488, 510n 46-48, 51-52, 54-55, 70-72, 73n,
654 Index
79, 83, 86-87, 91-92, 100, 103, 106- 14, 16-23, 25, 29-30, 32n-33n, 40-
108, 111, 113-115, 116, 119, 128, 42, 44-46, 50-51, 53, 55-56, 58-69,
132, 149-150, 158, 162, 173-174, 71-72, 73n-77n, 80-83, 85-93, 95-
176-178, 183, 185, 187, 190, 203, 96, 99, 109-112, 114, 117-118, 122,
207-208, 211, 215-216, 219-220, 127, 131-134, 136-137, 141-143,
222, 228-229, 233n, 238-240, 244- 145-151, 153-154, 156-163, 164n,
245, 251-256, 258-265, 269-270, 168n, 172-173, 175-178, 181-185,
272-274, 275n, 279n, 281-284, 286, 190-195, 200, 202-208, 214-218,
288-296, 299, 301-302, 307-309, 222-223, 225-226, 228-229, 230n-
311-313, 315-317, 325, 328-333, 231n, 235n-236n, 238-264, 266-
337, 341-346, 348, 350-351, 354, 268, 270-274, 275n-277n, 280-284,
356-359, 360n, 365, 367-370, 372- 286-291, 294-295, 297, 301, 304-
376, 379-381, 383, 386-387, 393- 308, 310-318, 319n-323n, 325-326,
394, 397n, 405, 407-408, 410, 412, 334, 336, 338, 341-342, 346-354,
414, 419, 422-426, 428, 434, 437, 356-357, 359, 362n, 367, 369-371,
440-442, 444-445, 451n, 454-459, 375, 382, 384, 386-389, 391, 393,
462-463, 467-468, 470, 474, 476- 395, 398n, 401, 407, 412-413, 416-
480, 490-493, 498-499, 501, 503, 418, 419-422, 424-427, 429-431,
505, 509n-510n, 514n, 518-525, 434-435, 441-444, 446-448, 455-
527-529, 531-535, 537-539, 542, 458, 463, 465, 469-475, 478-479,
548-549, 550n-551n, 574-577, 582- 481, 484, 495, 504-505, 506n, 511n,
586, 594, 604 515-517, 519, 521, 523, 535-536,
542-543, 545-549, 550n, 554-557,
commissioners 110, 207, 293, 301, 559, 575, 592
330, 345, 347, 367, 376-377, 393-
395, 400, 410, 412-413, 415-416, composition xxvi, xxviii, xxix, 9, 37,
428, 451n-452n, 480, 487, 490, 525 40, 42, 47, 59, 77n, 109, 116, 132,
136, 141, 146, 149, 245-246, 310-
Committee of Inspection 257, 414- 311, 321n, 340, 402, 469, 479,
418, 468-469, 480-481, 485, 490- 506n, 519, 533, 563,
493, 499-500, 503, 505, 509n,
512n-513n, 526 Congress, Continental xv-xviii, xx-
xxi, xxiii-xxiv, xxvi-xxvii, xxxi-xxxii,
Committee of Privates 501-502, 4, 13-14, 16, 36-38, 59, 73n, 76n,
513n 107, 109-110, 115-116, 120, 149,
176-177, 206, 211, 222-223, 229,
Committee of Safety 37-38, 73n, 242, 244, 252, 256-258, 262-264,
161, 257-258, 295, 496, 500, 507 266, 271-272, 275n-277n, 284,
292-302, 304-305, 312, 322n, 325,
committees 32n, 37, 161, 197, 229, 330-332, 334-335, 340-341, 345,
259, 302, 328, 358, 380, 395, 410, 351, 357-359, 361n, 367-369, 376,
414, 418, 432, 439, 481, 491-492, 379-382, 385, 388, 391, 394-395,
498-500, 502-503, 505, 514n, 520, 396n, 404-407, 411-412, 418, 429,
534-535, 605 448-449, 450n, 455, 458-460, 462,
466, 468, 479, 482-484, 490-492,
“A Common Man” 316 497, 499-503, 505, 506n-511n,
513n, 516-526, 528-529, 532-534,
Common Sense xv-xvii, xix-xx, xxiii, 536-537, 539-540, 542, 548, 550n-
xxv, xxvi-xxix, xxxi, xxxiii, 8-10, 13- 552n, 585
Congress, Provincial xix, xxi, xxxi- Continental Army xvii, 27, 37, 60,
xxxii, 48, 109, 115, 242, 257, 260, 71, 120, 192, 207, 239, 250, 257,
286-287, 293-294, 320n, 357-358, 264, 267-272, 278n, 327, 413, 456
367-368, 376, 462, 497, 506n-508n,
516-517, 534 controversy xxvii-xxix, 9, 36, 48-50,
52, 60, 67, 77n, 99-101, 105, 107,
Connecticut xx, 71, 124n, 211, 250, 112, 123n, 127, 144, 216, 255, 257-
255-256, 259, 265, 276n-277n, 281, 259, 279n, 284, 304, 307, 310-311,
283, 284, 294, 318, 319n, 476, 524- 316-317, 329, 333, 335, 338-340,
525, 538 343, 352, 360n-362n, 369, 372, 382,
395, 397n, 401, 408, 410-411, 413,
connection(s) 114, 183, 257, 266, 416, 422-423, 430, 436, 440-443,
288, 304, 364, 384, 410, 420, 429, 446, 448, 451n, 481-482, 498, 522,
532, 547, 597 524, 574
constitution (general) xix, xxi, xxviii, convention xxi, xxxiiin, 70, 82, 144,
xxxi-xxxii, 9-10, 13-16, 18, 22, 25- 185, 208, 228, 249, 250, 290, 292,
26, 28-30, 34n, 50, 86, 88, 90, 92, 296, 298, 301-302, 321n-323n,
98-105, 107-108, 110-111, 114, 330-332, 360n, 362n, 381, 395, 415,
117, 119, 146-148, 150, 154, 184- 417-418, 438, 449, 461, 475, 480-
186, 192, 223, 225-226, 265, 273, 481, 485, 487, 490-493, 500-501,
276n, 287, 291-292, 301, 305-306, 503-504, 511n, 513n-514n, 526,
312-314, 316, 328-333, 337, 346, 528, 531, 535, 542, 551n, 555, 585-
348, 350, 354, 357-358, 365, 368, 586
379-381, 386, 388, 390, 397n, 413,
414-419, 422-428, 432-434, 437- Cromwell, Oliver 12, 14, 16, 98,
438, 442, 444, 450n, 453n, 456, 389, 436, 609
458, 461, 473, 477, 481, 485-487,
490, 492-495, 497, 500-501, 503, Crown xvi, xxvi, 15, 19, 28-29, 36,
505, 511n, 517, 519-522, 524-525, 63, 78, 80, 85, 90, 100, 103, 105-
535-536, 543-549, 550n-551n, 557, 108, 110, 113, 117, 119, 123n, 146,
560, 562-565, 573, 578, 582, 587, 150, 166n, 171, 192, 229, 242, 273,
590, 600, 602, 604, 606 280, 294, 296, 302, 313, 327, 345,
350, 367, 411, 437-438, 443, 445,
Constitution, British (English) 447, 457, 469, 476-477, 487, 503,
xxviii, 10, 15, 18, 22, 25, 28-29, 86, 511n, 513n, 520, 529, 531, 535,
88, 90, 92, 99, 101-105, 108, 146- 545-546, 563-564, 573, 582, 584,
148, 150, 154, 184-186, 225-226, 586-587, 603
273, 291-292, 305, 312-313, 316,
328, 332-333, 348, 350, 354, 365, culture xxvi, xxviii-xxxi, 3-4, 8, 10-
380, 388, 397n, 423, 426, 434, 437, 13, 25, 30, 34n, 45-49, 58-59, 70,
444, 477, 520-522, 525, 535-536, 79, 82, 84, 91, 100, 116, 118, 127,
545-546, 550n, 557, 560, 562-565, 128-130, 132, 137, 141, 143, 151,
573, 578, 582 164n, 166n, 178, 181, 184, 189,
191, 195, 211, 214, 225-226, 232n,
Constitution (of the United States) 244-245, 247-249, 252, 282, 284,
13-14, 16, 26, 28, 226, 273, 292, 295, 310, 315, 321n, 333-334, 337,
544-546, 548 348, 352-354, 356, 374, 380, 382,
656 Index
463-465, 469-470, 472, 476, 482, democracy 14-15, 18, 26, 28, 31, 92,
484-485, 503, 505, 509n, 512n, 521, 150, 217, 262, 285, 389, 458, 461,
542-546 479, 509n, 539, 543, 548
Dana, Francis 524-525 diary 10, 33n, 44, 54, 75n-76n, 106,
169n, 189, 228, 235n, 251, 258,
Dartmouth, Earl of xvi, 113, 124n, 276n-277n, 281, 299, 318, 319n-
344-345 324n, 340-341, 351, 362n, 389, 405,
453n, 468, 488-490, 496, 506n,
Dayton, Elias (Colonel) 539 508n-509n, 511n-514n, 524-525,
550n
Deane, Silas xviii, xxi, xxv, 226,
279n, 320n, 523, 550n Dickinson, John 14, 136, 164n, 178,
259, 305-306, 321n, 334, 360n, 379,
The Deceiver Unmasked xviii, xx, 301, 381, 397n-398n, 425, 483, 497,
321n-322n, 373, 386-387, 391, 508n, 522, 532, 537-538
398n
dictionary 2, 25, 32n, 34n, 53, 75n,
Declaration (declaration) xvi, xx-xxi, 77n, 168n, 216, 235n, 361n,-362n,
xxv-xxvi, xxxi-xxxii, 14, 22, 76n, 400, 549, 553n
106, 115-120, 161, 175, 177-178,
223, 231n, 237, 241-242, 249, 257, discourse xxviii, xxix-xxx, 3, 13, 17,
262-264, 266-267, 269, 271, 281, 21, 26, 49, 54, 57, 69, 74n, 100,
292, 293, 295-296, 298, 318, 330, 122n, 142, 149, 157, 173, 177-178,
332, 335, 342, 345, 348, 351, 354, 186, 215-216, 218, 222, 224, 228,
368-369, 371, 377, 379, 381-384, 244, 251, 254, 258, 263, 267, 272,
391, 394, 397n-399n, 406, 421, 423, 304, 307, 312, 322n, 332, 333-334,
429, 461, 482, 486, 495, 497, 500, 336, 339, 362n, 375, 401, 436, 442,
503-504, 506n, 511n, 514n, 515, 452n, 472, 477, 481, 519, 542-543,
517, 521, 527, 531-534, 536-537, 549, 555
539-540, 543, 545-549, 550n, 567,
597 division 14, 100, 232n, 275n, 322n,
377, 429, 434, 576-577
Delaware, 128, 164n, 467, 485, 491,
513n, 516-518, 532, 537-538, 551n, Dixon, Jeremiah 129
592
Doerflinger, Thomas 376, 397n,
delegate xvi, xx-xvi, xviii-xxiv, xxvii, 513n
xxxi-xxxii, xxxiiin, 14, 37, 59, 73n,
78, 115-116, 132, 175, 177, 206, Douglas, Stephen 322n, 544, 552n
211, 223, 228-229, 251-252, 257-
260, 264, 266-267, 275n, 284, 290, Doyle, William 351, 362n
293-296, 299-303, 330-332, 335,
342, 357-358, 367-368, 376, 380- Drayton, William Henry 364, 516-
381, 385, 394-395, 405-408, 418, 517
434, 445, 450n, 454, 455, 458, 462,
477, 479, 483-485, 487, 491, 496- Duane, James 259, 406, 525
499, 501-504, 506n-507n, 510n-
511n, 513n
Duché, Jacob (Reverend) 77n, 391- “Eudoxus” 444, 453n

392, 404, 450n, 512n
Evans, Charles 45, 74n, 75n
Dunlap, John xviii, xxiii, 42, 55,
187, 190, 231n-233n, 311, 413, 442, excise 2, 4-5, 32n, 39, 52, 104, 134,
448, 450n, 504 163, 464, 469
Dunmore, Lord (Royal Governor) Exeter (New Hampshire) xxxii-

xvi, 56, 58, 176, 268, 270, 289, xxxiii, 308
Eddis, William 329-330, 332, 360n experiment 5, 16, 38-39, 41, 60,
73n, 128-130, 132-133, 135, 139-
Edinburgh 10, 41, 51, 349, 351-352 140, 141, 145, 147-148, 152-153,
156, 167-168, 175, 181, 213, 298,
election xix, 29, 34n, 47, 74, 99, 326, 383, 440, 444-445, 464-465,
101-102, 104, 115, 195, 224, 237, 473
257, 398n, 414-416, 418, 436-440,
453n, 468, 479, 481, 484-490, 492, Falmouth xvi, 176, 264
497, 499, 503-504, 511n, 517, 543-
544, 561, 570-571, 596 The Federalist 14
“An Elector” 486-488, 511n Federalist(s) 10, 14, 16, 26, 121n,
226, 403, 547
elite 2-3, 9, 11-12, 14-15, 19, 30,
32n, 49, 57, 82, 85, 88, 118, 121n, feeling xxv, 59, 69-70, 94, 112, 150,
127-128, 132, 143, 150, 187, 193, 155, 172, 211, 238, 242, 287, 430,
229, 244-245, 247-248, 292, 294- 434, 470, 478, 549, 558, 574, 579-
295, 304, 309, 330, 357, 368, 372, 580, 582, 584, 588, 604
402, 455, 457, 461, 479-481, 484,
491, 495, 505, 512, 517, 520, 541, Ferguson, Adam 51, 69, 144, 473,
546 509n
empire xxvii, 16-18, 60, 133-134, Ferguson, James 136, 141, 144-147,
216, 280, 329-331, 344, 347, 349, 151-152, 157, 163, 165n-168n, 209,
364, 382-383, 388, 408-409, 411, 464
450n, 457, 464, 510n, 539, 551n,
592 Fooks, Paul 491
Enlightenment 11, 33n, 72n 130, “The Forester” xix, 164n, 322n, 401,
133-134, 137, 144, 165n, 171, 212, 411, 423-424, 427-433, 435-440,
214, 230n, 244, 341, 374, 508n 442-444, 451n-453n, 469
equality 31, 314, 356, 374-375, Fox, Charles James 108, 110, 343,
397n, 431, 438, 447, 457, 535-536, 352
545, 566, 584
France xxi, 38, 73n, 81, 86-87, 101,
Equiano, Olaudah (Gustavus Vassa) 129, 143, 164n, 185, 264, 266, 286,
247, 276n 291, 301, 320n, 361n, 383, 421,
658 Index
424, 426, 431, 485, 511n, 523, 532, 545-546, 551n, 558, 562-564, 566-
550n, 564, 573, 576-577, 597, 601 574, 576-577, 582-583, 586-587,
594-595, 599-600, 603, 606-610
Franklin, Benjamin xv, xxiii, xxxiiin,
5, 32n, 35n, 40, 47-48, 61, 64, 82, Georgia 109, 118-119, 124n, 244,
89, 12, 132-134, 136, 158, 164n- 325, 370, 396, 517, 533-534, 538-
165n, 187, 241, 260, 270, 275, 334, 539
339-340, 344, 347, 350, 354, 357,
364, 402, 406, 463-464, 483, 504, Germain, Lord George 335, 341,
507n, 523, 533, 537-538 357, 360n, 362n
Franklin, William (Governor) 357, Goldsmith, Oliver 32n, 40, 73n,

362n 165n, 463-464
“A Friend to Posterity and government xix, xxvi-xxvii, xxxi-

Mankind” 207, 336, 360n xxxii, xxxiiin, 3-5, 8, 13-24, 26, 28-
30, 36, 39, 46, 48, 56, 70-72, 83-87,
Gadsden, Christopher xxv, 370, 90-92, 96-101, 106-107, 110, 113-
516-519, 525, 550n 115, 118-119, 123n, 133, 136, 138,
143-144, 146, 149-150, 160, 171,
Gaine, Hugh 387, 398n 182, 184, 191, 194, 201, 203, 206-
208, 220, 222-223, 228, 238, 240,
Galloway, Joseph 164, 334, 343, 242, 257-258, 261-262, 267, 270,
360n, 462 273, 282-283, 289-290, 292-293,
296-298, 300-301, 303, 305, 307,
gender 95, 151, 275n 312, 314-317, 321n, 323n, 325,
328-337, 339, 342-346, 351, 353-
Gerry, Elbridge 241-242, 261-262, 354, 356, 360n, 363, 374-376, 379-
275n, 278n, 526-527, 541, 550n 380, 383, 389-390, 395, 396n, 407-
408, 410, 412, 415, 417, 419, 423-
gentry 12, 15, 295, 334, 374, 495 424, 426-427, 431-433, 435-436,
438, 444-445, 448, 451n, 454-461,
George III, King xv-xviiii, xxiii, 466, 470, 472-479, 483, 485, 487,
xxvi-xxvii, xxxi, 2-4, 6, 10, 12, 15- 490-496, 498, 500-501, 503-504,
16, 18, 43, 69, 71, 78-80, 85-88, 96- 506n, 509n-514n, 515-517, 520,
97, 99-106, 108-117, 119-120, 522-529, 531, 534-535, 540, 544-
122n-123n, 147, 150, 154, 158, 549, 551n-553n, 556-557, 560-562,
166n, 176, 184-185, 194, 196, 220, 564-567, 569, 571-573, 578, 581,
232n-233n, 237, 242, 259, 261, 583-587, 590, 593-595, 602, 605-
265-266, 269, 273, 278n, 286, 290- 606, 608-609
291, 293, 305, 311, 316, 323n, 326,
330, 333, 337, 342-345, 347-349, Grafton, Duke of xviii, 99, 122n,
351, 354, 356, 361n, 364, 367-369, 345
371-372, 377, 380-381, 383, 385,
390-391, 395, 396n, 407, 412, 417, Gray, George 483
421, 423, 426, 428, 430, 432, 437-
438, 439, 445-446, 464, 466, 476- Great Britain xxv-xxvi, xxxii, 3, 5,
478, 485, 492, 497, 502-503, 508n, 37, 80, 99-112, 114-115, 117, 119,
510n-511n, 521-524, 532, 535-536, 124n, 147, 159-160, 173, 183, 192,
224, 229, 239, 242, 262, 264, 273- Havelock, Eric xxix
274, 282, 288, 290, 293-294, 296-
297, 298, 301-302, 311-316, 330- Hawley, Joseph (Major) 242, 527-
331, 336-337, 342-343, 345-346, 528
348, 354, 357-358, 365, 368, 370-
373, 376, 379-381, 383, 386, 388, The Headstrong Club 40, 142, 463,
393, 397n, 402, 405-408, 411-413, 469-470
419, 421-425, 429, 435, 441-442,
447, 468, 470, 485-487, 492, 498- hereditary succession 29, 88, 225,
499, 501, 503-504, 511n, 513n, 524, 359, 448, 471, 476, 556-557, 566,
529, 531-532, 534-535, 547, 551n, 569-572
575-578, 597, 609
Hesse-Cassell, Landgrave of 395
Greene, Christopher 278n, 515
Hessians ix, xii, 113, 393, 446, 528
Greene, Nathanael (General) xxiii,
73n, 162, 264, 267, 515 Henry, Patrick 14, 33n, 207n, 234n,
262, 278n, 300, 303, 321n-322n
Gutenberg, Johannes 8, 47
Hewes, Joseph 16, 259-260, 278n,
Halifax Resolves xix, xx, 124, 260, 367-368, 396n
367-368
Hichborn, Benjamin 325
Hall, John 389
Hillegas, Michael 483
Hamilton, Alexander 14, 294, 320n,
365, 396n, 461, 506n history x, xxv, xxvii-xxx, xxxiiin, 6, 8,
10, 15, 23, 32n, 40-42, 51, 64, 69,
Hamilton, Andrew 461 73n-74n, 81-83, 85, 88, 96, 118-
119, 123n-124n, 130, 136, 139,
Hanau, Count of 395 141-142, 151, 154, 156, 165n, 172,
175, 184-185, 193-195, 202, 204,
Hancock, John 33n, 115, 258, 277n, 206, 208, 224, 225, 227, 230, 234n,
351, 538, 540 236, 237, 247, 263, 270, 275n-276n,
279n, 280, 302, 310, 313, 316,
Hanoverian Dynasty 114 319n, 326, 334, 349, 362n, 377,
383, 388, 399n, 408, 424, 432-434,
Harbeson, Benjamin 491 461, 471, 473, 508n-509n, 516, 521,
539, 544, 546, 551n, 566-567, 570,
Harrington, James 16, 142, 457 572, 590, 594, 600
Harrison, Benjamin 524, 531, 541, Hobbes, Thomas 224

550n-551n
Holt, John 287
Hart, Joseph 502
House of Commons 28, 99, 101-
Hartley, David 347, 361n 102, 107, 273, 344, 346, 477, 573-
574
Harvard College xxiv, 209, 467
660 Index
House of Lords xviii, 28, 102-103, 561, 562, 575, 577, 578, 581, 583,
273, 343-345 590, 600
Howe, Lord xxviii 214 instructions xx-xxi, xxvii, xxxi,

xxxiiin, 62, 115-116, 177, 228-229,
Howell, Samuel 439, 488 242, 290, 297, 300-302, 332, 341,
347, 359, 376, 380-381, 395, 406,
Hughes, Hugh 287, 319n 418, 438, 455, 483-484, 491-492,
496-501, 503-504, 511n-514n, 517-
Hume, David 74n, 140, 142, 176, 520, 523, 525-527, 531-532, 535,
230n, 305 538, 542, 550n-552n, 596
Humphreys, Charles 483, 537-538 Izard, Ralph 349, 361n, 509n
Humphreys, James 124, 233n, 387, Jay, John 14, 293-294, 320n, 365,
398n, 483, 537-538 396n, 524, 532, 537, 551n
Hutchinson, Thomas 10, 33n, 340, Johnson, Samuel 2, 19, 25, 32n,
351, 362n, 446 34n, 75n, 235n, 299, 332, 351, 356,
360n, 362n, 476, 510n, 524, 549,
identity 5, 32n, 46, 59, 64, 69, 91, 553n
93, 97, 134, 141, 205, 254, 258,
273, 304, 312, 314, 339, 402, 415, Johnson, Thomas 524
420, 428, 449, 505, 510n, 521, 542,
548-549 Keane, John xxxiii, 121n, 215, 235n,
474, 509n
ideology 13, 16, 26, 277n, 514n
Kuhl, Frederick 504
Independence Movement 98, 102,
239, 251, 259, 270, 281-282, 297, Laurens, Henry xxiii, 151, 167n,
311, 326-328, 332, 344, 354, 359, 368-371, 396n, 517, 550n
384, 386, 395, 401, 414, 427, 460,
499, 504, 542-543 law 2, 5, 18, 20, 50-51, 55, 66, 70,
76n, 99, 108, 110, 117, 134, 147,
inequality 375, 431, 457, 536 149, 158-159, 173, 176, 184, 213-
214, 238, 247, 335, 365, 402, 445,
Inglis, Charles (Reverend) xx, 462, 479, 498, 509n, 512n, 522,
120,124n, 166, 373, 386-391, 398 540, 544-547, 561, 564, 582, 583,
585-586, 595, 602-604, 607
interest xx, xxv, xxx, 5, 15, 19, 32n,
40, 48, 53, 93, 98, 128, 133, 136, lawyer(s) 373, 379-381, 384, 455,
145, 149, 163, 173, 184-185, 188, 506n
191, 206, 213, 224, 237, 248, 251,
261, 265, 267, 288, 292-293, 295, Lee, Arthur xxiii, 73n, 164n, 299,
297-298, 301, 316-317, 325, 330, 321n, 361n
341, 358, 364, 371-374, 376-377,
379, 383, 385-389, 391, 396n, 398n, Lee, Charles (General) 1, 59, 75n,
408, 413, 416, 419, 421, 425, 428, 260, 278n, 295, 301-302, 321n-
446, 461, 469, 480, 483, 501, 512n, 322n, 454, 456, 506n, 513n
Lee, Francis Lightfoot 261, 278n, 361, 364, 368, 379, 381, 386-387,
299, 321n-322n 391, 404, 407-408, 411, 417, 422,
423-424, 441-442, 445-448, 457,
Lee, John 290 461, 473-476, 499, 504, 509n, 525,
552n, 560, 573, 576, 582, 584, 595,
Lee, Richard Henry xx, xxiii, 13, 37, 600, 602-603
62, 115, 207, 225, 234n, 236n, 267,
288, 291, 294-304, 321n, 454, 497, Lincoln, Abraham 33n, 122n, 166n,
524, 529, 531-532 276n, 322n, 536, 544-545, 552n-
553n
Lee, William xxiv, 299-300, 321n,
354, 362n, 509n literacy xxix, 30, 57, 244-245, 247,
249, 275n, 510n
Leff, Michael xxix
literary xxx, 9-11, 39, 54, 65-66,
legitimacy (political) xxviii, 88, 281, 75n, 187, 201, 234n, 246-247, 249,
328, 416, 449 253, 275n, 279n, 319n, 323n-324n,
353, 409, 441, 525, 536, 550n
letter xviii, 5, 39, 62, 64-65, 74n-
75n, 96, 99-100, 103-104, 106, 108, Livingston, Robert R. 532-533
112-114, 133-135, 164n-165n, 211,
222, 225, 240, 242-244, 257-258, Livingston, William 406, 532-533,
261, 266, 278n-279n, 283, 287-291, 551n
297, 299-300, 309, 311, 313-314,
319n-323n, 329, 331, 336-337, Locke, John 20-25, 34n, 74n, 84,
340-342, 349, 351, 353, 357, 361n- 116, 137, 140, 142, 155-157, 166n,
362n, 367, 369, 372, 374, 376-377, 168n, 457, 475
380, 386, 393, 396n-398n, 400,
402-403, 410-411, 413-415, 417- London Coffee House 41, 61, 63,
422, 424, 426-431, 433-434, 436- 165n, 308, 460, 463, 465-470, 472,
437, 440, 442, 444, 450n -453n, 475, 488, 499, 508n, 531, 556
455-457, 485-486, 512n, 517-518,
526-527, 534, 551n, 556, 603 London Evening Post 345, 361n
Lewes (Sussex, England) 2, 4, 32n, London Packet xv, 5, 135

40, 101, 142, 164n, 463, 469
Loudon, Samuel xviii, 287, 319n,
Lewis, Fielding 289 386, 398n
Lexington and Concord, Battle of Lowndes, Rawlins 517

xv, xxvi, 23, 39, 111
loyalists xvii-xviii, 245, 326-327,
liberty xviii, xxxii, 3, 6, 10, 15, 18, 329, 335, 356, 373, 376, 440, 445-
20, 22, 31, 33n-35n, 38, 42, 50, 55- 446, 449, 483, 496, 513n
56, 62, 72, 81, 86, 92, 99, 104,
123n, 126, 133, 143, 161, 214, 241, McKean, Thomas (Colonel) 499,
262, 266, 279n, 284, 293-294, 296, 502, 513n-514n, 517-518, 538,
300, 305, 308, 314-316, 321n, 328, 550n-551n
335, 337, 339, 340-341, 351, 360-
662 Index
McLuhan, Marshall xxix mechanics 80, 126-127, 137-138,

144-150, 153, 157, 163, 166n, 172-
McPhee, John xxix 175, 178, 180, 214, 228, 320n, 335,
480, 499
Machiavellian 16, 22, 205-206, 224,
226, 234n mercenary (mercenaries) 10, 113,
176, 373, 394-395, 424, 523, 528-
Madison, James 28, 276n, 544, 552n 529
magazines 32n, 38, 132, 142, 466 merchants 2, 9, 12, 27, 47, 49, 54,
74n, 95, 101, 106, 156, 176, 188,
marketplace 32n, 173, 251 239, 286, 288, 292, 295, 308-309,
326-327, 365, 376-377, 379, 397n,
Marshall, Christopher 169n, 251, 465-468, 480, 499, 508n, 513n, 523,
276n, 305, 322n, 420, 453n, 468- 593
469, 488, 491, 496, 508n-509n,
511n-514n, 550n Middle Colonies 260, 262, 301,
325, 356, 532-533, 551n
Martin, Benjamin 136, 141, 144-
153, 156, 163, 164n-168n, 209-210, Middling Class 47, 49, 127, 132,
464, 509n 315, 326, 375, 478
Martin, Josiah (Royal Governor) Miles, Samuel 483

367
Miller, Henrich xxiii, 513n
Maryland xxi, xxiii, 74n, 122n,
165n, 174, 228-229, 236n, 256, 260, Milton, John 16, 88, 121n, 435,
283, 300-305, 325, 328-332, 360n, 457, 580
394n-395n, 399n, 403, 477, 480,
500, 511n, 513n, 524-525, 532-533, ministry xxvii, 6, 12, 21, 39, 48, 71,
538, 540, 551n 79, 99, 106, 108, 114, 122n, 134,
159, 176, 219, 237, 262, 265, 268,
Mason, Charles 129 273, 293, 297, 299-300, 312-313,
316, 331, 339-342, 347-348, 350,
Mason, George xx, xxiii, 22, 295- 354, 402, 408, 410, 428, 467, 486,
298, 321n 494, 521, 523-524, 545, 581, 590
Massachusetts xv, xxiv, 10, 27, 37, mob 2, 14-15, 17, 56, 101, 105, 118,
40, 74n, 100, 116, 132, 164n, 171, 120, 292, 294, 335, 391, 604
239-243, 245, 247, 255-256, 264-
265, 268, 277n, 296, 319n, 340, moderates 207, 218, 220, 293, 310,
351, 372, 440, 455, 458, 478-479, 316, 336, 365, 369, 376, 393-394,
493, 509n, 511n, 526-527, 538, 412, 434, 436, 444, 481, 483, 487-
540-541 489, 493-497, 512n
Matlack, Timothy 468-469, 491, “The Moderator” 446-448, 453n

504, 508n-509n monarchy 9, 14-19, 23, 25, 28-29,
33n-34n, 79-82, 85-87, 91, 93, 111,
114-115, 117-119, 146, 154, 182,
184-185, 194, 202, 225, 262, 273, 360n, 374, 384, 391, 409, 429, 430-
280, 315-316, 350, 359, 375, 389, 432, 434, 436-437, 448-449, 458,
404, 407-408, 426-427, 431, 446- 473, 475, 477-478, 509n, 535-536,
447, 458, 473-474, 477, 545-546, 540, 554, 558, 562, 566, 569, 571,
556-557, 563-564, 566-573, 586 575, 578-581, 588, 592, 599-600,
602
Montesquieu 15, 142, 148, 305,
436, 451n, 458 negroes 27, 58, 446, 587
Montgomery, Richard (General) Nelson, Thomas, Jr. 259, 277n, 295,

xvii-xviii, 78, 259, 268, 303, 401, 551n
404-408, 429, 450n
New Brunswick 357-358
Monthly Review (London) 353
Newcastle upon Tyne 352
Moody, James 328, 360n,
New Hampshire xx, xxxi-xxxii,
Moore’s Creek Bridge, Battle of xxxiii, 59, 119, 124n, 223, 237, 257,
xvii, 367, 428 261, 265, 277n, 523, 538, 553n
Morning Post (London) 351-352, New Jersey xxi, xxiii, xxix, 48, 76n,
362n 96, 119, 188, 197, 210-212, 230n,
238, 258, 283, 303, 306, 311, 317,
Morris, Charles xxix 323n, 328, 336, 356-359, 362n, 381,
405-406, 500, 504, 524, 532, 538-
Morris, Gouvernor 292, 320n 540, 551n
Morris, Robert 322n, 376, 379, newspapers xix-xx, 2-3, 8, 32n 39,
397n, 483, 537-538 42-44, 47-48, 55, 57-58, 60, 63,
77n, 80, 120, 142, 241, 243, 253,
Morton, John 483, 506n, 537-538 261, 283, 307-311, 314, 319n,
323n, 350-351, 367, 395, 398n,
mother country xxv-xxvii, 3, 46, 79, 410-411, 416, 441, 446, 448, 451n,
87, 106, 274, 282, 327, 329, 331, 466, 486, 552n
343, 346, 350, 358, 371, 379-381,
386, 483, 517, 576-577 Newton, Isaac 5, 80, 127, 137, 139-
141, 143-145, 147, 148-150, 153,
natural philosophy 25, 127, 132, 157, 163, 164n-168n, 171-172, 188,
136-137, 139-142, 144-145, 147, 209, 214
151-153, 156, 163, 165n, 167n, 175,
209, 214, 465 New York xvii-xviii, xxi, xxiii-xxiv,
27, 38, 67-68, 70, 73n, 76n, 79,
nature xxxi, 20, 22-26, 29, 40, 42, 119-120, 190, 207, 210, 217, 230n,
59, 69, 73n, 77n, 85, 113, 130, 136, 235n, 252, 254-256, 258, 260-262,
138-140, 145, 147-148, 150, 153, 267, 271, 282-282, 286-288, 291-
156-157, 159, 165n 167n-168n, 295, 300-301, 308, 319n-321n,
171, 182, 185, 191, 194-195, 202, 326-328, 335, 339, 341-342, 361n,
205-206, 227, 241, 246, 269, 291, 365, 376, 383, 386-387, 389-391,
298, 321n, 339, 345, 353-354, 359, 398n, 401, 440, 452, 455-456, 470,
664 Index
477, 480, 504, 524-525, 532, 537- 319n, 328-329, 339, 349, 351-353,
538, 551n-552n, 596, 603 359, 362, 370, 375, 397n, 402, 404,
406, 413, 417, 426, 436, 438, 455,
The New York Gazette xxiii, 308, 461, 469, 472-477, 486, 494, 508n-
386, 390, 452n, 509n, 515, 522, 526, 535-536, 552n,
554-557, 560, 562, 566, 568-571
The New-York Journal xxiii, 254,
286-287 Page, John 288, 295
Nicholas, Robert Carter 295 Paine, Robert Treat 37, 75n, 450n
540, 551n
Nixon, John 38, 161-162, 169n
Paine, Thomas xv-xvii, xix, xxiii,
Noah 193, 202 284, 447, 604 xxv, xxvii-xxviii, xxxi, xxxiiin, 1-2, 4-
6, 8-10, 13-14, 17-23, 25-26, 28-
North Carolina xvii, xix, 252, 259- 31, 32n-35n, 45, 50, 52, 58-72,
260, 290, 300, 318, 325, 367-368, 73n-77n, 78-93, 95-99, 10, 104,
371, 396n, 428, 440, 455, 457, 109-114, 116-118, 121n-124n, 127,
506n, 516, 534, 538 131-137, 141-163, 167n-168n, 172-
173, 175-176, 178-186, 190-196,
North, Lord xxiii, 79, 103, 106, 200-208, 212, 214-229, 231n,
108-109, 114, 293, 337, 343, 408, 235n-236n, 237-239, 240, 242-249,
412 251, 253-255, 257-263, 267-268,
270, 272-274, 276n-279n, 280-281,
“Old Trusty” 400, 485, 511n 284, 286-287, 289, 294-295, 298,
302-305, 307-308, 310-314, 316,
oligarchy 374, 468 318, 319n-323n, 324, 334, 336, 343,
346-348, 350-354, 356, 359, 362n,
“Olive Branch” Petition xvi, xxvi, 365, 369, 371, 373-374, 384, 386,
12, 106-107, 109, 115-116, 192, 388-389, 393, 395, 396n, 401, 404,
299, 342, 344, 381, 385, 405 407-408, 411, 419-420, 422-424,
426-438, 446, 450n-452n, 454-457,
Ong, Walter xxix 463-465, 469-479, 481, 488, 491-
492, 505, 509-510, 521, 526, 535-
oppression 3, 15, 71-72, 102, 119, 536, 540, 542, 545-548, 551n, 555,
160, 219, 294, 314, 348, 522, 529, 556
566, 568, 571, 587-588, 596
pamphlet xxv, xxvii-xxviii, xxxi, 2-4,
oral culture 3, 248 8-12, 14, 22, 30, 32n, 36, 43-49, 51,
54-55, 61, 64-69, 73n-76n, 82, 84,
oration xvii-xviii, 404-407, 428-429, 88, 91-92, 107, 112, 132-133, 143,
450n-451n 148, 153-154, 157, 160, 172-173,
175, 178, 181-182, 185-186, 194,
origin (origins) 8, 13, 22-28, 32-33, 200, 204-205, 215, 217, 222, 225,
45, 51, 58, 74n, 83-88, 94, 97, 99- 227-228, 238, 240-241, 243-249,
100, 111, 114, 139, 142-143, 149, 251, 254-260, 263-264, 267, 270-
155-156, 162, 184, 188, 194, 203, 271, 273-274, 275n-277n, 281-284,
209, 215-222, 226-227, 230n, 246, 286-291, 301, 303-312, 315, 319n,
249, 256, 276n-278n, 286, 298, 317, 321n-323n, 339-342, 347-352, 357,
370, 372-373, 386-391, 396n, 398n, 438, 448, 460-462, 480-481, 483-
406, 419-420, 425-426, 441-443, 485, 489-490, 491-492, 495, 497-
446-447, 450n, 453n, 455-457, 467, 498, 500-503, 507n, 511n-513n
470, 474-476, 481, 505, 517, 521,
542, 549, 554-556, 558, 590, 599, “A Pennsylvania Countryman” 317-
605 318, 323n
paper 2-3, 8, 41, 44-48, 53-58, 62- The Pennsylvania Evening Post xviii,
63, 65, 173, 175-176, 190, 213, 246, xxiii, xxvi, 42, 55-56, 60-61, 63-65,
248, 254, 256, 277, 309, 494, 528 308, 310-311, 393-394, 400, 412,
418, 421, 443, 445, 453n, 492, 556
parent state xxxii, 111, 224, 242,
266, 281, 292, 307, 316, 330, 346, “A Pennsylvania Farmer” 14, 305,
380, 389-390, 419 379
Parker, Hyde (Captain) 291, 320n The Pennsylvania Magazine xxiii,

39-40, 68, 79, 95, 132, 136, 158,
Parker, Joseph 483 307
Parliament xv-xvii, xxv-xxvii, 2-3, The Pennsylvania Gazette xxiii, 42,

11, 15, 21, 23, 28, 32n, 41, 43-44, 51, 210, 309, 312, 315-316, 411,
48, 50, 60, 71, 78-80, 86, 90, 99- 415, 428, 434, 442, 486, 493, 497
110, 124n, 139, 142-143, 150, 176,
195, 220, 229, 239, 261, 265-266, The Pennsylvania Journal xxiii, 42,
273, 283-284, 293, 295-296, 300, 61, 307-308, 313, 322n, 428, 452n-
309, 312, 318, 329-330, 333-335, 453n, 466-467, 494, 531, 556
342, 350, 354, 356, 367, 369, 385,
388, 394, 407-408, 410, 412, 416, The Pennsylvania Ledger xxiii, 42,
422, 428, 444, 446, 453n, 458, 467, 124, 311, 404, 424, 446
476-478, 480-483, 487, 503, 510n,
521, 523, 525, 529, 531-532, 535, The Pennsylvania Packet xviii, xix,
545, 558, 561, 564, 572, 576, 603 xxiii, xxxiii, 42, 55, 207, 276n, 311,
313, 316, 320n, 336, 375, 394, 407,
Pendleton, Edmund 295-296, 322n 411, 413, 427, 431, 441-442, 448,
453n, 480, 486, 504, 512
Penn, John 33n, 259-260, 278n,
290, 367, 457, 506n-507n Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote xxiii
Penn, Juliana 415, 452n Pennsylvania State House

(Independence Hall) 22, 128, 161,
Penn, Richard xvi, 344, 385, 402 197, 335, 426, 448, 459-463, 466-
467, 472, 475, 480, 488, 491, 493,
Penn, Thomas (Governor) 197, 415 504, 506n-508n, 523, 525, 538, 542,
561
Penn, William 95, 477
“the people” xviii, xxv, 3, 6, 12, 18-
Pennsylvania Assembly xvi, xx, xxvii, 19, 36-37, 56, 59, 85, 92-93, 96-97,
xxxiii, 50, 53, 95, 197, 335, 381, 99-100, 102, 106, 112-114, 116-
405-406, 414-418, 423, 433, 436, 119, 124n, 132, 134, 143, 150-151,
666 Index
154, 172, 184, 191, 208, 224, 226, planters 9, 12, 27, 42, 465
228, 235n-236n, 238-239, 242-243,
257, 259-262, 265, 267, 286-292, Pocock, John G. A. xxix, 34n, 224-
296-298, 301-302, 305, 312- 316, 225, 234n, 236n
323n, 328, 330, 333, 335-336, 346-
348, 356- 357, 359, 365-368, 370- polls 488, 543-544
371, 375-376, 380, 383, 385-386,
390, 398n, 407, 410, 413-418, 422- popery 85-87, 194, 569
424, 427, 430, 432-433, 435, 439-
440, 443, 445, 448, 450n, 452n, Portsmouth (New Hampshire) xxxi-
454, 458, 477-480, 484-488, 490- xxxii, xxxiii, 59, 257, 261, 553n
495, 498-499, 501-505, 511n-513n,
520, 522, 526, 528-529, 532, 537- Potts, Joseph 178, 180-181, 230n
539, 546-548, 552n, 557, 562-564,
568-569, 583, 585-588, 596, 599, Potts, Thomas 483
604, 606, 608-609
prayers 99, 104, 106, 297, 386, 391,
petition xvi, xviii, xx, xxv-xxvii, 2-3, 580,
12, 60, 84, 91, 93, 101-109, 115-
117, 123n, 134, 176, 181, 192, 237, press xxvii, 3, 8, 10, 20, 44, 46-51,
261, 298-299, 305, 341, 347, 354, 54-57, 60-63, 74n, 76n, 83, 110,
364, 381, 385, 405-406, 448, 462, 133-135, 143, 148, 176, 207, 245-
481, 491, 493, 526, 529, 547, 580- 246, 253-254, 288, 294, 308-309,
582, 596-597 339, 350-352, 362n, 387, 395, 413,
418, 432, 438, 441, 448-449, 469,
Philadelphia xv-xxi, xxiv, xxvi, 5, 27, 506n, 552n, 556
37-44, 50-51, 53, 55-56, 60, 64, 67,
70, 73n-77n, 78, 80, 95, 98, 110- Price, Richard 133-134, 136, 164n-
111, 115, 124n, 127-130, 132, 135, 165n, 339-342, 352, 360n-361n,
161, 171, 173-175, 180, 190, 197, 465
204, 207, 211, 214, 230, 232n-233n,
236n, 239-243, 245, 251-252, 254- Priestley, Joseph 33n, 51, 135-136,
260, 267-268, 270-271, 276n-277n, 339-341, 360n-361n, 465, 473-474,
279n, 282, 283, 288-290, 293, 297, 509n
300-302, 308-315, 322n-323n, 331-
332, 335, 339, 350, 352, 367-368, Princeton 207, 211, 213, 359
375-376, 380-381, 385-387, 391,
395, 396n-398n, 402-403, 405, 407, printers 2, 40, 42-50, 53, 55-56, 58,
410-416, 418, 420, 423, 440-441, 62, 65-67, 74n-76n, 82-83, 127,
448-449, 450n-453n, 454-505, 132, 134, 246, 249, 253-255, 257,
506n-514n, 516-519, 523, 525-527, 277n, 279n, 287-288, 306, 308-310,
531, 535, 540, 554-557, 559, 592 339, 349-350, 361n, 375, 397n, 417,
441-442, 450n, 509n, 555-556, 603
Plain Truth xviii-xix, 14, 44, 51, 55-
56, 74n-75n, 256, 294, 305-307, printing 8, 44-53, 56-65, 73n, 75n-
312, 321n-322n, 329, 350-352, 357, 76n, 83, 110, 134, 254-256, 260,
362n, 386, 419, 441-442, 453n, 564, 277n, 287-288, 306, 322n, 349-350,
571 352, 357, 362n
proclamation xvi, xviii, 38, 43, 45, public opinion xxvii-xxviii, xxxii, 55,
107-108, 113-116, 176, 214, 257, 115, 177-178, 204, 237, 253, 268,
273, 281, 289, 299, 345, 371, 381, 314, 387, 500, 505, 521, 535, 542-
394, 396n, 416, 428, 462, 464, 478, 545, 548-549, 552n
480, 495, 508n, 521-522, 550n
publishing xvi-xxi, xxv-xxvi, xxxii, 3,
production 8-9, 41-42, 49, 57, 59, 8, 10-11, 21-22, 32n, 34n, 38-41,
66-67, 73n, 107, 111, 175-176, 178, 43-63, 65, 67-68, 73n-77n, 79, 96,
180, 204-205, 257, 284, 349, 441, 99, 101, 103, 108, 110-112, 119,
446, 528, 537, 543, 559, 599 124n, 130, 133, 141, 142, 145, 151,
162, 164, 175, 178,187-188, 192,
Prohibitory Act xvi-xviii, 110, 300, 195, 204, 207, 210, 214, 216, 222-
342, 345, 428, 457, 477-478, 502, 223, 230n, 234, 241, 243, 245, 254-
520, 523-525 259, 271, 275n-277n, 288-290, 294,
305-311, 313, 319n, 321n-323n,
propaganda 56, 216, 311, 343, 390, 330,-331, 339, 349-352, 360n-
429 361n, 373, 387, 407, 411-415, 419,
422, 427-429, 431, 441, 449, 450n,
property 2, 12, 29, 70, 82, 89, 92, 452n-453n, 455, 457, 467, 470,
136, 143, 148-149, 173, 183, 197, 473, 484-485, 492, 497, 500, 512n,
201, 261, 266, 291, 294, 307, 315, 521, 527, 543, 547, 548, 555, 590,
321n, 327-329, 331, 337, 357, 372, 597, 604, 606-607, 609-610
374-375, 416, 418, 436, 439, 445,
448, 457, 463, 466, 478, 480, 495, Purdie, Alexander 255, 288, 290,
537, 546, 560, 579, 583-584, 586, 319n-320n
592, 595-596, 600, 602, 604
Quakers (Society of Friends) 81, 89,
proprietary 95, 98, 128, 149, 224, 95-98, 128, 188, 255, 259, 311,
300-302, 325, 328, 334-335, 344, 323n, 325, 336, 437, 439, 488, 499,
375, 385, 415, 417, 437-439, 454, 508n-510n, 555-558, 606 -609
461, 477, 483, 490, 494-495, 497,
503, 512n, 532 Quebec xv, xvii, 25, 60, 63, 258,
268, 327, 331, 404, 439, 456, 468,
protest xxvi, xxxii, 2-3, 70, 86, 101- 495, 522
103, 106, 111, 377, 448, 467, 491-
494, 501-502, 512n-513n, 535, Quebec Act xv, xxvi, 86, 279n,
568-569, 584
Quincy, Josiah, Sr. 364,
Protestant 80-81, 83-84, 86, 92,
117, 127, 185, 219, 279n, 299, 411, race 95, 202, 265, 536, 566, 570-
421, 510n-511n 571, 604
“A Protestor” 494 radicalism 25-27, 95, 294, 508n
Pryor, Thomas (Captain) 38-39, 41- Ramsay, David (Doctor) xxv, 6, 32n,
42, 60-61, 63, 66, 73n-74n, 76n, 167n
130, 132, 136, 164n, 175, 178, 180-
181, 230n, 548 “Rationalis” 315-316, 361n
668 Index
Read, George 485, 511n, 517, 538 Reed, Joseph 377, 393
reading xxix-xxx, 10-11, 18, 48, 57, Reformation 78-83, 86, 92, 117,
72, 81-84, 88, 91, 112, 127, 142- 127, 219, 476, 510n, 578
143, 145, 153, 188, 201, 204-205,
216-217, 223, 227-228, 241, 244- religion xxx, 47, 74n, 80-83, 86, 92,
249, 257, 265, 269, 271, 281, 284, 95-96, 100, 140, 142, 144, 149, 195,
286-287, 305, 307, 331, 341, 352, 203, 238, 316, 331, 353, 365, 379,
368, 374, 417, 431, 446-447, 457, 408, 411, 417, 465, 474, 477, 499,
481, 487, 505, 508, 510, 517, 521, 546, 586, 595-596, 606-607, 610
546, 548, 599,
remonstrance 100, 102-104, 297,
reason 1, 21, 23-24, 29, 40, 52, 58- 491, 493-494, 512n
59, 69, 81-83, 86-87, 91, 97, 109,
126, 133, 139-142, 144, 146, 153, representation xxx, 2, 15, 18-21, 28-
155-157, 163, 173, 185, 195, 204, 30, 92, 96, 99, 102, 105, 143, 150,
237, 241, 266, 283-284, 289, 294, 175, 204, 226, 248, 257, 306, 332,
303, 306, 313, 318, 336, 344-345, 354, 417, 424-425, 434, 436, 438,
347, 350, 364-365, 369-370, 374, 446, 475, 481, 485, 494, 502, 522,
382, 384-385, 388-389, 394, 406, 537, 585, 596-597, 606
408, 410, 417, 420, 426, 429, 433-
434, 436-437, 442-443, 445, 447, republican (republicanism) xxvii, 1,
465, 469-471, 498, 508n, 528-529, 8, 12-16, 18-22, 25-31, 36, 42, 44,
533, 536, 545-546, 558-559, 562, 55-56, 58, 66, 81, 92-93, 101, 103,
564, 566, 569, 574, 577, 580, 584, 113, 121, 128, 142, 150, 176, 205-
587, 593-594, 596-597, 603-605, 206, 223, 225-226, 235n, 263, 282,
607, 610 291, 315, 333, 351, 357, 370, 372-
374, 388-389, 396n-397n, 408, 414,
rebellion xv-xvi, xxvii, 43, 103, 106, 418, 431-432, 435, 444, 451n, 455,
108, 110-111, 113, 294, 327, 333, 457-458, 464, 473, 477, 479, 510n,
344, 347-348, 351, 360n, 381, 394, 527, 548, 550n, 553n, 562-563, 573,
471, 476, 490, 509n, 521-522, 572 585
reconciliation xxv, xxxii, 6, 16-17, “Republicus” 394

70-72, 88-89, 107, 114, 146, 148,
158-160, 176-178, 183, 207, 217- resistance xxvi, 2, 14, 16, 20-21,
220, 228, 237, 260, 262, 266-268, 32n, 37, 48, 72, 89, 91, 98, 101,
270, 274, 281-282, 286, 288, 293- 107-108, 116, 158-160, 222, 254,
294, 298, 303-305, 313, 316, 329- 270, 279, 298, 307, 326, 328, 354,
331, 334, 337, 341, 344-347, 350- 379, 382, 385, 416, 425, 437, 464,
351, 356-359, 364-370, 377, 381, 467-468, 478, 486, 493, 499, 503,
385-386, 388, 394-395, 405, 411, 520, 522, 543, 548, 553n, 592, 597
413, 415, 419, 421-425, 427-428,
432-433, 435, 441-442, 445-447, Resolves, Virginia xx, 124n, 296-
449, 456, 468, 471-472, 481, 483- 297
484, 486-488, 495, 498, 501, 522-
524, 529, 542, 551n, 575, 577-580, Revere, Paul 516
582-584, 587, 600
Revolution, American xxv, xxix-xxx, Rodney, Caesar 485, 511n, 516-

5-16, 22, 26-27, 32n, 68, 74n, 98, 519, 538, 550n
120, 121n-122n, 126, 215, 224,
231n, 234n, 240, 243, 275n, 279n, Rotterdam 352, 362n
281, 292, 294, 295-296, 318, 326-
327, 329, 332, 341, 362n, 396n- Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 22, 142,
397n, 461, 509n, 513n, 516, 542, 305, 451n
544, 550n, 555
Royal Society (British) 129, 134,
Revolution, English 3, 81, 96, 100, 136, 138-139, 145, 156, 165n-166n,
105, 379, 435, 471, 477, 510n, 572 339-340, 465
Revolution, Glorious 105, 477 Rush, Benjamin xxiii, 1, 13-14, 33n,

38, 41-44, 50, 60-61, 63, 67, 73n-
rhetoric xxviii-xxxi, 10-12, 17, 26, 74n, 76n, 128, 132, 136, 152-153,
31, 33n, 37, 71, 91, 117, 150, 156- 175, 203, 234n, 262, 267, 276n,
159, 161, 167n-168n, 173, 175, 178, 322n-323n, 336, 360n, 420, 449,
200, 202, 205, 208, 217-218, 223, 453, 468, 491, 494-495, 499-500,
227, 234n-235n, 238, 240, 249, 264, 508n, 512n-513n, 540-541, 548,
270, 272, 276n, 334, 350, 352, 388, 552n
527, 536, 554
Rush, Julia Stockton 43, 60, 234n,
Rhode Island 54, 246, 252, 255, 453n, 512n-513n
260, 264-266, 278n, 476, 538
“Rusticus” 306, 322n
rights xx, xxxii, 22, 35n, 38, 83, 85,
97, 99, 102-103, 105, 119, 122n, Rutledge, Edward 406, 529, 532-
143, 150, 184, 273, 295-296, 298, 533, 537, 551n
313, 321n, 331, 333, 335, 344-345,
347-348, 370-372, 374, 380, 383, Rutledge, John 517, 525,
386, 407, 423, 428, 432, 436, 473,
476, 477-478, 484, 492-494, 497, saltpeter (saltpetre) 37-38, 41-42,
501-502, 510n, 512n, 520, 522, 536, 54, 60, 73n, 75n, 175-176, 270, 431,
546, 551n, 558, 566, 605 548, 593
Rights of Man xxiii, 1, 10, 18, 23, “Salus Populi” 312-314, 323n
28-29, 81, 88, 126, 191, 352-353,
362n, 454, 474 savage 25, 109, 112, 237, 428, 430,
445, 471, 570, 576, 599
Rittenhouse, David xxiii, 38, 42,
128, 130, 132, 136, 163, 164n, 170- Searle, John xxix
174, 178-181, 185, 187-188, 197-
199, 209-216, 228, 230n-235n, 408, Sergeant, Jonathon Dickinson 207,
450n, 483, 504, 508n, 511n 234n, 524
Roberts, Jonathon 483
Schlosser, George 504
Rockingham, Marquis of 123n, 377,
600 science xxx, 5, 25, 30, 41, 53, 69,
80-81, 126-128, 130, 132-134, 136-
670 Index
137, 139, 141, 144, 146, 150-154, slavery 33n, 41, 74n, 112, 216, 241,
156, 162, 164n-168n, 172, 189, 261, 266, 305-306, 313-314, 322n,
209-210, 230n, 232n, 244, 305, 315, 407-408, 422-423, 446, 573, 592
402, 457, 465, 477, 508n, 586
slaves xvi, 9, 33n, 41, 52, 58, 74n,
Scott, George Lewis 32n, 39, 41, 94, 112, 216, 241, 245, 247, 249,
64, 109, 134, 136, 464 261, 264, 266, 289, 300, 305-306,
309, 313-314, 318, 319n, 322n, 328,
Scotland (also Scottish 407-408, 422-423, 446, 463, 466-
Enlightenment) 11, 74n, 144, 157, 467, 539, 573, 582, 592, 594
236n, 367, 402
Smith, Adam 11, 33n
sentiment xxv, 1, 17, 36, 58, 62, 66,
69-72, 77n, 94, 96, 100, 157, 172- Smith, Richard 258-259, 277, 322,
173, 201-207, 223, 237-238, 524
240,242, 258, 260, 263, 265, 267,
270, 274, 281, 284, 287, 289-290, Smith, William (Provost) xvii-xviii,
292, 297, 306, 315, 330, 334, 337, xxiii-xxiv, 96, 130, 136, 164, 173-
339, 342, 348, 351, 358, 365-368, 174, 197-199, 210-213, 233n-
371, 380, 383, 388, 394, 406, 413, 234n, 301, 385-386, 389, 392, 395,
417-418, 425, 427-430, 434, 446, 398, 401-407, 410-420, 423-429,
456, 458, 473, 478, 487, 501, 505, 431-436, 449, 450n-451n, 468, 489,
515, 526, 537-538, 544, 552n-553n, 494
558, 569, 576, 600, 602
Smith, William P. (New Jersey) 358
separation xxv, xxvii, 71, 92-93, 96,
109, 110, 133, 148, 150, 159, 161, society xxiv, 5m 11, 22-24, 26, 28,
167n, 183, 215, 217, 219, 222, 239, 32n-33n, 40-41, 51, 69, 70, 80, 95-
261, 264, 281, 283, 287-288, 290, 97, 102, 127-130, 132, 134, 136,
293, 296, 317, 325-326, 335-336, 138-139, 145, 156, 160, 164n-166n,
338, 341, 358, 365, 368, 370-371, 173-174, 184, 197, 210, 230n, 241,
394, 421, 424, 447-448, 455, 477, 245, 253, 281, 299-300, 304, 315,
483, 517, 532, 534, 543, 548, 578, 321n, 330, 339-340, 352, 372, 375,
580-581, 589, 600, 606 397n, 413, 426, 450n, 458, 460,
465-466, 469, 472-473, 475-476,
Shakespeare, William 206, 452 478-479, 494, 508n-510n, 521, 546,
560-561, 573, 595, 606, 610
Sherman, Roger 406, 533, 551n
Sons of Liberty xviii, 294, 308, 386-
Shuldham, Molyneux (Vice 387, 391
Admiral) 291, 320n
South Carolina xix, xxv, 151, 223,
Sidney, Algernon 16, 101, 142, 436, 239, 245, 252, 273, 283, 290, 299,
451n, 457 349, 368, 370, 462, 491, 506n-507n,
512n, 516-518, 525, 532-533, 537-
Skinner, Quentin xxix 539
sovereign xxvii, 85, 100, 104, 106-
107, 109, 116-117, 154, 305, 350,
359, 367, 388-389, 430, 476, 478,
482, 485, 491, 502-503, 510n-511n, style xxxi, 10-11, 28, 30-31, 42, 44,
519, 526, 536, 544, 547-548, 552n- 84-85, 97, 99-100, 122n, 137, 141-
553n, 567, 601 143, 153, 157-158, 168n, 175, 181,
189, 244, 248, 274, 283, 307, 310,
sovereignty xxviii, xxxi, 20, 88, 105, 315, 327, 339, 351-353, 392, 428-
117, 143, 154, 258, 279n, 282, 298, 429, 434, 442-443, 456, 468-469,
300, 346, 383, 445, 473, 476-482, 471, 526, 547, 556
484, 503, 505, 510n, 516, 519-520,
526, 542-543, 546-547, 552-553, Swift, Jonathon 141
571
Swift, Joseph 488
Sparhawk, John 64, 270
tavern 32n, 40, 48, 51, 57, 120, 245,
The Spectator (Addison and Steele) 249, 283, 290, 308-309, 335, 391,
21, 34n, 45, 54, 74n-75n, 275n, 464, 466, 468-472, 508n-509n
464, 469, 509n
tax 2-6, 32, 48, 89, 106, 113, 144,
speech xvi-xvii, xxix, 80, 90, 100- 216, 220, 239, 279n, 292, 299, 329,
101, 110-112, 114, 124, 156, 160, 333, 335, 385, 388, 467, 476
176, 184, 186, 204-205, 243, 251,
258-259, 265-266, 269, 278n, 281- Taylor, Samuel 64
283, 293, 300, 320n, 327, 330-331,
343-344, 346-347, 353, 358, 361n, Tea Act xxvi, 467, 496
398, 404, 406, 429, 435, 478, 517,
540, 542, 544-545, 552n-553n, 599 temporality xxx, 3, 22, 32n, 80, 141,
175, 178-179, 181-186, 190, 193,
St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel of 533, 196, 200-201, 204-205, 207, 215-
551n 218, 220, 223-229, 242, 248, 270,
310, 334, 387, 471, 475, 524, 532,
Stamp Act xxvi, 2-3, 32n, 48-49, 89, 534
253, 276n, 335, 580, 600
theory xxix, 9, 88, 105, 113, 126,
state of nature 23-24, 59, 182, 473, 141, 143, 146-148, 154, 171, 176,
475, 478 201, 214, 226, 234n-235n, 312, 328,
339, 353, 356, 360n, 388, 402,
state of war 23-24, 462, 475 451n, 455, 458, 473, 475, 477, 494,
536, 544
Steiner, Melchior 65, 236n, 244,
255, 278n, 556 Thomson, Charles 115, 164n, 509n,
538
Stiles, Ezra 54, 75n, 281, 318, 319n,
524-526, 550n Thoughts on Government xix, 13, 17-
18, 46, 303, 321, 455, 457-459, 487,
Stillé, Charles 483, 511n 506n, 527
Stirling 349, 352 “Tiberius” 424, 451n-453n

Stockton, Richard 76n, 540
Tilghman, Tench (Lieutenant) 292,
Stone, Thomas 394, 551n 320n, 332
672 Index
time xxv, 6, 23, 38, 80, 90-91, 144, The True Interest of America
146, 161-163, 165n, 170-175, 178- Impartially Stated xx, 373, 387-388,
229, 230n-236n, 242, 248-249, 253, 391, 398n
266, 289-290, 305, 310, 315, 320n,
332, 347, 369, 376, 377, 382, 384, Tyler, Moses Coit 253, 273
387-388, 393, 400-401, 407-408,
413, 415, 421, 423, 428, 430, 433- tyranny (tyrant) 15-16, 18, 32n, 72,
442, 448, 459, 463, 491, 527, 532- 90, 109, 111-112, 119, 201, 203,
533, 543, 558, 562, 564-565, 568, 206, 216, 219, 228, 265, 294, 296,
570-572, 574, 578, 580-599, 601- 299, 313-314, 318, 332, 335, 357,
604, 608-609 404, 428, 432-433, 449, 469, 476,
478, 494, 499, 504, 562, 576, 587-
Tories 9, 16-17, 34n, 108, 218, 588, 599
230n, 237, 255, 283-284, 301, 313,
326, 333-334, 336-337, 354, 360n, Virginia xvi, xix, xx, 27, 56, 62, 70,
365, 369, 391, 400, 416, 428, 433, 119, 171, 230n, 239, 247, 257, 268-
439-440, 485-487, 493, 495, 511n- 269, 276n, 281-282, 286, 288-290,
512n, 525, 527, 593, 602, 605 294-303, 309, 318, 319n-322n, 325,
327, 330-331, 368, 375, 454, 497,
Towne, Benjamin 42, 55, 60, 65, 505, 511n, 514n, 525, 530-531,
277n, 308, 310-312, 555-556 533-535, 538, 541, 551n, 553n
tracts (publication) 3, 13, 33n, 45, Virginia Resolves xx, 124n, 296-297
47, 56, 74n, 142, 154, 194, 274,
295, 303, 349, 353, 360n-361n, 387, Voltaire 137, 315, 400
414
Walpole, Horace 353
trade (artisanal) 46-47, 53-54, 57,
74n, 127, 180, 313, 396n, 445, 464 Walpole, Sir Robert 353
trade (exchange) xix, 37, 106, 159, Wander, Philip xxix

252, 261, 264-265, 276n, 282, 283-
284, 292, 301, 314, 326-328, 341, Warner, Michael xxix, 122n
364-365, 464-466, 523, 532, 547,
575, 577-578, 581, 589, 593-594, Warren, James 234n, 240-242, 258,
597, 605 275n, 277n-278n, 457, 506n, 526-
527, 530, 549, 550n-551n, 553n
traitor xxvii, 50, 161, 327, 372, 390,
394, 433, 452n, 468, 603 Warren, Joseph (General) 79-80,
121n, 404
transatlantic 5, 47, 181, 216, 235n,
239, 252, 254, 273, 292, 310, 325- Warren, Mercy Otis 14, 241-242,
326, 340, 352, 377 275n
Transit of Venus 128-130, 136, 162, Washington, George (General)

164n-165n, 174, 178, 197, 210, xxiii, 33n, 37, 59, 82, 171-172, 195,
233n 226-227, 233n, 265, 268, 278n, 289,
292, 294-295, 327, 373, 403
West, Samuel (Reverend) 479, 511n Wythe, George 406, 457, 524, 532
Whigs, Radical 16, 25-26, 108, 33- Yorktown, Battle of 403

334, 350, 352, 508n
Young, Thomas 305, 420, 468-469,
Wigdon, James 469 508n
Wilcox, Alexander 488
Wilkes, John 28, 40, 99, 101-105,

122n, 123n, 144, 305, 333, 349-350,
443, 453n, 477
William the Conqueror 10, 87, 185,

570-571, 577, 587, 595
Williamsburg 56, 288, 291, 294-

297, 302-303, 308, 335
Willing, Thomas 406, 483, 537-538
Wills, Garry xxviii-xxix, 164n
Wilson, James 258-259, 406, 483,

522, 524, 532-533, 537-538
Winthrop, John 534, 551n
Witherspoon, John 39, 211, 263,

278n, 358-359, 363n
Wittgenstein, Ludwig xxix
Wolcott, Oliver 211-212, 235n,

259-260, 277n-278n, 406
Wood, Gordon 11-13, 26, 32n-33n,

226, 236n, 397n, 544-545, 552n
Woodfall, William 350
Woodhouse, William 64, 76n
Wooley, Edmund 461
writing (style and process) 3, 10, 30,

84, 92, 132-133, 142-143, 156, 158,
163, 185, 204, 244-245, 310, 325,
341, 415, 419, 425, 429, 434, 466

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AMERICAN

From Common Sense to the Declaration

The Text of Common Sense

Integrity. By appending an edited version of Common Sense to

of the London Coffee House and the Pennsylvania Journal, is best

F. The “Foreword” (Introduction) to Common Sense.

On the following interesting

I. Of the Origin and Design of Government in general,

A NEW EDITION, with several Additions in the Body of the Work.

Man knows no Master save creating HEAVEN,

Philadelphia, February 14, 1776.

Of the origin and design of government in general. With concise

Thirdly. — The new republican materials, in the persons of the

compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they

Of monarchy and hereditary succession.

authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared by

customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but

king of any country was by election, that likewise establishes a

battles.” But in countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in

Thoughts on the present state of American affairs.

continent throw off the dependance, and we should be at peace with

county-man; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in

a republican government, by being formed on more natural principles,

Of the present ABILITY of AMERICA, with some miscellaneous

posterity with a settled form of government, an independant

For a ship of 100 guns £35,553

6 100 £35,533 £213,318

work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to begin on

will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and

separate part, whether of religion, personal freedom, or property, A

Assembly with contempt, because that House, he said, consisted but of

deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada, valued

Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be

To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called

The American Historical Review 56 (1951): 832-838.

Baldwin, Ernest H. “Joseph Galloway, The Loyalist Politician.”

Dublin: John Exshaw, et al., 1769-70.

——. “Ideology and Nationalism on the Eve of the American

Butterfield, L. H., ed. The Adams Papers. Cambridge: Belknap Press

Claeys, Gregory. Thomas Paine: Social and Political Thought. Unwin

in the Way of Infidels. Earnestly recommended to the Perusal of all

Novel. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986.

Dorfman, Joseph. “The Economic Philosophy of Thomas Paine.”

meridian of near five Hours West from London. By Abraham

System. London: printed for the author, 1754.

University Press, 1976.

Godbold, E. Stanly, Jr., and Robert H. Woody. Christopher Gadsden

Hariman, Robert. Political Style: The Artistry of Power. Chicago:

Eighteenth-Century Logic.” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd

——. Tracts of the American Revolution, 1763-1776. Indianapolis:

Klett, Guy. Presbyterianism in Colonial Pennsylvania. Philadelphia:

A History. New York: The Free Press, 1982.

Marshall, Christopher. The Diary of Christopher Marshall: 1774-1776.

Solar Microscope Adapted Thereto. London: B. Martin, 1770.

Exposition ...of Astronomical Tables. London: B. Martin, 1765.

——. The Road to Independence: The Revolutionary Movement in New

Philosophical Society 86 (1942): 13-21.

——. Opticks: or, a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and

Political Science Quarterly 68 (1953): 203-226.

Medicine, Toothpaste and Gin, Poverty and Press-Gangs,

Independence, 1 July, 1776.” Pennsylvania Magazine of History

University Library, 1954.

Philadelphia: John Dunlap, 1776.

Pennsylvania Press, 1936.