Early Lyric and Elegiac Poetry

New
Chapters in the
History of Greek Literature
2^0
^*Aî?2:c?
Chapters in the
History
of Greek
^
Literature
THIRD SERIES
SOME RECENT DISCOVERIES IN GREEK POETRY AND PROSE OF THE CLASSICAL AND LATER PERIODS
EDITED BY
J.
U.,POWELL|
St.r,l
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1933
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

AMEN HOUSE,
E.G. 4
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW LEIPZIG NEWYORK TORONTO MELBOURNE CAPETOWN BOMBAY

CALCUTTA MADRAS SHANGHAI
HUMPHREY MILFORD
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY
30/0/
PL?
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
PREFACE
The
first
feeling with
which readers
will
open
this
book
will
be that of regret at not seeing the name of Mr. Barber on the title-page. It has only been his engagement with the publica-
work which has prevented him from taking part in this Series but the book owes very much to the advice which he gave in laying out the plan of it. It had not been the original purpose to treat of earlier and
tion of other classical
;
standard authors, but the work grew under our hands many reviewers also and other scholars desired that the record of
;
the
new
;
literary discoveries should
be made as complete as
Series, each contributor
possible
and, as in the
two previous
has treated his subject in his

discussion.
own way,
subject to revision and
My thanks are due in many quarters before all, to the Delegates of the Clarendon Press for their renewed approbation and support next, to the Jowett Copyright Trustees for
; ;
their
generous help towards the cost of the illustrations which enhance the interest of the chapter on Tragedy; then to
for his continued L. R. Farnell, Mr. Dr. Bell, work; A. D. Knox, Mr. H. M. Last, Mr. E. Lobel, Mr. H. J. M. Milne, Mr. D. L. Page, Mr. M. N. Tod, and in particular Mr. R. M^Kenzie, for the help which they have given me in
many
scholars
Professor A. S. Hunt,
interest in the
Mr. H.
I.
various
ways
and
am
indebted to
my
former pupil, Mr.
of St. John's College, Craven Fellow, for compiling the Index, and to the accomplished Readers on the staff of the Press for the fine scholarship
Roberts,
BA., Senior Scholar
exhibited in their revision.

ST.
John's college, oxford.
J.
U.
P.
November 1932.
f
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations
List of Contributors
I.
Earlier Lyric
and Elegiac Poetry

.
IL
III.
Tragedy
A.
C. M. Bowra W. Pickard-Cambridge
.
68
Comedy:
IV.
Old, Middle, New, GraecoM. Platnauer Egyptian Later Elegy, Epigram, and Lyric Poetry C. M. Bowra J. U. Powell
156 180
186
211
V.
Romance
the Greek Novel
R. M. Rattenbury
APPENDIX.
Additions to the two previous Series
. .
. :
Hesiod, Lysias Greek Music: the Cairo Musical Frag-
J.
U. Powell
258
ment
Notes and corrections
.
J. F.
. .
.
MOUNTFORD
U. Powell
260
262
J.
INDEX
263
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
r.
Telephus and the infant Orestes.
Museum
2.
.......
the infant
Orestes.
at the
Pelike in the British
Facing page 82
in
Telephus and
Hydria
Naples
Museum
3.
Page 82
Facing page 90
Awakening of the Earth-Goddess by dancing Satyrs
4.
The
infant
Hermes
Louvre
5
.......
cave of Cyllene.
: .
Hydria
Bronze
in the
Facing page 90
situla
Meeting of Tyro with Pelias and Neleus. in the Louvre
Facing page 104
6.
Dirce dragged by the bull Amphion, Zethus, and Lycus. Crater in the Berlin Museum Facing page 108
7
9.
and
8.
The death
of Archemorus
The death
of Archemorus
....
Amphora
.
...
.
,,
126 128
10.
11.
Bellerophon with Pegasus.

in the
at
Ruvo
sea.
134
Bellerophon throwing Stheneboea into the
Crater
Hermitage Museum
12
and
13. Paris
14 and 15. Paris
and Deiphobus and Deiphobus
...
.
.
.
Facing page 134
,,
140
141
16 and 17. Heracles, Pirithous, and Theseus in Hades.

Petersen,
From
Ein Werk
des Fanainos^ 1905 (Verlag
von E. A.
Seemann, Leipzig)
Facing page 148
CONTRIBUTORS
C.
J.
M. BOWRA, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Wadham

F.
College.
in
MOUNTFORD,
D.Litt.,
Professor of
Latin
the
University of Liverpool, and formerly Fereday Fellow of

St. John's College.
A.
W. Pickard-Cambridge,
D.Litt, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Sheffield, formerly Professor of Greek in the University of Edinburgh, and sometime Fellow and
Tutor of
Balliol College.
M. Platnauer, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Brasenose

J.
College.
U. Powell, M. A., Fellow and Tutor of
St. John's College.
R. M. Rattenbury, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of Trinity College, Cambridge.
EARLY LYRIC AND ELEGIAC POETRY

Sappho^ Alcaeus^ Corinna, Ibycus^ Pindar^ Bacchylides^ Archilockiis,
Tyrtaeus, Anacreon
(f)
In the history of Greek literature no chapter is so fragmentary as that on the Lyric and Elegiac poets of the seventh and sixth centuries. The remnants preserved by critical writers, grammarians, metricians, and lexicographers have been zealously collected and edited, but the total result is small and for this brilliant phase of poetry we have for long had to rely on minute quotations, too often made for reasons other than literary excellence. Yet no branch of Greek poetry received higher praise in antiquity, and no branch seems to have deserved that praise more justly. There is a radiant simplicity in this early poetry which has hardly been found in the world since, and every word of it that can be recovered
;
has an inestimable appeal.

tions
have been made.
The
Fortunately, little by little addinineteenth century witnessed two
Alcman and the Odes of Bacchy lides. The twentieth century has found nothing so intact or so long as these, but the rubbish-heaps of Egypt have yielded many small treasures, and our knowledge of
sensational discoveries, the Partheneion of
poetry has been increased and clarified. discovered none belongs to any entirely unfamiliar writer, and the list of the nine ûpi/co/' remains with-
Greek
lyric
Of the fragments
But we now possess substantial pieces by before, and of those better known we are able to form a completer and more critical estimate. The advance in knowledge has been twofold. For writers, like Pindar, known hitherto from a single form of poem, we now have remains of other forms, and for writers like Sappho and Alcaeus, represented by no new form, we have new fragments which enable us to form a juster estimate of their metre, On these two lines of research language, and subject-matter.
out addition.
writers little
known
has been discovered, and much previous theory proved to be hazardous and unfounded. It is now clear that Pindar, whatever form of art he pursued, was always Pindar, that
the
much
manner of
his Epinician
Odes was dictated not by
their
occasion, but
by the poet's own personality. It is clear, too, that Sappho wrote a simpler language than has generally been believed, and that Corinna was really the traditional
poetess of Boeotia that Pindar thought her to be,^ Unfortunately, many, if not most, of the recovered
poems
are lamentably dilapidated. The Egyptian Greeks commonly tore their papyrus vertically instead of horizontally, and we
are
left
lines.
Time and
full
with columns of mutilated words instead of complete destruction have done their worst, and the
of holes, discoloured, and often
illegible.
fill
papyri are
In
this state of affairs the chief task of scholarship is to
and though for twenty years some Europe have been engaged on this task, the results are too often uncertain and unsatisfying. Sometimes, it is true, the restorer's task has been made easy by ancient quotations or by Scholia on the margin of the papyrus. But more often the completion of the mutilated texts can be no more than guess-work, and we must content ourselves with the reflection that after all this is the sort of thing that the poet may have
written.
poets, like
gaps, of the best scholars in
Restoration
is
particularly difficult in the case of
Sappho and Corinna, who wrote in a dialect which is only partially known, and where a restoration may contain a verbal form which they would never have used. Yet despite these limitations, something has been found of
this lost poetry, and the chapter on to be written.
I.
its
history begins at last
Sappho
^
In the introductory poem to his Odes Horace distinguishes between two kinds of Greek lyric poetry. The first class,
^
"^
Aelian, Odes, I.
K H,
i.
xiii.
25.
32-4:
Si neque tibias Euterpe cohibet, nee Polyhymnia
Lesboum
refugit tendere barbiton.

protected
class,
is
;
by Euterpe, associated with the pipes the second protected by Polyhymnia, with the Lesbian lyre or This distinction is not final nor entirely satisfactory, barbitos.
but at least
the one
it
On helps to differentiate two main classes. is the poetry of Pindar, Simonides, and Bacchylides, possessing as its main feature the choral ode sung by a company of singers and accompanied by dancing.
hand there
is the personal lyric of Sappho and the and little or Alcaeus, accompanied by lyre owing nothing to the movements of the dance or to the requirements and possi-
'
On
the other hand there
bilities of
a choir. This distinction between the two types has been emphasized and clarified by discoveries which give new examples of the work of Sappho and Alcaeus in the one
and of Ibycus and Pindar in the other. 1900 Oxyrhynchus has provided considerable remains of the first, second, and fourth books of Sappho's collected works,^ and the Berlin Museum possesses pieces of the fifth book.^ Not one of these papyri is free from mutilano tion, single complete poem has been found, and many of the finds are the merest scraps.^ But even from this wreckage
class,
Since
estimate of the extent of Sappho's work and the method of its arrangement. Oxyrh, Pap. 1231, which contains the remains of Book I, ends with
much can be learned. First, we can now make a rough
a note that
Even
works
if
it contained 1,320 lines, i.e. 330 four-lined stanzas. the other books were shorter than this, her entire
may
still
have comprised some nine thousand
lines.
the books were arranged is still not settled, but some facts emerge. Book I contained all the poems written in the
How
Sapphic stanza.
On
this point the
papyrus fully confirms

the only
the ancient tradition.*

^
Book
II, if
we may judge by
Oxyrh. Pap. i. 7; iii. 424; x. 1231 x. 1232; xv. 1787; xvii. 2076. Berliner Klassikertexte^ V (2). xiii, pp. 9-18. All extant remains are published in Lobel, âircpovs fieXr], Oxford, 1925. References, unless otherwise stated, will be to this, and to E. DIehl, Anthologia Lyrica^ 1923. * Schol. Metr. Pindari, Pyth. i, p. 5, 1. 20, ed. Drachmann hh^KaavWaôv ûTTcfiiKdv, 5 TO 7Tpa>Tov oXop lajTCJiovs yey pa fififvov. Sacerd. gramm. vi. 546. 8 genus est illiid asynartetum, quo usa est Sappho per totum librum suum
;
'
primum
'.
addition, Oxyrh. Pap. i(l^(i, consisted, as Hephaestion says, of poems in the Sapphic pentameter of fourteen syllables.^ Book IV, to which we have considerable additions, is not
fully described
new
by any ancient authority, and our conclusions must be based on the papyrus. Despite the fact that no single line is preserved complete,^ this book, too, seems to have
contained poems in a single metre that particular type of the Ionic a Maiore or Choriambic Tetrameter, as Wilamowitz
calls it,^ which Hephaestion knew as the AIoKlkov and said was much used by Sappho.* When we come to Book V it is
clear that a different principle
is
*
employed.
Caesius Bassus
'
says that here
Sappho used the Hendecasyllabus Phalaecius
and Fortunatianus reports the use of the Asclepiad.^ In the three poems of the Berlin Papyrus there are two metres, and the safest conclusion is that this book was formed of poems
written in three-lined stanzas.
Of
the other books
we have
no new specimens, and must still accept the ancient traditions, which are on the whole proved trustworthy where they can be Inside this framework the papyri indicate that in tested. each book the poems were arranged in roughly alphabetical
order.
0, TT,
At
IT,
least, in
Book
three successive
all
Book IV has been known always Sappho

and
while three in
poems begin with begin with k?

an expert
to have been
user of a wide range of metres, but the new fragments have not added much to our knowledge of her metric, as the I, II,
and IV books are in familiar metres. In Book V, however, we have two examples of a three-lined stanza. In e'. 3 she employs two Glyconics followed by the Aeolic Dactylic
^
Hephaestion,
7, p.
TO
fxev TrfVTciixeTpov
^
23, ed. Consbruch t5}v be aKaToXrjKTOiv (sc. 8aKTv\iKa>p) Koke^rai âncpiKov TeaaapcaKOibeKaavWaôVf to bevrepov
(iii.
oXov
' *
2a7r0o{;ff yeypoTTTai.
Except
S'. I.
26 restored from Athen. xv. 687 b

11, p.
519 Kaibel).
ttoXXq)
Sappho und Simonides,

Hephaestion,
36
p. 62. KokflTai be AIoXikov, otl
2an(j)Ci)
avrw
i-)(pr](raTO.
frequens
vi. 258. 15 (Hendecasyllabus Phalaecius) 'apud Sappho cuius in quinto libro complures huius generis et continuati et dispersi leguntur '. * ^ lb. 295. 21 (de Asclepiadeo metro) Sappho hoc integro usa est libro
Grammat.
est,
quinto '. ' Lobel, SaTTôvs
/xeX?;,
p. XV.
Tetrameter, or, rather, two Aeolic Dactylic Trimeters followed by a Tetrameter.^ In e'. 4 and 5 the metre is another variation on a Glyconic basis, and is rather more complicated.
The
first line is Cretic + Glyconic, the second pure Glyconic, the third Glyconic + Bacchius, i.e. the Phalaecian HendecaHer other metres are familiar and need no notice, syllable.
but her general metrical practice is now better known, and deserves attention. The general result is that she is seen to be a stricter metrician than she has been thought. Though she scans both the first and second syllable of a Glyconic
either short or long, the last syllable
is
always long.
She
does not normally shorten a long, open, final syllable when the next word begins with a vowel. ^ vowel short by nature
normally scanned as long before a mute and liquid.^ She makes the fullest use of synizesis, but avoids almost every kind of hiatus."^ She does not allow artificial lengthening or
is
same word in different places.^ and consistent metrician, and all claimed divagations from her ordinary practice must be
different
scansion
fact,
of the
She
is,
in
careful
regarded with suspicion.
Sappho's chief interest these the fragments deal
what we should expect. personal relations, and with but history, absent from the familiar examples of her verse, finds at last a place in it. In one distressingly mutilated piece (5'. 11 70 Di.) she seems to refuse her friendship to some one who has been a friend of Penthilus,
subject of these fragments
is
The
was
;
in
the brother-in-law of Phittacus.
know nothing of the context or the circumstances, but it appears that on this point Sappho shared the political opinions of her townsman,
Alcaeus.
Perhaps, too,
We
her
brother,
counted as belonging to history.

^
"^
At
all
Charaxus, may be events he is men-
von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Sappho und Simonides^ p. 48. For exceptions and their significance see below, and E. Lobel,
Cf.
/xeXi;,
'AX*:aiou
'
p. xi.
. ;
notable exception is a 5. 19 27a. 19 Di. instance, permitted between the third of the Sapphic stanza. It is allowed between the first and and third lines on condition that the open final syllable is
*
The most
onXoiai.
It is not, for
and fourth
long.
lines
second or second
Cf. Lobel,
p. 88.
'2an(})ovs
^
Wilamowitz, Sappho und Simonides, Hence the suspicion attaching to vbmp in fr. 5. i Ui.
fte'Xj/,
p. Ixvi
by Herodotus as giving her liberty to Rhodopis, and being severely rated by his sister for it.^ That poem, alas, has not survived, but we have a charming poem about a brother
tioned
who may well be Charaxus.

for his safe return,
In
it
(a. 3
25 Di.) Sappho prays

:
and
for his
and her happiness
Kvirpi KOL^ Nrjprjl'Ses a^Xd^-q'v [xol Tov Ka(TL\yvr]TOv Sore tvlS* iKcrOa[L
K^crcra^ f]oi Ovjicp k\ OeXrj yeveaOaL,
Trdvra^
ocra-a 8e
C09
^ ^
T]\e(rOr)i'.
djiPpoTe, iravra \v(Ta[L, (J)l\ol(t\l \dpau yeveorOai Kcoytau^ ])(ÔpoL(n' ykvoLTO 8' dfi/jLL
Trpjoo-^'
foL(n
[irfKeTL^
*
fjL]rj8L?.
hither unhurt,
my brother may come heart wishes to happen to him may be accomplished. All the mistakes he has made before, undo for him, to be a joy to his friends and a sorrow to his ^ enemies, and may we have no enemy any more.'
Cyprian and Nereids, grant that
and that
all his
The same Rhodopis was identified by Strabo and Athenaeus with Doricha, and perhaps we have an echo of the old quarrel in a. 4, 11. 10-12 (26 Di.)
:
fjLr}]Se
KavxdcraLTo t68* hvi[iTOL(ra jd](t)pi)(a TO 8v\r]pou 009 iroOeliîôu

eh] epou ^Xde.
^^
May Doricha not boast, saying a second time into lovely desire.'
But, on the whole, the
*
'
this,
that she has fallen
new
pieces, like the old, concern
ii. 135. 6 Xdpaôs Be cos Xva-dnevos 'PoSwTrtv d7Tev6(TTr)(re is MvtiXtjvtjv, ev fxeXd "Smrcfyco TroXXa KareKepToiirjae ynv. Cf. Athen. xiii. 596 b (so Ovid, Her. XV, Episticla Sapphtts, 1. 63 and 1. 117); Strabo, xvii. 808. Sappho's anonymous biographer in Oxyrh. Pap. 1800, i. 7-13 almost certainly records the existence of three brothers of whom Charaxus was the eldest.
"^
^ * " ^
KvTrpi Kai] Earle, noTVLni] Diels, w Î'Aai] Blass, ;^pvo-tnt] Ka>aa-a Grenfeli and Hunt, kcotti Diehl.
irdvTa
Jurenka.
Jurenka, ravTa Blass, Suppl. Grenfeli and Hunt.

BlaSS, Ka\
Krjva
Diehl.
coy (/jt\oicr]i
^
^ ^
cf)iXoia]t
Diels.
Koiviav Blass, Koidvvnv Sitzler, rrrjfxovav 5'

fi^Keri
Jurenka.
Blass, fjLrjTTOTa Grenfeli and Hunt, di) noTn Jurenka. The interpretation here is quite uncertain. Cf. Lobel, C.Q. xv, p. 163. So Lobel. ol] 8e Kavxaa-avro rob' vve[7rovTes Grenfeli and Hunt.

Sappho's
circle
of
women and
girl
friends.
On
these she
and her tenderness, and she expects the Whether it is Mica or Anactoria them. like return from or Gongyla, now first found in her verse,^ or Atthis or Andromeda, known to us already ,2 she treats each occasion with A poem in Book I perfect seriousness and concentration.
lavishes her affection
tells of
her love for Anactoria. The opening describes all the most by men armies on horse or foot and ships valued things For at sea, but Sappho values most the object of her love. love Helen left her husband and ruined Troy, and it is love
that
Sappho
feels for
Anactoria (a. 5
i^ya Di.,
11.
17
ff.)
ra]? K ôXXoifiau par6u re /Sa/za Kdjj,dpv)(fia XdfiTrpov iSrjv 7rpo(Too7roo

"irj
Ta AvScou dpfxaTa Kav

weaSo] fidxûras.^
ottXolctl
I would rather see her lovely gait and the bright sparkle of her face than the chariots of the Lydians and men in armour
'
fighting
on
foot.'
friends
But things did not always go so well as this. Sappho's sometimes left her, and sometimes they were faithless. Perhaps the most beautiful poem concerns a friend who has gone to Lydia. Who she is, we do not know, nor why she is in Sardis perhaps she is married. At all events she was
a friend of Atthis, and for her

('.5; 98 Di.):
Sappho
writes
this
poem
<T
Oia
<T
LKeXav dpL-
yvonTCL^ era 8\ fidXio-r' eâipe ixoXird.
vvu 8e Av8aL(TLv efj.Trp7rTaL yvvatK(T(riv, 0)9 nor' deXico SvuT09 d PpoSoSaKTvXos (reXdvva
"^
* Anactoria is known from Maximus Tyrius, 24 (18): and Gongyla from Suidas, s.v. âncfxa. Their names occur in the text at a. 5. 1 5 (27a. 1 5 For Mica, cf. d'. 11 ; 70 Di. . 4. 4 (97. 4 Di., cf. 36. 2 Di.). Di.) ^ From Bergk, P.L.G. iii, fr. 33 and fr. 41. ^ 7re(TSo]/uax'T"y Rackham, Vogliano, X'mxo\\xax'^vTas Wilamowitz. * 7r[8' ili\(iio\i.^v Wilamowitz. j3f|3deo? e]\[6i/ Wilamowitz. a/jtyj/corai (dpi7i/a)ra) Lobel, 'AptyvcoTa Wilamowitz. ^ (T^kavva Schubart, \ii]va papyrus unmetrically.
;
"' ^'

irdvra ireppeôia
(T\eL
fcro)?
dcTTpa'
(fxzos
S'
eni-
OdXacraav
dXfMvpav Kal TToXvaudefioLS dpovpai?,
kir
S' eepcra KdXa Ke^vTai reOdXaia-L 8e pp68a KairaX dv-
6pv(rKa Kal fieXiXcoTos
duOe/jLooSrjs'
TToXXa Se {acpoLTaia* dydvas kirilivdcrBei(T* "At6l8os l fie pep Xeirrau ttol (ppeva^ f^W\P {^') o-a-^ p6pr)TaL.
When we lived together, always she thought (?) you like to a glorious goddess, and in your song washer chief pleasure. But now she surpasses the women of Lydia, as after the sun has set the rosy-fingered moon, surpassing all the stars. She sheds her light over the salt sea and the many-flowered fields, and the dew is spread abroad in beauty, and the roses bloom
*
this
and the tender grasses and the flowering clover. She goes way and that, remembering gentle Atthis with desire in her young heart, and her soul is devoured with longing/
In another
in
;
poem (e'. 3 96 Di.) the absent friend is rememsorrow and complaint. She has promised Sappho So to remember her, and she has not kept her promise. her reminds of and the of their it, happy Sappho past love,
bered
days they have passed together

TcOvdKTjv
8'
d86X(o?
SiXci)'
a
"
fi
yln(r8ofjLi/a
KaTeXtfinave
eei7r[e
/iol'^
iroXXa Kal t68*

Sifj,'
cos*
rj
Wdncp',
"
8Lua 7r7r[6u6]afjLu, jxdv a deKOKr' dTrvXi/jLTrdvco."
TOLV 8* eyo) Td8' dfieiPofMai/'
Xaipoia-'
fjLefjLpaLO-*,
pxo KajxeOev
oicrda
yap
cwy ere
ireSrJTro/xcp'
al 8e
6<Tcra
^
/jir]f
dXXd a
\(tv
eyco 6iXa>
^
OfivaLoraL.
8e Xdde]aL
TepTTva re]^ Kal KdX* 7âc^xo/ze^'."

Lobel prints
[]
.
KTJp
2
So
(TV
(') aa-a Schubart, Wilamowitz. Blass.

8e \[a]dai
k[.]^
^
^
Wilamowitz.
re]
Lobel prints
aai.
vixot (fiiXa]
oa[aa repnva
or oa[aa fxoXdaKo] Jurenka,
oor[(r'
Crusius,
oa[(r afifies <^tXa]
Edmonds.

*
:
Truly I wish to die. She left me with many tears,^ and " she said this to me Alas, how sad is our fortune Sappho, To her I answered this all against my will I leave you." " Go with good fortune, and remember me. For you know how we have cared for you. If not, yet will I remind you. You forget how pleasant and lovely were our fortunes."
!
: '
After this the

but
it is
poem grows
Sappho
clear that
progressively more fragmentary, enumerates the happy times now
past, the flowers
they wore together, the ointments they used.
other pieces are too torn to yield consecutive sense. we catch an echo of Sappho's style and sinwhen she wishes to die and see the dewy shores of cerity, Acheron (e'. 4 97 Di., 11. 11 ff.),^ or speaks of hair turning white
The
Often in them
(^.
6^ Di.,
11.
12
ff.)/'
But
for their
completion we need
is
more
discoveries.
of an unsurpassed There is a complete absence of literary clarity and grace. artifice, and the effect is that of the spoken word raised to its
The language
of the
new fragments
highest power of concentration and melody. The explanation of this triumphant simplicity is that Sappho is writing in the spoken vernacular of Lesbos. She avoids even Homeric
phrases, or,
dialect.
if she uses them, they are transposed into her own This character of her language is revealed in several
is
ways.
The digamma
the third person and its mally beginning with Fp where its place is taken by p. The augment is hardly ever omitted.^ There is a marked absence
not found except in the pronoun of adjective,* and in some words nor-
of synonyms, and words which might be thought to have the same meaning are revealed on closer inspection to be slightly different.^ Her conjugations and declensions are singularly homogeneous and free from exceptions. In all this Sappho is
^
yj/^LôfxevT]'
'^
KXaiovaa, Hesych.
Karddprjv d' ifiepos ris [exî XoiTivois SpoaoevTus [o;;^[^]ois
/^f
fat
idr}v
*Axep[ovTos
fjdrj
Jj^ra
]j/TO
^
''
XPo" ynpas
^'
Lobel, 2an(f)nvs lb., pp. xl-xliii. Lobel, 'AXkuIov
/jlcXtj,
rpix^s eK piiKaivav pp. xxviii-xxxvii.
peXr),
pp. xxxiii-xlv.
TO
unique among Greek poets. She alone wrote an almost unvarnished vernacular. Even Alcaeus and Corinna owe much more to literary tradition than she does, and perhaps in this
self-denying restriction
style.
lies
part of the secret of her matchless
One poem, however, which has been gleaned from two papyri,
differs greatly
from the
rest
both
in
language and in manner.

;
The Wedding of Hector and Andromache (/S'. 2 55 Di.) was known to Athenaeus ^ as being in Sappho's second book, and both the papyri have a colophon ascribing it to her.^ Of all the fragments which have come to us, this is the best attested as her work. The poem is full of charm and interest. It is a
narrative, not written in stanzas, telling of the wedding of Hector and Andromache. Our portion of it begins with the arrival of a herald, who tells the news
:
"*'/crft)p
Koi (TvvkTaip\o\L dyoia kXiKCdinSa Srjâs ^ Upas HXaKias t d[TT* aCv\vd(o^ dppav 'AvSpoiidâv kvl vava-LV kn aXfivpov
TTOVTOV
7rop(j)vp[a]
TToXXa Kar'
8'
[eXClyfiara^
xpvcna Kafifiara
dOvp/xara,
KdXecpais''
(piXoLS'
^
dvT[fie]i'a,^ ttolklX'
S'
dpyvpa T
coy
dudp\L\6[ia [TTOTrj\p[La\
lo
eiV*
orpaXeoos
duopovcre 7rdT[r]]p îXos.

kvrpbyjois
(pdfia 8'
avTLK.'
^X$e Kara tttoXlv eupvôpoy

e7r[e]j3ati/e
'lXLa8aL aaTLpaL[s] vtt

alfxiSvoLS.
ayov
8e irals
o^Xos
15
^
yvvaLKcov t
\oiipLS 8*
ittttIols]
dfia 7rap6ULKa[u] r[e Tavv\(T(f)vpa)V''^
av
8'
Ovy[a]Tp9 [eTTTyto-ar.^ dp8p^s VTvayov vn dp\jiaTCL KapLirvXa

TlepdfjLOLo
7r[a^r]ey
rjiOeor
Hector and his companions are bringing a girl of glancing eyes from holy Thebe and everflowing Placie, even tender
'
"
'
*
Athen. xi. 460 d, quoting 1. 10. Oxyrh. Pap. 1232 and 2076. a[iV]fa(B Grenfell and Hunt ; Lobel suggests ivvvata. eXiyfiara Grenfell and Hunt, cf. Hesychius iXiynaru' yfreXia. 7rop<5t)up[a] KOT dtlr[/xc]m Lobel from Athen. ix. 410 e, nop^vp[a
Diehl. [7rorr/]p[ta] Grenfell and Hunt from Athen. Tavv](r(f)vpaiv Grenfell and Hunt.
I.e.
'
/c]Xa t
av
T\^fio\va
^
''
^ ^
[enrjiaav] Diehl, [aoXXee?] Jurenka, 6vy[a]Tpea[i 6aKos ^v] Wilamowitz. ap[paTa KapTrvXa Jurenka.
ii
Andromache, in ships over the salt sea. Many are the golden necklaces and purple clothing coming on the wind, playthings of divers pattern, and countless silver cups and ivory." So spake he, and quickly arose his dear father. The tale came Then the sons to his friends through the broad-wayed city.
of Ilios led their mules under their wheeled waggons. The whole company came up of women and slender-ankled maidens but apart from them came Priam's daughters together and the men, all unmarried, yoked their horses to their curved
; ;
chariots.'
Then comes a gap, and

pair's arrival
:
after
it
we hear
of the joy at the
S' d8v[fx]i\r][9 Kiddpa]'^ r oiêfxiyvvTO ^ S' KOL v//"[6]0o[9 K\poTd\[odv, Xiylja)? dpa Trdp\6evoL deiSou fxeXos dyv\ov, iKa\v^'^ 8' e? aid[epa
avXo9
d)(a>
0(nT(Ti[a.
'The sweet-toned flute was blent with the lyre and the noise of castanets, and maidens sang clearly a holy song, and the wondrous sound rose to the sky.'
Then
after
another small lacuna

KacTia Xlâvos r
we come
to the end
fjLvppa KOL
ovejiei^vvTO,
eXeXvcrSoy ocrai 7rpoyeue(TTpa[L, irdvTes 5' dvSpe^ kirripaTOv iaôv opdiou, Tldov ovKaXkovTes Kd(3oXou euXvpau,
yvvaiKes
5'
vfxvrjv 8*
*
'ÊKTOpa KAv8pond\^civ deoLKiXo[LS.
Myrrh and cassia and frankincense were mingled, and all the elder women lifted up their voice, and all the men raised a loud lovely strain, calling on the Healer, the far-shooter, the fine harper, and hymned Hector and Andromache like to the
gods.'
This charming poem, despite

published, Wilamowitz doubted
his
its fine
record for authenticity,
has been gravely and justly suspected.

if it
When
it
was
first
was
really Sappho's,*
and
doubt has been confirmed by Mr. Lobel's acute observations.'"' On close examination it is seen to be full of usages
^
"^
"
'''
Lobel suggests KiQdpa or yidyabis. * ttyvov Hunt. Xiyeojs Lobel. N. Jahrb.f. kl. Alt. xxxiii (1914), p. 230. 2a7rcl>ovs neXrj, p. xxvi ; 'AXxn/ou fie^r], p. xvii.
12

alien to
I
of
which are
Sappho's
in
style.
It
is
true that
some
them may be found
a small group of Sappho's dactylic but evidence quite outweighs that conthe cumulative poems, sideration. Here are oddities of metre, flexion, and vocabu-
diphthongs shortened before words beginning with vowels, and vowels naturally short kept so before the combination of mute and liquid. In flexion we
lary.
Metrically,
we
find final
find a genitive in -olo^
two dative
plurals in
-oiy,
the thematic
formation ovKaXeovres, and unaugmented forms by the side of augmented. In vocabulary we find irapOevLKav instead of
TrapdiucoPj
nroXiv instead of ttoXlv,

Kcir,
oa-ai instead of oa-j-ai,
instead of
and
? instead of e/y.
Kara This formidable list
must give us pause before we ascribe the poem to Sappho, but Mr. Lobel has adduced one piece of evidence which not
only indicates that the
poem
is
not Sappho's but even gives
some
hint of
its origin.^
is
that in one place the writer seems to have used a phrase of Sappho's found elsewhere and to have misunderstood it. In e'. 3 App. 2 (99 Di. aliter) Mr. Lobel gives
:
This evidence
7rop(pvpai KOLT dvTfLeua
where Trop^vpai is the dative singular of the noun irop^vpa. In our poem, 1. 9, he gives
:
'jTop(j)vp[a\
KOLT avT[ne\va
where iropcpvpa
is
the neuter plural of an adjective.
It follows
that this passage is not only a reminiscence of the first, but the reminiscence of a writer who did not fully understand Aeolic.
Who, then, was this writer? One point emerges. He (or she) was an Athenian, iropcpvpa and dpyvpa are the Attic counterparts of the Aeolic irop^vpia and dpyvpia, and their presence
here indicates their place of origin. It is certainly sad that should be detached from Sappho's some and feel name, may qualms about flying in the face of
this well-authenticated piece
ancient authority. quite confident of
its
book
the right
But perhaps even the ancients were not It comes at the end of a authorship.
place for a disputed or apocryphal

*
poem
Lobel, "Santpovs
/xeXj;,
p. Ixv.

and
it
13
possible that the vacant space before it in the was occupied by a note about its doubtful authorpapyrus
is
ship.^
The poem, then, is not Sappho's, but it is still a good poem and an interesting example of Greek narrative verse.
2.
Alcaeus^
in
The new fragments

of papyrus, of
of Alcaeus are contained

five
seven rolls
which
now The
in the Berlin
come from Oxyrhynchus ^ and two, Museum, from Eschmunen (Hermupolis).*

is
relation of the rolls to each other
quite uncertain, and
their discovery tells us
Alcaeus' poetry.
the
On
hardly anything of the arrangement of the whole they support the view that
'
poems were roughly classified by their subjects. Thus, Oxyrh. Pap, 1233 is chiefly concerned with gods and heroes, while Oxyrh. Pap, 1360 and 1789 treat mainly of politics, and may belong to the collection of a-Taa-mTiKa TroLrjfxaTa known to Strabo.^ But the classification is very rough. Among the divine poems appear one to Melanippus with a moral of Carpe diem (Lobel, B. 10; 73 Di.), and another concerned with drinking (B. 22 86 Di.) while among the o-Taa-icoTLKd one
'
Di.) was, according to the Scholia, written to Alcaeus' epa>/jLvo9.^ In the other rolls no definite method of
poem
(D. 13
44
arrangement
is
discernible.
The best preserved of the new poems deal with politics, and we can better understand the verdict of Quintilian (x. i. 6^)
'
aureo plectro merito donatur qua tyrannos insectatus multum etiam moribus confert '. His feelings and political ambitions, his enemies and his abuse of
Alcaeus
in parte operis
"
"
them, are
now revealed, and we can

In these
in
his opinions were.

*
see how frank and poems Alcaeus is seen
violent
as the
Cf.
Hunt
References, unless otherwise stated, are to Lobel, 'AXkoiou /licXj;, Oxford, 1927, and to E. Diehl, Anthologia Lyrica, 1923. ^ Oxyrh. Pap. x. 1233, 1234; xi. 1360; xv. 1788, 1789. * Berliner Klassikertexte^ V (2). xii, pp. 3-8; cf Rev. Et. gr.iivm.. 413. xiii. 2. 3, p. 617 Tvpapuf)dt) de fj rroXis {rj MitvXtjut]) Kara, tovs XP^ôvs TovTovs {tov TliTTaKov Koi 'AX/caiou) vno nXeiouoiv dia ras dixocrraaias, koi to
^TnaKOTiKct KaXovfxeva tov 'AX*caiou noirjfxaTa np\ tovtohv iarlv. * In margin ]ra rbv tov 'AXxatov epoûfpov.
'
Oxyrh. Pap.
xvii, p. 27.
14
champion of the old aristocracy in its struggle with the new power of the tyrants. The main objects of his hatred were The two appear together as Myrsilus and Phittacus. and KXeavaKTiSav jipxâi/aKTiSap in a mutilated poem (E. i 35b Di.),^ which has been taken as a vow of vengeance against them. Myrsilus is familiar as the villain of the poem on the ship of State preserved by Heraclitus.^ This poem has been
;
by the remains of twenty-five lines (A 6 120 Di.). In these Alcaeus works out the figure of the storm, and urges his countrymen to be worthy of their forefathers
increased
;
:
(jyap^do/jLeO' ey S'
(os
wKia-ra \tol\ol^
8p6[fjLa)fiU
e^vpop Xifxeua
KOL
firj
TLv* oKvos /J.6\6[aKos dfifjiecou
Xd-^T}' TTpoSrjXou yap fiiyl' deOXiov.^ fjLvdadrjTe tod TrdpoiOa fx[6)(^0(o.^
vvv TLS dyrjp SoKifios y^kaBoD?

Kol
^
fxrj
.
.
KaTaLO-yyvcojiev [dvavSpia ecrXoLS TOKTjas yds vna Ke[LixevoiS^
Let us with all speed mend our planks, and run into a safe harbour, and let not soft fear take hold of any one of us, for a great task lies before us. Remember our former toil. Now And let us not by cowardice bring let each be proved a man. .' shame on our noble fathers lying under the earth
*
.
.
single word the 1. that has shows at 27 allegory disappeared fiovapxiocv and that the object of their endeavours is to overthrow the
Then the text becomes fragmentary, but the
tyranny.
Ml. 23-4:
Ji
] ^
ye KXeavaKTidav
fjpx'ô.vaKribav.
5 (p. 7, ed.
Heraclitus, Alleg, Horn.
Oelmann)
.
eV iKavois de Ka\ rov
MvTiXrivalov ixeXonoiou vpr](rofi(V aWrjyopovvTa' ras yap TVpavviKas rapaxas ^ 'iaov ;(ci/xepio) TrpocreiKdêi KaTacrTT)p.aTi 6a\a.TTr)s . . Mupcri'XoV yap 6 drjXovp.ev6s (TTi Ka\ TvpavviKT] Kara Mvt iXrjvaicov eyipofxevr} avaraais.
^
*
Toixois
^
dfxptoiv or vfifiecov
Murray, vaas Diehl. Grenfell and Hunt. pey' [dedXiov Wilamowitz, pey[a avficfiepov Grenfell and Hunt,
fJiy[a
XîH-' oprjv
^
^
^
Lobel. p[ox^<^ or /u[(Biu< or p[vd<jo Grenfell and Hunt. ye[va6a) Grenfell and Hunt. [dpavdpia Grenfell and Hunt, [dvaXKia ? Diehl. Kf[tfxi'ois Grenfell and Hunt.

Phittacus,
once.
15
known
to be Alcaeus'
;
enemy, appears more than

Alcaeus writes with hatred
In one place (D. 12
43
Di.)
of
him and of the curse which the gods have sent through him
:
to Mitylene
Krjvos 8\ 7raco6L9 *ATpL8a[u yajj-O) Kal neda Mvpai[\]ci), SairTero) ttqXlv
a?
k'
dfxfxe
ôXXtjt* jipev?
em
r[]vx[a
^
Tp6n7]v'
K 8e )(6Aa) rcoSe Xccdoifxed' [av
rds Ovfxoôpco Xva9 efKpvXco re fid)(a9, rdv T19 'OXvfX7rL(ov * dy()V evcopcre, 8dfxov ixkv e/y dvdrav ^LTjdKCo 8e 8l8ols kv8o9 7rrjp[aT]ov.
)(âXd(r(ro/xu 8h
him, made kinsman by marriage to the children of the city as he did with Myrsilus, until Ares devour Atreus, consent to turn us to arms then let us forget this wrath again, and rest from faction which eats the heart, and from strife with kindred, which one of the Olympians has stirred among us, bringing the people to disaster and giving to Phittacus the glory in which he delights.'
'
But
let
do not know when this was written, though it is quite probable that Alcaeus wrote it in exile. Phittacus married a sister of Dracon, a Penthilid who claimed descent from His connexion with Myrsilus is obscure. Strabo Orestes.^
(xiii.
We
617) says that he used monarchy eh ttju tcoi/ 8vuacrTLcot/ KardXya-Lv, but if that is true, his motives were not appreciated
by Alcaeus.
TrdTpL8aL
apparent in another small fragment also aimed at Phittacus (D. 17 48 Di.) where kukohostility
is
;
The same
and Tvpavvev- show the same hostile spirit.^ Another obscure chapter in the same history may perhaps
ilamowitz from Schol. emyaniav
'
-ya'/Lio)
'^
V^'
(rxo>v.
[rfvxea Schmidt, eTnlrevxeas Wilamowitz. \a6()ifi(6^ [av Lobel, XaBuined^ [av Grenfell
TTi
and
Hunt,
"hadajxeda
Wilamowitz.
* ^
avdrav, i.e. afdrav ; Diog. Laert. i. 81.

11-
cf.
Find. Py^/i.
ii.
28
iii.
24.
'
"-13:
vvu
]l/
8'
o 7rfS6Tpo7r[e
KaKOTTUTpLdai
T]vpapvfv-'
i6

In two verses of a
find
:
1
ii,
be found.
42Di.)
poem addressed
to
Zeus (D.
^
we
Zed
d^fi
irdrep, AvSol fiev eV* d[pya\eaL(TL

^
(TV/KpopaLcrL SL(r)(êXioL9 (TTd\Tr]pas
eScoKay, at k Svpd/jLed' ip[av ey ttoXlv eXdrjv,
ov irdOovTes ovSdfjia ttwo-Xou ov[S' ovSe yLi^d>a-K0UT9, 6 8' coy dXcoira^

7ôi/c[l]X60pa)^'
ei^^
evfidpea 7rpoXeâ[is
^'A7r[e]ro Xdcrrjv.
'
Father Zeus, the Lydians
in
hard case gave ^ two thousand
staters to us, in the hope that we could enter the sacred city, although in no wise had we received any benefit from them
or
knew them
at all
but he, like a crafty-minded fox, was
hoping to hide under smooth speeches/
Here
is
a puzzle which calls for solution, but the clues are few.
Mytilene must be meant,"^ and Alcaeus and his fellow-exiles were trying to get there with the help of Lydian money. Somehow Phittacus seems to have put them off, whether with
promises or with what, we do not know. Not all the poems, however, are political. They reveal a range of subjects much like that in Horace's Odes, and confirm the Roman poet's claim that he
false
Aeolium carmen ad
deduxisse modos.
Italos
There are poems to friends and to gods. Among the friends we have considerable fragments of a poem to Melanippus 73 Di.), to whom, according to Herodotus (v. 95), (B. lo Alcaeus wrote the poem describing his flight from the Athenians.* This poem is on a different theme. It is a solemn
;
a\^pyaXai(n Diehl, e7ra[X'yeWres Sitzler, ^7ra\i.vi(ravT^s

crTd\TT]pas Wilamowitz. ol\p' v Lobel, ou[5ei/ Grenfell
^
Theander.
^ * ^
'i{pav
Grenfell
and Hunt.
Grenfell
and Hunt.
?;
aXtoTTa
Lobel
(cf.
Hesychius
dXcoTra*
aXcoTTT?!), dXa)7ra[|
and
Hunt.
*^
Grenfell
and Hunt
the aorist.
;
translate
'offered',
cf.
but 'gave' seems to be

s.v.,
demanded by ^
Wilam.
viii.
hardly "ipav, Ira in Lesbos,

^
Steph. Byz.
Pauly-Wiss.
1396-7.
Cf. Strabo, xiii. 600.

warning to enjoy
the lines
like
:
17
and though the ends of are missing, we can get a good idea of what it was
life
while
we
can,
Uodve [kol fie6v\ w]^ MeXdvLirUj a//' e/zoi. tl [(pah 3^ ^BivvdevT 6t dfjLL\lreai ÂêpovTd iiiy[av nopov^
^dPai[9 d]\ico KoOapov ()>dos [dy\repov dXX* dyi firj fieydXcou e7r[f)SaAXeo.^ oyfreaO'
;
Kal yap ^Lcrvpos AloXiSais /Baa-iXev? [eâ^ dv8p(ov TrXelcrTa vorjadnevos [ddparoi^ <pvyr)v.^
dX[X\d Ka\L\ TToXviSpi^ cop inrd Kcipi [8h^ !AêpovT kirepaia-c [lykyav Si Fol
KdT]<o^^ fjL[6xO]oi^ '^XV^
IJL]XaLi/as
^*
^^ ^^
8Lv\vd[e\vT
xOovos.
KpouiSais Pd[pvv Spia-e dXX' dyi jxr] 7a[5' kireXirô^^
10
^^
eo-]r
dpdcroiiv' at irora KaXXora [vvv ae XPV TcouSe TrdOrjv Td[xa SSt Oios^ (feepjrju^^ OTTLva
Drink and get drunk, Melanippus, with me. Why do you say that, when you have crossed Acheron's great eddying stream, you will see the pure light of the sun again ? Nay, come, desire not great things. Truly King Sisyphus, the son of Aeolus, wisest of all men, said that he had escaped death. Yet for all his wit Fate made him to cross Acheron twice, and the son of Cronus gave him a great, heavy doom to bear under the earth. Nay, come, hope not for this, while we are young. Now, if at any time, must you bear whatever of these dooms God sends you perchance to suffer.'
This
is
the
glimpses of Alcaeus'
^
best preserved of the personal poems, but life emerge from the others. One piece
xaXda-ais]
[kuX fjLedv
^ ^
*
oi]
Diehl,
[8r)
Schmidt.
. .
.
^'
''
^
"
"^ ^^
^^
^'*
Schmidt, [yap Diels. Restored by Hunt from the papyrus which gives orafxe diwaevr. fiy[ap nopov Dichl, p.y[dppoov Schmidt. [ayjrepov Diehl, [varepov Wilamowitz, [av ivaKiv Diels. 7r[i/ydXXfo Wilamowitz, 67r[i/xateo Jurenka. [e0a Wilamowitz, [fio/cr? ? Diehl. ' {BdvaTov (fivyrjv Wilamowitz. [d\s Wilamowitz. ^^ 8e Wilamowitz. foi Kdr](o Wilamowitz. p[tyap ^d]pvv a>pi(T Wilamowitz, /Sao-i'Xeuy 81801 Jurenka. Td]d' (TreXneo Wilamowitz, to [kutco (f)p6vr) Diehl. corjr' Diehl, Kolra^daopev Wilamowitz.
[(fials
"'
"
[pvv re
xpn Diels.
6(05 Diehl.
*^
êp]w
Dicls.
Td[xa
3786
8cp
i8

;
gives a scene in the country with birds and cool water and a vine (F. i io6 Di.).^ Another makes tantalizing and obscure
references to Ascalon and Babylon (B. 10 83 Di.).^ Better is an 6 elaborate ; allegory (F. preserved 117 Di.), in which Alcaeus gives advice to a friend with a parable of a vine which
;
promised a good crop but yielded sour grapes." The poems on gods and heroes have at last begun to come into their own, and we see how Alcaeus treated this form of
The best preserved pieces are in the Sapphic stanza, and are remarkable for a quiet limpidity and candour. In one 77 Di. aliter), he addresses the river Hebrus (B. 17
art.
;
:
"Eppe, K[d\]\i(rT09
^
k^L[T]<T6'
ks\
^
TTord/jLcou irap A[ivov^ TTOpcpvpiav OdXacra-av

. .
SpaLK\tas
*
kp\^vy6iievo9 (a yaias
Hebrus, fairest of rivers, thou goest forth by the purple sea swirling through Thracian land.'
Aenus
into
We
should like to
it
know more
'
of
this,
but the next verse,
many maidens ', does not allow us to though know what they are doing with their dtrdXaLcn x<^p(Ti? Another poem, whose right margin is lost (B. 14 74 Di.), compares Helen unfavourably with Thetis. Helen brought bitter woe to Troy, but Thetis was married in the house of Chiron before all the gods, and gave birth to Achilles:
mentions
;
op\v[6((T(T
aiTV \[\ivai 7roX[
\av K Kopv(J)av OTrnoOev [ yXjavKav ylrvxpov v8a>p d/z7rX[ âv KaXafios â)ij[
KJeXaSets fjpivov
2
11.
oi/[
lo-il
Ba/3i;X(ji)i;os
^
]v
Ipas KcTKoKoiva.
The reference is probably to Alcaeus' brother, Antimenidas, who served with Nebuchadnezzar {Inc. Lib. 27 ; 50 Di.) and may have accompanied him on one of his Palestinian campaigns in 596 B.C. and 586 B.C.
3
Cf.
11.
15-16:
ra]p3';{ft)/ut /X17 po7r[(B](rti/, avrnis op,<p]nKas d>p.OTpais eolaais.
A[ipov Lobel,
^
from Schol. on Theocr.

^
f^t['70-^'
'
Lobel.
Kat
vii. 112. epaiK[ias or GpaiK[ia>p Lobel.
0-6 TToXXai TrapdeviKai 7re[ ]\a)v iiripav anoKaidi X^pIp"^

98' kvtavTov
TraiSa ykvvaT
ol
8'
^
19
aljJLLOeoiv [(pipLO-rop
ttcoXcou,
oX^Lov ^dvBav eXaTTjlpa

aTTOiXovT
dii(j>
'E[Xii'a Kal ttoXls avTCoy.
^pvyes re
tlie
a year she bore a son, the mightiest of demi-gods, happy driver of bay foals, but they were destroyed for Helen the Phrygians and their city.'
'
And
in
It would be interesting to know why the two are contrasted, and what was the unifying idea of the poem.
is a poem {?>. S) 7^ î-) dedicated to the of Greek poetry, Castor and Pollux. Despite heroes perennial we can restore its general drift its corruption
Finally, there
êvT vvv
iXXdcoY
JTeAjoTTO? XLiTovTe\s 7Tal8es i(pO]ijioL^ ^[109] r]8e Ari8a9

BîlA'^ 7rpo[(l)d]ur]T,
vd(Tov
Kdarop
Kal noXv8e[v]K9,
ot KOLT vpr)a[v\ )(\66vaY
Kal OdXaa-aav
kir
'lttttcov,
iraidav '^pxA<jQ'\
di\KVTio\8oiiv
p-qa 8' di'6pd)[7r]o[Ls] 6a[u]dT(o
pveaOe
(aKpv6evT09
ev(T8[vy]oiiv
6 p<^(T kovt[^9
^ oi/\
aKpa vdow
TrYiXoOev XdfjLTTpoi 7rpo[Tov' 6v]Tp\eô\vT^s^ ^^ dpyaXea 8' ev vvktl ^[dos (f>e]popr9
vdi //[ejXaiVa.
hither, ye strong sons of kind with heart. Castor and Polyappear deuces, who go over the broad earth and all the sea on swiftfooted horses, and easily rescue men from numbing death, shining from afar as ye run up the fore-stays, as ye bring in the night of danger light to a black ship.'
*
Leave Pelops'
:
island
and come
Zeus and Leda
With
^
this the
poem
ends.
It refers to
the
'
fuoco di Sant'
[(f)pio-Tov
^
''
Diehl, [Kpano-Tov Wilamowitz. 'E[Kva ^pvyfs re Grenfell and Hunt. AeOre vvv Bowra, after Diehl.
^
'
Grenfell and Hunt. xLôva] Grenfell and Hunt.

Trmfie? 'i(^6]ipoi
'
TTpu^Tov
oj/]rp[f_;ô]*/res
Bowra.
* vcktov Lobel. IXkdw] Bowra, after Diehl. ^ ov\ Grenfell and Hunt. For neuter form nporova, cf. "/. Gud.
483. 13.
^
(p[dos (f}]poPTs Grenfell
and Hunt.
C 2
20

',
phenomenon described by the elder Pliny, and still spoken of by Mediterranean sailors. If this poem is earlier than the Homeric Hymn to the Dioscuri, as it may
well be, this
literature.
is
Elmo
the electric
the
first
mention of the wonder
in
Greek
The language
of Alcaeus
is,
on the whole, like that of Sappho.
He, too, writes Lesbian in a plain, unaffected manner. Mr. Lobel has shown that he writes it with a difference.^
tongue
is
But His
mixture.
not pure vernacular, but has a slight literary adSo far as we can tell, this admixture comes almost
entirely from Homer, and can be detected by its difference from the normal practice of Sappho. In vocabulary Alcaeus uses non-Lesbian words such as yaia^ ôi>iJia^ irapOeviKa^ reos, and non-Lesbian forms such as viriaco^ jxiaroi. He even uses genitives in -olo and -aoy ooXea-av with a single o-, and at times he omits an augment. No doubt metrical convenience prompted him to these exceptions from his ordinary practice, and when all is said, their total does not amount to much.
Despite the prestige of Homer, Alcaeus did not borrow much from him, and wrote chiefly in the language of his own island. His metres, however, are more various than those of the
new fragments
of Sappho.
Among
the
new
pieces
we may
His distinguish Alcaics, Ionics, Sapphics, and Asclepiads. own treatment of the metre called after him is now better
known, and we can see how

stood or altered
it.
in
In
the
first
some ways Horace misundertwo lines of the stanza
Alcaeus' Alcaic differs from Horace's in allowing a long or short syllable indifferently at the beginning of the line, and in
varying the place of the caesura. In the third line Alcaeus allows the fifth syllable to be either long or short, whereas for
Alcaeus' Sapphics are very like invariably long. Like her, he allows the fourth syllable to be doubtful, and has his caesura variously after the fifth, sixth, It is worth noticing that for him or even eighth syllable.
it is
Horace
Sappho's.
the fourth line
is
really a line,
it is
and not merely a continuation

In the new fragThe new pieces of
fiiXr],
of the third line, as
ments
^
it
often for Sappho. with a new word. always begins

ii.
N.H.
loi.
ÂXkulov
pp. xlv-lxvii.
21
Alcaeus, despite their broken outlines, bring this poet more The into his own than he has been for many centuries.
to stress his convivial side at the
and a mention of him by Horace^ tended expense of the rest of him. Now justice has been done to him, and he emerges as a man of strong passions, reckless in abuse as in loyalty, a man of
familiar quotations
action as well as a poet, a lover of great things such as fighting and friendship, and an inveterate hater of trickery and the
destruction of
what he loved.
3.
Corinna
The new fragments of Lesbian poetry belong to writers who had a great name in antiquity, and whose extant remains
have long been praised and studied. But the papyrus of Corinna in the Berlin Museum ^ has brought back from the dead a poetess who has for centuries been little more than a name. Even at Alexandria and Byzantium Corinna was
much importance. She hardly belonged to the Nine Lyric poets, and won only a dubious tenth place in But to the list quoted by Pindar's Ambrosian biographer.^
not ranked as of
history, or to tradition, she
is
known
as the
woman who was

first
said to
have defeated Pindar
five times,*
and censured him
myths, and then for his superabundance of them.^ Pindar, with unexpected rudeness, is said to have called her a sow because of her narrow provincial outlook.^ Now at last we know what sort of poetry was written by this woman who followed the old ways of Boeotia, and disfor his lack of
approved of 'ATTLKLa-fjLos'^ in the great exponent of Delphic wisdom and Greek orthodoxy. The papyrus of the new poems comes from Eschmunen
C.
i.
32. 9.
Berliner Klassikertexte, Editio princeps, ed. Wilamowitz. (2). xiv, pp. 19-55. Revised text by W. Cronert in Rhem. Miis. Ixiii, pp. i66ff. ^ Alexander Polyhistor, however, wrote a commentary on her: Schol. * Ap. Rhod. Arg. i. 551. Petronius, Satyricon 2, speaks of Pindarus his list have included in '. He Corinna by putting may novemque lyrici Pindar hors concours.
^
Suidas
s.v. Ko'piwa.
Plut.
Mor. 347
flf.
^ '
Pans. ix. 22. 3. Aelian, V.H. xiii. 25. Schol. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 720.
11
was
It (Hermupolis), and was written in the second century A.D. at first thought that it contained the remains of two
poems, but Mr. Lobel has shown that there are remains of The first is entirely fragmentary, and only traces of three.^ nine lines survive. Its subject and contents are alike unknown, and we can disregard it as an addition to Greek literature.
tolerably legible.
The second poem has 54 lines, of which 21 in the middle are The third is rather better preserved, and for read some be 40 lines out of a total of 102, but its end may Each of these is a narrative poem dealing with a is lost.
*
traditional Boeotian story quite outside the usual run of Greek tenuisque arcana poetry, and justifying Statius' comment:
Corinnae
'.^
two poems, the first deals with a contest between the eponymous heroes Helicon and Cithaeron. The contest is in song, and the papyrus first becomes intelligible with Cithaeron singing of the childhood of Zeus and his concealment from Cronus. What the opening lines said we do not know, but presumably they must have mentioned the song of
these
Of
Helicon, since, when Cithaeron's song is finished, the issue between the two singers is put to the vote by the Muses
among
the gods
fxccKapas
(p]p/j,eu
8'
avTLKa Maxrr]
[T]aTTOi^
yjfdcpoy
Kp]ov(pLau
(Tocpal's.^
KaX-mSas kv XP^^' TV 8' d/xa iravTel^]

8'
SypOev.
TrXiovas
'
etAe KL6r]p(oy.
Forthwith the Muses ordered the Blessed Ones to put their votes secretly into the gold-gleaming vessels. They all arose together, and Cithaeron got the more votes.'
The
result is
victor.
spirit
^
:
proclaimed by Hermes, and Cithaeron is crowned Helicon, however, takes his defeat in an unchivalrous
Hermes, Ixv, pp. 357-8. Sz'/vae, v. 3. 158. The papyrus gives ;!(povj[(ro]âîi/a? with a syllable too much, from which Schubart altered to xpov(To(t)ais. But, as Lobel (I.e., p. 364) points out, this is not the correct form of the accusative plural oi xpovaocpaeis, and
^
we should expect
xpovaocpaius.
The
correct text
is still
uncertain.

[6
23
Se Xo]v7rr](TL Kd[d]KT09
e-
XccX7r\fj(rLu F^XlIkYou
a-ipve] \LTToi8a irerpav*

ve8(i)\Kev^ 8* 6[po]r vKTpm 8k Po]S>v^ o{,yir[6]6V etpLcre
'
[vLV e\ii iiov[pLa\8e(Tcn
XdvS'^
But Helicon, overcome with sore grief, dragged away a smooth rock, and the mountain gave way. He cried pitifully and dashed it from on high into innumerable stones.'
The next
1.54.
thirty lines are fragmentary, but the
poem ends
at
This curious simple tale is unfamiliar to students of Greek poetry, but two small pieces of evidence help us to unravel its Demetrius of Phaleron knew of one Automedes of history.
Mycenae, the teacher of Demodocus, who wrote of
ttju epiu
need not press too far the Kidaipoovos re Kal ÊXlkcovos^ authenticity or the antiquity of this work, but here at least is
proof that such a work existed, and that it was thought to be extremely ancient. The second piece of evidence comes from Lysimachus of Cyrene, a generation later than Demetrius.^ In
the
first
We
book of
his
work
ITepi TroirjTooy
he mentions the
strife
between the two heroes, and adds that they were brothers. In all probability he is drawing on the same source as Automedes. hint, too, of the same story may be seen on a
monument
depicting Helicon with the inscription '"EXlkcov Movcrdodv XPl^H-^^ lax^(t>.^ Helicon and Cithaeron must have been primitive deities of Boeotia, but what was the origin of their contest we do not know.
longer fragment tells of the daughters of are not well known to poetry, though Pindar Asopus. They of and Thebes speaks Aegina as !A(r(om8cov oirXoTaTai [Isth. viii. 17). In our poem Corinna seems to mention nine, all
The second and
eponymous heroines of famous

^
cities,
Aegina, Thebe, Salamis,
Supp. Editio princeps, avUiK^v Jurenka, vnoiMv Sitzler.

/3ocoj/
Ed.
pr., yooav Sitzler.
^
"
^'
AdiJff
Journal of Philology, xxx, pp. 296 ff. Quoted by Schol. on Od. iii. 267, cf. Eustathius, ad. loc. Quoted by Tzetzes in Scholia to Hes. Op., p. 30 Gaisf.
Vov4q\\,
ix, x,
see below,
p. 262.
^
Bull. Corr. Hell, xiv, plates
I.G.
vii.
4240.
24
This

list,
Corcyra,
forms.
Sinope, Tanagra, Chalcis, Thespia, and Plataea. presumably of Boeotian origin, existed in different
Scholiast on Find.
(iv.
iii.
The
while Diodorus
of twenty (Bibl.
144 gives only seven, and Apollodorus speaks 72) gives twelve,
vi.
OL
157).
begins with a formal mention of the Muses, and has been tentatively restored by Cronert.^
The poem
Ma)[o-aa)i/ FLO(rT(j)dy]a>if
8a)[pop
....
e]/e7ro)
SrjlfjLoua^
'
fiiXiraxra] /liXi,
I tell of the gift of the violet-crowned Muses, singing of the gods in my song.'
Then
little
follow forty-six mutilated lines, where
we can
discern
more than the names of Aegina, Corcyra, Sinope, and But 11. 49-90 are reasonably intact. The seer Thespia.^
Acraephen, son of Orion and prophet of Apollo, tells of the nine daughters of Asopus, their marriages and their children. His speech is in the form of a prophecy, and its severe character can be seen from 11. 51 ff.
Tciu Se 7rriS[cov rpT? ij]ev e)(L ^v[s] 7raTe/[/), 'n-dpToo]u âa-iXev?, Tpls Se TT6vr\(o yoill^^^ fieSoav
TIloTLSdcov, ra\v Se Sovty
^9^09 XeKT[pa] Kparovvi,

TOLV 8' lap Mrj[a9]
TTTJs
*Epfxd9'
ov[t]co
dyaOb^ yap "Epoa^
KT)
e^'
86/jL(os
KoVTTplS TTlOiTaU, TfQ)? Pdvras Kpov(pd8av

kvvL
TTOK
Kwpas
rrj
iXiaOrj.
ipd>co[i/
y]VdXav
kayevvda-ovO*
e//i[iî']a)j/,
Kd(Taov6r] 'n[o\Xov[cnri\pU9
T d{y)dp<o t\ ey [fiavToa]vvoii^
TJjOfVjoôy a)(a-)r' [k8L8d'^6eLv.^
^
"^
Rhein. Mus.
Ixiii, p.
170.
^ ^
Aegina 1. 21, Corcyra 1. 24, Sinope 1. 27, Thespia 1. 28. Supp. Ed. pr. (HIT pap. em. Wilamowitz. \lhiMx6iiv Cronert, w(7r[e TreTrovarfirj Wila-
mowitz.

*
25
Of the daughters father Zeus, king of all, has three, and three were wedded by the lord of the sea, Posldon, and Phoebus is master of the beds of two. One was wedded by Maia's excellent son, Hermes. For so did Cypris and Eros persuade them to go into your halls and marry nine daughters secretly. They shall bear a race of heroes half-divine, and ^ their children shall spread forth and be free of old age, as I have been taught from the prophetic tripod.'
The
and
duties.
seer goes on to describe his own oracular inspiration He is fourth in the succession of Boeotian pro-
by Apollo. Before him were Euonymus,^ Hyrieus,^ and his own father Orion, upon whose death he succeeded to the office.
phets favoured
)(a>
fxev d)pav[o]u
f5*
d]jL(j)i7TLf
rifjiau
'
XXa)(o]y ovrav.
He
is in
heaven, and
received this honoured task.'

seer's
With such antecedents the

tells
word must be
true,
and he
Asopus Asopus, with tears in his eyes, takes his right hand and answers him, but here the papyrus It begins to break down, and the answer is unknown to us.
to believe
it.
and was followed by short speeches from Parnes, Cithaeron, and Plataea. These two poems are indeed peculiar in Greek literature, and their oddity seems at first sight greater because of their
lasted for fifty lines,
language.
dialect
They
are
written
apparently in that Boeotian
whose forms and syntax Pindar so carefully excluded

poetry.'*
from his own
No
other poetry written in Boeotian
survives, and to the untrained eye these poems present a But the air of unfamiliarity is strange and unfamiliar aspect. not due entirely to Corinna. As we have them, the poems
are written in the reformed Boeotian spelling of the fourth

1
? \q <T(TOPTai. ea-aovor], ,Qj^^ i.e.
Euonymus was the son of Cephisus. Corinna wrote a Evayvovixirj mentioned by ApoUonius Dyscolus de pron, 136 B., p. 107 Schneider. The name Ei/foj/u/icoScapos is found on inscriptions at Tanagra \J.G. vii. 537, 1035), Thebes (ib. 419), and Haliartus (ib. 2724) ; cf. Wilamowitz, I.e.,
p. 52,
^
"
Cronert,
I.e.,
p. 181.
is
The eponymous hero
possible exception
of 'Ypi'a; cf fr. 18 ed. Diehl. to (meaning nVa), (Megarian

p. 99, q.v.
a-a) in 01.
i.
84
cf.
Wilamowitz, Pindaros^
26

v,
ei
century which wrote ov for
for
rj,
rj
for ai, v for ol.^
The main characteristics of the language are Boeotian as we know it from inscriptions and lexicographers. It employs
forms of dialect which no spelling can have affected, such as yeyddiy lau, dinracrd/xeuo^, ovrau. It resembles no other Greek
poetry in its faithful adherence to the digamma which seems never to be neglected.^ Essentially this language is Boeotian,
but Wilamowitz
'
is
not quite right

'
when he says
that Corinna
wrote quite as unaffectedly as she spoke \^ He does, indeed, allow her a share of Homerisms ', and such we find in dyKovis
XofxeiTao Kpovco
and XirrdSa irerpav.^ But the Epic influence than this, and makes Corinna's style far less homodeeper than geneous Sappho's. She is free in her treatment of the
augment. She keeps the syllabic augment in e/ieA-v/re/i, ^rarrov, and omits it in KXiyjre, yeyddi, inOeTav, ScoKe. She keeps
the temporal augment
eAe.
in
^p6ev, elX^v,
eipia-Ey
but omits
it
in
She employs two forms of the dative

is
plural,
one
in -v?
in Xdvs,
She
is
dOavdTvs, the other in -o-i in o-TecpdyvcrLi/, Xovirr^cnv.^ equally free in her treatment of the paragogic vv. This hardly found in Boeotian inscriptions, but Corinna uses it
. .
not only before a vowel (i. 46 di/]8pe(T(TLv eta., ii. 28 a but make metrical before to consonant position ex<^)
i.
e]crTlu
(i.
30,
So, too, with her treatment of the article, which serves both in its ordinary use in iii. 16 ray 8' tau, iii. 11
26,
i.
18,
iii.
35).
Tap
i.
Se
TTTJScoi/, iii.
14
rdi/ 8e BovTv,
i.
and as a demonstrative
tco 8e
iii.
in
21 TV
8'
WOK
elpdocop
'AcrooTros.
28 21 ttj voos y^ydOi, yepedXav, iii. 34 top 8' ey yd9 âAcor, iii. 47 top 8' Lastly she uses at least twice the form of the prodfia irdvTes oapOeVy
noun
68
t68) as well as the

^
which did not exist in Boeotian^ (i. 17 Td8\ iii. 26 Boeotian form ovTay iii. 40. These divergDtalekte, pp. 213
flf.
Cf. A. Cf.
Thumb, Handbuch der griechischen

in
)
Hermes^ Ixv, p. 360. Possible exceptions may be found at 27 [5e] k Kar j iii. 44 ''"'^ ^^> [^''^M ^'^^ iii- 4^ hr]\x6v\i(y(T' cVouJpeutaj/. Of these the first is still an unsolved problem, but in the other two we can follow Maas and read tou hi w flKe and drj/jLovcov fcKovpevcov.
i.
Lobel
Col. i, I. 14. Col. i, 1. 31. Pindaros, p. 98. Lobel (I.e., p. 361) points out that the short datives are restricted to position at the end of the line, while there is no apparent restriction on the long datives.
^ ^
Cf. F. Bechtel, Griech. Dial,
i,
p. 279.
27
ences from correct Boeotian usage can best be explained as due to Epic influence. Nearly all the Greek lyric poets owed something to the epic, and Corinna owed less than most, but
still
she owed this much.

in
Beyond
this her Hnguistic divaga-
tions are few.
But
one respect she seems to have come under the

:
In the poems we influence of the Lesbian poetical tradition. of crasis Kat form followed by e find her using a peculiar
becomes kol in ii. 6^ Kaa-a-opOrj. The normal form of this crasis was not a but 77, and for this the evidence of inscrip^ Boeotian in the Acharnians of is confirmed by the tion who Aristophanes says (pva-rJTe (1. 863) and KTjTnxdpLTTaL in Lesbian the combination of ai and e is not ij But (1. 884). but a. In Sappho we find KaripcoTa, Koc/jLedei/, &c., and the same use is kept by Alcaeus, Theocritus in his Aeolic poems, and Balbilla.^ The conclusion must be that in this Corinna deserted her local vernacular, and followed the august precedent of the Lesbian poets. In the main, then, Corinna's vernacular is tempered by these two literary influences, Homeric and Lesbian. Apart from
these and the difficult xpova-o(pa'Cs her language seems to be good Boeotian. Boeotian was not a pure dialect like Lesbian, and may possibly have contained alternative forms. So there
remains a possibility that Corinna used more of the spoken language than we have admitted. For instance, she uses two forms of the infinitive, a longer form in -iiiev as in
still
and a shorter form in -lu as in kviTriv,^ where the orthography may represent an earlier kv^rr^Lv or kv^n-qv. The
(PepifMeu,^
form
in -fi^v is guaranteed by inscriptions, and that in -eiv by Aristophanes' Boeotian who uses BepiBSeLv {Acharnians 947). So in this case the dialect may have permitted a variety of
which Corinna availed

1
herself.
lb., p. 255.
Five elegiac epigrams in the Aeolic dialect were inscribed by Jjlia Balbilla, a lady attached to the imperial suite of Hadrian and Sabina on their visit to Egyptian Thebes in a.d. 130, upon the statue of Memnon. They are given in the Epigr. Gi'aeca of Kaibel (nos. 988 to 992), who Versus sunt ad Aeolicae dialecti leges quales grammatici observes praeceperant instituti '.
"^
Col.
*
i.
19.
Col.
iii.
33.
28
The metres used by Corinna in these two poems are simpler than any used by the great choric poets, and indeed than most Their main of the metres used by Sappho and Alcaeus. features are the employment of a stanza, the repetition of the
same verse form, and the use of a different form for the last line of the stanza. In Helicon and Cithaeron the stanza has
six lines.
The
first five
are Ionic a minore of the simplest
and most recognizable type

yue]yaAaj/ t
[a\6avdTc)v
[elcr[y
^^
\j
eAe TL[xdv' rdS'
fieX\lffjL
ww
<^w
The
a
In this part of the verse she admits no resolution of syllables. last syllable of a line is always long. She lengthens
final
short vowel before
digamma
is
in
1.
39,
and possibly
before initial X.^
The
final line
of each stanza
different
from this simple
Ionic model.
We
find instead the

iôos
form
y^ <j
/jLccKapes'
Tco Se
yeyddi w w
yj
an Ionic followed by two Ionics with catalexis. The is found in Euripides' Bacchae 11. 401-2, where an almost purely Ionic strophe ends in the form
that
is
same combination
KaKopovXcDu Trap*
efioiye (pcoTcou.
The Daughters of Asopus is written The stanza is of six lines. The first
in
a different metre.
five lines are in the
Choriambic or Polyschematist dimeter,^ and allow a great variety of licences. Normally the line is octosyllabic and ends in a choriamb
+ + + + -wv>but the
as
^
first
-w
At
Cf.
col.
i.
four syllables can be scanned with great variety ^ or w,* w ,^ or ^ or even by

31 the editors give e-[(repv?] XtrraSa but
we can
easily read
6-[(rpuei'] \irTaha.
^ ^ *
**
Wilamowitz, Griechische Verskunst, pp. 210-44.

iii, 1.
*"
Col. Col. Col. Col.
12
A6i'[s'] 7rari[p, 7rdvTa)]v
âaiXivs.
iii, 1.
iii, 1.
iii, 1.
23 Kaa-aovOr] Tr[o]\ov[aTre]pUs. 24 T 0(7)61^0) r', S [fiavToa]vvai. 27 fS 7rVTiKo[vTa K]paTp[S)\u.

resolution
is
29
we
find
v^ -^
w-
<j.^
But not even the
always constant. Glyconic, such as

)(<
In five places
we
find
Choriamb a regular form of

last
fip d)pap[b]u d/x(piTTL
w wo w
in
The same
feature
may be
observed
some
choral odes of
Euripides, notably ^/^r/r^ 720 ff., Helen 1342 ff. line of a stanza is a Pherecratean of a regular kind
The
sixth
^vôs XeKT[pa\ KpaTovvL

where the only variation is the usual freedom in the firstfoot, which can be either a trochee, a spondee, or a tribrach. This simple free metre is quite in keeping with Corinna's narrative It is in all probability an ancient measure of folkstyle.
Euripides and Timotheus, who occasionally showed songs. the antiquarian's taste for simplicity, both used it, and it is the metre of the choric song in Aristophanes' Wasps^
11.
1450-61.
interesting feature of Corinna's metrical practice is her of way keeping a naturally short vowel unlengthened before In this she differs the combination of a mute and a liquid.
An
greatly from the early lyric poets, Alcman, Alcaeus, and Sappho, who hardly allow this at all, and her method is much
more
like that of the poets of the fourth
and
later centuries.
Because of this peculiarity Mr. Lobel thinks that Corinna actually lived much later than has hitherto been thought, and that her lateness is betrayed by this practice. But his
argument is illusory. This habit is shared with her by Pindar, Timocreon, Bacchylides, and Ibycus, and seems to have been the habit of her time.^ In metre, story, and method of narration, Corinna is far simpler and more primitive than any other Greek lyric poet.
In the Daughters of Asopus the genealogical subject reminds us of nothing so much as the Hesiodic KaraXoyoi FwaLKmu
with
its
lists
of
women and
short accounts of their lives.
The
sense of structure and style, which seems to have

*
come
Col. iii, 1. 26 rode yepas K[aTi(TXov Cf. C/ass. Rev. xlv, p. 4.
loop].
30
from Ionia with the rediscovery of the Epic, has not peneShe writes what must trated deeply into Corinna's poetry. be a traditional form of poetry, and she tells stories of purely
local interest outside the
main body of Saga used by the
This primitive character has naturally excited interest and provoked theory. Wilamowitz tells us that when he first saw the papyrus at Berlin, he thought that at last he had seen
Epic.
a glimmer of pre-Homeric poetry,^ and that it must have been on poems such as this that the early Epic poets drew The same view is developed by E. Bethe.^ for their stories.
For him these poems are a survival of an early type of narrafrom which the Iliad grew. Because of them he assumes that the Greek epic, like the Slavonic, was once divided into strophes, and was more like a song than a narrative poem. Such theories are hard to prove or to disin the of pre-Homeric poetry, but on the whole absence prove it seems unlikely that the Greek Epic grew from a form like The Epic has no trace that of Corinna's Old Wives Tales. it been of the strophe cannot have sung to a tune. It was meant to give pleasure, not instruction. It seems, then, nearer the truth that the Epic was only remotely related to this other type of narrative. The Epic grew in Ionia from songs made in camp or on the march, and it developed a new character of its own which owed little to the traditional art of the
tive poetry, like that
:
mainland.
In Corinna's
ancient
ciation,
artifice.
;
art,
but
poems we have a survival of an incontestably it is an art bound to tradition and local assoin
its
narrow
outlook and
unadventurous
in
its
the fruit of the great migrations but Corinna's poetry was the poetry of those who stayed at home and missed the excitements and exaltations of the new world across the Aegean.
4.
The Homeric Epic was
Ibycus
The
^
familiar fragments of Ibycus contain

lyric poetry,'^
^
renowned pieces of Greek

^
two of the most and any addition to

Homer,
i,
Die Ilias und Homer, p. 342. Bergk, P.L.G. iii, Nos. i and
pp. 42
ff.
2.

his
31
From Oxyrhynchus of the greatest importance. has come a poem of some forty-eight Hnes,^ on the whole well preserved, and contained in a papyrus of the first century
works
is
B.C.
The poem may with some

attribution
is
The
reason be thought to be his. uncertain, but circumstantial evidence is
It mentions Polycrates, and is indeed strongly in its favour. a poem in his honour. Ibycus is said by Suidas to have
been at Samos
in
the time of the tyrant's father.^
The
style
has the limpidity and clarity of the authenticated work of Ibycus, and the simple metrical structure is similar to others
used by him. Under these circumstances the attribution be considered as almost certain.
may
The papyrus
KpuTT],
and
poem
gives us the last portion of an ojSt] eh UoXv the completest extant example of an eyKcofiLoUy of personal homage paid by the poet to some one
is
whom
these
he loves or honours.
written such a
poem
eiy
Ibycus himself is known to have Topyiavy^ and Pindar wrote a book of
poems of which several notable pieces survive.* Such poems were often erotic in character. Ibycus' poem to Gorgias mentions Ganymedes and Tithonus, and Pindar's ^ poem to Theoxenus is one of his few intimate revelations of personal passion. The new poem, as we shall see, is also
of this character.
begins, Ibycus has
The beginning is lost. Where our papyrus somehow opened the topic of the heroic
age and the Siege of Troy. For thirty-four lines he disclaims any intention to tell of it, but his disclaimer is a literary
artifice,
an elegant device to give a light summary of heroic achievements. He first speaks of the Achaean conquerors of
:
Troy
AapSaviSa npid/JLOLo /xey' d(j\Tv'^ 7TepLK\9 oX^Lov Tjl/dpOP

''Apy\QBev hpwiiivoi
^
ot K\al
Oxyrh. Pap,, 1790,

S.V. "l^VKOS.
Z7]]ubs fxeydXoLo ôvXai?, vol. xv, pp. jt, ff., Tab.
III.
Schol. Apoll. Rh. iii. 158 ra elprjfxeva vtto 'I/3ukoi', ev oh tt^/k Trjs ravv^Tjdovs dpTrayfjs uttcv iv rfj els Topylav ojhfj' kih ini^fpd mpi rrjs 'HoOy,
W?
^
rjpTta(T Ti6(jOP()V.
O. Schroder, Editio Maior, frs. 118-28. Fr. 123; cf. Wilamowitz, FindaroSy p. 429. ' ot K\ai Murray. y aajn; Grenfell and Hunt.
32

â]p6ds *E\pa9 nepl eiSei 8fj]pLj/ TToXvv/jLvop exlo^Tes
7r6]X/JLOV
KUT^ 8aKp[v6]PTa,
5'
IIep\yafiov
dve[P]a Ta\aTrLpLo[v
^ra
^pxAaoeBeipav o[L\a KvirpiSa.
They sacked the great, famous, fortunate city of Dardanlan Priam, stirring from Argos by the plans of mighty Zeus, maintaining for fair-haired Helen's beauty a strife in tearful war sung in many songs. And doom came on patient Troy because of the golden-tressed Cyprian.'
*
Into this digression Ibycus' subject, whatever it was, seems to have led him. But now he goes on to say that he will not
tell
of
it.
yv]v Se (XOL ovre êLvairoLTav IT[api]i/
ecrrY
v/i]u7Ju
7rL6vfj.iop
ovre Tavi[(T(p]vp[ov
KaaraoivSpav
IIpi]djxoL6 re iraiBas d\\ov[9
Tpo]La9
^
d/x]ap
r}p]d><ov
v\jn7rv\oLO d\cocrL[fjLo]u ovS' 7r[eAei'cro/zai di/covvfiop'
&
^ ^
dperdy
viT\epdâvov ovs re /co/Xa[i

iâe]?
TToXvyofiôL k\va-a[v,
^
TpoC\a
KaKov,
ijpcoas^ (rO[\ov9,
rcou] fjLU
Kpeicou Ayafie[fjLVOdv
d]pX^ ITXeicr^[ert]5aj paa-L\[ev\s. dyos dv8pS>v^ 'Arpeos i(r[6Xov

7rdL9 eK 7r[arp6]9*
But now it is not heart's desire to sing of Paris, his host's deceiver, nor of slender-ankled Cassandra and Priam's other children, nor of the nameless day when high-gated Troy
'
my
I
was taken.
Nor
shall
valour of the heroes

^
whom
attempt to tell of the surpassing hollow, many-bolted ships brought
eW] Maas,
rjv]
Grenfell
and Hunt
^
^
oKaaiuov Maas, akoKTiv o ye Grenfell and Hunt. aâp Wilamowitz, ovk ap Grenfell and Hunt. TT\\V(roixai Wilamowitz, eV[aj/ep;(Ofiat] ? Grenfell and Hunt,
Diehl. i:poi\ai Lobel. On the scansion rlp&as see
?
e7r[atVo-
/Liai] ^
New
Chapters second series,

^
p. 57.

of
33
were led by as a curse to Troy, noble heroes. Some son of a leader of son men, Plisthenes, begotten Agamemnon,
of noble Atreus.'
whom
The next
section continues in
much
came
the
same
strain.
ning by an announcement whole story how the Achaeans

special
that no mortal
man
can
tell
Beginthe
to Troy, Ibycus
makes
Achilles and Aias.
mention of the most distinguished warriors, notably Then follows a gap of six lines where
When the text reappears, the hardly anything is legible. a different has taken turn, and presents us at once quite poem with two serious problems, whose solution is essential to the
understanding of the poet's intention.
The papyrus
gives
a \pv(re6(rTpo^[o9
'TXXl? eyrjuaTO, t5
axrel
8*
[d]pa
rjSrj
TpmXov
^pvaov
opei-
)(^d\KCO
rp?? d7r^0o[u]
Tpd>S A\a\vaoi r
kpb\^(ja'OLV
fiOpCpaV fldX' UcTKOV OfXOLOV. Toh {JlIv ireSa KdXXeo? alev'
KOL
coy
(TV,
no{v)XvKpaTe?, KXeo9
dcfyOiTOV ^19,
Kar doiSdv
KOL kiiov KXios.
gold-girdled Hyllis bore. But Trojans and Danaans compared Troilus to him in his lovely beauty as gold thricerefined to brass. For ever will they be fair; and you too,
'
Him
Polycrates, shall have undying renown, such as

in song.'
is
mine also
Here there are two
difficulties.
Who was the
son of Hyllis
And who is the Polycrates praised for his beauty ? question admits of no certain answer. Ibycus has just enumerated the most distinguished of the Achaeans Achilles, Aias, and probably Diomedes.^ In the missing lines he must have
first
The
up to the most beautiful of them. This we should expect be Nireus, who according to Homer (B 672-3) was the most beautiful man at Troy after Achilles. But Nireus was the son of Aglaie,^ and not of Hyllis. So either Ibycus follows
led
to
^
In
1. 36 Lobel suggests the restoration Tvbeos B 672 Ni/jcip ÂyXaiqs vlbs Xaponoio t upuktos.
vl]os d7r"'Apyeos.
34

is
a different genealogy, or he
unknown
speaking of some other man mentioned by Homer. But Troilus was an important character in the Cypria, and it is possible that both his and the unknown man's beauty were mentioned there.^ The second difficulty relies for its solution on the passage
to us.
Nor
is
Troilus' beauty
of Suidas about Ibycus.
The passage
runs
ds Sd/iop
rjXdev
ore avrfjs rjpxî' o UoXvKpdTrj^ b tov Tvpdvvov TraTrjp' )(^p6vos 8' rju 0VT09 km Kpoicrov, 'OX. pS" (564-561 B.C.). On our view
of this passage depends our explanation of the poem. school of thought, expressed by P. Maas, finds two main
culties.^
One
diffii
open to At the date but Aeaces not suspicion. given, Polycrates should be tyrant in Samos. Secondly, would Ibycus address
first
is
In the
place, the entry in Suidas
the future tyrant in terms of such warm affection ? On the strength of these objections Maas denies the authenticity of Suidas' statements, and denies that the Polycrates of the
poem is the same person as the tyrant, claiming that he is a boy, otherwise unknown, from Amasus. He even goes
and denies that Ibycus ever went to Samos, or left in Magna Graecia. This extreme view is open to grave objections. The entry in Suidas must date from Alexandrian times, and to deny its truth is to deny a tradition preserved in a reputable source. Moreover, as Wilamowitz
further,
his
home
shows,^ Ibycus' connexion with the Aegean is proved by other authorities, who tell of his going to Asia, and of his
acquaintance with the discoveries of Ionian science. His own mention of Kvdpas 6 MTjSetcoj/ a-Tparayos (fr. 20) indicates the
truth of the tradition.
truth.
Wilamowitz's view seems nearer the For him Suidas' entry is substantially true. Ibycus went to Samos in the days of Polycrates' father. What is wrong is simply the name, which is not Polycrates but Aeaces.
The poem is a personal when he was still a boy.

us.*
tribute to the future tyrant, written

Its erotic character
need not surprise
Pindar addressed young princes like Thrasybulus of
2 *
Cf. Wilamowitz, Pindaros, p. 511. ' Phil. Woch., 1922, p. 578. Pindaros, p. 512. Cf. Suidas S.v. "I^vkos : yeyove 5e e pcoTOfiavearaTos rrepl iiupoKia.

in less emotional.
^s
Acragas language hardly male beauty was a regular feature of the their vases to different KaXoL Doubtless a famous love-poet like Ibycus was expected to use the same form of eulogy for the Samian tyrant's son and heir. The language of the poem is lucid and simple, even if slightly loaded with epithets and careless about the repetition
of the
The praise of who dedicated Greeks,
same word. The accents preserved
in the
papyrus show
correctors thought that Ibycus, a man from Rhegium, So they give us rjydpov, rjXvOov, kfiPaUvy wrote in Doric.
that
its
MoLo-ai, TToXvyS/KpoL, iî9. Doric forms can be seen in vfiyfju and eyrjuaTo, while the active form ^Xevaay (' brought ') can
beyond
only be paralleled from the Cretan Law of Gortyn.^ But this the Doric elements are negligible, and the
language of Ibycus is revealed as differing hardly at all from that of Simonides and Bacchylides. It is a literary language created for poetry, and meant to be understood by educated
men all over Greece. Essentially it is based on Homer. From him come rare words like SLepo^ ^ from him are modelled new words like eTriOv/jLLou.'^ The epithets with which Ibycus loads his heroes are Homer's own epithets for them. Here are the âXKacnnSes vh? 'Ayâmut noSa? cokv? 'A^LXXev^^ and TeXa;
lx(ouL09
aXKLjios Atas.
there
is
In all the review of the heroic age hardly anything that does not come from Homer.
This
One exception is that Agamemnon is called nXeia-deviSas. is unknown to the Iliad, and perhaps comes from the
Cyclic poems. The metrical structure
is interesting and instructive. Ibycus uses the triadic structure of strophe, antistrophe, and epode. The appearance of this structure here is the earliest known in
poetry,'* and is one of the many differences between Ibycus and the Lesbian poets. Sappho and Alcaeus, writing for individual performance, had no need of a structure which
'
Greek
It
contains
many
forms of the paradigm of eneXeva-a,
cf.
eXewt'o)' oio-w,
Hesych.
at C201, t 43. Modelled, perhaps, on Homer's KaTadvfxios, K383, P201. * Stesichorus was credited with the invention of triadic structure. Suidas s.v. rpia ^Trjaixopov,
^
^
Found
Cf.
36
was based on the movement of a dancing choir. But Ibycus must have written this poem for some festal occasion when it was to be sung by a choir. So he employs the triadic struc ture, as Pindar and Simonides were to employ it later. His triad is much simpler and shorter than any of Pindar's. The strophe has only four lines and the epode six, but the principle
of construction
is
the same.
In Ibycus
we have
is
it
in
an early
In
and uncomplicated form. The metre used the strophe and antistrophe we find
:
also easy.^
vTo - w ^ *^ ^ two Dactylic dimeters. o w wv^ w two Dactylic dimeters. ow W V \JTj CTw Hemiepes. w\^ v^ w v^ Ionic, Trochaic dipody.
cro
^\J
In the
Epode
}U KJ
v^v^ WW WW WW WW WW w \^ WW WW WW WW WW w
Resolved
It
Paroemiac.
Paroemiac.
Paroemiac.
-
Cretic and Paroemiac. two Choriambs. Iamb.
feet are substituted freely,

first
except the
two and
last
and occur two of the epode.
in all
lines
must be
freely admitted that this
new piece
of Ibycus has
not the sublime passion and intensity of his other fragments. It seems to have been inspired by a less genuine impulse, and to have been written for an occasion in which perhaps the poet felt no profound interest. It is a gay and elegant composition, and it is interesting to the student of Greek poetry. But Ibycus' reputation must still stand by those short fragments
where
his personal feelings
break into rapturous lyric verse.
5.
Pindar
The most substantial of the more recent additions to choric poetry come from poems of Pindar. Hitherto we have had
^
Cf.
Wilamowitz, Pindaros^
p.
509; P. Maas, Griechische Metrik,
p. 1 8.
37
complete specimens only of his Epinician odes, and of the other types of poem mentioned in ih^ Ambrosian Life^ we
have had only the fragments quoted by ancient authorities. But now the situation is changed. We have considerable
pieces of his Paeans^^ PartJieneiaf the new accessions come from
and Dithyrambs,^ Most of Oxyrhynchus, but they
are
in
some
rolls
cases supplemented
by
Italian
discoveries
at
Hermupolis.^
from Oxyrhynchus (Oxyrh. Pap. 841 and 1791-2) the remains of some twelve Paeans.^ In Schroder's provide edition of 1900 the Paeans were represented by six fragments.
Two
So the advance is considerable, and we can now estimate the character of Pindar's work in this genre. Our first papyrus seem.s to start well on in the book, and the figure 900 in the
margin near the beginning gives an idea of how big the book how much is still missing. But what remains is still extensive and interesting. Of the twelve poems most can be to some extent deciphered, while Nos. II, IV, and VI are quite long and well preserved. The simplest of all is Paean V.
was, and
Of
its
forty-eight lines the last thirteen are completely pre-
served,
and show that
it
was composed, not
in triads, but in
stanzas of a simple Dactylo-epitrite metre.

lr]L^
Aa\i
"AttoXXop'
Kal (TTTOpaSa^ (f>pfirjXov9 eKTLcrai^ vdcrovs epiKvSea t

AolKov^ kiTî
(TCpLv
t(T)(ov
'AiroXXoou
AdT^ptaS
'
8S>Kev 6 Xpva-OKO/xas Si/JLU? 0LK6LU.

!
O joy, Delian Apollo And they made homes in the farstrown islands that bear flocks, and held glorious Delos, for
'
/3',
A somewhat different list is given by Suidas s.v. Ilivbapos. ^ Oxyrh. Pap. 841, 1 791, 1792. Oxyrh. Pap. 659. * Oxyrh. Pap. 1604. Papiri Greet e Latim, ii, pp. 75 ff. "
.
yypa(f) 8e /3t/3Xia inTaKaideKa' v/jtvovif naiavas, diBvpafiâv VTropxr)iJLdT(i)v jS', iyKuyyua, Oprjvovs, iniviKOiV TrnpBevicou 3' . .
/3',
trpocrohiaiv
b'.
"^
Cf. A. E. Housman, C.R., 1908, pp. 8ff. ; Sir F. G. Kenyon in Quarterly Review^ vol. ccviii, pp. 343, 344; O. Schroder, Bert. Phit. Woch., 1908, p. 161 ; Fraccaroli, Rivista di F'itotogia classica^ 1909, 87 sqq. The fragments are published by O. Schroder in an Appendix to his Editio Maior of Pindar, 1923. References will be taken from this.
38

The poem
a simple
in praise of Delos.
1.
golden-haired Apollo gave them the body of Asteria^ for

dwelling.'
is
it is
not certain.
poem The words in
Who
sang
35 Evpoiav
'iXov
Kal euacra-av
explained by the Scholia as referring to the Athenian colonization of Euboea. Even so, it remains uncertain whether
is
the choir are Athenians or Euboeans.^
This
poem might by
in his
itself lead
us to think that Pindar's
manner
Paeans was
less elaborate
is
than
in his epinician
odes, but such a conclusion
not substantiated by the other
Paeans, which are written in Pindar's familiar style. Three of the worse preserved, I, VII, and VIII, were written
for the
Thebans.
Of Paean
only ten lines survive, but these
are important, since they show how Pindar ended this form of poem. The close of the antistrophe is a prayer, familiar in substance to Pindar's readers, that a man may be content with
what he
has.
Then the epode comes
'J]^ Irj, vvv 6 iravTeXr]^ '^flpa\i\ re Oe/iLyoyoL
kviavTOS
7r\d^]LTnrov^
'A7r6X]\couL
darv
rjl3a9 eirfjXdov
SaiTa (piXTja-Lo-Teâvov dyovres' Ta\u 8e Xacov yeveav Sapov kpknTOL aa>]^povos dvO^cnv ^vvofiias.
Joy, joy Now have the full year and the Seasons, Themis* daughters, come to the city of Thebes, bringing to Apollo a feast and the garlands which it loves. Long may he crown the children of her people with the flowers of wise discipline.'
*
!
These words give the occasion of the poem.

festival of the
It
is
the
Year, the Boeotian festival of the Daphnewhich to all the Boeotian cities sent garlands. The phoria Paean may, then, have been sung in the procession to Apollo's
New
no need to believe that there was any definite cult of 'Ei/iavros or the'^flpai at Thebes. Their combination is natural, and Pindar liked to invent deities from
temple."*
is
There
Asteria, the sister of Leto, was transformed into the island of Delos. Grenfell and Hunt support the Athenians, Wilamowitz {Pindaros^ p. 328), the Euboeans. ^ 7rXd^]t7r7roj; Housman, <f)i\]nr7rov Grenfell and Hunt, Xeu/c]i7r7roj; Diehl. * L. R. Farnell, Tê Works of Pindar^ i, p. 296.
^

abstract ideas.
39
So they are
called
in
for Apollo's festival
because
it is
the
New
Year.
is
Paean VII, though mutilated and largely unintelligible it was clearly written not even certain that it is one poem
another Theban occasion. It honours Apollo of Ptoion, whose oracular sanctuary and its literary associations are known from Strabo.^ It mentions the Oceanid, Melia, known from Pyth, xi. 4, and her son Trjpcpo^, two Theban divinities
for
connected with the shrine, but beyond this
little
is
emerges.
Paean VIII
is
rather
Its
more
intact.
It,
too,
written for
some
Theban
fragmentary Scholia say that the early is which missing, told of Erginus, King of Orchomenus, part, who obliged the Thebans to pay tribute and was killed by
occasion.
survives deals with quite a different story the preliminaries of the Trojan War ; Cassandra foretells the woes announced to Troy by Hecuba's dream. Calling on
Heracles.^
What
Zeus she reminds him of the dream and what
it
portended.
is
One
detail
is
of interest.
In the
dream Hecuba here

every hand.
out.
said
to have given birth not to a fire-brand, but to a hundred-
handed monster with a torch

fragments not
in
Of
the other
much
can be
made
We may
next consider those Paeans of which
we
already
knew something, and those which are connected with other ^ poems of Pindar already preserved. Paean XI is a poem known hitherto from small quotations in Pausanias (x. 5. 12) and Galen {ad Hipp, de Artie, xviii. i). The poem concerns
Delphi and the different temples which had once stood there. In his account Pausanias tells first of a temple made of boughs of laurel, and then of a temple made of bees-wax and sent by
Apollo to the Hyperboreans, and with a reference to this second temple our fragment begins. After this, says Pausanias, there was a third temple made of bronze, said without
adequate reason to be made by Hephaestus. Of this temple Pindar tells us, and, as might be expected, he assumes that
Hephaestus
'
built
it
ix.
"^
413. Cf. Paus.
ix.
37. 4
ApoUodorus
ii.
67
Schol. Find. 01. xiv.
2.
Oxyrh. Pap. xv. 1791.
40
EARLY LYRIC AND ELEGIAC iPOETRY

CO Moiaai, Tov^ Se 7ravTi)(\i'0LaLv ji<paLcrTov 7raXd/iaL9 Kal A6[dvas] TLS 6 pvBjxbs kâtveTO ;
)(dXKOL fxkv TOl)(OL, X^^~ KaL 0' viro ^ KLOves 'iaTaa[av' XpvoreaL 8' e^ vnep^ aLerov deiSoy KrjXrjSoi/e^.
* Muses, what was its rhythm revealed by the all-skilled hands of Hephaestus and Athena? Bronze were the walls, and bronze, too, stood the pillars beneath, and above the gable
sang six golden Enchantresses.'

This
is
the traditional story.
The
KrjXrjSoues, denied
by
Pausanias, were singing statues of the Sirens.

closes with a reference to the destruction
The fragment of the temple by an
earthquake, agreeing with Pausanias. Paean IX has long been known to us from
Dionysius.*
463
B.C.
The
its quotation by the sun on 30 April It deals with the eclipse of fragment already known was long, and described
the poet's horror at the phenomenon, and enumerated the different disasters it might portend. The new text both helps
to correct the readings in the established version
and to con-
tinue
it
for sixteen lines after the
lines Pindar speaks Divine choice has appointed him to compose a song in honour of Apollo. The place is Apollo's sanctuary of Ismenion,
new
gap of an epode. In the of himself and of the occasion.
connected with Melia and Tenerus, and of them and their protection of Thebes Pindar makes due mention before the
papyrus disappears.
as
Wilamowitz
thinks,^
This highly interesting poem may well, be connected with political events in
Greece.
The
great events.
spring of 463 was full of the possibilities of Athens was at the height of her power. The of Pericles was in
It
new democracy
command and
was
clear
peril.
the friend-
ship with Sparta was ended. Megara, even Boeotia were in

^
that
Aegina,
these
For Pindar
suggested by Grenfell and Hunt for pap. top. Korte, outco papyrus. 1^ vn-ep Schneidewin, e^vnep Schroder. * de Demosthenis Dictione 7 (i. 142 Usener-Radermacher) Frankel, Rhein. Mus. Ixxii, pp. 176 and 328.
Tov
is
^
6^ vTTo
'
cf.
E.
PindarOS
p. 396,

whom
41
events threatened the world he loved and the friends with
he most consorted. For him the eclipse boded some undeciphered evil, and the poem is an expression of his fears. No wonder that he calls on the traditional protectors of
Thebes to guard the city. Of Paean IV there survive some sixty lines in various states The poem, hitherto unpreserved in any of preservation. from Isthmian I, where Pindar, while known quotation, is declaring that the celebration of Herodotus' victory must come before any other task, announces also that he will not fail to comply with the order of the men of Ceos to write an ode in honour of Apollo. Paean IV is the poem for Ceos there adumbrated. Its date must depend on the date of Isthmian I, and is probably about 468. By this time Pindar's old rival Simonides was dead, and Bacchylides was in exile. So Pindar was called in to celebrate the home of his ancient rivals. He could now praise the island and poets of Ceos
without a qualm.
The opening
of the
But
it
is
clear that the choir sing in their
poem is mutilated. own person and
Strictly speaking, not the praise Apollo, Artemis, and Leto. whole island but the town of Carthaea is the subject of the
choir go on to say that they will not change their Babylon, and this prepares the way for a panegyric of Ceos, written with exquisite simplicity and charm, recalling Odysseus' praise of his own island of Ithaca
song.
The
home
for
iJTOL
Kal eyo) cr[/f07r]eXoi' vatcov Siayiycoo-KOfxai
fiev
dpera?^ deOXcou
7rape-)(0t)U
'ÊXKavLCTLv, yLV(X)(TK[o\fxa[L\ Se Kal

/jLOLcrav
rj]
dXLs'
Kat
TL Ai(o[i^v](rov dp[ov]pa (pipei
pLoScopov d/ia\apia? ukos, di/LTTiros djiL Kal

ôviô/JLias d8ai(rTpo9
'
Truly, even
who
dwell on a rock
am
well
known
for
victories in Hellenic
games, known
also for providing poetry
soil somewhat bears Dionysus' in abundance. Truly, also, life-giving cure for trouble. Horses have I none, and in tendbut all unskilled.' ing oxen I
my
am
4^
Ceos may be a barren island, but it inspires deep loyalties and abiding affections. Of these Pindar goes on to speak.
Just as Melampus refused to leave his home to become king of Argos, so Euxantius refused to leave Ceos and become a
king
in Crete.
This sentiment leads to the story of Euxantius
and
his reasons for the great refusal.
He
is
afraid of earth-
this sad lesson,
quakes, which have already wrecked his island. he is not ready to abandon the
ancestors and seek riches elsewhere.
Warned by home of his

this
He
will
renounce
adventure, renounce the cypresses and pastures of Crete. This simple story seems to be a local tale in Ceos. The
centuries later in
It is
earthquake was celebrated by Bacchylides, and reappears Book XVIII of the Dionysiaca of Nonnus.
even known to the Scholiast on Ovid,
is
Ibis,
1.
475.
But
of
the noble refusal of Euxantius

is
new
it
to us.
Its relevance
simple and unaffected.
Pindar praises Ceos, and by
way
justifying his praise shows that
was good enough
for
Euxantius,
who might have been a king of Crete. Paean VI, written for the Delphians at Pytho, also concerns
a familiar
poem Nemean VII. much pomp and some humility,
In that poem Pindar, with apologizes for something he
has said, or is reputed to have said, against Neoptolemus, which gave offence to the Aeginetans.^ Now we have the poem which contains the offending words and which led to
the elaborate apology in Nemean VII. Paean VI is well preserved in its opening section and in its second and third
triads.
It
was written
for production at
Delphi at the feast of
the Theoxenia, and it seems to have been performed by Pindar himself and his own chorus brought especially from
Thebes
full,
for the occasion.
The
introduction of the
poem
is
calling on Zeus, the Graces, and Aphrodite, and explaining that Pindar has come to defend Castalia from the reproach of having no male choirs to sing to her glory. Then comes
a gap in the papyrus, and when the text next starts, he gives us the aiTLov of the Theoxenia. It dates, says Pindar, from
1
Cf.
11.
102-4:
TO
5'
ip.ov
ov 7roT
(f)dcrei
Keap
arpoTTOiat NeorrroKefjiov eKKvcrai
43
a famine which once desolated Greece and was stopped by the From this we hear of an pious prayers of the Delphians.
embassy sent by Priam before the Trojan War, and thence of Apollo's protection of Troy. Apollo wards off Achilles, ttlcttov and the 'ipKos AxccLMu, until he may protect Troy no longer
fated
day of destruction comes.
The
destruction required
Neoptolemus, and so we are introduced to the famous Aeginetan hero. The second epode is that part of the poem which brought Pindar into trouble with his Aeginetan friends. But neither this nor the strophe of the third triad which follows really explains why the Aeginetans were so angry with
them.
Pindar, or why he felt it necessary to explain his conduct to In the papyrus the story of Neoptolemus is quite well preserved, and it is most unlikely that Pindar said more of
him than what
is
here.
The whole passage
deserves quotation
Sy SL7rpau 'iXiov 7t6X[lp' dXX' ovT fiarep* eVeira [K]Syay î'Seu ovre iraTpcoLai^ kv dpo\ypaLS
tniTovs Mvp/lll86i/co]/
105
^
XccXKOKopv[(TT]ai/ [6]fjLiXou ey[Lp]cou.^ ax^Sou 8[ To\p.dpov MoXoa-aiSa yalcLv

^
^LKT, Ov[S^ d]u/jLOV^ 6[0L'y]eZ/ ov8e Toy v(pdpTpau ÊKaôXov*

6^6s, [yap] ye[paLo\v 09 UptapLov
cojjLocre
HO
wpb^ ipKLou rjvape

pii]
pcofibu e[7rer]ôp6t^ra^
^
115
vLv evcppou
7rl
"^
[ey]
oI[k]ou
pLrjr
yrjpas l^^p^v ^lov

Trepi
^
dp^nroXoLS
8\
p\vp[Ldi/]
Tipdu
^
Krdi/ev Sr]pL]a^6pvov kv Te/xe]^'ei^*^ ^lX<p yds Trap

iri
6p(j)aXov evpvv.
L-qre,
120
^Tyre]
vvv,
pirpa
7raLr]6[v]coi/
vio[L,
^
''
''
*"'
Supp. Grenfell and Hunt. (yeipcov pap. Herm., eye[ipe Grenfell and Hunt. [<f>vy]v Wilamowitz, e[kad]fv Grenfell and Hunt. (oiioae yap Housman, co/zoo-e be Grenfell and Hunt. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt. is ot[/<]oi' Housman, fV oi[/li]oi> Grenfell and Hunt.
pvpiav Schol.
"'
Nem.
vii.
94, Kvpiav
Housman,
fxoipiav
Boeckh, Uvdiav
Zenodotus.
^ ^
KTuvfv iv Grenfell
^^
Supp. Grenfell and Hunt. and Hunt, ktuvuv pap. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt.
44
*
.

.
.
who sacked the city of IHon. But afterwards he saw neither his dear mother nor the horses in his father's fields, as he rallied the host of the bronze-helmed Myrmidons. But he came to the Molossian land near Mount Tomarus, and he escaped not the winds, nor the Far- darter, god of the broad quiver for the god had sworn that the slayer of old Priam, who had leaped onto the altar of the Hearth-God, should never come to a welcoming home or to life's old age. But when he was quarrelling with the temple-servants over innumerable honours, the god slew him in his own dear shrine by the broad centre of the earth. Cry out, young men, cry now in the measured verse of the Paean.'
;
This must be the offending passage, but what precisely annoyed the Aeginetans ? If we may judge by Nemean VII, the cause of the trouble was Pindar's treatment of Neoptolemus, the Aeginetan hero. There (1. 42) he implicitly reduces the force of some words he has used here, when for the hard
phrase in 1. 119 he substitutes the vague KpeS>v vwep fjLdxcc9, and he adds a consolation by speaking of the grief of the Delphian hosts, and of the foreordained destiny that a hero should be buried in the precinct of Pytho. But none of these ameliorations touch the real strength of Pindar's attack on Neoptolemus, which lies in his account of Apollo's anger with him for slaying old Priam at the sacred altar of refuge. If Nemean VII is really a palinode, it is inadequate, and perhaps there the problem must be left at present. Pindar is willing
to
make some
language, but he
crime.
concessions, to abate the force of some of his is not willing to reform his mythology, or to
condone what he sincerely believed to have been a terrible It is unfortunate that the important words describing
still
the subject of the quarrel are

ixvpidv (or KvpLoiv) rifxav
?
obscure.
What
are the
perhaps possible that these words contained an ambiguity which led to Pindar being misunderstood and unjustly accused of more hostility to NeoptoIt is
lemus than he really meant.^ Nor do the difficulties end here.

third
What
remains of the
eulogy of
strophe which
*
follows
is
magnificent
1908, p. 12.
Cf.
A. E. Housman,
C.J^.,

Aegina,
written
:
45
in
Pindar's
most sublime and confident
manner
ovojxaKXvTa y eveaa-L AcopieT /ji[E]8eoL(ra [ttoJ^toi) pd(ro9, [] ^Los ÊWavLov (paûvbu dcnpov. ovuKu o\j ae Trairjoucoy dSopwou eufdôfLeu, dXX' doiSdv
poBia SeKOfieva Karepels, iroOev eXaê? vavirpvTavLV

8aLp.ova Koi tolv defiLêvou dpeT[dv.
Glorious island, thou art set as a queen in the Dorian sea, bright star of Zeus, the Hellenes' god. Therefore we shall not put thee to thy rest without a banquet of hymns of praise, but thou shalt receive the surge of our songs, and tell whence thou didst win thy destiny of ruling the sea, and the excellence of thy righteous dealing towards strangers.'
'
The high-sounding phrases

curiously inapposite in
in
praise
of Aegina seem
hymn performed at Delphi, which had no connexion with the island empire.^ Nor is it easy to see how the Aeginetans could seriously have been angry with Pindar when he had composed such a panegyric of their land.
a
The presence
difficulties.
of this piece in the poem presents unsolved Either the Aeginetans were abnormally sensitive about the honour of their heroes, and preferred a whitewashed
of
memory
the
them to any national
tribute, or else, as Dr. Farnell

is
thinks, this section of the
poem
a later addition
made
after
damage was done, and Pindar was anxious to placate his Aeginetan friends, even at the price of ruining the unity and original character of his poem. Paean 11,^ like Paean IX, is a poem full of politics. It is indeed a Paean in the literal sense, an appeal to Apollo for help in time of need. The Tean colony of Abdera on the Thracian coast needed the god's help against their barbarian enemies, and they asked Pindar to procure it by composing
a Paean. The peculiar character of the poem is shaped by these conditions. The opening triad begins with an appeal to the local heroes, the eponymous Abderus and Apollo
R. Farnell, The Works of Pindar^ i, pp. 312-13. Oxyrh. Pap. v. 841; cf. Verrall, CA'., 1908, pp. iioff. ; v. Arnim, Wiener Eranos, 1909, pp. 8 ff ; H. Jurenka, Philologtis^ 191 2, pp. 173 ff. Wilamowitz, Sappho und Siinonides^ pp. 246 ff.; Pindaros, pp. 319
*
Cf. L.
fif.
46

who belong
these
is
Arjpaipo^,^
To
Abdera and to nowhere else. added Aphrodite, who must be summoned in her
to
character of 7rdvSr]fxo9 as the goddess
who
cares
for
her
people's prosperity and continued existence.^ After a lacuna the poet, speaking in the person of the chorus-leader, recalls
past sorrows, and hopes for better times

reoTToXr?
TToXefjLLcp
fiarpos Se ixarep' e/ids [7rLS]op^ ejnrav el Si tl? apKecop TTvpl ir\ayel(Tav, (f)LXoL9
el/jLL'
IJ.6)(0o9
Irj'i'e
kÔpolaL Tpayvs VTravTLCcêL, r]av\Lav (f)epL Kaipco KaTaPatvoov,

Traidu,
Irjl'e
iraiav 8e
fir]TTOT
Xuttol.
am young among cities, but nevertheless I have seen mother's mother struck with fire in war. But if a man, succouring his friends, sternly confronts his foes, his toil, coming into the lists at the right time, brings peace. Joy, Paean, Joy May Paean never leave us
'
my
'
Here we seem
political
to have a clue to Pindar's solution for the
quandary.
Abdera, being an Ionian colony from
regarded as the grand-daughter of Athens, which has been burnt by the Persians. The event looks as if it were
Teos,
is
still
fresh in Pindar's
mind, and were not
far
back
in time.
Then comes the general sentiment of

and
it is
friends helping friends, hard not to believe that Pindar is thinking of the forth-
coming Athenian occupation of the Thracian coast. The day had not come when Pindar was to compare Athens to the upstart giant Porphyrion,* and he must have thought that the victors of Salamis were the right protectors for this Ionian colony left exposed to barbarian enemies on the Thracian coast. It is characteristic that he adds the words KaipSt KaraThe Athenian intervention will only bring peace, ISaii/ooi/. that it comes in the right measure at the right time. provided
If this is the correct interpretation of Pindar's
^
meaning, the
^
^
Ari]pr]vou pap., Arjpaivos Schol. Lycophron, Alex. 440. Wilamowitz, Sappho und Simonides, p. 247. %\TTih']ov Grenfell and Hunt, ereKov pap., Ta(f)op v. Arnim. Pylh. viii. 12.
47
poem must have been composed between 478 B.C., when the Persians evacuated Thrace, and 468 B.C., when the Athenian supremacy began to make itself felt.^ The second triad is more fragmentary, and contains praise
for the city
and
its
inhabitants,
closing of old quarrels, which friends with Athens

:
and hints obscurely at the may also be a lesson to make
TO
S'
evôvXia re Kal
[6
8*]
a[L8]oL
e[iy]5mi[9*
eyK^Lfievolu]
aUl ddWei fiaXaKah
Kal TO fiev SlSotco Beos.

TJSrj
k\B[p\a porjcraL^ (j)66po9 oi)(^TaL T(ov TrdXai irpoOavovTOdv.
That which cleaves to good counsel and reverence is ever blossoming with days of soft calm and that may God grant
'
:
us
But of those who died before us bitter-hearted envy

away.'
is
now passing
Then
follows a chapter of past history. The ancestors of the Abderitans have won glory by their battles for their town, even by their glorious defeat at Melamphyllus.^ The third
triad begins with a prophecy a day will come when their enemies shall be defeated with the help of Hecate. Then
:
another gap, and the poem ends with an appeal to Apollo to prosper the success of their arms.
The poem, then, is a call to help for a Greek city in danger from barbarians, and Pindar appears here in the part of a Hellenic patriot. The past battles of which he speaks are
unknown to us, but Abdera must have had a troubled in 546 by Ionian exiles from Teos,^ it had Founded history. been occupied both by Darius and by Xerxes.* To this must be added the recurring peril of invasion from Thracian neighbours, and it must have been with such a possibility that Pindar was concerned when he wrote this poem. For him, full of Homeric reminiscence, the Thracians are Paeonians, and it looks as if he had no personal acquaintance with Abdera, but had learnt its history and legends from others.
otherwise
*
Cf.
'
Wilamowitz, Pindaros, p. 320. Nothing is known of this battle, but cf, Plin. N.H. iv. Hdt. i. 168. Id. vi. 46; vii. 109.
50.
48

is
His poem
one of comfort and hope, and

:
it
ends
in a
prayer
for a final, successful battle

/xo[l
Se iKCD]u^
^
jiP8]r}p,
(r[\coj/ ]uKXea [KpaLi/co]j/^ \dpLv^ Kal (TT[paTov\ LTnro^dpiiav
aa ^jta
[lt]L
iJTjLe
'
7roXe[fj]cp
TXv[TaL]co 7rpoj3i[i3]aôf y.
TraLau,]
iraiav [Se fLrjirore \l]ttoi.
But vouchsafe to fulfil for me, Abderus, the glorious grace of fair renown, and in thy might lead forth a host with its war-horses to their last battle. Joy, Paean, joy May Paean never leave us
!
'
Third in the Ambrosian list come the two books of Dithyrambs. Of this class the best specimen used to be the fragment preserved by Dionysius, but remains of three others have come quite recently from Oxyrhynchus.* Though not
extensive, they are enough to notions of the Dithyramb.
make
us revise
some
traditional
They show,
for
instance, that
misleading, and that he had in mind not the Pindaric but the later Dithyramb when he wrote
Horace's account
is
Seu per audaces nova dithyrambos verba devolvit numerisque fertur

lege solutis.
First,
{C. iv. 2.
lo la.)
Pindar does not seem to use an unusual vocabulary.
The only new words

dKuafjLTTTL (Hi. 12,).
Of
are crxoLvoTeveia (ii. i), evafinv^ (i. 13), and thcsc only the first is really surprising.
Secondly, the second Dithyramb is clearly written on the system with strophe, antistrophe, and epode, and it is hence the written in the familiar dactylo-epitrite measure
triadic
;
usual explanations of 'numeris lege solutis' fall to the ground. Neither its structure nor its metre is free from law '.
'
three fragments only one is really readable. Of the other two one ^ speaks of a feast of Dionysus, and goes on to
tell of Perseus' expedition against the Gorgons in language reminiscent of Pythian XII, while the other may be written
^
'^
Of the
Kpaiv(o]u Grenfell
^ *
Supp. Grenfell and Hunt, S' eireoiv v. Arnim. and Hunt, irpaôv v. Arnim. (TO. /3]ia Bury, ovpia Blass, evbia v. Arnim, ^ 70b in Schroder's Appendix. Oxyrh. Pap. 1604.

for the Corinthians
;
49
neighIt, too, must deal with Dionysus, since it bouring rock.^ mentions a-re^di/coi' kl(T(tlv(x)v^^ but it is too fragmentary to be
elucidated.
at least
it
speaks of a city
and
its
The
twenty-five lines,
fragment, however, is complete for and begins with a well-known quotation

:
third
Uplv
'
fxu
epne (rÔLuoTeueid t
doiSa SiOvpafjiPcoy
Kal TO
Xdv KLpSaXov
and the
dp6pa>Troi(rLu
dno
a-TOfidrcou,^
Of old the song

ears.'
like a rope,
of the Dithyrambs wound along stretching " " San that rang false from the lips to
men's
interpretation of this astonishing opening is an old The first criticism refers to the manner of earlier difficulty.
The
Dithyrambs, which sacrificed compact construction to the love of long sentences. There is no need to believe that Pindar is
attacking
them for The second point is
their lack of regular metrical structure.

*
'
illuminated by Athenaeus, who says that Lasus of Hermione, shocked by the sound of s in the Dithyrambs of his day, eliminated it altogether from one of his poems.^ Lasus was Pindar's teacher,^ and the line here
must
It is
refer to him.
But
is it
a compliment or a criticism
more
likely the former.
Dithyramb, Pindar praises Lasus for its elimination, even

follow his master's practice. After this opening, the
In his condemnation of the early condemns its use of * s ', and implicitly
if
he does not himself
Dithyramb proper opens. The gates of song are flung wide, and we are presented with a scene in Heaven that recalls the opening of Pythian I. It is
a festival of Dionysus.
castanets.
There
is
a noise of cymbals and
pine-torches are ablaze. The Naiads raise the Bacchic cry, and the noise is carried on by the thunder-
The
bolt, the
spear of Ares, and the snakes on the aegis of Pallas. Artemis comes in with her lions from the solitudes, and
is
Dionysus
*
1.
pleased
by the dancing
beasts.
^
10
B.
]ioi'
T (TKoneXov yeiTova npvTavi[v].

ite
1.
Quoted by Dionysius,
467
X. 8736
Comp. Verb, 14; Strabo,
x.
469; Athen.
p. 4,
1.
xi.
*
455
c.
Vita Thotnana^ ed.
Drachmann,
i,
14.
so

Bpofifov [reXeyau Kal irapa (TKa[7rT]op ^109 OvpavtSai kv fieydpoLS L[(rTayTL, a-efiva fikv Karapx^L Marepi irap MeydXa po/jLôi rvTrdvcovj^ kv 8\ Kk')(\a8[<Ev\ ^ KpOTaX* alQojiiva re BaC^ VTTO âvOaL(TL wevKais' iu Se NatScoj/ kpiyBovnoL (TTova\aL fxauLat T dXaXai t opiveraL pL'\jrav)(êpL
aijv kXovco.
oiai/
^
kv 8' 6 TTayKpa[Trj]9 Kpavvos dfLirvecou TTvp KKLi/r)[TaL TO T*] 'EvvaXiOV

y)(os,
fiVpLCou
dXKdeaad
[rje IIaXXd8o[9] aiyh (pOoyydêTai KXayyats 8paK6vT(cv,
dvT.
pi/jiâ 8' ^TaLv 'Âprefiis oloiroXos êvâio-' kv
opyah
BaK)(iai9^ (pvXop XeovTCov d\yp6Tepov BpofXLO)'^ 6 8 K7]Xe?TaL xop^voiarata-L Ka[l 6r)]paû dyeXat?.
(Knowing) what holy rites of Bromius the Sons of Heaven hold in the halls of Zeus even by his sceptre. The clash of timbrels leads the rite before the holy Great Mother the castanets rattle, the torch flames beneath the ruddy flare of
'
;
pinewood there are the ringing cries of the Naiads, madness and shouts are stirred with the dancers' throng with upturned necks. There the all-powerful Thunder is awakened with his fiery breath, and the spear of the War- God and Pallas' puissant aegis shrills with the hiss of unnumbered serpents. Lightly comes Artemis the lonely in passionate Bacchic mood, with her yoke of the wild lion tribe, in Bromius' honour but the God is soothed by the dancing companies of
; ;
;
beasts.'
The temper of
this
Olympian
revelry
is
certainly not that
of the revels on Cithaeron which Euripides describes, nor are they as orthodox as we might expect from Pindar. But the
great conception of a Bacchic orgy taking place in the holy places of Olympus is one of which only Pindar was capable. To the very seat of the calm Olympian gods he introduces
the wild rites of a very different religion.

visation could only have been achieved
* ^
Such bold impro-
by a
man
of Pindar's
Supp. Grenfell and Hunt.

jxh Karapx^L Strabo, Karapxai Scaliger. Tvndvtov Bury, rvfxndpcov pap.
Kxâ8[v] Schroder, Kxâd[ov] Grenfell BaKxiais Schroder, BaKx^lais pap.
aro\
' *
^
and Hunt.
Supp. Bury.
51
unquestioned authority. Then the vision closes abruptly, and Pindar proclaims his right to tell of Hellas and Thebes, of
the ancestors of Dionysus. Then our Cerberus, after whom the poem takes its name, was introduced, we do not know. Pindar's ''TivopyriiiaTa, songs composed specially to suit the
Cadmus and Harmonia,
text ends.
How
dance, are known from seven fragments. It is just possible that a longer fragment may be found in Oxyrh. Pap. 408,^ which Wilamowitz^ considers to be a Hyporchema written for
Paros
and he
may be
right.
seventy-one lines. The first Heracles on Laomedon, but in general is too fragmentary for decipherment. The second section tells of Xenocrates, and how he invented the Locrian mode in music. This mode was
a favourite of Pindar and Simonides, though
to have passed out of fashion.
it, and says that he answers the music of the pipes
of two pieces and has section tells of the vengeance of

It consists
it
seems early
Here Pindar pays allegiance

as a dolphin answers to
to
its call
eyo) \i\av kXvcoi/^
iravpa ne\[i\(ofi^v\ov, Te)(vav

y\oi)\(T(Tapyov djicpeTTCiiv
epeOidoiiaL Trpoy doiSav d\Lo]v 8eX(pivos virloKpLcnv, Tov oLKVfiovo^ kv TTovTov neXdyeL avXcou kKivrj(T kparov fiiXos.
hear his few notes, I, who practise the art of an unresting tongue, am provoked to song like the dolphin of the sea, who in the expanse of the waveless deep is stirred by the
*
As
lovely music of the flutes.'
No
compliment could be more
delightful.
The new Paeans, Dithyrambs, and Hyporchema, if such it be, have much in common with the known pieces of Pindar's poetry. The style, vocabulary, and method of construction and narration are the same. Here, too, we may find familiar
metres, such as
Dithyramb
^
'
the Dactylo-epitrite in Paean V, and the Cerberus '. The other Paeans, of which the
^
^
*
Schroder fr. 140 a, b. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt, Supp. Grenfell and Hunt.
Pindaros^
p. 321.
/xeV
kKxxhv
Wilamowitz.
E 1
52.

is
known, are harder to class. Paean I is built on a mixture of Choriambic dimeters with Iambs and Trochees. Paean II is built on the simple form which Wilamowitz calls the Kurzvers', combined with Glyconics and lambs.^ Paean IX is based on Dactyls mixed with Iambs. Paean VI and Paean IV resemble in structure Olympian II in their use of Cretics and Paeons but in their case these feet are based on Anapaests. The differences are more of detail than of principle, and the new metres may be fitted into the accepted schemes of
metre
' ;
Pindar's metric.
poems enumerated it might be said that Croiset prophesied truly when he said that, if we had all Pindar's work, we should be struck less by the relative difference than
the
Of
by a general
uniformity.^
On
the whole this
is
true,
but in
antiquity an exception was made for the Maiden Songs, and it seems to be right. Dionysius, after quoting Pindar with Aeschylus as an example of apyaia Kat ava-Ttjpa apôvta,
Parthenia,^ and we are now in a to his position judge opinion. P'rom Oxyrhynchus come two Maiden Songs, one of twenty lines, the other of eighty.* Both,
makes an exception of the
so far as they go, are well preserved. They confirm established views of what these songs should be. They are simple and
meant to be sung by
choirs of girls.
No.
i is
written for the
family of Aeoladas, of whom nothing else is known. The surviving fragment is curiously written in the masculine singular, and is presumably the expression of Pindar's own views.
These views are simple. The poet first tells of virtue, how it provokes envy, whereas the man who has nothing wraps his head in black silence. Then he wishes good luck to the house of Aeoladas, though warning that no man's life is for ever. The epode gives the right consolation that the house which has children has escaped from hurtful trouble. No. a is more interesting and complete. We have five triads and the beginning of the sixth. It, too, is written for Aeoladas and
^ ^
^
' de Demosthenis Dictione 39. Wilamowitz, G.G.A., 1904, pp. 670 ff.; O. Schroder, Berl. Philol. JVock., 1904, pp. 1476 ff. Fraccaroli, Rivista di Filologia classica^ 1905? PP- 365 ff.
La
Griechische Verskunst, p. 416. Poisie de Pindare, p. 438.
Oxyrh. Pap. 659;
cf.

for a special
53
occasion.
described
by Proclus
It is that variety of Maiden Song as a dacpi^rjcpopiKoi/} Such were per-
formed every eighth year
at
great importance. Apollo of a rod of olive-wood, decorated with laurel-leaves, This rod, called kcottco, was balls, and red woollen threads.
carried in procession
The
central feature
Thebes, and the occasion was of was the offering to
led by a boy both of Aacpv-qcpopta whose parents were alive. In the procession was a choir of maidens who sang the song for the occasion the Aa(j)vr]<pO' piKov which we have here. The meaning of the rite has been well explained by Wilamowitz.^ A similar rite took place at Delphi, and the same notion underlay both ceremonies. The
bringing of the
for the shrine.
new laurel represented the renewal of holiness The boy with the /ccoTro) represented the god,
to be
who was thought

yap
6
coming again to
:
his shrine,
and this
is
the point of Pindar's words

r}Ke\L
[ô^Jm?
[7r]/)[o]0/3ft)[']
adavaTav
X^P'-^
OiqjSaL?
*
eiTifjiei^coif.
For Loxias
is
come, favourably to impart immortal grace
to Thebes.'
On
all
this occasion Agasicles is the 8a(pur)(p6po9, and his family take part in the procession. His father, Pagondas, carries the KcoTTOJ for his son and gives the command for the start ;
his sister leads the
chorus
and, since the

^
Sa(j>vr](j)6pos
is
had to
duly mentioned in 1. 75. It is, then, a family procession, and if Aeoladas took Of the personnel of the part, three generations were present. choir Pindar tells us no more than this, and we have none of
be
dfi(pL6aXrJ9, his
mother Andaesistrota
the delightful details which illumine Alcman's Maiden Song. But though he gives us no details, he has suited the song to the choir of maidens, and
^
it
is
of
:
them
chiefly that
it
sings.
The whole passage
is
important
"pX^* ^^
'"'J^
8acf)vr]'j)opias rrdls d/u,(/)i-
6a\r)Sj Koi 6 /xdAiora avTW olKelos âardCei to KaTeaTeixfxevop ^vKov o Ka>TV(i> KiiXoiicnv' (WTos 5e 6 bar^vrjCôpos (nofxfvos ttjs dd(f)pris itpdnTfTat, ras fiev Kofj-as
KadeLfievos, ;^pu(ro{}j/ de (TTe(fiavov (fiepav Koi XafXTrpdv ((rOrJTa no8r]pr) fVroXtw x^^pos napd^pcov cTraKoXovOel, Proclus, a-fxet/os, l(piK()aTL6as T VTrodedeufvos,
Chrestom. ap. Phot., Biblioth., p. 321 B Bekker. ^ Pindaros, p. 434. ^ Or his aunt by marriage, according to Schroeder, App. Find.,
p. 553.
54
It

Then comes a
begins with an invocation to the Muse, and announces the arrival of Loxias. Therefore the maidens must gird up their
garments and sing of the house of Aeoladas.

passage in Pindar's allusive style
:
aeLprjua Se ko/jLttou
avXicTKCou
vnb
Xohtlvcov
/j-i/jLija-ofji
ololSols
Kelvov, oy Zecpvpov re aiydêi ttvool's aiy^rrjpds, OTrdrav re )(1/jL(ouo9 aOepei

p\LTrai/
^pLaaodv Bopea9 f iinaTTep^r]^ coKvaXoy re ttoptov erdpaê f^
The
final words are corrupt and have resisted certain emendation, but the point is made clear by a fragment of The Song of the i68. Hesiod quoted by the Scholiast on
fj,
Sirens puts the wind to rest, and the Song of the Maidens After a lacuna the maidens say that creates peace and calm.
their thoughts and words must be maidenly. They must remember their friends, and particularly Agasicles and his
family received
dficpl
7rpoêvLaL<n,
for
the
hospitality
they
have
for its
from them.
The
family has
athletic victories in
and outside Boeotia.
won renown Then comes

:
a short
mention of the
^
hostility felt
towards the family
eOrjKey
kol eVe^ra 8vcrfiur]9 X^]^09

e]pLP ov 7raX[yy\(0(T(Jov,
k(f)LXr]\<Ta]v}
tcopS* di^Spcoy V[k]v fieptixva^ adxpporos
exOpd[v
7r[aa-jttS'
'
dXXa SiKas
[6\8ov^
Then jealous anger at their sober ambition caused a hating, unrelenting strife, but they loved all the paths of justice.'
This
^
is
familiar Pindaric doctrine, but there

stands the text
Grenfell
is
may
be more
As
it
impossible.
fjid\a^v,
metrically doubtful. Maas suggests ema-nepxTjir', ookvoKov when the north wind speeds on with the storm's strength and stirs the south wind's blast swift over the sea '. This seems too complicated a sense. What Pindar appears to have in mind is that the Sirens' song puts the winds to rest, and he therefore elaborates the description of the winds, Mr. Powell suggests that he wrote (f>pia<rcov
is unmetrical and the aorist indicative erdpaê is and Hunt suggest eTria-nepxi] ttoptov t ojkvoXou pmav
which
Ndrou
piTvav
re
rapd^r]
'
Bnpeas
^ ^ *
and more natural
o)Kva\6v re noi^lrov (f}piKa rapd^rj sense. (6qKv Wilamowitz, evrjKev Grenfell and Hunt. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt.
e7ri\a7rpX!J(^\
which gives a simpler
So A. Puech.
dUas
[8]idovs 7r[ia]ras eîXj;[<7e]i/ Grenfell
and Hunt.

in
it
S5
than a general proposition. In 424 Pagondas was to be the victorious general of the Boeotians against the Athenians
honoured for his leadership of the patriotic party, even though it has excited the hostility of those among his countrymen who favoured the suzerainty of
at
Delium, and
in this
poem he
is
Athens. After this the poem begins to give directions for the procession. The son of Damaena is to lead the way, and the maidens are to follow. Then the papyrus breaks off.
In this delightful
ment of Dionysius.
diversions.
poem Pindar The style is

;
certainly merits the judgesimpler than his usual style,
the sentences shorter
there are fewer allusions and fewer

its
simple alternation of Glyconics other metre used by him. But and Iambs is simpler than any still the sense of birth and the writer is still Pindar. There is
breeding, of the immanence of Apollo in the procession, still the high comments on Fortune and Virtue, on the importance
The metre with
and beauty of Song.
athletic victories so familiar
There are even the references to past from the Epinician odes. Pindar
could indeed write gracefully for a choir of maidens, but his
message was as important for them as it was for grown men, and he did not scruple to transpose it into a language suited to them.
6.
Bacchylides
nineteenth century was fortunate in the discovery of Bacchylides, for it was nothing less, since few quotations from
his
in
The
poems had been preserved. There was little besides to guide forming a judgement upon him, for ancient criticism did not help much. The only estimate of him made by Greek
was the measured but brief judgement in the ITept he was 'flawless and in all respects an elegant "T\//"0L'9,^ that other references were few and writer in the polished style not precise thus in an Epigram,^ anonymous, but in Stadtmiiller's opinion perhaps by Alcaeus of Messene, he is ^ addressed as XaAe êiprju, and Ammianus Marcellinus says
critics
'
Ch.
xxxiii,
Bacchylides and Ion of Chios,
tiStaTrrcoroi Ka\ iv t(o y\a<fivpai
Ttuvrq KfKaWiypacf^rjfiepoi.
An^/i. Pal. ix. 184. XXV. 4 'recolebat saepe iucunde.'

^
dictum
lyrici
Bacchylidis, quern
legebat
56

Emperor
But now his Julian liked reading him. the Alexandrian Canon' of the nine lyric writers
'
that the
position in
and although the twentieth centurymuch to his poems, it has added something. From Oxyrhynchus come the remains of five J^/coAta,^ songs composed for singing at banquets, and much nearer to personal Of the lyric poems than most of Bacchylides' extant poetry. five fragments two are too small to be intelligible. A third (No. 5) shows remains of twenty-five lines, none of which are wholly intact. Its destination, story, and metrical structure are alike obscure but the word rp/x^? ^ in 1. 6 points to some
has been determined
has not added
; ;
story like that of Nisus or Pterelaus, involving the cutting of a lock of hair. Beyond this all is darkness. The epithets,
elegant and familiar, â\K(:oiiLTpav, dpacrv-êipa kol fiLaL(j)6j/0Vy KaXvKwinBos^ are too common to be applied with certainty to any individual, and the interpretation is not helped by them.
Two
other pieces are better preserved.
No. 4 has a super-
scription [I]ip(ovL [^v]paKO(TLC) and must have been written in the years after 476 B.C., when the horse Pherenicus won the
horse-race at
lides' fifth
Olympia and was duly celebrated in BacchyOde. This song is sent Atrvav h vktltoi^, and must have been sung at Hiero's newly founded capital. Fragments of twenty lines survive. The poem is written in
It
six-lined strophes, not in the triadic structure of the Odes.
begins with an announcement of the theme in the Pindaric

:
manner
Mrjirco XLyva-)([a Travaco^
^dpPiTOv'
fiXX[(o
yap
rjSi]
\pv(TOTrerrX(ov^
dvOefiov Mov(TCc[u âvOala-Lv lttttol^ Ijilepoev TeXecra?

Ka]l av/xiroTaL^
^
^l]p(Op[L
kXvtS)
dvBpeaaL
7r[e/i7reLy
See the Editio Princeps (1897) by Sir F. G. Kenyon Sir Richard Jebb's edition (1905) ; and Professor Murray's History of Aitcient Greek Literature^ ed. 2 and 3, preface, pp. xvii sqq. Oxyrh. Pap. xi (191 5). 1 361. The papyrus is of the first century A.D. Cf. P. Maas in Jahresb. Philol. Vereins, Sokrates, Heft 12, 191 7, pp. 81-3; ib., 1919, pp. 37-41.
;
"^
^ ^
]t d'
eV [<]6âX[at
''^p'^X'^^'
iravarcd
Maas,
avi]Ku>
Grenfell
Supphed exempli
gratia
and Hunt. by Grenfell and Hunt.

TTpjoa-Oeu vfivria-as
7ro](T(Tl
si
A'L\TPav ks kvKTLToV el K[al tou [kv ndoXois KXeevvov^

XaL\jr[7]]pOLS
^p[ivLKov
kiT*
*AX-
(peL]S>
*
T[e vL\Kav
Let me not yet stop the clear notes of the lute. Now is purpose to perfect a lovely flower of the golden-garmented Muses for famous Hiero in honour of his chestnut mares, and If to send it to well-built Etna for a company of revellers. ever before I have sung of Pherenicus famed among colts for .'. his swift hooves, and of his victory at the Alpheus
my
Then
No.
It is
all
1
becomes fragmentary.
gives the beginning of a poem quoted by Athenaeus.^ addressed to Alexander I, King of Macedon, who, accord-
ing to Solinus,^ was

tus
'.
an
Amyntas Encomium which Pindar wrote to him.* Of Bacchylides' poem the papyrus gives the opening lines not preserved by 6 Athenaeus, who begins at
1.
:
voluptati aurium indulgentissime dediemployed Pindar, and fragments survive of

'
'^/2
^dp^LTe,
fir]KiTL
Trd<T(Ta\ov
(f>v\d(T[(T<i>v
iiTTdrovov Xiyvpdu Kdmrave ydpvv. 8evp' efzd? X^P^^' opfxaiuco tl 7r6/z7r[ei^ MovQ-dv 'AXe^dpSpco 7rTpb[u Xpvaeoi^
KOL crvniTO(T[LOi\(TLv dyaX^L [j/] eUdSealcTLu, VTe veoDv d[TaXov ^ yXvKeV d]udyKa
^'
(rvofjipdp k[vXlkcou
*
6dXTrfj\(n
6vfi[6v.
Lute, stay no longer on your peg and stop the clear tone of your seven strings. Come hither to hands. I purpose to send a golden wing of the Muses to Alexander, a delight every twentieth day at the feasts, when sweet compulsion warms the tender heart of the young, and the cups go swiftly round.'
my
The
poet^s intention
is
now
clear.
poem
drjScov
^
for
like a
golden wing of
song he
He
sends the King his is himself the Kyjta
the feast held iu eUdSea-aiu.
The meaning
of
^ ^
Supplied by Grenfell and Hunt after Bacch. v. 182 ff. ^ * ix. 13 ff, Frs. 120-1. 39 e. djaXov or &7ra\6v Maas, ayadS)v Grenfell and Hunt, dynvop Diehl. The papyrus gives Jitri corrected to ]o-t, and Athenaeus, ii, 396 has
ii.
6ak7rr)ai.
6uK7rrj(n
Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, p. 278, argues strongly and similar forms of the subjunctive, and Jebb prints it.
for
58

is
these words
not certain.^
The song
is
to
come
first
to the
young men, then
to the mature.
7.
Archilochus
of Archilochus was familiar to
The formidable personaHty
ancient readers, and Bergk's fourth edition credits him with 199 fragments. Of all these early Lyric poets he has the most remarkable character, and his reputation for harsh
speech seems to have been entirely justified. At Strasbourg are two fragments of a papyrus whose vigorous style and
frank expression of hatred have caused them to be ascribed
to him.^
Kvii\ari\ 7rXa[ô/z]eô9,
Kav
^'
â\^v^\r](T(T\(!d
yvîvov ^v(^povi(j\raTa
SprjLK^S dKp6[K]0J10L
Xdpouv
'iuOa
S'
TToXX' di/aTrXrjcrei KaKoc
SovXlov dprov 'iSoov piyeL TT^TT'qyoT avTov, k 8e tov [p6]0ov^

(pVKLa TTOXX*
Tr[e])(OL,
KpoTeoL
686vTas
coy [/cy]a)j/
kirl
(rrofia
KtfjLU09 aKpacrirj
aKpov Trapd ravT

OS
fi
p-qjixlua KViidToo\y 6\p.ov.^

ideXoLjj.'
dv
S'
ISelu.
rjSLKTjcre,
X[d]^ TO irplv iralpos
ecj)'
opKLOLS e^rj
[ejcoi/.
sent wandering by the wave and in Salmydessus may the top-knotted Thracians give him the kindest welcome in his nakedness there he will suffer many sorrows to the full, as he eats the bread of slavery when he is stark with cold. May he carry much seaweed upon him out of the surge. May his teeth chatter as he lies like a dog helplessly on his face on the e.dgQ of the shore near the waves. This I would gladly see for him who wronged me and trod underfoot his oaths, though before he was my comrade.'
'
.
Maas takes elKaSes to mean 'a carouse', and quotes Philodemus, An^h. Pal. xi. 44, but this involves a misinterpretation of Philodemus, and it is safer to follow Diehl, who quotes Plutarch, Mor. 1089 c, to show
^
that
^
it means 'on twentieth days*. Diehl, fr. 79 first published by R. Reitzenstein, Sitz. Berl, Akad,y 1899, pp. 857 ft'.; cf. Blass, Rhein. Mus. 55, pp. 341 ff. ^ v<ppoveaTaTa Reitzenstein, evcfipoprjs (tkotco Schulthess. * [p6]dov Reitzenstein, [^v]6ov Blass. ^ KVfxdTa)[v 6]pov Diels, Kvfid t eêpeoi Blass.
:

The general
drift
is
59
clear.
Some
friend
of
Archilochus,
whose name is unknown, has betrayed him, and Archilochus wishes him shipwreck and slavery among barbarian Thracians. Here is an example of what Aristotle meant when, quoting Archilochus as a case in point, he said irpo? tovs (TvurjdL9
:
iidWov rj irpos tovs ayvcoTaSj oXiIn these lines the poet is truly revealed ycopeiadaL voiiicras} as aKopTTLcoSrjs and anxious, as he says elsewhere,
KOL <pL\ov9 6 Ovfibs atpETai
Tou KaKCds
Though know of Archilochus,

universally
SpcovTa SeLuolcr' dvTaiieiêa-OaL KaKot's.^ fJL the character of the poem accords with all that
its
we
him has not been its author was Hipponax, whose reputation for ill will was equal to that of Archilochus, and who used this metre. But one piece of evidence seems to show that the author is Archilochus. The
ascription to
accepted.
Blass thought that
poem
looks like the inspiration of Horace's Epode
Mala
soluta navis exit alite ferens olentem Maevium,^
and seems to have suggested details as well as a spirit to Horace. As we have Horace's own word that the inspiration of his Epodes was Archilochus,* the combination of
circumstances makes him
a more probable author of this than fragment Hipponax. The poem is an early example of a type which recurs
again.
good.
a TIpoire plutlkov wishing evil fortune instead of Horace, as we think, copied it but if we want another
It is
;
genre we may find it in Dido's farewell to Aeneas.^ speech The second fragment (Diehl, 80) is not so well preserved, and still presents unsolved difficulties
example of
this
KvpTov
^
o[
jîXei?
"^
Pol. 1328 a. 3. Epist. i. 19. 23
Fr. 66 Di.
Epode
x.
1-2.
ff.
Parios ego primus iambos numeros animosque secutus Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben. iv. 365-87. Aen. Virg.
ostencli Latio,
6o

dyxov
Kad7J[(rO]a[L^]
ravra
5'
îTnTooual^ (TKa(f)ivs^
^
o\l8V dpLara ppoTcov. oV\8^v Se KOLptcjiavTos (a ov]8a/jLd K(09 fiSe

]p[ ]ov''^
fxaKap
o[rL^
TTveovra (pcopa), ro) ^vrpeT [Se vvv
Alcr^vXtSr) TToXejieu kKelvo arT]fx[ ]p[ ]r]9^

Tra? Sk 7ri(pr][u] 86[Xo9.
No
translation
:
is
yet possible, but the general sense seems to
be this Ariphantus has done Archilochus an injury, and even the meanest of men, a mere digger, knows the trick It is worthy of a mere potter. played. Hipponax cannot
have any connexion with the poet, and we know nothing of Ariphantus, the doer of the mischief, nor of his equal,
Aeschylides.
Other fragmentary news of Archilochus comes from a In Paros are the remains of an Inscription The Inscription, now in the his life.^ him and concerning It little museum of Parikia, dates from the first century B.C. is without question a monument to the poet, and must mean: that at Paros there was once an !Ap)(L\6\Loy, just as there was a BidvTeLov at Priene, and that Aristotle was right in saying that the poet was honoured in his own city UdpioL yovv
different quarter.
*Ap)(jLXo\ov KaiTTep pXd(T(j)r]iiov
oura
TeTifirJKaa-Lv.^
tion
comes from a shrine where the
honoured.
Put up by It is broken, but still a patriotic Parian, Sostheus, the son of Prosthenes and priest of Zeiis Baa-iXevs,'^ it is based on the work of a certain Demeas.
poet's extensive.
The inscripmemory was
Nothing
^
is
known
of
him from other
sources,
and
his date
is
(TKncfievs
(pyaTrjs].
is restored by Reitzenstein from the Scholium yecoTo/ilos For the low repute in which a digger was held he quotes many
instances, e.g. Eur. /. 252. ^ For fxaKup see Kiihner-Blass, Graimn.

^ ^
i.
i, p.
424.
Wilamowitz suggests
y]p[oo-]ou,
Diehl rpayou.
Diels suggests e/cetj/o tr' ^/u[a]p [e'êAe-yêi']. ^ Diehl, fr. 51: first published by F. Hiller von Gartringen, Athen. Mitth. XXV (1900), pp. I ff., and later in I.G. xii. 5. 445 ; cf. A. Hauvette, Archilochus^ pp. 3 ff. ; F. Leo, de Horatio eiArchilocho, Gottingen, 1900, pp. 2ff. ; H. Jurenka, Archilochos von Paros, Wien, 1900. ^ Rhet. ii. 23 ; cf. ib. i. 23 for similar honours.
'
LG.
xii. 5.
234.

a matter for conjecture.^
6i
life
His method
is
to write the
of
Archilochus chronologically, partly by stating events mentioned in the poems, partly by quoting from the poems themselves.
So the document
it tells
it
is
of twofold interest.
In some
places others
us the subject of
some of the
poet's works, in
gives
new
quotations.
emerges is the story of the Milesian which was off Naxos, when only one survivor wrecked ship came to land, carried by a dolphin. This story is known to have been told by Archilochus, and if our inscription were not broken we should have had a quotation from him about it. The next portion deals with another, even more mysterious
first
The
fact that
It concerns the Thracians. Demeas introduces the episode. story with some mutilated words,^ and then after a small gap
we
get
eiTrer' [ irals HeLa-LaTpdrov, ] dv8pa[^ v i/]co/yi[covT]a9 avXov kol Xvprji/ dvrjp dycav eh Sd(Tov 0[i;ya]?,^ Opeiîu Scop' eyoav dKrjpaToy Xpvcrow oLKeLcp Se KepSei ^vu kirol-qaav /ca/ca.
The meaning is uncertain, but the simplest interpretation is The son of Pisistratus followed, a man in exile, bringing to Thasos men skilled in the flute and the lyre, with gifts of pure
: '
gold for the Thracians, but for their private gain they worked common woe.' The question is what actually happened. The
facts are obscure,
but the simplest explanation is this. The son of Pisistratus and his friends whoever they were landed
on Thasos with gold to buy their dwellings from the Thracian inhabitants. They concluded the bargain, and then broke it, and somehow got the gold back."^ There is no reason to
and he
believe that Archilochus belonged to the party of Pisistratus, is clearly hostile to them.^ The simplest view is that some unknown Greeks tried to settle in Thasos at a time when
^
Hauvette puts him in the fourth century B.C., v. Hiller in the third. ra de ^prjît^ra ? tovs 0paiK[(jf \ey[o]vaiv UdpioL nv[Tols^ aTroKadicTTaaldai Trdvra? d]in(Ta<})l 8e T[aOra irdv] Ira avros 'A[pxi\oxos Xeycov ovtcos]. ^ f/j[uyd]f Leo, (/)[co](ri v. Arnim. ^ This must be the meaning of dnoKnOia-Taadai. In Atheji. Mitth. xxv. i8 v. Hiller construed avkov Ka\ Xvprjp as the This object of dy<ou, and assumed that the subject was Archilochus. seems open to grammatical, as well as to other objections.
"^
''
62

still
the Thracians
occupied a part of the
island.^
The
un-
known were caught in their nefarious dealing with the natives, and were stopped by the Parians, of whom Archilochus may
or
may
not have been one.

records a change of Archon, and refers to
Demeas then
;
a victory of the Parians over the Naxians,^ mentioned by the poet but the quotation is too fragmentary to be readable. It First, the quotation suggests, however, one or two points.
may
date from the end of the poet's

in
life,
since he
was sup-
have been killed in battle by a Naxian.^ posed the rivalry between Paros and Naxos may account Secondly, Naxos for the unknown Greeks in the preceding fragment.
antiquity to
ties with Chios, and the Chians were enemies and> Parians on the Thracian coast.^ of the rivals
had close
The remaining portion of the inscription seems to contain an account of Archilochus' adventures in Thasos. Demeas mentions Glaucus, known from fragments previously extant as the poet's friend, and iraipa? Tr\s yavpa^ may possibly be
The fragments of the poem quoted all deal with Thasos, where Archilochus is known to have had some bitter experiences. If the quotations were only better
Neobule.^
fighting in
preserved,
we should know more of this intestine phase of Greek history which Archilochus took so much to heart.^
8.
Tyrtaeus
In the Berlin
Museum
from the third century
B.C.
are the remains of a papyrus dating and containing part of a martial seventy-eight lines
poem by Tyrtaeus.'^
^
"^
Of the
many
are too
Cf A. Hauvette,
lines 52
ff.
:
/xera
[6]ino-a0ft noKiv (us
op. cit, pp. 57 ff. ravra ttoXiv yiverai apx<^v 'A;Li[0i]^t/ior, Ka\ iv tov\t\ois 6[i']i<;[(r]ai/ Kaprepms rovs Na|ioi;s, Xeyav [o]vt(o'
Ta>v 5e aj'r[t]at
rî /^"X'?* ^rtof TTCipacTTadels n[iêSp]a[/i]fj/ ktvttos

]dvTris TTJs 7roXv[(l)66puv
k[
^
"
*'
cf)]\oy6sj
^Twv
[SjfifX/;?]
rjiJL6[p]r]s
nav[(Tafj.ep
/SjaXXoiTCff
Plutarch, T>e sera num. vind. Archilochus, fr. 146 Bergk.

Cf. frs. 20,
Mor. 560 d,
e.
^
So Diehl.
129 Bergk. Diehl, fr. i, first published by Wilamowitz, S.B.B.A., 1918, pp. 728 ff". For fuller conjectural emendation cf. Gercke, Hennes, 1921, pp. 346 ff.
'^

mutilated to be readable, but what remains
in
is
63
instructive,
and
surprising. The poem is evidently not so much a call to battle, like the familiar work of Tyrtaeus, but a call
some ways
to order
and organization. few lines are beyond restoration, but at 1. 7 tells the Spartans to make themselves like something Tyrtaeus multitudinous and troublesome, as bees or mosquitos.^ At
The
first
1.
they are to fence themselves with their shields, KoiXrja oLcrmaL (ppa^dfxeiôL, an explicit notice of a method of fighting
1 1
at
which
Homer
hints,^
a later innovation.
Then comes
all
but which has often been regarded as the only part of the poem
which can be understood at

12
x<^P^'s'
completely
TIdfKpvXoL re kol 'TAXefy r]8[k Jvfidiê?^ dvSpo(j)6vov9 fieXia? \epalv dp[a(Tx6[xevoL'

S' dOavdTOLo-L deola krrl 7rduT[a rpeirovT^s OKvov] drep iiovlrj^ TreiaSfx^d' r]yefx[6aLv.^
rj/jieU]
dW
evOvs avfjiTravTes d\oL7)(Tev\jiv d/iaprfj

dfj.(poTpcou
d]u8pd(nv al^jir^raLS kyyvBev la[TdfiPOL.

SetJôs S'
ecTTaL ktvtto? [opfnjOevroov
da-jTiSa^
vkvkXovs da-ma- l TV7rT[fj.eyaiJ
separately the Pamphyli and the Hylleis and the Dymanes^ holding up in their hands ashen spears that slay men. Committing everything to the immortal gods we will obey our leaders steadfastly without shrinking. But straightway we will stand with the fighting men, and all thresh together and terrible will be the noise when both sides charge to strike round shield on shield.'
*
For the historian this is of special interest, because of the explicit mention of the division of the Spartans into three tribes. This division must be implied later in the poem
:
The papyrus gives Jf edufo-iv etfio/Mfi/ot. The first word is completed as KMva>Tra>]v by Gercke, /xeXio-o-acoJi/ or 6pvLd(o]v by Diehl. ^ Cf. N 1 30 (JipdîivTfs dopv 8ovpiy (xaKos craKfi npodeXiipvco, ^ Restorations, unless otherwise stated, are by Wilamowitz. * The meaning of povlr] is uncertain. It seems best to take it as * in ' patience or in steadfastness '.
^
'
f]y(fx6(Tiv
*
''
Powell, rjyfpnpoiv Wilamowitz,
r)yffi6i>os
Diehl, referring to
Tyrtaeus himself.
opprjBeuTOiv Diehl.
TU7rT[/xj/ai
Powell,
TvwT\}i}xiv(>)u
Wilamowitz.
64

68 ot fikv
OL
yap
/S[
aVTLOL L(TT\a
/CTOS[
This
triple division
late institution
has been thought to be a comparatively due to the political conditions of the fifth
century, but sanctified by a spurious attribution to the early days of Spartan history. But now that it appears in a poem
of the seventh century, it may well be what the Spartans thought it, an ancient tribal institution shared by other
branches of the Dorian people in Crete and Rhodes.^ From It was a this passage we can see what the division was.
means of
march.
of
military organization, intended primarily for the The description of the marching here is reminiscent
some Homeric passages,^ and from these the poet must have taken some of his language. But its general character is Spartan in the emphasis laid on drill and close fighting order^
for
chariots.
it
which infantrymen are better suited than soldiers in If we choose to press the meaning of /jlopljj in 1. 15, would look as if what Tyrtaeus had primarily in mind was
the necessity of good defence rather than good offence. After a tantalizing reference in 11. 25-6 to Dionysus and
Semele,
racing
who have
not hitherto been thought of as important
at Sparta, the poet develops a long simile based on chariot:
33
eiKeXoil
]
(pepeiu
d]eOX[o](p[6]poL TTepl plktj^

35
TJip/ji'
kiTLBepKOfxevoL
e\vTpo\ov dpfia (pepovres

\6lxevoL
k7n(Tcr\evovTas OTTiaaco
the
^
Although restoration would be hazardous and we do not know full context, it is clear that the simile is drawn from
For Crete
The
cf. r 177 Aapiees T TpixaUes ; for Rhodes, Find. Oi. vii. 18. traditional interpretation oi rpixaiK^s is given by Hesiod, fr. 191 Rz. : navres de TpixdiKes KoXeovrai rpiaa-rjv ovveKa yaiav CKCis 7rdTp7]S iddaavTo.
Notably O710, $ 162 ff.

chariot-racing,
for the
6s
and
in this
first
we may
find
an approximate date
poem.
The
in
chariot-race at
Olympia was
said to
have been held
680
B.C.
Now
the second Messenian war,
with whose successful conclusion Tyrtaeus was credited, was dated from 685/4 to 668/7.^ The coincidence between the
two dates fits well with the presence of this long simile, and seems to show that the poem dates from the time This to which tradition assigns Tyrtaeus' greatest activity.
conclusion
is
The mention of rL)(09 in 1. 6^ and again points. the Messenians lived in walled cities and shows that 67 must have proved formidable enemies for that reason. Then comes a simile in the Homeric manner drawn from the waves of the sea (11. 74-5), the third simile in seventy lines, and the
in
1.
The last raise some
lines of
strengthened by the word Mea-a-rjuimu in 1. 66. the poem are beyond conjecture, but they
fragment closes appropriately with the TvpSapiSai, the traditional
champions
is
of Sparta.
not a polished piece of work. It reads as if it had been written on the spur of the moment for a crisis, and
Solon's poems, by an admiring was not intended. But it is vigorous and manly, and just what we should expect from the soldierpoet who wrote it. Of its authenticity there can be no question.
like
The poem
had been preserved,
posterity for
whom
it
The
pline
lack of polish and the technical details of military disciand organization are too exact and too dull to be the
forger.
work of a
The
style
is,
of course, vastly indebted to
Homer, but the Dorian provenance of the poem is indicated by dXoLr)a-v/jLP in 1. J 6 and xîra^ in 1. 39. The poem is interesting chiefly for the light which it sheds on an old
tradition.
It
puts beyond reasonable doubt the reality of the
Messenian Wars and the early existence of the tripartite It looks as if it were written to form organization at Sparta.
part of the collection of poems called Evvofiia^ mentioned by Aristotle {PoL v. 1306 b 39), and confirms what Plato says
(Laws 629
b)
about the respect with which Tyrtaeus' poems

Finally
^
were preserved at Sparta.

*
it
affords
some
slight sup-
port to the story that Tyrtaeus was actually a General as well

Paus.
iv. 15. I.
Cf.
Strabo
viii. 4. 10, p.
362.
8785
66
as a poet.^
The air of authority and the technical knowledge accord well with such a tradition.
9.
Anacreon{f)
Nothing that
is
;
certainly
by Anacreon has yet come
to
but in a long ^ papyrus from Oxyrhynchus, light from papyri belonging probably to the last half of the first century A.D., and containing part of a commentary upon $, a parallel passage is quoted and introduced with words which have been
restored^ as
Kol \jT\a\p\ jii/aK[piovTL] kv IlapOeveLOLS
The supplement, though

and
is
it
gives the right

is
certainly attractive,
not finally certain, and
number of letters we must
rest in doubt.
The passage in ^ 162-3 speaks of the ambidextrous Asteropaeus, who aims two spears simultaneously at Achilles,
and the words
Schroder
*
in the
:
commentary have been completed by
as follows
ira\L^
8'] 'A(rTep[o7raiov y]yvrjnaL^ 05 7ro[r' alyave\as dij[(f)OTpaL\(TL X^P^'^
pLTTTe [oz^x] 0Lix[apT^v 'A^LXXea6 Se xaXKeoLS Opacrv[fjLrjSrjs kv oirXoLcn Tdp^rja-e â]fivrj^ X(i>[x6nTo\L[s dXiKia eLâicra] fxdxas^
Kal
Oavfxaii/e v[(EavLav
Sovpcou dâ]Xka)u Ikvra pofi^fiov.
The commentary
is probably contemporaneous with the but the writing, supposed evidence for Anacreon is faulty and
^ Lycurgus, in Leocratem, 105 sqq. ; Strabo, viii. 4. lOj Athen. xiv. 630 f. 2 Oxyrh. Pap. ii, no. 221, col. vii. What the relation of Ammonius', whose name appears on the papyrus, in the words 'A/x/Ltwi/ioy 'AiJifio:viov ypafiixaTiKos earjixfiaxxdnrji', bears to the commentary, whether he compiled it or approved of it, cannot be determined: see Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrh. Pap. li, pp. 53 sqq. most probably he compiled it. ^ A. Piatt, Classical Reviewy 1900, p. 19; A. Ludwich, Berl. Phil.
' ;
Wochenschr., 1900,
^
;^
p. 389.
Pindari Car7nina, Editio maior, 1900,

^
p. 424.
C'^l^P"'*
'
P^P^
piivTiv
pap.
]7e'?EF]l
pap.
F-axai pap.

inconclusive
;
67
no authority mentions TIapOeveLa his poems. Further, it has sometimes been assumed among that TlapOeveiay songs performed by choirs of maidens, were confined to Dorian districts,^ and this view receives some support from Plutarch's mention of TroAAa /Icopia IlapOeveLa written by Alcman, Pindar, Simonides, and Bacchylides,^ especially as examples by the first two named have been recovered in papyri. It has, indeed, been thought that virginal choruses were alien to Ionian and Athenian manners and only permissible in Sparta, where women took part in athletic contests.^ On the other hand, there is some evidence that such
in particular,
choruses existed in Ionian lands.*

girls singing in
Homer (IT
182-3) rnentions
chorus to Artemis, and the

of
Hymn
to Earth,
Mother of
All, tells
irapBeviKai re x^^poF? (pepecraiÔea-ii/ v(f>poi/L Ovfim iraiôvaat (TKaipovcrL /car* dt^Bea fiaXdaKoc ttolt]^,^
Perhaps, too, the descriptions of Artemis dancing with her train may be based on a practice of ordinary life.^ It need not, therefore, come as too great a surprise if some slight piece
of evidence appears for a book of Partheneia by Anacreon. The reconstruction which is given above is only put forward
in
tentatively exempli gratia, and we must for the present remain ignorance about the exact contents and metre of the frag-
ment.
C.
^
'
M.
B.
The cultivation e.g. H. Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, p. ccxxix : of virginal choruses was restricted to Dorian countries '. ^ de Musica, ii36f. ' * Ionian and Athenian manners did not Jebb, Bacchylides, p. 31: permit such virginal choruses. The Partheneia of Bacchylides may have been written for Sparta, or other Dorian cities, during his residence in
Peloponnesus
*
'.
Jevons,
^
HisL Gr.
Horn.
Hymn.
Lit., p. 128. 30. 14-15.
ib. 27. 15.
F 2
TRAGEDY
Introduction
;
the
new
;
Inscription from
Aexone and the

;
;
story of
Telephus in Sophocles other plays by Sophocles plays possibly by Sophocles stories of twins plays by Euripides stories of unlawful the love other Euripidean fragments the Medea of Neophron (?) Hector of Astydamas (?) ; other plays of uncertain authorship and
; ;
;
subject.
Introduction
Since the appearance of most

Greek
of the standard texts of the
tragic poets, considerable materials for an increased knowledge of Greek Tragedy have been provided, both by
the discovery of papyri, and also by the publication in 1908 of the Hypotheses of three plays, and of new fragments of
these and others, as quoted in the Commentary written by an otherwise unknown loannes Diaconus ^ on Hermogenes' treatise
Trepi ixe668(Dv Seivor-qTos.
In addition to
raised
this,
a remarkable
inscription found at
lems.
The
interesting probpresent chapter will deal with these materials,
Aexone has
some
omitting only those which were already included in the second The gratitude of edition of Nauck's Tragic Fragments.^ scholars is due in the highest degree to those who have edited
papyri with so much the ascription in the present chapter of every improvement or suggestion to its author otherwise the names of Blass, Weil, Hunt, Muri-ay and
and restored the texts contained

skill.
in the
Want of space has prevented
others must have been

^
much more
frequently mentioned
and
In Rhein.
Mus.
Ixiii,
is
unknown, except that
pp. 127-51. The exact date of loannes Diaconus his mention of Psellus shows that he cannot be
;
than the eleventh century but Rabe gives reasons for dating of Corinth {c. 1200). The Commentary was found in a fourteenth-century manuscript in the Vatican. ^ Such as the long and striking speech of Europa from Aeschylus* Kapey Elpwrrrj (fr. 99 Nauck), of which a better text than that of Nauck may be found in Wilamowitz's Aeschylus, Interpretationen^ P- 235. A few important passages already included in Nauck are nevertheless noticed below, in connexion with later discoveries.
earlier
him before Gregory
r\
TRAGEDY
69
from first to last there must have been repeated acknowledgement of the genius and learning of Wilamowitz-Moellendorff.^ The most important discoveries with which we have here
to do are those of large portions of the Ichneutae of Sophocles and the Hypsipyle of Euripides but we also know much more
;
than the
generation could of several plays of Euripides the Antiope, the Melaidppe, and the Stheneboea in particular and something more of a number of others. An exquisite
last
choral ode of the Phaethon can
now be enjoyed
entire,
and
of the lesser discoveries present enough points of interest to reward the labour expended upon them.
many
It
has been thought well to give quotations freely, where but students possible, and to let them speak for themselves
;
and the Hypsipyle will, of course, have the full texts before them, and it is assumed that Nauck's collection is accessible to all. Many texts will be found in Hunt's Fragmenta Tragica Papyracea,2indwon Arnim's Supplementiim
of the Ichneutae
Etiripideum^ though the latter's treatment of the fragments cannot always be accepted without reserve. long fragment of a satyric drama, which may be the Inachtis of Sophocles,
promised by the editor of the next volume of papyri from Tebtunis, but will not be published in time to be considered in the present chapter.
is
I.
The Inscription from Aexone, and the Story of Telephus

in Sophocles' plays oi
In vol.
drical
i,
pt.
iii
Polemon
(pp. 161
ff.) is
described a cylin-
base found between Voula and Vari, on the site of Aexone, bearing a choregic inscription. What kind of monu-
ment the base was intended to support is uncertain. The editor, A. A. Pappagiannopoulos-Palaios, thinks that it was a statue rather than a tripod (the normal form of choregic
dedication at Athens), because
1198, 1200, iôiJ
^
it
appears from
5,
IG.
ii.
{cd.
min)
(=
ed. mai.
ii.
579, 584b, 585) that the
writer desires to give his personal thanks to Mr. M. N. Tod and for help given on many occasions. In Lietzmann's Kleine Texte (191 3). Some of the papyrus fragments noticed are later than this.
The
Mr. Edgar Lobel

^
70
TRAGEDY
choregi who competed in the rural demes were awarded a crown (the record of the award being set up in the theatre), and from LG, ii. {ed. mai.) 1282, that they erected an dyaXfia and not a tripod.^ But as he admits that the word dyaXjxa
might be applied to a tripod as well as to a statue, and as the inscription containing the word stands alone, his argument is
not strong.
The
date of these inscriptions
is
in
any case
much
cuss.
one which we have now to disThe theatre of Aexone is mentioned in several decrees
later than that of the
B.C., viz.
belonging roughly to the period 330-312

min.) iigy,^ discovered.
1
I.G.
ii.
{cd.
198, I2CO, 1202,
though
its site
has not yet been
The inscription (which at Athens) is as follows

'EIttlx^P'!]^
is
no. 12693 in the National
Museum
XOpVV^^ ^VLKa
k]co/icoiSoT9
*Ex(j>oiVTt8r]s eSiSao-Ke TJeipa^
pacrvpoXos xoprjycou kvLKa KoofjLCOLSoi^ Kpariuo? eSiSacrKe 3ovk6\os 0pa(TvPoXo9 xopr)[y]cû kvLKa Tpaya)t8oL9
TifjLodeo^ eStSaa-Ke 'AXKfxecoua 'AX(p(rLpo[Lai/
*EiTLxdpr]9 x^PVy^^ kvLKa TpaycoL8oi[9 ô(poKXfJ9 eSiSaa-Ke Tr]X^La[u
The inscription bristles with difficulties. It is written in Ionic characters throughout, but this does not necessarily mean that it is later than the law of Archinus in 403 B.C.,
because Ionic letters were commonly used in private, and sometimes even in public inscriptions, much earlier than this.
There
is
no epigraphical reason why the inscription should

B.C., or
it
not go back to 420 Guarducci ^ dates
even a few years earlier. Margherita about 420 B.C., on account of the shape
of the letters S, fl, E,

^
and the use of

[Tt/xoJo-êVj;?
|
for
OT, though
Tt/no\
This inscription runs

I
Meiâvidov
Meiâ)vi8r)s
(rdevovs
KXeocrrpaTos Tifioadevovs
TayaKfjLa K[ai] T[o]fi
c.
I
)(Oi>T)y(>vi>Tes
viKTjcravTes dueBea[av]
ra
Aiouvaa
I.G.
ii.
114
(343/2 B.C.)
ff.
The locality is not Stated, but in mention is made of KXioarpaTos TLfMoa-Bevovs

[/Scd/aoj/].
AlyiXievs,
and
Tifion-Bevijs 6 AiyiXteu?
is
Tunothetiiri)^ 31
The
inscription
mentioned in Demosth. xlix (in was probably dedicated by three
synchoregi of the
"^
mai.) 5,584. Riv. di Fil., 1930, pp. 202 fif.

{ed.
This
deme
Aigilia.
I.G.
ii.
TRAGEDY
71
Wilamowitz (without giving details) thinks that the orthography points to the first decades of the fourth century B.C. It would seem as if any date from about 420 to 380 B.C. were
possible.
The nature of the contents is much more difficult to decide. The first editor took it to be the record of a single recent
contest at Aexone, in which Epichares and Thrasybulus of Aexone were choregi, each presenting one old comedy and
a group of old tragedies. It is no objection to this that, while the first recorded presentation of old tragedies at the City
Dionysia at Athens
is
in
387-386
B.C.,
there
is
;
no record of the
for this may be presentation of old comedies till 339 B.C. an accident, and the rural townships may well have had
is
recourse to old plays much earlier than Athens itself. (Nothing known of old plays at the Lenaea.) But it is a serious
objection, as
eSiSaa-Ke
is
M. Guarducci points
inscription
out, that the expression
only used of living poets, producing their
plays, in old plays
any Attic
known
to us, and that
own when
were produced we have the actor's name coupled
with waXaia, or else such a phrase as naXaibv Spdfia irapeSfSaâu ol Kcc/xcpSoL. Accordingly M. Guarducci supposes that
the four poets were alive at the time of the victories recorded, i.e. shortly before 420 B.C. (the year in which by a very doubtful piece of reasoning she dates the death of Cratinus), and that they all produced the plays named for the first time
at
Aexone. Yet it seems hardly likely that so many of the most important poets of the time should simultaneously have
their plays
first production of be doubted whether Ecphantides was alive and producing plays as late as 431 B.C. or thereabouts. Inscriptions make it clear (i) that his first Dionysiac victory fell between 457 and 454 B.C. (2) that he either took no part, in Lenaean the no or won contests, which were first victory,
;
selected a not very important place for the
and
it
may
state-organized about 442 B.C. before this. (Cratinus, whose
so that he probably died
probably
Geissler
^
in
453
B.C.,
first Dionysiac victory was appears also in the Lenaean list.)
(on
somewhat inconclusive grounds) dates Ecphan^
Philol. Unters. xxx, p.
1 1
1^
tides'
TRAGEDY
^drvpoi between 445 and 440
B.C.,
but this
is
too early
to help us here. There are thus serious difficulties in the

inscription to refer to contests at
Aexone.
way The
of taking the alternative is
to suppose that these choregic victories were won by two citizens of Aexone in contests at Athens, and either that they
themselves erected a
successes
them, necessarily immediately successes need not have been won in consecutive years, but
B.C.
in their
not
monument
at
Aexone recording
after
their
for the
perhaps about 420

honour.^
or that their fellow demesmen did so

which of the Athenian festivals That of Ecphantides must have been
is
If so, at
?
were the victories won
at the Dionysia, for the inscriptional evidence
clear that
he
was never a Lenaean
victor.
The BovkoXol
of Cratinus
may
have won at either festival. But if the tragedies mentioned were performed at the Dionysia, then the names of one tragedy and of a satyric play of Timotheus are missing, and
the Tri\i<j)^La of Sophocles was a trilogy or a group of three If, on the plays, the name of the satyric play is missing. other hand, Timotheus only presented the two plays named,
if
the festival at which they were presented must have been the Lenaea ^ and if the festival at which Sophocles won the victory referred to was the Lenaea, then the TrjXepeia must
;
have been a single play, and the name of one other tragedy must have dropped out. No solution is possible in the present
state of the evidence.
*
It is certainly
not impossible, though
later period the people of Aexone set up inscriptions in their theatre to choregi who had served them well, but tliese all belonjj to the latter half of the fourth century, when, as shown by I.G. ii. 1285, syn-
At a
choregia was regular. (The inscriptions are /.G. ii. {ea^. min.) 1198 (326/5 B.C.), 1200 (317/6 B.C.), 1202 (313/2 B.C.).) The present inscription, however, does not in any case refer to synchoregi. Those who think that the present inscription all refers to one festival at Aexone suppose that the order of mention is the order of merit, but that the complimentary term eVka was used for both the first and the second in the competition (just as in some inscriptions of the imperial period we find the odd
phrase
^
o S^îos fVt/ca, e.g. C.I. A.

first
iii.
80).
extant record of a tragic contest at the Lenaea iC.I.A. ii. 972, rol. ii) belongs to 421/20 B.C. This column contained the beginning of the record of Lenaean tragic contests, and though we have not the head of the column, the record did not go back more than a few years at most. The Lenaean victors of 420/19 B.C. and 419/8 B.C. are recorded in the inscription, and are not Timotheus or Sophocles.
The
TRAGEDY
73
some may think it improbable, that in a monument erected at Aexone to honour two successful citizens, it may not have been thought necessary to mention the festivals, and that the two festivals may be mixed up. If we are forced (and we cannot be forced as really things are) to refer the whole record to one festival, we must refer it to the Dionysia, since Ecphantides
from the inscriptional list of Lenaean victors {C.I.A. 977 i,col. ii Wilhelm, Urktinden^ p. 123), and there is no lacuna in the list in which his name could be inserted and
is
ii.
;
:
absent
any scholar who thinks that Tr]\k<pîa must be the title of a group of plays will be ready to accept this solution, and to suppose that the names of two plays of Timotheus and one of
Sophocles have dropped out. Against this is to be set a certain improbability in the supposition that the line given to Timotheus in the inscription would have been so much
longer than any others, even though the circumference of the cylinder would afford room and to spare for two more long names. (A rough calculation suggests that it would take
letters to go right round the stone the supposed would at worst extend to about ^^ letters or, if aarvpiK^ were inserted, about 64.) On the other hand, it is by no means impossible that the orderly arrangement of the matter may have outweighed the aesthetic objection to a single very long line. We have, then, to consider the plays mentioned in the inscription without being able to decide at which festival each play or each group of plays was performed. We may, perhaps, assume that the plays are in chronological order, or at
;
about 148
line
least that the
comedy
first
named, and the tragedy named.
first
named is named
earlier
than the second
earlier
than the second
No
recorded.
play of Ecphantides called UeTpaL has been previously The name, however, is not certain, as there is an
This may have been an apparent erasure before the /T. erasure of a IV ecpeXKvarLKou at the end of iSiSaaKe^ inserted
that
by the stone-mason by mistake, and erased when he found it was not in his copy or a damaged initial letter of ^TTupai or simply the obliterated remains of a bad attempt at the JJ of IleipaL, after which the mason started the word
;
;
74
afresh.
TRAGEDY
The
5 the
1.
(In
erasure occurs in a rough depression in the stone. first letter of xoprjySiv is engraved in a similar
depression.)
comparing Plato's ^KvaL (though this does not really help us to understand what the subject of îretpai can have been). If Tldpai was the title, the subject may have been irelpaL yvvaiKoaVy though this does not take us far. The date, as we have seen, is likely to have been not much later than c. 445 B.C. The BovKoXoL of Cratinus is known from several fragments
îreTpaL,
Wilamowitz favours
(Nos. 15-20 Kock).

fr.
Geissler (op.
is
cit.,
p.
24)
thinks
that
15, in
which an Archon
upbraided
for giving a
chorus
to the contemptible poet Gnesippus in preference to Sophocles, helps to date the play, because no archon would have treated
Sophocles thus at the height of his fame, and therefore, it argued, the BovkoXol can hardly be later than 430 B.C. But
is
it
might equally well be argued that the fragment would be less pointed unless Sophocles was at the height of his fame. The very obscure fr. 18 (or Hesychius' notice of it) alludes
apparently to Cratinus himself as having been refused a chorus and (as Wilamowitz remarks) if he had been refused
;
a chorus for this actual play, there would be room for the
conjecture that the play was produced at Aexone instead of Athens but the passage can hardly yield that meaning ^
; ;
the reference must be to the refusal of a chorus for

earlier,
some
though probably recent play. The date of the play and the date of Cratinus' death is cannot be conjectured
;
quite uncertain. The interpretation of Aristophanes' Peace^ 11. 700 fif., as meaning that the poet was then literally dead is probably untenable, and M. Guarducci's attempt to prove
that he died in 420 B.C.
is
quite unconvincing.
Timotheus was not previously known as the name of a

Hesych. nvpTrepeyx'^t.' Kparlvos dno didvpafxôv iv Bou/coXoiy ap^dfxevosj erreidn xopoi' ovk eXajSe Trnpd tov apxovTOS -feartv ov fjrrjpei-f. conjectures
^
The
most commonly received are those of Casaubon Trup nvp

TOV apxouTOS
Trap'
not agreed whether dno biOvpafxôv dp^dfievos means that the play opened with a dithyramb or refers to the dithyrambic character of the expression quoted. The BovkoXol may have turned on the worship of Dionysus or bdbazius (cf. Maass, Orpheus^ p. 46), or it may have been one of the many comedies with a rustic chorus.
ov
j]tt}K1
or
eyxî
and
Trnpa
Kock's
irvpl rrvp erreyxfi"
It is
TRAGEDY
75
The name is a common one, and while it is tragic poet. possible that the famous lyric poet of Miletus (c. 453-358 B.C.) wrote tragedies in his early life, it would not be safe to
suppose that he
the
e.g.
is
referred to here.
names
of
Laertes,
some of the poems ascribed Nmiplms, Phineidae may
Palaios conjectures that to the lyric poet

really be
names of
tragedies of the newly discovered Timotheus of the inscription. Laertes and Phineidae are simply titles mentioned by
Suidas, and nothing more can be said about them but the reference to the Nauplius in Athen.viii. 338 a almost certainly implies that it was a dithyramb with an absurd or extravagant
;
part
for
the
flute.
Palaios
further
ascribes
to
the
new
Timotheus three iambic trimeters quoted under the unintelligible
name
AifioP'
by Stoh.
Flor.
iii.
a8. 12 (Hense).
The
lines (following the

^'
lemma
ALfxo^) are
6 TTTepCOTOS 1^09 OflfiCCTCOU "Epoo^j

rj (j)pevoov aKt?, TLvcov OeolaLv opKLcov SiKas.
6 6
KvTrpiSos Kvuayo?,
firi
Such lines might come from either tragedy or comedy, but seem more probably to belong to the Middle or New Comedy. It is idle to conjecture in what particular way the Timotheus ^ of the inscription may have treated the stories of Alcmaeon and Alphesiboea, and we must be content to be ignorant whether the two plays stood alone at the Lenaea, or were grouped with two others at the Dionysia. Alphesiboea or Arsinoe was daughter of Phegeus, King of Psophis in Arcadia, who purified Alcmaeon after his murder of Eriphyle, and gave him his daughter in marriage. In some versions of the story trouble arose between her brothers and Alcmaeon, who was Alphesiboea in turn contrived ultimately murdered by them
; ^ The story of Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle, and the death of Eriphyle at the hands of her son were a favourite theme of Greek tragedians. It does not, indeed, appear to have attracted Aeschylus, but we hear of an Erz'pky tesind an Alcmaeon of Sophocles, of an Alcmaeoft at Corinth of Euripides, an Alcmaeon of Agathon, Astydamas the Younger, Theodectes, Nicomachus and Euaretus, an Eriphyle of Nicomachus, and an 'AX/c/ifcoi/ o-arvptfcof of Achaeus. The latter part of the story was treated by Euripides in his 'AXkîco^p 6 8ia ^co^tfio? and in the Alphesiboea
of
Achaeus and Chaeremon.
76
their death.
TRAGEDY
But the story had many ramifications. Palaios and Arvanitopoulos (in the same number oiPolemon) construct with some ingenuity a supposed tetralogy for Timotheus, but as we cannot tell if he dealing with the whole legend wrote a tetralogy at all, it is hardly worth while to pursue
;
such speculations.
more
interesting problem
is
that which concerns the
TrjXicpeia
of Sophocles.
others
who
Palaeos and Arvanitopoulos and have written on the subject all assume that the
;
trilogy or tetralogy, and they may be right they are certainly supported by the fact that Sophocles did write several plays on the story of Telephus and although there is no doubt that Sophocles definitely abandoned the trilogy as a form of dramatic composition, it cannot be
;
word denotes a
absolutely proved that he never tried it (e.g. in his earlier At the same time there is at least a possibility that days).
TrjXeêia may have been a single play. The meaning of words of this formation in the classical period, to which this
inscription belongs, as follows
:
is
not absolutely clear.
The
evidence
is
Aristoph. Thesm. 134-6.
Kai
00-719 el, Kar Ai(TXv\ov a-', on veavLcr\ K Trj9 AvKovpyelas epea-Oai povXofLar
y
TToSairos 6 yvvvi<i
tis Trdrpa
tls
r]
a-roXrj
Schol. TTjv TeTpaXoyiav Xiyei AvKovpytav 'HScoroi/s Baa-orapiSas NeavLcrKovs AvKovpyov tou aaTvpLKOi/. (Schol. adds that 1. 136 is quoted from the 'HScovoi.)
Aristoph. Rati, 11 24 irpooTou Si fioL rov e^ 'Opea-Teias Xiye. (A quotation from the C/wep/iori follows.)
Schol. TfiTpaXoyiav (pipovcn rr^v 'Opeareiau at SiSa(TKaXiaL 'Ayafiejxvova Xor](p6pov9 EvfieviBas UpcoTea aarvApiarapôs Kal ATroXXa)VLos rpiXoyiav Xkyovcri pLKov.
XOOph
t5>V (raTVpLKOdV.
c.
Argt. Aesch. Sept. TTpaXoyia,
Theb.
noXv(l)pdSfi(OP
AvKovpyeta
Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. s8i ovto9 6 ^lXokXtjs iiroira ea-Kevaa-ey eiTj av ovv top twona aKvorfj UavSLOviSL TerpaXoyia
TRAGEDY
TTOLTjKob^Trj JJavSLovtSL TTpaXoyia BLSaa-KaXiaLS dvaypoi(f>eL,
fju
77
KOL ÂpLCTTOTiXrjs kv rafy
Schol. ad
18 b (p. 330 Bekker) knel w eVe^ kol 6 MiXrjTOS OlSLTroSeiau edrjKCP eSLSdaKovTO TleXapyoL
PJat. Apol.
ol
o)?
'ApL(rroTXr)9 SiSaa-KaXLai^,
It is difficult to in
avoid the conclusion that as used by Aristotle
the JiSaorKaXiai, words of this termination (and a'lso words in -I?) denoted groups of connected plays. The only question
whether the terminations had acquired this precise and techmeaning by the time of Aristophanes and of our inscription, or whether they may not have had the general meaning of
is
nical
<
poem about Lycurgus, Orestes, or Telephus
'
(cf.
'OSvaa-eLa),
and so have been applicable to single plays such as the 'HScoi/oL and the Xorjcpopoi. The balance of probability would be in favour of the former supposition, but for the comparative
it is,
improbability of attributing a trilogy to Sophocles. there is nothing for it but to suspend judgement.
As
If the TrjXicpeLa was a tetralogy, of what plays was it composed ? That the AXedSai and Mvaoi of Sophocles dealt with the story of Telephus is well known. Palaios and
Arvanitopoulos propose for the two remaining places a supposed TrjXecpos Tvpavvo9 and a supposed satyric Tr]Xe(po9
^(pd\TT]?.
But there
gestions.
The only
all is
Sophocles at
B.C., in
is scarcely any probability in these sugevidence for attributing a TriXe(t)09 to in a Rhodian inscription {I.G. xii. i. 125 ;
Wilhelm, Ui^kunden, pp. 205-6), of the fourth or third century which an actor won second prize for a group of plays
by Sophocles.
The
relevant lines are

'AXKi/jLaxo9 'Ad[r]paio9
v\6pLevoS'
jea !So(poKXiov9 kol '08v(r(r[a K\al "iPr]pas /cat (TarvpiKov T7;Xe[
For the first two plays UrjXia and 'OSva-aea /xaiv6fjLei/oi^ hav? been suggested but the original length of the lines, and
:
therefore the restoration of them,
is
uncertain
and the
last
name may not have been TiyAcô^ but (e.g.) TijXeyopoi^. At the same time, as is remarked by Pearson {Soph. Fragm. ii,
p. 220),
the circumstances of Telephus* birth and his subse-
78
TRAGEDY
quent discovery by Heracles would make a good subject for a satyric play set in Arcadia, and there may have been a satyric play of Sophocles of this name. The two Greek scholars
propose for the satyric play the name TrjXecjio^ ^cfxiXTrjSi on the ground of a story told by Apollodorus and certain
scholiasts,
according to which Telephus, having offended caused by him to trip over a vine-tendril while was Dionysus, fighting Achilles, and so to receive a wound in his thigh and
;
they suggest that a satyr-chorus may have set the trap. It is sufficient to point out that ^^dXTtjs was an epithet of Dionysus
on Lycophron, Alex., 1. 3o6), not of Telephus, and not be an epithet of the person tripped up. Nor does could the encounter of Achilles and Telephus seem suitable for
(Schol.
For the imaginary TrjXe(po9 Tvpawos no evidence at all. If the TrjXicpeia was really a tetralogy, the third play must almost certainly have been the 'Aâicov ^vXXoyos of which some fragments survive, and it would be possible to reconstruct the tragic trilogy on that supposition. Aleos, King of Tegea, had been warned that, if his daughter Auge married, her son would slay his own sons. He therefore forbade her to marry and made her priestess of Athena. But Heracles on his way to the palace of Augeas in Elis came through Tegea and had a secret meeting with her. She bore
satyric
treatment.
there
is
him a son, Telephus, whom Aleos, not knowing who the The infant was suckled by a hind, and father was, exposed. being discovered was brought up by Corythus, King in
Auge was sold as a slave to Teuthras, King of Mysia. Before the action of the 'AXedSaL began, Telephus had grown up and had returned to Tegea there he was enterArcadia.
;
tained
he was unknown. The sons of by Aleos, named Hippothous and Pereus, in some way aroused the anger of Telephus almost certainly by references to the Aleos was about obscurity of his origin and he slew them.
Aleos, to
whom
to death, but a recognition took place perhaps by of the servant who had exposed him, or by the interthe help vention of Heracles dirb firj)(âvr}^ and he was sent to consult
to put
him
the oracle as to the method of his purification. (This account
TRAGEDY
79
agrees in the main with that given by Pearson, Soph. Fragm, i, pp. 46 fif. Sophocles evidently rejected the version of the story, followed by Euripides, according to which Auge and
the infant were sent to sea in a chest and washed
up on the
It would be unsafe to follow the fanciful coast of Mysia. of Arvanitopoulos to work the extant fragments into attempt
more
detailed story.
Pearson describes various versions of

in different writers.)
the story of
Auge
found
The plot of the Mvcroi admits of little doubt, if, as there is every reason to suppose, it followed the story reproduced by Hyginus and Aelian. (The passages are quoted by Pearson,
Telephus arrived at Mysia still seeking not seem to have been required to be silent in Sophocles' version as he was in that of Aeschylus at a time when Teuthras was being attacked by Idas, whom
op.
he does purification
Hyginus
cit. ii,
pp. 70
ff.)
identifies with the
Argonaut, son of Aphareus, but
scholars prefer to regard as having been in Sophocles' story a local freebooter. Teuthras offered the succession to the throne of Mysia and also the hand of Auge,
whom modern
whom
Idas.
he had adopted as his daughter, to the conqueror of Telephus (whose relationship to Auge was, of course, unknown to all parties) accepted the challenge and slew the
Auge, still loyal at heart to Heracles, resolved to her bridegroom on the wedding night, and concealed a slay sword in her chamber. serpent, however, appeared to prohe was about to take vengeance upon and tect Telephus
freebooter.
Auge, when she called upon Heracles, and the truth was made Here the clear, whether by Heracles himself or otherwise.
play ended.
The
action of the !Axaia>i/ ^vXXoyos began
somewhat
later.
After the death of Teuthras, Telephus became King of Mysia. The Greek host, intending to attack Troy, landed by mistake
coast, and were opposed by Telephus, who was wounded by Achilles. The Greeks on sailing away grievously from Mysia were scattered by a storm, which drove Achilles There he wedded Deidamia, and in the play he to Scyros. returns to join the assembled Greek host at Argos, where
on the Mysian
they were preparing for a renewed attempt upon Troy.
8o
TRAGEDY
and had therefore come to the Greek host to
Thither also came Telephus, who had been told by Apollo at Delphi that his wound could only be healed by the man who
had
inflicted
it,
In a fragment from a papyrus roll of the second A.D. Pearson, op. cit. i, {Berliner Klass. Texte, V. 2 century ode addressed to we of find the remains a choral pp. 94 ff.)
find Achilles.
;
Telephus as a native of Tegea and as the destined guide of

the Greeks to Troy, which they had failed to find at their first attempt. It is evident that he must have promised to
show them a good

Achilles.
landing-place, if he were first healed by Achilles was not expected to agree easily to heal
his old enemy, and the negotiations were apparently placed in the hands of the tactful Odysseus, who (the choral ode ended) is seen in conversation with the newly arrived Achilles.
indignant because everything is not ready for the The cure was doubtless effected before the end expedition.)
(Achilles
is
of the play, by the application of the rust scraped from the spear of Achilles.
there
That the papyrus fragment comes from this play, though is no direct evidence, is rendered probable, as Pearson
:
notes (following the suggestion of Wilamowitz), by the facts (i) that the scene is evidently that of a (rvWoyos of the Greek cf. II. 16, chieftains (col. ii. 12 ttovo-tl a-vWoyo? cptXcov 17,
;
144 Pearson, which is quoted from the 'AâiSiv ^vXXoand (2) that the the Scholiast on Pind. Isthm. ii. 68) yo9 by of Pearson's that notes on recalls (See Sophocles. language Col. ii may be translated col. ii, 11. II, 14.)
fr.
;
:
and
wind from south or west shall speed us to the and thou shalt sit beside the rudder and shores, Trojan point out to him that is at the prow, so that he see it straightway, the passage of the sons of Atreus to Troy bare thee for us, for the Tegean land Hellas, not Mysia to be a sailor, doubtless by the grace of some God, and to speed on our rowing over the sea. Ack. Surely thou too art not newly come from thy seagirt land, Odysseus ? Where is the gathering of our friends ? Why do ye delay? Ye should not abide on resting feet. Od. The expedition is determined, and they that have But thou art come, son of authority have care thereof. Peleus, in the hour of need.
Cho.
A swift
TRAGEDY
Ach. Yet there
8i
is no host of oarsmen on the shore, nor is the warrior host here to answer the call. man's haste should be as Od, Nay, straightway it will be the time requires. Ach. Ye are ever sluggards, ever delaying. Each one sits and speaks endless speeches, and in no part does the work go forward. For my part, as ye see, I am come ready to be doing, I and the host of Myrmidons, and I will sail and leave behind me the tardiness of the two sons of Atreus and
:
their host.
The two
No. 143.
previously
*
known connected fragments run
For the ship's watch, as it sails through night, direct with rudders its wind-sped keel.' No. 144. Do thou on thy seat, with folded writing in
*
the
thy hand, mark thereon any who, having sworn fellowship, is not here.'
(The reading
to
is
uncertain
is
Agamemnon, who
bidden to
the words were probably spoken call the roll.)
According to the Scholiast on Aristoph. Ach. ^;^2, Aeschylus introduced into his treatment of the story an episode in which Telephus, being threatened with death by the Achaeans on
camp, took refuge at the altar, having previously (at Clytemnestra's suggestion) snatched the infant Orestes from his cradle. The scene was probably suggested
his arrival at the
by the action of Themistocles (Thuc. i. 1^6, 137), who took up the infant son of Admetus, on the advice of Admetus' wife, when he sat down as a suppliant by his hearth, Kai fxeyicrTov
The infant is not introduced in the picture rjv tKeTcvfia tovto. of Telephus as suppliant on a vase of Hiero at Boston, dating from before 470 B.C. ^ but the scene, including the infant,
:
though without any suggestion of danger to
it.
is
found on a
pelik^ in the British Museum.'^ On the other hand, a number of later vases display the hero as threatening to slay the infant,^ and these were perhaps painted under the influence of
See Pollak, Zwei Vasen, PI. I, and Pfiihl, Mahl. u. Zeichn.^ 506, Fig. 447^ Fig. i (Brit. Mus. E. 382). ' Fig. ii (a hyilria irom Cumae, in the Naples Museum), Arch'dol. Zeitung, xv (1857), PI. CVI.
^
S78Q
82
TRAGEDY
Euripides, who may first have given this turn to the story, in addition to clothing his hero in rags with a beggar's wallet.
In Aeschylus the infant may only have been taken up to increase the impressiveness of the supplication, and probably
in
both Aeschylus and
Sophocles the hero preserved his
Fig. 2.
Telephus and the infant Orestes
Hydria
in
Naples Museum.
dignity.
this affords
play.
Euripides* Telephus was produced in 438 B.C., but no valid argument as to the date of Sophocles' The satyric play of the tetralogy, if there was one, may
have been the TrjXecpos (assuming that the word is rightly restored) mentioned in the Rhodian inscription quoted above. The fortunes of the house of Telephus, not long after his death, were the subject of the Eurypylus of Sophocles.^ After
the death of Telephus, Eurypylus, his son
by Astyoche,
sister
of Priam, succeeded to the throne of Mysia. Troy was still untaken, but was in sore straits, and Priam begged for the aid
of Eurypylus against the Greeks. At first, overcome by his mother's fears and entreaties, he refused but Priam won over
;
See Pearson, op.
cit.
i,
pp. 146
ff.
Fig.
I.
Telephus and the infant Orestes

in
Pelike
the British
Museum
TRAGEDY
83
Astyoche by the gift of the Golden Vine with which Zeus had compensated the father of Ganymedes (Laomedon or Tros) for
the loss of the boy. Eurypylus, with a host of Kr]TLOL (an He otherwise unknown Mysian tribe), joined the campaign. slew Machaon and Nireiis, among others, but was at last slain
by Neoptolemus. The story was told in the Little Iliad, whence doubtless Sophocles derived it. Sophocles' play (though without the poet's name) is mentioned by Aristotle (Poet, xxiii. 1459 b 6), and some fragments of it have been
found in a papyrus of the latter half of the second century A.D.
ix, No. 1175). It is probable that, as action was placed at Troy. more than one scholar has conjectured, an early scene of the play included the attempt of Astyoche to dissuade her son
{Oxyrh, Pap,
The
from joining the campaign, and to this scene the dialogue in fr. 208 (Pearson) may have belonged, the argument turning
upon some
would have been followed by the There resolve of Eurypylus and his welcome by Priam.
evil
;
omens
this
remain also some scraps of the messenger's speech, describing the duel of Eurypylus and Neoptolemus, and including a reference to the spear of Achilles, which had healed Tele-
phus and had
slain his son
(fr.
211).
These are followed by

;
a brief dialogue between Astyoche (in iambic trimeters) and the chorus (in short snatches of lyric) after which the mes-
senger resumes his narrative in answer to Astyoche's question as to the treatment which her son's body had received, and
recounts, in a very fine passage, how Priam had mourned passionately over Eurypylus as though he had been his own
son
'
TToWr] Sk (TLvSoDU TToXXcC 5' IcTTpLai'LScOJ/ V(p7J yVUaiKCOV dvSpOS ippLTTTOC^^TO

VKpS) Sl86ut9 ovSû
6
8*
dfi(f)L
(O(f)X0VfjLeua>,
kol (T(payaicrL Kei/ieuos, ov, Trarrjp fj.eu irarpcca 8' eâv8cou enr], Uplaiios KXaL Tov TKi'(ou ofiai/ioua, Tou 7ral8a kol y^povra kol veaviav,
nXevpah
TOV ovT Mvcrou ovre TrjXicpov KaXc^v, dXX' 0)9 (pVTiV(Ta9 avTO^ KKaXovfXvor
84
TRAGEDY
OlflOL, TeKVOV. TrpOvScOKd
k(T\dTr}V )(COV
t eXniSoou a-coTrjpiav, Xpopoj^ êvcoOels ov fxaKpov ttoXXcou [Ka]\cou
^pv^lv
/jLeyiarTTju
fxvrjii-qv
0(t'
7Tape^6L9
,
.
roh
.
X[Xifi/jLu]oL9 "^[peooy],
ovt Mefivoav ovre HapnrjScov Trore
irevOrj irorfaas
Fair linen then they cast upon him, robes
That women
loom had wrought, no good thereby. But Priam prostrate clasped the mangled frame; No father he, but with a father's cry He wailed, True brother dear of mine own sons, In years a boy, in counsel old, in strength a man, No Mysian thou, no child of Telephus, But mine, mine own begotten O my son.
at
some
Istrian
Gifts to a corse that gat
'
Whom
betrayed who last, but more than all. Didst aid the hopes of Troy Not long our guest, Long shalt thou be remembered in the love Of them whom war hath left, more deeply wailed
I
!
. .
Than Memnon
or Sarpedon
There are many other fragments, but none makes connected sense, though fr. 212 seems to refer to the burial of Eurypylus in the tomb of Telephus, and fr. 2Cti contains the remains of
a choral lamentation.
2.
'
Sophocles^
Niobe
'
and
in
'
Tantalus
'
(f )
Papyri (discovered as the lining of a mummy-case, and written probably in the third century B.C.) and two muti-
Some Museum
fragments contained
No.
690 of the British
Oxyrhynchus Papyri (ii, No. ^^13, second century A.D.) have been conjecturally ascribed to the Niobe and Tantalus of Sophocles respectively. In the only intelligible remains of the British Museum series a maiden is
lated passages from the
fleeing in terror
little
from a deadly pursuer, and the words leave doubt (though there is no complete line or sentence) that one of the daughters of Niobe is being followed by Artemis in the presence of a horrified chorus. This is in accordance
with Apollodorus' version of the story, according to which, had borne many fair children,
after Niobe's rash boast that she
whereas Leto had borne only two, Apollo slew her sons while
TRAGEDY
on
85
hunting Cithaeron, and Artemis killed the daughters with her arrows in their home, which doubtless formed the back-scene of the play. The history of the
poetical treatment of the story of Niobe and the possible course of Sophocles' play are fully discussed by Pearson.^ Indications of the flight of the unhappy maiden are found in
Mount
the phrases iêXavpeis Sco/xdrcou, {'<)(^Tô-ToxtCv TrXevpov (an uncertain restoration), eKela-e ttjS' knovpLcrca irSSa, noSa KaraTTTTJ^co, 7ra>Xo9
S9
VTTO ^vyov.
After the death of her children, which took place at Thebes (Niobe being wife of Amphion), Niobe was turned to stone ;
was transported by Sipylus in Lydia was In the differently reported in different versions of the legend. first of the Oxyrhynchus fragments her father Tantalus is
this
whether
happened before or
after she
at
a storm-wind to her old
home
evidently gazing for the
first
closely resembles his daughter.
time at the stone which so The scene is therefore in
Lydia,^ and as Sophocles is known to have written a Tantahis? Pearson assigns the fragments tentatively to that play, which he thinks must have dramatized the story of the theft of the
Golden
Dog
The dog
of Crete, the guardian of the temple of Zeus* was stolen by Pandareos and deposited by him with
Tantalus, who, when Hermes was sent to question him, denied with an oath that he had it. In punishment for this
Zeus overturned Mount Sipylus, and buried Tantalus underThe fragment, if it belongs to the play, must have it. formed part of an early scene, the connexion of which with the
neath
rest is
not very clear.
The second fragment, on account of

;
the words ttov Sojxcov eSrj and other words indicating disaster, is supposed to refer to the destruction of the palace of Tantalus
^ but the by the earthquake which overturned the mountain words need not be taken in a purely physical sense, especially
;
Fragm. ii, pp. 94 fif. agree with Pearson in thinking it unlikely that the passage is part of a messenger's report brought from Lydia at the end of the Niobe. ^ Lexicon Messanense^ quoted by Pearson on fr. 573. * Schol. Pind. OL i. 91 ; Pearson gives other refs. Arist. Meteor, II. viii, 368 b 30 yeuofievov a-tia-fiov to. mpi învXov
Sop/i.
I
^
averpdrrr).
86
if
TRAGEDY
first
;
part of the line ran ttov fioi Tvpavva a-Kfjirrpa as is The restoration of the fragments, which are full conjectured.
is
the
of blunders and mis-spellings, is very uncertain Pearson's text (based on that of Grenfell
first
:
the following
and Hunt) of
the
.... ....
Kol
]i/rjpcov
JTre
7rav[ toopS' eirel p.6vos (po^cop.
\L]dovpye9 eiKouia-fi' iSeip irdpa TTJ fieu XP^]^ KcocpaTcTLv LKe\ov TreVpai?, fiop^r]v 8' K]iJ/r]9 ol8a KCOfifLaTOCTTayeLS Trrjyds, tv' y\yp(p KciXv^L KOLfiijOrja-eraL.
fXTji/
fi^yioTTOv e](TXov
Odfiôr
rj
yap
iruevfi
eyi
dKap]8Loi^ irerpaLo-Lv, rj '/jLTraXip orBevei $0? XL6](ocraL' Toiyapovu 0[ap](TovuTL fioL

Traiô?
fj
fji\eu
oUrpd
6oi<ri\y efioXev
eh
crvfKpopa 8d7TTL ^pii/a^, eKova-iovs fidâ^,
(r6evo9 8e] fioipcou dpTidôv[T9 Ppo\Tol
may one behold a likeness wrought in stone, in unto deaf rocks, but I know her form and the streams that well from her eyes, where veiled in moisture she shall be held in sleep. Greatly I marvel. Either there is breath in lifeless So, despite my rocks, or God has power to turn to stone. good courage, the piteous fate of my child gnaws my heart my child who entered on deliberate strife with gods .'
See, here
like
'
hue
arguments adduced for ascribing the fragments to than to Aeschylus are that a-Oii/eiv with the rather Sophocles infinitive (cf. Soph. Ant. 1044), roiyapovy, a-côSpa, a.nd KVKXeiy
chief
(in
The
Aeschylus
the second fragment) are all found in Sophocles, not in that Aeschylus has no compounds of XWos, such
;
as XiOovpyes (a certain restoration);
and that the

8iKr]u
. .
.
last
words
of the second fragment irdvTa
yap Tpo\ov
:
T19 kukXcl
Tvxv closely resemble Soph.

aXX* ovfios del
fr.'Syi
deov iroTfjios ev ttvkvc^ KVKXeiTaL KOL fieraXXda-o'ei (pvaiu. Tpox^
A further argument from

(fr.
I,
1.
the use of eTreHate in the sentence
2)
errel
is
reading
rendered valueless by the uncertainty of the On the other hand the fiopos (pap. ewL/jLCopos).
(fr.
word
arKTjTTTovxta
2) is
elsewhere found
in Classical
Greek
TRAGEDY
only
in
87
Aesch. Persue
is
1297.
It is evident that
none of these
conclusive in view of the small proportion of each poet's work which has been preserved. Pearson notes that îKovKnia^ eiKeXo^, Tei^têiv, aKoipSios,
arguments
\l6ovv are additions to the
known vocabulary
'
of tragedy.
3.
The
'
Ichnetitae
of Sophocles
to the remains of
The abundant
attention given
by scholars
the Ichnetitae of Sophocles, in the twenty years which have passed since their discovery among the papyri from Oxy-
No. 11 74), has had the result that, while of text and interpretation remain uncertain, both many little can now be said about the characteristics of the play that has not been said before, and the edition of the fragments in
rhynchus
(vol. ix,
details
1917 by Professor A. C. Pearson [Soph, Fragm. i, pp. 224 fif.) represents the best that criticism and ingenuity have been able to do for the play.
The
to us.
Ichneutae has no lost or little-known legend to reveal In its treatment of the theft of Apollo's cattle and of
the well-known
by Hermes it differs but little from Homeric Hymn,^ though the two achievements of the infant god are cleverly combined into a unity for the purpose of the drama. But it does give us an example
the invention of the lyre
of a satyric play in many ways different from the sole specimen of the type hitherto known less boisterous, less frequently
punctuated with indecencies, more

of
like
tragedy
in
the language
some of
its
principal speakers, as well as in metrical strictits
ness, but,
the Athenians in their childlike moods way, brief sketch of the play will were prepared to be amused. be better than any long disquisition upon it.
amusing as
with
quieter tone, refreshing and, in a simple
places the theft of the cattle after the invention of the it first, and probably gave it a special motive in the desire to get strings for the lyre from their bodies (as in Apollodorus' version of the story). Other slight differences are that the infant Hermes is here in charge of Cyllene, not of Maia, and the place of concealment is Mt. while, instead of the informer of Cyllene, not Triphylian Pylos the Homeric Hymn, we have the satyrs as the discoverers of the stolen cows.
lyre
;
The Hymn
Sophocles put
88
TRAGEDY
The
scene
is
laid
at the foot of a
wooded
hill-side
in
Arcadia.
At
the opening of the play,^
Apollo,
who
has
failed to find his lost cattle after searching for
them from the
north to the south of Greece, proclaims his loss to the world and offers a reward to the finder of them, be he shepherd, Silenus, who has heard peasant, charcoal-burner or satyr.
the proclamation at a distance, arrives in hot haste, followed by his family of satyrs, and promises his aid if he is rewarded
with gold
;
Apollo
in
turn promises that,
if Silenus is
successful,
he and
chorus
his satyrs shall

in
be given their freedom.
The
satyr-
a few lines of non-antistrophic lyrics express their excitement and eagerness Silenus invokes the aid of Fortune
;
and
of
any one who can give information, and the hunt
begins, with the satyrs on all fours, their noses to the ground. They soon find the footprints of the cattle and track them to
fused.
a point where their direction is reversed and the traces conSuddenly they hear a strange sound, at which they all curl up on the ground in fright. Silenus, who has not
heard
it,
cannot understand what
them
for their cowardice, while
is the matter and scolds he boasts of his own bravery
and his past deeds of prowess in a bombastic speech. They resume the quest with a great deal of horse-play, one seizing another and thinking or pretending that he has caught the
thief
The strange sound is heard again Silenus forgets his boasts and takes to flight but the satyrs pull themselves together and determine to draw out the maker of the sound
; ;
from his retreat by leaping and kicking at the entrance of the cave to which the tracks have led them. Roused by the noise the mountain-nymph Cyllene comes out from the cave and
demands an explanation of conduct

^
so unlike that of the
Bethe [Ber. Sachs. Ges. der Wissensch. zu Leipzig, 1919) thinks that scene preceded the first extant lines, because the satyr-chorus seem already to know much more than they could know if they only appeared at 1. 58. But the satyrs, it may be suspected, were gathering while Apollo was speaking, and heard as much as Silenus did (11. 35, 36 give a hint of this). Bethe treats too lightly the fact that the marginal numbering of the lines in the papyrus does not allow of an earlier scene. To meet this difficulty, he has to suppose that the scene was lost before the Alexandrian scholars got the play, and the analogies which he adduces, e.g. the varying prologues of the Iphigenia at Aulis and the
lost
Rhesus, and other effects of deliberate revision, are not quite satisfactory.
TRAGEDY
when nymphs but
satyrs
;
89
revelling in
company with Dionysus and the

to secrecy)
she
is
soon appeased, and answers their enquiries
by
telling
them (with an injunction
how Maia had
borne an infant son to Zeus in the cave, and left him in her charge how the infant had grown with marvellous rapidity
;
and
a
in six
days was a
fine
youth
new and strange instrument of music out
and how he had made of a dead creature,
which she describes in riddling language. In the course of the conversation she betrays the fact that parts of the lyre were made of materials obtained from the bodies of cattle,
and the chorus instantly declare that the young Hermes must be the thief whom they are seeking. Cyllene is indignant at the notion of a son of Zeus being a thief, and tells the satyrs
that they are as childish as ever ; but they will not be put off. In the course of the hot-tempered dialogue which follows the but a later fragment contains scraps of papyrus fails us
:
between the chorus, Silenus, and Apollo. Hermes must afterwards have appeared and mollified Apollo
conversation
gift of
;
the lyre Apollo doubtless gave the satyrs and their liberty the promised reward. Before the end there was probably an entertaining altercation between Apollo and Hermes, and it is possible that in the course of it (as more than one scholar has suggested) Hermes stole Apollo's bow and quiver, as he does in Horace. Probably not more than
half the play is preserved, so that there plenty of room for such scenes.
with the
would have been
number of points of interest arise in the course of the The rapid growth of a precocious infant is a common play.
in the legends of many countries, and tales like that of the growth of Hermes have often been mentioned by commentators on the Homeric Hymn. In Greek literature
phenomenon
we
same story told of Apo.llo {Horn. Hymn to Apollo of Zeus himself (Callim. Hymn 1. 55 ff) and and 127 ff.) Mr. W. Crooks ^ collects similar stories of Cadi in the Arabian Krishna in Indian legend Vali, the avenger of Nights Balder and the divine boy Scrantigung in the folk-lore of Mr. Andrew Lang found points of contact the Dyaks.
find the
; ;
;
Folk Lore
xi,
pp.
9, 10,
90
TRAGEDY
in the trickery
between Hermes and Brer Rabbit, of a tiny and feeble person.
and exploits
It is, however, possible to find misleading analogies, no less In an ingenious article^ Miss J. E. Harrison than true.
ritual
likened the rousing of Cyllene by the dancing satyrs to the awakening of the Earth-Goddess in spring, depicted on
a number of vases of which she figured one.^ On this the satyrs are jumping upon a mound covered with vegetation
(like the xXoepos ifXdoSrj^ irdyo^ of Ichn. 215), evidently to rouse the goddess who is seen within the mound, and so to promote the growth of the fruits of the earth. The cave
within the
top, closed
mound
is
supposed to be entered by a hole at the
stamp.
by a stone on which the satyrs are imagined to (There is nothing in the vase-painting itself to support
these assumptions.) The fact that Hermes is said to 'shoot a like branch up' (eôpfxeiîêc, 1. 275) is used to support the that we have in the play a reflection of vegetationtheory is as also the magic, phrase (I. 276) ToioySe waiSa Orjcravpo?
o-Teyety
the word Q-qcravpos being supposed to be a reminiscence of the use of underground caves as storehouses for
grain.^
in the
up
Miss Harrison supposed that in the play Cyllene rose middle of the orchestra through a trap-door covering
the ascent from an underground passage, by means of what Pollux calls XapdiVLOL /cA///a;cey,such as are thought to be exemplified
by the openings
in
the orchestra at Eretria and Sicyon
suggested that a mound may have been erected ad hoc above the opening for the satyrs to stamp upon. It is perhaps sufficient to say that there is not the least
and
it is
evidence that any such opening ever existed in the orchestra at Athens and whatever may have been the use of the open;
ings at Eretria and Sicyon, no one who has experimented on the spot with the hole at Eretria would think it suitable, or
even practicable, for the emergence of a goddess.
(The underis
ground passage
^
at Sicyon, originally a water-channel,
far
too
'
Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway, pp. 136 ff. iii (Berlin Antiquarium, Cat. 2646; Mon. delVInst, xii, tav. 4). There is, in fact, one actual instance of drjaavpos applied to an underFig.
Vit.
ground cave, viz. Piut. than the Ichneutae.
Philop. 19, but this
is
several centuries later
Fig.
3.
Awakening
of the Earth
Goddess by dancing Satyrs
Fig.
4.
The
infant
Hermes
in
at the
cave of Cyllene
Hydria
the Louvre
TRAGEDY
late to
91
be relevant to the argument.) That the cave in which Hermes was concealed was popularly thought of, not as underground, but as in a hill-side rising above the level, is suggested by another vase,^ which Miss Harrison herself figured, depicting the infant Hermes and the stolen cattle,
with no hint of any this vase the cave
ritual.
is
There can be no doubt that on
ground
a hill-side rising out of the level and this must certainly have been the arrangement
in
in the theatre.
The mouth
of the cave was in the background
of the orchestra, with perhaps one or two bushes round it. Whether we are to suppose that there was a regular scenic
wall as a background, depends on the date assigned to the play. If there was not, there was probably at the edge of the
orchestra farthest from the audience an erection representing a Trayoy, as there was in Aeschylus' Supplices and Septem c.
Thebas^ and Cyllene appeared out of the side or from behind If there was any door at all, it may have been represented by a stone, rather than as of wood, which would be less suitit.
able to the wild surroundings imagined. (Bethe aptly compares the parallel scene in Aristoph. Birds, especially 1. 54 rS a-KeXei Oive TTju Trerpav.)
If,
on the other hand, the play belongs to
the days when a back-scene had come into use,^ the mouth of the cave would naturally be in this. That the cave is not thought of as underground, but rather as up-hill, is made
practically certain (as
Bethe has pointed out) by

tottovJ^
1.
321 opOo-
yjrdXaKTOs tl9
6fi(f)a
Kar OLXvel
At
the beginning of the play Silenus and the satyrs are

slaves,
and Apollo promises them freedom if they the end they were doubtless liberated. The representation of a satyr-chorus as slaves was not unfind his cattle.
some one's
At
Fig. iv (Hydria in Louvre, E. 702;
Nuove Mem.
deWInst.^ 1865,
pi. xv).
In the Persae there was also an erection representing the tomb of Darius, with (probably) a tent or wooden screen behind it to serve as tiie
"^
(TTeyns dpxalov.
' This happened almost certainly between 467 B.C., the date of the Septem, and 458 B.C., that of the Oresteia. But the Ichneutae could easily have been acted with either arrangement. * The idea of Wilamowitz, that there were three paths leading to the cave, rests on a misunderstanding of 1. 168, which is rightly treated by Pearson.
92
TRAGEDY
the Cyclops of Euripides they were the shepherd
:
common. In
in Sophocles' Amycus they were slaves of Polyphemus probably slaves of Amycus, and released after his defeat by Polydeuces in his 'HpaKXrjs inl Taivoipco they were helots in his UapScopa rj ^(pvpoKOTroi they seem to have been slaves in
: :
Hephaestus' workshop; and in the Anthology (A desp. 412,, 413, Jacobs) there is again a mention of satyrs chained and
working for also appear
their living in the

in the
humble
Such servitude may
smithy of Hephaestus. They callings of OepicrTat and KrjpvKe?. have been one of the commonly followed
conventions of satyric drama, just as is the astonishment of the satyrs at a new invention fire, wine, the lyre. in The natural; But whose slaves are they the Ickneutae?
is that which is given by Pearson, in his interesting discussion of the various suggestions made by scholars, viz. that Apollo could hardly have liberated them unless they had
answer
been
his to liberate.
is
The
:
difficulty lies in 2,16
ff.,
in
which
Cyllene
upbraiding them
T19 rjSe reyvr], tls /jLTd(TTa(n9 tt6v(ov
ovs TTpoaOev elx^y SecnrOTrj X^P'-^ îpcoi^^

09 aUl ve$pLvrj Kadrj/ifjiipo^ 80 pa \epolv T Ovpaov evnoiKrj îpcou oTriaOeu evidêr dp.(j)l top 6eov
vfjLiu
(Tifv
'
kyyovoL^
vv[x(j)aL(TL
Kal 7ro8S>v oxXco
But here, too, Pearson makes out a strong case for accepting the idea of Apollo joining in a Bacchic revel,^ and as closely associated on occasion with nymphs,^ even though there is
no other passage in which nymphs are spoken of as spring and this seems better than to imagine lost
;
his offlines to
enable us to interpret Sea-TroTrjs here as Dionysus, or to suppose that the master of the satyrs was not revealed till later
in
chorus from their
the play, or that the reference is to the release of the festal duties at the end of each satyr-play.
(These duties could scarcely be regarded as slavery, even if such a formal release ever took place, as Robert imagined, as
part of the ritual of the festival.)
*
As
in
Aesch.
fr.
341 6 Kiaa-evs 'AttoXXwi/, 6 QaKx^vs, 6

in
fiavris,
He was
called
livfxcprjyirrjs
Thasos and Samos.
TRAGEDY
possible to conjecture at Sophocles wrote the Ichneutael'^
Is
it
93
in his career
what period
required
by the
play, as
may
scenic arrangements be inferred from what was said

'^
The
But Wilamowitz argues for an early above, afford no clue. date on account of the non-antistrophic structure of the chorus, 11. 58 fif. (which he compares with the parodoi of the Septem
and and the Eumenides)^ and of the hunting-song, 11. 170 also on account of the mixture of lyrics with iambic dialogue in the conversation between Cyllene and the chorus, which reminds him of the scene in which Athena appeases the Eumenides, though, as he admits, the analogy is remote. In
fif.
;
view of the small number of Greek plays preserved, it can only be said that the field of observation is too narrow to
justify the attribution
of
much weight
to such arguments,
Wilamowitz includes no early satyric plays. also adduces the absence of iambic lines divided between two
especially as
it
or
(11.
more speakers.* There are, in fact, two lines so divided 99, 199, though the latter is variously treated by different
If
1.
scholars).
no parallel
in the
199 is divided between four speakers, there is extant tragedies of Sophocles before 1. 753
:
of the Philoctetes, one of his latest plays but again there is no evidence as to what he may have done in his satyric plays. The further argument of Wilamowitz, that there is no scene
which there are three actors present as speaking personages one time points, so far as it goes, to an early date. It is, of course, based on only the extant half of the play but there is no reason why the second half should have required three Scenes between Cyllene and speakers in the same dialogue. and Hermes, Apollo and Silenus, would do all Apollo, Apollo that seems to be necessary and, if the restriction to two speakers was maintained throughout, the Ichneutae would
in
at
resemble the Antigone, and might belong to the same early

period.
identity of
really the work of Sophocles is rendered certain by the 275 with a quotation from the Ichneutae in Athen. ii. 62 f. ^ Neue Jahrb., 1912, pp. 451 ff. ' There are plenty of non-antistrophic lyrics in the only other extant satyric play, the Cyclops. * Such division is avoided by Aeschylus and by Sophocles in the
^
That
it
is
1.
Antigone.
94
TRAGEDY
On the other hand, Bethe would group it with the later plays of Sophocles, on account of the number of resolutions in the iambic trimeters, the percentage of lines containing such resolutions being larger even than in the Philoctetes^ while in
the early tragedies it is very small but we cannot assume that satyric drama always followed the same practice as tragedy. Bethe also refers to the number of repetitions of
:
the
178 ovpias ovpias: 183 arpaTLos (rrpaTLos: 190 icftenov k(f>e7rov) as evidence of late date but these are all part of one and the same obvious
k\r\\vQ^v^ eXrjXvOeu
:
same word (174

;
device for the expression of excitement in a single ode, and a statistical treatment of them is absurd. It must be confessed
that all these arguments from technique are very inconclusive, and leave the date of the play as uncertain as it was without Even less weight must attach to the conjecture of them. Wilamowitz that Sophocles may have taken the part of Hermes himself and played the lyre as he did in his young days in the Thamyras. Some readers may be more inclined
to trust the general impression of youthful, almost boyish freshness which the play makes, and the absence from it of
any of the
terizes
richer
and more elaborate language which charac-
characteristics
the tragedies of Sophocles' later life. Even these may be in part marks of satyric drama as such,
but
it is
There
impossible to deny them some weight. is happily nothing in the play which need revive the
controversy as to the origins of satyric drama and tragedy, or which even throws light on the problem. For the purposes of satyric drama, Silenus is treated as the father of the satyrs,
and satyrs were originally conceived of as from one another in their animal nature and origidiffering nated in different parts of Greece. But the play only tells us
even
if
Sileni
that the satyrs are full-grown

phallic costume,
young men with beards and a ways they are likened to a goat who has enjoyed plenty of thistles (11. 357-8 vkos yap oov di/rjp
and
cwy
in their
TTcoycoi/L
OdXXcoVy
Tpdyos
*
KvrjKco ^XiSa^.
Pearson rightly
irdoycovi).^
rejects the suggestion kptjk^

*
yellow
p.
',
agreeing with
The treatment
of the passage on
kv^koj,
Tragedy and Comedy (where
not
/ci/jJkw,
155 of the writer's Dithyramb^ should have been printed)
TRAGEDY
The proverb need
as goats.
95
not imply that the chorus were costumed

:
Two
(291
ff.)
points of technique deserve notice first a dialogue in iambic tetrameters acatalectic, a metre not so used
Greek tragedy or comedy, though found in and secondly a supposed irapeTnypacprj Alcaeus and Alcman at 1. or stage-direction 107, where, after the exhortation x^P^^
elsewhere in
;
SpOfjLO)
poilSSrjfjL
kdv
tl t5>v
[eVco
irpo]^
ovs
[/jloXt],
the
papyrus has the word poL^So?. It is, however, doubtful whether this is a stage-direction at all, and not rather a survival of one of the attempts to correct the preceding line, in which The potpSrjixa was at first both miswritten and miscorrected. semi-chorus is bidden to listen in case they can hear within the
cave to which the tracks of the cattle have led them, any sound made by their herdsman (poiPSTj/xa^ as Pearson shows, If polpBos were right, it would is the herdsman's whistle). mean that there was a sound of whistling. But this is inconovk eia-aKovco nco [Topa)]9 rov Ôeysistent with the next line No sound is heard fjLaro^ (ropoo9 is an uncertain restoration).
till 1.
135,
and then
it is
not a poi^So?^ but the sound of the
lyre.
one would expect any profundity in the characterdrawing in a satyric play, and there is none. But Cyllene has a certain dignity, and the language of her description of the birth and growth of the infant is not unlike that of a prologue The play has enriched our vocabulary by a few of tragedy.
words,
crvfj.7roSr)yT7i/
(1.
(1.
No
163), SpccKis
(1.
(1.
177), Treôpro?
(1.
2ia),
if
dXKaa-jxa
247), 6p0o'^d\aKTO9
249), eêvdeTi^co
318).
(1.
270,
rightly restored), irapa^lrvKTripLov
(1.
4.
Plays possibly by Sophocles
in vol. xvii of the Oxyrhynchus in the late second or early and written Papyri (No. 2077) third century B.C. have been ascribed on the suggestion of
(a)
Some
fragments printed
Professor
Gilbert
Murray
to
the
NavirXios
of.
1.
TIvpKaevs
121 e'âos ws
of
ns
needs correction accordingly.

iv \6xnn.
For a similar proverb
96
TRAGEDY
1
Sophocles. In the well-known story Nauplius, in revenge for the death of his son Palamedes, attracted the Greek ships by
lights onto the southern promontory of and slew Euboea, any who escaped to land from the wrecks. are sources (The quoted by Dr. Hunt in the Oxyrhynchus and volume, p. 30, by Pearson, vol. ii, p. 80, where the relation of the NavirXLosUvpKaevs and the NavTrXios KaranXeoDv still an unsolved problem is fully discussed. The fragments
means of deceptive
previously
or of a NavirXio^ of either of these plays without further qualification are of little importance, except There fr. 432 which recounts the inventions of Palamedes.)
known
is
no complete line in the new fragments, but Professor Murray and Dr. Hunt may well be right in inferring from the extant words that we have the remains of a speech of Nauplius, who
having arranged or effected the shipwreck of the Greeks, desires to escape from possible avengers, but finding the sea
too dangerous, proposes to take refuge with Chalcodon, King
of Euboea, whose
irpos TCL
mentioned, as in Soph. Phil. 489 ^ XaXKcoSoi^Tos Evôias (TTaB[xd. His son leads Euboeans
is
ii.
name
in Iliad
^2>^.
In Pausan. VIII. xv. 6 he
is
a companion
of Heracles, and according to Pausan. IX. xix. 3 he was slain by Amphitryon in a war between Euboeans and Thebans.
The mention in one and the same passage of the ships of the Achaeans and of the King of Euboea makes the reference of the fragments to some treatment of the story of Nauplius almost certain, and the ascription to Sophocles receives some slight confirmation from the occurrence of a mannerism (not
by the editors of the fragment), which Sophocles shares with Homer, in the use of dfrjp as a kind of title or honorific
noticed
prefix, TT/Doy di/Spa XaXKooSovra,
Fr. 2, col.
]
ii.
15:
cf.
Soph.
duSpo9
Electra 45 irap dvBpos âporioos

;
Aj. 817
Scopoi^ fxev
"EKTopo9 Oed. Col, 109 dv8pos OISlttov t68' dOXtov dScoXov, with Iliad v. 649 duepos d(j>pa8trj(nv dyavov Aaofie8oPT09
xi.
92 di/Spa Birjuopa, &c.^ Mr. C. M. Bowra has argued

It
against the Sophoclean

82
t^s-
2(ji)(niJLveos,
"
seems to occur also in Hdt. though Hude (following Krueger) without, so far as I can see, any justification.
viii.
rjpx^
avfjj)
UamiTios
inserts (Tjî/tos) after aprjp,
Class. Rev.^ 1928, p. 132.
TRAGEDY
by Sophocles, and that he does not use
except, perhaps, in
97
authorship of the fragments on the ground that the words SvcrrXrjfjLouL and KvO/jicopa9, which occur in them, are not used
fiio^ for
'
livelihood
',
Philoct 931, 933. Such negative arguments, in view of the small fraction of Sophocles' work which almost every new discovery of an has survived, are weak
;
unknown passage of a poet adds to our knowledge of his Nor need we think of Euripides as the author vocabulary.
merely because Euripides uses K^vByL(^v twice in the plural and )3/oy in the required sense once (but not apparently and the resemblance which Mr. Bowra finds 8v(rT\ri^(av)
:
between fr. 2, 1. 18 Karrjy dvrjyi $' avTos (the meaning of which cannot be certain without the context) and Eur. Bacch,
superficial.
1065 Karfjyeu rjyev rjyev eh fxeXav wiSou may be entirely For the time the ascription to Sophocles seems
the most plausible theory.
fragment from a papyrus (now in Florence) of the (d) second or third century A.D., first published by G. Vitelli in ^ and 1919,1 has been edited and discussed by A. Vogliano
sible without the text, this
H. Schadewaldt.^ As the discussion of the fragment is imposmay be given with restorations mainly taken from Schadewaldt, on the assumption, which will
shortly be justified, that the passage belongs to a treatment of the story of Ino, Athamas and Phrixus. (The distribution of the lines among three speakers is the work ofVogliano and
Schadewaldt.)
Tlpea-^vs. (TV 8' ovu] eXeyx',
'AOdixas.
ei
tovt* kv rjSoufj tl
KaTrovarj^, di/a^,
(tol,
eup]i7rLP xprj 7T[d]uTa TaXrjOrj, yipov.
Up.
Xe^(o\ 7rapov(rr]S ravTO.
K
'Ivoi>.
TrjarjSe
]lv
d7rco/jio\a-',
/jLT]
xeipb^ (nrip/JLa SiâaOai roSe t dpovpar a>(j)e\ov 8e fxr} Xapelv. opKov t e/cro? ov yjrevSij Aeyco,
jj,rj9
Trj9 y'j
t6v8^ (aXevrjs X^P^^ Xaêtu,

rj
'Ad.
dpvfj, yvv\aL, (nrev8ov[(Ta] 8v(TTrjvo9 (j>6vov

rj
TOLs] iroXLTaLS
[rej/crofo-i
tol?
/jloi9
yepov, t68* kxBpo\v cnrepfia tls

'
8l8()(tl
croL\
10
Rev. ,gyptologique^ I9I9 PP- 47 Riv. di Fil.y 1926, pp. 206 ff.
S7i5
ff
Hermes, 1928,
pp.
i if.
98
TRAGEDY
KLVeT?]
Up.
Xoyov
yvvai,]
TOU aVTOV flvOoV K TLV09 S* kycD 8i\od\\\yv Tov(T\8e^ SovXos a>u a-idej/;
rax
civ
TO) ttolS'] OLTvoKTeivova' kya>
rovS' dvSpos dpcrevos tvx[o\ls <5' eV* kv ctkotco

ttoAX' 'iyj^v LttLu enr].
15
Kev6(D\ TO,
'Ii/cB.
crif
TrXeift),
L(raK]ovL9, aXo)(09 oia

eyoo] ^Xe7r[a)]
v^piêrai
Up.
Notes
:
Kol Kov
fxrjy
ye rovS^ ey
ofjifxaTa,
TTTJ/JLar]
LK7J irpo(Tp,ev(ov yjrevSij

:
Xeyco,
5. dpovpas Vogl. says that the letter before N might possibly be H, Y, or i2. dioiWvp Tovahe Wilam. 1 3. tvxqs pap. : tvxois Schad.
a-irdpeiv r'
âXelv r dpovpais
Wilam.
:
Schad.
12.
\6yov
rdx*
(f)pda-i
av
Tvxi]s
Vogl,
if
Old Man. Then do thou question me,

pleasure.
this gives thee
any
Athamas. Aye, for thou must tell the whole truth, old man. Old Man. I shall tell the same tale whether she be present or absent, O king, that from her hand^ I received this seed, and (sowed) the fields therewith. Would I had not re-
ceived
Ino.
it
On my
falsely;
oath, no nor do I violate mine oath and speak he never received it from the hand of this mine
!
arm.2
Ath. Dost thou deny, woman, that thou wast bent on murder, thou wretch, to slay either our citizens or my children? Old man, who was the giver to thee of this harmful seed? Old Man. Again the same words For what cause should I, thy slave, have tried to slay them ? Woman, methinks thou wilt find this man a man indeed thou that wouldst slay
!
But I hide the greater part of the tale in I might say many a word. Ino. Hearest thou how mine husband insults me ? Old Man. And see, I look him in the eyes, nor do I lightly speak falsehood and look for trouble.
his
!
two children darkness, though
We have here apparently a version of the story of Ino, different in

(I. ix.
some
i)
details
from that which

%).
is
given by Apollodorus
and Hyginus {Fab.
Ino, wife of
Athamas,
in
malice against her rival Nephele, contrived a cunning plot. She roasted, or caused others to roast, the seed corn, and so
T^dSf, which would naturally mean my hand, must have been explained by gesture ; so also Tovb' dvhpos in 1. 13. ^ Cf. Eur. Ion 1337 op?^ to^' dyyos x^pos In dyKokais e/xals
;
TRAGEDY
rendered
it
99
unfruitful.
man
to sow.^
The roasted corn she gave to an old When Athamas enquired of the oracle about
the failure of the crop, Ino persuaded the messengers to report that the ground would become fruitful if Phrixus, the child of Nephele, were sacrificed. When Phrixus was brought to the
altar,
the aged slave
who was
pity and revealed the plot to
her accomplice was moved with Athamas. After this Nephele
dispatched Phrixus and Helle on the golden ram.^ Whether the fragment is Sophoclean is quite uncertain. Sophocles wrote a Phrixus to which some scholars are inclined to ascribe
the play; and
it
Athamas and
his
is probable that this part of the story of house was the subject of that play. (Pearson
discusses fully the subjects of Sophocles* Athamas I and II, and his Phrixus^ but none of the few fragments of any of
these plays shows any points of contact with the papyrus.) Schadewaldt argues for Euripides as the author, and (whether
^ the or not Phrixus offered himself voluntarily for sacrifice) such would afford for as scenes Euripides opportunity plot
loved.
He
rapidity and
(e.g.
thinks that the scene of interrogation lacks the dialectical acuteness of such scenes in Sophocles
ff.,
ff.
Antig. 223
2)'^^ ff.,
384 especially 393 ff".)
Trach, O.T, 1002 ff., iiioff. and there is some force in this. But
;
fails to show that any of the extant fragments of Euripides' Phrixus has any special bearing on our passage.* The argument that so finely written a papyrus can only have been devoted to one of the three great dramatists is also hardly convincing, and it must remain possible that the author was
he
neither Sophocles nor Euripides. The text is not long enough or complete enough to justify inferences from technical points,
such as the scanty number of resolutions, but the employment

In other versions she gave the corn to the women to sow. This story fits the fragment better than any other sowings ', such as that of Jason (instructed by Medea), or that of Triptolemus (who received grain from Demeter). (At one time it seemed as if the middle lines might refer to Demeter laying the infant son of Celeus and Metanira in
^
'
the
'
*
but this idea will not work out properly.) Hyginus. There are references to a servant (fr. 830 Xaxî^ TreveaTtjs (i/xoy dpxaioip bofKou) to the opening of (npoi (fr. 827), perhaps as an emergency measure in famine ; and to the ways of step-mothers (fr. 824).
fire
:
As
in the version of
loo
of three speakers in the
TRAGEDY
same dialogue
points to a date not
much
how many plays Sophocles (c) wrote on the story of Thyestes. In the references of scholiasts, lexicographers and others a Qvear-qs of Sophocles is menbut Hesychius tioned twenty-two times without qualification
;
than 4^0 B.C. Scholars have long debated

earlier
speaks
vLos,
times of a 0vecrTrj9 ^v Hlkvooui or Ovearrjs îkvooand twice of a Ovea-Trjs Sevrepo?, and Orion speaks once
five
of a SvecTT-qs npcoro?.
wrote an
!ATpei>9
rj
generally agreed that Sophocles MvKrjvoLaL dealing with the early part of
It is
the horrible story, viz. the seduction of Aerope, wife of Atreus, by Thyestes, her theft of the golden lamb (the symbol of
sovereignty) for Thyestes' benefit, and the banquet given to Thyestes by Atreus in which he served up Thyestes' own
children.
called 0vecrT7]9
Pearson thinks that there was only one other play, and covering the whole of the sequel the
oracle given to Thyestes that the avenger must be the offspring of his incest with his daughter Pelopia, the accomplishment of this at Sicyon (without her knowledge of the
Aegisthus and his upbringing by Atreus, the bringing back of Thyestes into the power of Atreus by Agamemnon and Menelaus, Thyestes' escape from being killed by Aegisthus at the bidding of Atreus, the meeting and recognition of Thyestes and Pelopia and the latter's Other suicide, and the murder of Atreus by Aegisthus.
relationship), the birth of
scholars, such as Petersen
two
It is
plays,
and Sechan,^ divide the story into and the matter would seem to be ample for two.
that if, as Pearson supposes, the events at Sicyon were only told as a prologue, the supposed single play could ever have been named îKvooyios, and the
prima facte improbable
very mention of a 7rpa>Tos (which must be the ^lkvcoj/lo?) and a Sevrepos seems at least to imply that two plays of the
name were
really
known
QvearTrj? irpcoros
was a
title
nor is Pearson's conjecture that occasionally applied to the Ârpevs

third Thyestes
ff.,
at first sight convincing.
Now, however, not only a second but a

offered to us.
^
is
In Aegyptus, vol.
ii
(i9:zi),
full
pp. a8i
Mr. H.
I.
In Sdchan's Etudes^ pp. 199
ff.,
references are given.
TRAGEDY
Bell notes, in Brit.
loi
list
Mus. Papyri, No. 2 no (and cent. A.D.), in of payments for copying manuscripts, the following
:
v]7rep ypdiTTpcou
J/0V9
Kal
....
]vpov
lI3\'^
KOL
IIXovtov ApiaTo^d vea-TOV Tpirov ô0o/cAe(ovy)
(Spaxfâs)
If the title
would perhaps confirm Pearson's may have been known and may as to its veo-Ttjs, owing subject, popularly been as have referred to occasionally vea-rrj^ irpcoro^, while at the same time it would confirm the distribution of the rest of the story over two plays, making three plays in all. But is
were correct,
it
suggestion (mentioned above) that the Arpevs
the title correct?

in the bill
?
not Tpkov simply indicate item three In that case we may best assume that there was
May
'
'
an Atreus, and two plays

id)
named
Thyestes.
papyrus from Oxyrhynchus,^ written in the second century A.D., contains one connected fragment and many
scraps of a satyric play in which, besides the chorus of Satyrs, the named speakers are Phoenix and (according to Dr. Hunt) probably Oeneus.^, The daughter of the latter is being sought
in marriage by the Satyrs, as competitors in a contest in which she is the prize. Oeneus was related to have promoted such
a contest for the hand of his daughter Deianira, and in this Achelous was defeated by Heracles. Phoenix may have been
another suitor.
According to Asius* he married Perimede (another daughter of Oeneus), who, as Dr. Hunt suggests, may have been the 'consolation prize'. Another possibility
is
(suggested by P. Maas)
^
^xoiv^vs, the father of Atalanta,

'
taken by Bell to mean fee for writing '. The Kai before smudged, but probably not mtended to be deleted, and no known play of Sophocles ends in -vpov. It would be possible to read Ka\ 'Avayvpov, Anagyrus being a play of Aristophanes. Bell's objection that it is odd to insert the play after the poet's name is hardly decisive. He suggests, however, koI 5" /S/ojj/ ârvpov, Book VI of the Lives of Satyrus ', parts of which were found in a papyrus roll from the same site (Behnesa). ^ Oxyrh. Pap. viii. No. 1083. The fragments are printed also in Fragm. Tragica Papyracea. <I>tr^fuf would also be possible, but nothing in the known legend of Phineus suits the situation. The name, whatever it is, appears in the first fragment, as that of the speaker of 11. 19 and 20. < Ap. Paus. VII. iv, I.
ypc'iTTTpa is
is
Qveaiov
'
"^
102
TRAGEDY
yield to the suitor who should defeat her in (Phoenix might be a character in this case also, as
who would only

a race.
he was one of those who took part
in the Calydonian boarIn the hunt.) only completely intelligible fragment, the Satyrs (in answer to the father of the prospective bride) rattle off
list
of their accomplishments
athletic, musical, prophetic,
mathematical.
The
the
fifth
language, as scholars are agreed, seems to belong to century B.C.^ The first editor and others think that
the author
may
or
Aeschylus
fr, incert.
be Sophocles, the style not being that of Euripides,^ and the anaphora of eari and
11.
kindred words in
being paralleled by Sophocles, 941 (Pearson). Sophocles may have written an Oeneus} and did write a Phoenix^^ the trifling fragments of which might come from a satyric play just as well as from
9
ff.
of
fr. i
'
a tragedy. The argument against Sophoclean authorship from lack of polish ', as shown by the repetition of aWd in 11. 3
and
19, is unconvincing, especially when applied to a satyric play but Wilamowitz would ascribe the play to Ion, who wrote a ôivi^ rj KaivevSi and also a ôii/l^ SevTepos. No. 76 of the Papyri Imtdanae^ contains a few words
;
which Sva-ndXaLcrTOs and ro) vvfi(f)m rdTTco) (including the editor connects on the ground of subject and handwriting with the papyrus from Oxyrhynchus here discussed, and with
the satyric play therein contained material for a judgement.
5.
;
but there
is
not enough
Stories of
Twins
It
by new fragments in with a theme which

^
happens that several of the plays which are represented the papyri and in other sources deal
attracted the tragic poets, as well as
remains include those of a number of choral pasin support of the same conclusion but probably satyric plays, as long as they were produced at all, included a Satyr chorus and its songs. ^ Do we know enough of their satyric plays, or of this one, to be sure
fact that the
The
is
sages
adduced by Dr. Hunt
of this
^
?
ii,
Pearson, vol.
p. 120.
lb., p. 320.
first
^
^
Ed.
Cf.
Sprey (Teubner, 1931). in 1. 6 of the vvficfiioi fih TJKO[xv

J.
Oxyrh. fragment.
TRAGEDY
103
some writers of the New Comedy, but which is not treated in any wholly extant tragedy the theme of Lost Twins. This
is
often combined with that of the cruel queen or step-mother, upon whom the rediscovered twins take revenge. There is no doubt that the primitive mind was apt to regard the birth of twins as unnatural, and even uncanny the infants so born were commonly exposed or abandoned, and the mother harshly treated both, it was perhaps supposed, could not be the children of the same father, and while to some (as to Amphitryon) this might suggest suspicions of infidelity on the part of the mother, others might be led to regard one
;
;
of the twins as the offspring of a god, the other of a mortal father. (So Tiresias disposed of Amphitryon's difficulty in
regard to Heracles and Iphicles and the story of Castor and Polydeuces is based on the same idea.) It was consistent with
;
this that
one of the brothers was often regarded as
virile,
the
other as effeminate, though the latter's worth might be vindicated in the end, as was that of Amphion.^
plays with which we are now concerned are the Tyro of Sophocles, and the Antiope, Hypsipyle, MeXapLTnrr] ô(pij and MeXauLTTTrr] Aea-fxcoTis of Euripides. In all we have the
The
lost twins
jection to servitude,
and the cruelty to the mother, or at least her subthough in the Hypsipyle this is due to fortune, and not connected with her motherhood. In all except
the Hypsipyle the parent of the twins avenge the mother, and a happy ending
divine
intervention.
less,
is
is
a god, the twins brought about by
elements are
Hypsipyle the supernatural and the interest of the story is almost

the
In
wholly human.
It
is
within
a very few
1.
probable that most of these plays were produced The Schol. on years of one another.
^î
Aristoph. Frogs,
places the Hypsipyle, Phoenissae, and
^\\-ô?i B.C.; allusions in Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae and in a fragment of Eupolis' Ar\yLoi suggest that
Antiope
c.
the MeXai^LTTTrr] zJecr/xcoriywas
still
fresh in 411
and 41 2 B.C.; and

;
^ See generally Dr. Rendel Harris, T/ie Cult of the Heavenly Twins and A. B. Cook, Zetis, vol. ii, pp. 317, 318, and 1012-19, for the forms taken in Greek legend by the typical twin-story.
I04
TRAGEDY
the reference to the Tyro in Aristoph. Lysistrata makes it probable that the play appeared not long before 411 B.C. It seems as if twin-stories may have enjoyed a few years of
special popularity.
*
{a)
Sophocles^
Tyro
'.
The legend, out of which Sophocles made two plays, can be reconstructed with very fair certainty, despite the variations in detail which different versions present.^ Tyro, daughter of Salmoneus and Alcidice, was beloved of the river-god Enipeus, but when one day she visited his stream she was encountered by Poseidon, and in a great hollow wave which enfolded them they were united. In due time she bore the twins, Pelias and Neleus, whom she exposed
committing them to the which they had been begotten with a wallet containing tokens.^ They were found by a herdsman, and brought up to youthful manhood he then revealed to them their origin so far as he knew it. In the meantime Tyro was being persecuted and treated like a slave, her fair locks shorn and her cream-white complexion bruised, by her step-mother Sidero, whom Salmoneus had married after the death of Alcidice. The two young men met her at a well, to which she had been sent to draw water, and the little boat, which one of them carded,^ brought about the recognition, which was
in
little
boat
(a-Kacpr])
perhaps
;
waves
in
doubtless confirmed
by tokens. (The scene at the
well appears
several times in works of art; a representation of it on a The little boat is bronze silula in Paris is here figured.*
best discussions are those of Engelmann, Arch'dol. Studien zu ff. ; Pearson, Soph. Fragm. ii, pp. 270 ff., who gives everything that is essential and Sechan, tudes stir la TragSdie Grecqtie^
^
The
den Tragikern^ pp. 40

pp. 219
"^
ff.
This
nrjpidiov yvcopLa-fxaTcav is
vouched
for
given by the speaker in Menander's Epiirepontes^ 108 probably refers to Sophocles' famous treatment of it.
'
by the summary of the story who most

ff".,
The possible ludicrous aspects of this part of the story did not escape Aristophanes {Lys. 139 oldev ydp ia-pev n\r]v Ilo(r(i8a>v Kal cTKacfir]). * Fig. V {Gazette ArchSologique^ 1 88 1-2, pi. i, 2), as interpreted by Engelmann, Arch'dol. Stud., pp. 40 ff., though the interpretation is not free from difficulties, especially the presence of one only of the twins, the figures on the left being probably Salmoneus and Cretheus. For other illustrations see Engelmann and Sechan, 11. cc.
2^
o
PQ
TRAGEDY
unmistakable
;
105
must have been an inconvenient piece of The luggage.) young men, on hearing Tyro's story, slew Sidero and set their mother free. At last Poseidon appeared, announced that he was the parent of the twins, and ordained that Tyro should be the wife of Cretheus, brother of Salmoneus. Such a story would make a well-rounded play. What the second Tyro of Sophocles may have been whether an independent play or a revised version of the same is an unsolved
it
problem.
Fragments of the play, which have long been known, refer to Tyro's pale complexion (fr. 648), to a bad omen (fr. 654), to Sidero's cruelty as consonant with her name (fr. 658), to
the distress of Tyro, shorn of her fair locks (fr. 659), and to the appearance of serpents at a feast (fr. 660), perhaps though Pearson thinks otherwise a feast given to the two
young strangers as yet unsuspected there are also several gnomic utterances such as Stobaeus loved, the context of which can scarcely be conjectured. The papyrus fragments (in a Hibeh papyrus of the 3rd cent. B.C.) are so mutilated as to be rarely coherent, but we can see references to a bad dream, probably a dream of Sidero, who proposes to wash the mischief away in the Alpheus (the scene, therefore, was laid in Elis). There is also the mention of a friendly band of sympathetic women (et'ôuy 5e koi rda-h' ^laopa^ TrepOrjTpLas), who, no doubt,
;
formed the chorus

Tyro.
they
may
in
Another scrap
of papyrus
;
have been fellow servants of seems to contain words of

is
Tyro
to one of her sons
another she
clearly invoking
the help of Poseidon.

''
(d)
Euripides^
Antiope\
The story of Antiope is told in outline in Odyssey xi. 260 fif., where Antiope is one of the fair women seen by Odysseus After her I saw Antiope, daughter of among the Shades who boasted that she had slept in the embrace of Asopus, Zeus and she bare two sons, Amphion and Zethus, who first
'
founded the habitation of Thebe of the seven gates, and fortified it, for unfortified they could not dwell in broad
Thebe, mighty though they were.'
In Euripides Antiope
io6
TRAGEDY
was daughter of Nycteus,' and was bom at Hysiae in Boeotia. She was surprised by Zeus in the form of a satyr, and conceived
her father, discovering her condition, drove her from she was found by Epopeus, King of Sicyon, who took home; her to Sicyon and married her. Nycteus bade his brother
twins
;
to a version
Lycus, King of Thebes, punish her, and slew himself (according which Euripides may have followed) out of shame
grief. Lycus then took Sicyon, slew Epopeus, and carried Antiope away captive. On their way to Thebes, at Eleutherae, the twins were born they were exposed on Mt. Cithaeron and found by a shepherd ^ (or possibly were handed over to
;
and
the shepherd
received from
arts of the
by
Amphion becoming
their mother). Under his care they grew up, a skilled player on the lyre which he
Hermes, while Zethus excelled in the practical herdsman and fighter. In the meantime Antiope was being cruelly treated by Lycus and his wife Dirce, to whom she was given as a slave, and who (as some versions suggest) was jealous of her beauty.
In the reconstruction of the play^ we have not only the versions of the legend given by Apollodorus and Hyginus
and a Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius to help us, but a long passage of Plato's Gorgias (484C-489 e), which contains free quotations from the play, and a number of fragments of the * Antiopa of Pacuvius, who is stated by Cicero to have followed the play of Euripides very closely. But our fuller knowledge of the end of the play we owe to one of the Flinders Petrie papyri (Brit. Museum Papyri, No. 485) of the third
century B.C.
The prologue ^ was spoken by the shepherd who had brought

Asius, like Homer, made her daughter of Asopus. In the Cypria she was daughter of Lycurgus (of which Lycus may be a short form). Her husband Epopeus may originally have been one of the many forms or names of Zeus. Many scholars "have tried to trace the filiation of the different forms of the legend, e.g. Graf, Die Attiiope-sage bis aiif
^
Euripides ; Robert, Griech. Heldensage^ pp. 114 ff. ; Sechan, J^ludes sur la Tragidie Grecque, pp. 291 ff., &c. ^ In some late versions the shepherd is named Ordion. ' The fragments have been treated at length by Taccone, Riv. di Fil.^
1905, pp. 32-65, 225-63; Schaal, De Euripidis Antiopa Wecklein, Philologus, 1923, pp. 51 ff. ^ de Fin. I. ii, 4.
{i<î^)
and
To
this
belong
frr.
179 and
81 (Nauck).
prologue spoken by a
TRAGEDY
107
up the twins, and who no doubt described his finding of them, as well as the word-play which gave them their names.^ Then
singing to his lyre,^ and the parodos of the chorus, attracted by his music, followed. The chorus were
Amphion appeared
almost certainly Attic shepherds,^ keeping their flocks on the borders of Attica and Boeotia, and sometimes crossing the
In a dialogue with frontier, as now, for some special reason. the chorus,* Amphion narrated the invention of the lyre by Hermes, the tortoise-shell being described in riddling language,^ as in the Ichnetttae of Sophocles. The next scene contained
the famous dispute between the two brothers, in which Zethus upbraided Amphion for his uselessness and effeminacy, and Amphion defended the pursuit of music and philosophy, the
discussion passing (as Cicero more than once hints) its original subject, music, to a debate on the value of
beyond wisdom
and virtue. That Euripides had his eye more on his own times than on the legendary age need hardly be said and we may suppose that in the person of Amphion he defended
;
his
own
interests
militant type of
or not there
and ideals against those of a practical and man. The echoes of the discussion in Plato's
Gorgias show that the passage early became classical. Whether was a section of stichomythia or of rapid repartee,
each disputant certainly defended his cause in a long set

speech.^
Amphion seems
;
to
have been discursive enough, but,
mortal usually explained the occasion of the speaker's appearance and utterances it is not known what this may have been possibly a quarrel between the two brothers which caused him anxiety. (A prologue spoken by a god might be Httle more than a play-bill.) ^ Fr. 181 rov fiev KLK\r)o-K (? kikXtjo-ko) Weckl. or KiKXrâ-Kei) Zrjdov' tokoktiv evudpeiav fj TKovad viv. Etym. Magn. 92. 24 shows e(rjTr](re yap that a fanciful etymology of Amphion was also given, perhaps deriving
|
'
'
his
^
name from
his
having been found
(as
Hyginus says) in bivio {Inapa
Trjv npCJioôv).
The line AlBcpa Kn\ Talav TrdvTcov yfuereipav detSo) (Eur. fr. I023) was probably the opening of Amphion's song (see Probus on Virg. c/. vi. 31 ;
Philostr.
2
Imag.
i.
10).
(as stated by Schol. on Eur. Hippol. 58), for they only recognize Lycus as king by his insignia: cf. Cic. de Div. II. Ixiv, cum dixisset obscurius, tum Attici 133 'nam Pacuvianus Amphio respondent *. (Orelli's astici introduces a word only known in the phrase
.
Not Thebans
astici ludi.) Frr. 190-2.

\ "
Pacuv. Ant. fr. 4 (Ribbeck). Zethus' attack belong, certainly or probably, frr. 184, 187, 186, 185, 183, 188. To Amphion's reply, or to a remark of the chorus between
To
io8
if it
TRAGEDY
is
legitimate to infer the issue of the dispute from a
passage in Horace's Epistles} he ultimately gave way with a good grace, and consented to go hunting with Zethus. There can be little doubt that the debate was followed by
a stasimon in which the reflections of the chorus were prompted by the rival temperaments of the two brothers.^
In the next episode must have occurred the meeting between the young men and Antiope, who had just escaped from captivity, and appeared all dishevelled and bearing the marks of ill-treatment.^
She was led
to tell her story.*
At
first
Amphion
refused to believe that Zeus had behaved in the
manner described by Antiope,^ but he seems to have been overcome by Antiope's tears, while Zethus remained unmoved.^ Unfortunately we cannot tell how the scene ended, or at what point exactly in the play the recognition (in which the shepherd probably helped) was brought about. The next scene of which there are clear traces is that in
"^
which Dirce appeared, accompanied by a troop of Maenads, to celebrate the rites of Dionysus. (The Maenads formed a irapaôpriyqixa or supplementary chorus.) Dirce comes suddenly upon Antiope and is filled with rage, and (no doubt after pleadings and lamentations) Antiope is carried off by Dirce and her train to be put to death.^ After a stasimon, of which all trace is lost, a messenger perhaps the shepherd
himself
narrated
the rescue of Antiope
by her
sons,
who
To Amphion's speech may the two speeches, fr. 189 perhaps belongs. be assigned frr. 193, 194, 200, 198, 199, 201, 202, and perhaps 196, 197, with which Wecklein connects Pacuv. Ant. fr. 8. The position of fr. 206, if it belongs to the play at all, is uncertain. ^ Ep. I. xviii. 39 ff. Fr. 220 moralizes upon changes of mind. ^ Fr. 1028, and the very beautiful fr. 918, would fit well into such a choral song. ^ Pacuv. Ant. fr. 15.
Frr. 204, 207, 208, 205, 217, and perhaps Pacuv. Ant. frr. 6, 7, 9. Frr. 211 and 218 maybe reflections of the chorus during the scene. ^ Fr. 210. i.e. if Propert. III. xv. 29-30 is based on this play.
'^
^ The shepherd probably recognized Antiope as the mother of the twins in this or the next scene, and, when she was attacked by Dirce, went to fetch them. ^ Pacuv. Ant. frr. 12 and 4 belong to this scene ; but the ascription to it of frr. 212, 213 (Nauck) is more doubtful ; it is quite possible that fr. 213, like frr. 214-16, is wrongly assigned to the Antiope. The place of frr. 203 and 209 is also quite uncertain.
TRAGEDY
109
were no doubt sent with hot haste by the shepherd. Dirce designed to fasten Antiope to a wild bull, and when the
youths appeared, she may actually (mistaking them for local In shepherd-lads) have bidden them tie her to the animal.^
any case the twins rescued their mother, and fastened Dirce to A vasethe bull, which dragged and trod her to death.^ now in a famous on Berlin, depicts Campanian crater, painting the scene and also the sequel.^
Antiope now reappears with her deliverers, but
is
their joy
disturbed
by the
certainty that
Lycus
will seek revenge
death of Dirce, and from this point the papyri supply The mother and sons considerable portions of the text. resolve not to take flight but to overcome Lycus by craft, and
for the
Amphion speaks a plain word to Zeus about his obligation to defend his own children. When Lycus approaches with an
armed
retinue, they retire into the
is laid,
which the scene of the play
shepherd's cave,, before and the shepherd is left to
confront the tyrant, who demands to know where Antiope is, and who are her accomplices. Here verses are missing, in which the shepherd evidently told Lycus that Antiope was in
the cave and that her defenders were dead, and offered his
help in arresting her. In the next extant lines the shepherd persuades Lycus to leave his guards outside, and the two
enter the cave, while the chorus anticipate the result. Suddenly the cry of Lycus from within is heard ; then Amphion and
Zethus drag him out and stand over him with drawn swords. (The scene is depicted on the Berlin crater^ They tell him how they have put Dirce to death, and are about to dispatch him also, when Hermes appears ex machina. He confirms Antiope's story of the parentage of the twins, and orders Lycus to surrender the kingdom to them, and to collect and burn the remains of Dirce, and throw the ashes into the spring which shall thereafter bear her name. Amphion and Zethus are to build the city of Thebes by the Ismenus, as soon as the
^ This is suggested by Scholia on Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1090, and Eur. Phoen. 102, but it cannot be certain that Euripides adopted this detail. ^ Frr. 221, 222 belong to this speech, Pacuv. Ant. fr. 13 to the recognition, however it took place.
Fig. vi {Archdol. Zeitg., 1878, PI. VII).
no
place
is
TRAGEDY
purified of the slaughter.
arises,
Zethus
at the
is
to defend the city]
with arms, when need
and
sound of Amphion's
builders*]
'
lyre the stones and trees will roll
up and make the
task easy. The twins will hereafter be worshipped as the twol white colts of Zeus ', XevKco ttcoXco tco Alos. Zethus will take]
a
Theban
bride, while
Amphion
in
is
to
wed the daughter
ol
Tantalus (Niobe).
lost,
a speech of which the end is^ Lycus, his repentance and accepts the arrangements. expresses
The
ruse
are elements in the story which were not discovery of the papyrus.
by which Lycus was entrapped, and his repentance, known before the
text of the imperfect lines of the papyri has been restored in various ways, and the passages as given by Schaa\
The
and by von Arnim (in Lietzmann's Kleine Texte^ 1913) differ a good deal. In the following selections from them an eclectic version is given restorations which admit of no doubt are not,
:
bracketed
(i)
AM^.
dXX*
i7rp
fied'
r]}jL\ds
Zev^
t
kyevvrja-ev Trarrjp,
kyQpov dvSpa rdcreTaL. iKTai 8e 7rduT(os eh ToaovSe (TVfKpopds axTT 01)8' dv kK(j)vyoL[xev el ôvXoifieOa
(Ta)(r]L
rj/zcou
AtpKris uecope?
fj.ivov]<rL
al/jta
/it)
Sovvau
SiKrjy.
rv)(^r}y
8'
r]/jiiu
eh
r68'
ep-êrai
Q)9
Tj]
Oavelv 8eL
rco8*
kv r][iepas
(jidei
rfToi]
Tponaia
/x]y
noXepiicou (rrfj(raL X^P^-
Kal
(Tol
ovrco, fxrJTep, eâv8a> rdSe.
(Tol 8' 09 T]b Xaiiirpov alOepos vaUi^ 7re8ov Xeyo) t\o(tovtoVj jxt] yafxelv fikv r]8e(ii>s (TireLpavTa 5' elvau (tols tkvols di^cocpeXrj'
ov yap K\aXov t68\

iriOov] Trpoy
077(09
dXXd
(rv/jLfjLa\Tu
eirj
(pLXoi9.
dypav r
evTV\c>s
/loXeiu,
ejXco/xeu
L
di/8pa 8vcr(Tê(rTaT0v.
XOP.
08']
avTO^
o-KiJTTTpco^
XPl 8o^da-aL TVpavviKco AvKos irdpeaTL' G-Lycofxeu, (ptXoL,
Amphion. But if Zeus was the father that begat us, he will save thee, and with us will punish our enemy. To such
a crisis are our fortunes come that we could not escape, even if we would, from the newly shed blood of Dirce, and avoid the penalty. But if we remain, our fortune comes to this, that either we must die on this day that now shineth, or must set up a trophy over our foes with these hands. So
TRAGEDY
iii
much I declare, mother, to thee. But to thee who dwellest on the bright floor of heaven, I say thus much, that thou shouldst not wed for thy pleasure and then be of no avail to for this is not the children whom thou hast begotten honourable; but thou shouldst fight for thine own. Hearken! and may we come with good fortune upon the prey, that we take this most impious man. Chorus. Here, if one may judge by the royal sceptre, is Lycus before us. Hush, friends
;
!
This
1.
is
1.
3 in
vigorous enough, except for the virtual repetition of The last part of Amphion's speech recalls the 6.
(Eur. Ion 436
ff.)
plain-spoken language of Ion to Apollo.

(2)
ATK.
XOP.
o) yaia KccS/jlov kol ttoXlct/jl' Âctodttlkov. kXvLS {ravO'); 6S* av irapaKaXei ttoXlv^ (po/Sepb? aifiaros' Slku tol SUa ^povLos aAA' o/xcD? vnoTrea-ovcr eXaOey
do-e^rj ^poTCOv. i8r) tlv Oavovfiai irpb? SvoTv davpLiiayôs. AM^. TTju 8' kv veKpola-LV ov (rriueL? Safxapra a-rji^ A. rj yap TeBvrjKev', KaLVOV av Aeyei? KaKOv. A. 6Xkol9 ye TavpeLoio-L Siaôpoviievrj.
eXaêu, orav
ATK.
OLfiOL
A.
7rpo9 Tov; irpb? A. eKixavOdvoLS av
v/jloou;
tovto yap diXoo fiaOeiu.

rjfjLcou
o)?
oXcoX*
vtto.
;
A. dX\X' 7} A. TL TovT
Lycus.
Cho.
TLvoav 7re(pvKad\ oiv
epevyas
ol8' eyco u veKpols neva-ei Bavoiiv.

!
ovk
Hearest thou
land of Cadmus, citadel of Asopus He calls upon the city again, in terror ? of bloodshed. Justice, justice is slow, but falls unseen upon a man and seizes him, when she sees a mortal
!
!
Lycus.
Amph.
Lye.
that is impious. Woe is me, I shall be slain to one Dost thou not mourn for thy wife who
Two
is
with the
dead?
What ?
Amph.
Lye.
she dead ? Thou tellest me of a new calamity. Aye, dragged by a bull and torn in pieces. Whose was the deed ? Was it yours ? I would learn
is
this.
Amph. Know
Lye.
From whom me?

is
well that by our hands she perished. are ye sprung from whom unknown to
'
The reading
08'
K(?)aXft.
aZ
is
The papyrus gives /cXuf ifopm7r[. .]quite uncertain. Wecklein's suggestion, but does not complete the
.
metre.
112
TRAGEDY
!
Ainph,V^h.Y ask the question? Die; thou shalt learn the answer among the dead
At
speech
(3)
this
is
point Hermes intervenes; the early part of his imperfect, but the major portion is almost entire.
EPM.
(beginning at 1. 14 of his speech). orav 8e OaTrrr]^ dXo\oy, ei'y irvpav Tidels

aapKCdv dOpoiaas rrjs TaXaLwdopov (fiv(nv oard TTvpooaas "Apeo9 e/y Kpijurju PaXeTi/, 0)9 ai/ TO AlpKr^s ovofi' errcouvfjLOu Xd^rj Kp'qvTj^ dnoppov^, 0? SieLa-Lv dcTTecos weSia TO, Qrjpr)^ vSaaLP e^dpScov del. vjieh 8' eTreiSdj/ 00-109 fj KdSfiov iroXi? Xcopeire, iraiSes, da-TV 8' 'Icrii-qvov irdpa iiTTdorTOfxou TrvXaLaLv eâprvere.
(TV
^
jikv (f)vXaTTe irv^vfia TroXe/jLiou XalScoV ZrjOa> rdS' eliroV tov Kacnv 8' 'AfKplova Xvpav KeX^vco 810, \epaiv oDTrXia-fieuop /xeXneLu 6eovs (o8aL(nv' eyfroi'TaL 8e aoL
TTerpal r' [p]vfxval ixovcrLKfj KrjXovfiei'aL 8ii/8pr) T6, fjLTjTpb^ eKXiTTouO' i8coXia'
odcrr'
ev/idpeiav reKTOuooy Orjaei x^pi.
Trji/8e rifiTJu, (riiv 8' eyo) 8L8oofiL arotj ovTrep t68' evpr]/jL* ea-)(e?, 'A/ji(f)L(ou dva^, XevKO) 8e ttcoXo) tco Alos KeKXijjjLiuoi TLfias /jL^yfa-Ta^ eêr* eu Kd8p.ov iroXeL.
Zevs
KOL XeKTp' 6 fikv Orjâia XrjyjreTaL ydficoi^f 6 8' /c ^pvyoov KdXXLarov evyaorTrjpLoi/ TTju TaurdXov Tral:8'' dXX' ocrov rd^Lo-Ta )(prj (r7rv8eip, deov TTefiyjrai^Tos oia PovXerai,
on when thou hast collected the scattered flesh her of the unhappy woman, and burned her bones cast (her ashes) into
wife,
But when thou dost bury thy
and dost
set
the pyre
the spring of Ares, that the stream from the spring, which flows through the city and ever waters the plains of Thebe, may receive from her the name of Dirce. And ye, my children, so soon as the city of Cadmus is purified, go and establish a city of seven opening gates by the Ismenus. Do thou to Zethus I speak receive a warlike spirit and protect But thee, his brother Amphion, I bid take in thy the city. hands the lyre for thine equipment and celebrate the gods with songs. And the sheer rocks shall follow thee, charmed
xvcn-v Vitelli,
^
epvfxvai
Wecklein. Schaal irpvyivai von Arnim.

;
TRAGEDY
113
by thy music, and the trees, leaving their place in Mother Zeus Earth, and they shall make the builders' task light. gives thee this privilege, and I with him, whose invention was this which thou did'st receive. King Amphion. And ye shall be called the White Colts of Zeus, and shall have very great honours in the city of Cadmus. One of the brethren shall take a Theban maid to wife, the other the noblest bride from Phrygia, the daughter of Tantalus. But now make all the speed ye may, since God has sent you such things as he wills.'
(c)
Euripides MeXavLmrrj
ôcprj
and MeXavtinr'q
Aea/i^Tis*
light was shed on the two plays in which Euripides dramatized the legend of Melanippe through the publication by Rabe in 1908 of T/te Commentary of loannes Diaconus on Hermogenes^ which gives the Hypothesis and part of the prologue of the MeXavLTnrrj ô(j)r], and by a parchment leaf and a papyrus ^ printed in 1907 in the Berliner Klassik. Texte^ V. ii, containing two important fragments of the MeXaptinrr) Aea-îodTLs, for our knowledge of which the principal source had
Much
long been Hyginus, Fab. 186. The tale as told by Hyginus is now seen to be a rather confused conflation of the stories
which furnished the plots of the two plays, but not to be a

reliable authority for the details of either.
(How
' '
misleading
'
Hyginus can be
filiam, sive
is
shown by
alii
his calling
'
poetae dicunt ^ being simply a mistake based on the title z/ecr/zcoTiy.) As now understood, the story of the MeXai/LTrnrj ôcprj can
Aeoli ut
Melanippe Desmontis the word Desmontis
be reconstructed as follows
Aeolus, son of Hellen (who was son of Zeus), had a daughter by Hippo, herself the daughter of the Centaur Chiron. This
daughter, Melanippe, was of singular beauty, and while Aeolus was undergoing the penalty of a year's exile (direuLavTia-fjLos)
^ Berlin Pap. 5514 (5th cent, a.d.) and 9772 (2nd cent. B.C.). All the passages referred to are printed in von Arnim's Supplementum Euri pideum. No. 5514 was first published by Blass in 1880 {Rh. Mus. xxxv, No. 9772 is part of a Florilegium containing passages of pp. 290 ff.) other authors about women. This was pointed out by Wilamowitz {Sitzb. Preuss. Akad.^ 1 921,
;
"^
pp. 63 ff.), to whom the new reconstruction of the plays is mainly due. Other confusions appear in Hyginus' location of Boeotia in Propontide^ and (probably) in the substitution of Icariae^ Icariain for Italiae^ Italiam,
8786
114
to atone for
TRAGEDY
an act of involuntary homicide, Poseidon met her and caused her to conceive twins. (Much might be said, on the lines suggested by Wilamowitz, about this peculiar family. Hippo, daughter of the Centaur, was partially metamorphosed by Zeus into a horse, and given powers of prophecy and
healing, as the prologue relates
;
the heroine's
name M^Xaviirnrj
suggests a horse-form the form of a horse
Poseidon was known at times to take
and Wilamowitz
traces other horse-
such as the Erinyes of Potniae, possibly that rent Glaucus of Potniae asunder. mares the with identical the He thinks that Aeolus, wind-god, may himself have been
in Boeotia,
demons
twins were born, and in anticipation of her father's return Melanippe gave them, as Poseidon had bidden her, to a nurse to be placed in the
thought of as a horse-god.)
The
(This was probably related in the last part of the prologue.) Then Aeolus returned he doubtless appeared and was told how the cowherds had in the first kireiaoSLov
cattle-shed.
found two infants being suckled by the cows and protected by the bull and when they had handed them over to him as
;
monstrosities born of the cattle he took ôvyeufj TcpaTcc the advice of his father Hellen and determined to burn them,
bidding Melanippe deck them in funeral raiment.^ Melanippe made a long and philosophical speech in disproof of the
possibility of portents
the
speech which Aristotle
in
the
Poetics
In the course describes as unbefitting in a woman. of her defence she actually suggested that the twins might
have been exposed by some poor girl in fear of her father, and that, if so, Aeolus would be guilty of murder if he put them to death.^ Her defence was in vain, and it was perhaps as a last resort that she confessed that they were her own unless, indeed, the nurse betrayed the secret. Aeolus in his rage was about to slay the twins and to inflict terrible punishment on her. (Hyginus says that he blinded and imprisoned her, but this sentence seems to state what were in fact the presuppositions of the other play.) They were probably saved by divine intervention, and Wilamowitz may be right in his
^
Cf. the action of
Megara
in
Ch. XV.
the Here. Fur. 329. 3 Fr. 485 (Nauck).
TRAGEDY
115
conjecture that it was Hippo who intervened, wearing the mask of a horse, and prophesied the future of the twins, who were to be the eponymous heroes of Boeotia and Aeolis.
The prologue
It is in
as given by loannes Diaconus may be quoted. the most prosaic style of the Euripidean play-bill
:
ME A,
Zevs,
coy XeXeKTat rfj^ dXijOeia^ vno^ "EWiqv* TLxO\ 09 eîcpvcrey AioKov ov X^^^f ârou Urjueibs 'AcrcoTrov 6* vScop vypoh optôv kvTos ayKchai crreyeL,
(TKr)TTTp(>V
CCKOVeL irdcTa KOL KLKXfj(rKTaL
7ra)j/vfi09
\Ocbv
AloXh
rovfiov irarpSs.
^
%v fiev t68'
TTTOpOov
S'
kî^Xaarev "EXX7]vo^ yevo9 d(p7JKP dXXov eh dXXrjv ttoXlv

a>
KXeLvas ABrjvas HovOov^

BvyoLTrjp 'Ep)(6ia)s
"Icov'
(ETLKTev.
uvju^rj jrore
kir'
KeKpomas
KeTor',
av)(UL
dXX' dvoicTTeo^ Aoyo?

^
kn opoâ Tovfiov
oBevnep
rjp^dfirjv.
fie
KoXovcTL MeXavLTTTTTjv (/ic), Xetpcovo? Se eriKve Ovydrrjp AloXco' Ketvrfv fiev ovv
ÔLvOfj
Kare7rrepco(rev LTnreLa TpL\L
Zevs, ovuex
CCKT]
vp-vovs fjSe XPV^f^^^^^ PpoTols
TTOVCOV (f)pdÔV(Ta KOL XvTrjpLOL.
TTVKvfj OveXXrj 8'
alBepos StcoKeTaL
pova-elov eKXiTTOvaa KoopvKLOv 6po9.^ Se BeanLOdSos duBpooTrcou vno vvp,(j)r] 'Ittttco KeKXrjraL (rdopaTos Sl' dXXayd^.
fxrjTpbs fiev S)Se rrjs epfjs eêi irepL.
'
Zeus, as hath been said

;
by the word
Hellen
^
Hellen begat Aeolus
whom
all
of truth, was father of the land obeyeth, even

c,
According to Plutarch, Zeuf, oo-Tff 6 Zeuj, ov yup olba
Amator.
-irXrjv
xiii, p.
756
the original line was
which appears above was substituted by Euripides because of the tumult caused by the original.
Xoycp,
and the
line
The
line Zfvs, w? XeXeKrat T7]s dXrjddas vno is found also in the of the Pirithous of Critias or Euripides, as quoted by loannes
fragment Diaconus
There may here be a conscious correction of Eur. (see below, p. 149). Here. Fur. 1263-4 Zeus, ocrii^ 6 ZevSiiroXefxiov fi eyLvaTo"Hi)q. Wilamov/itz (I.e., p. 71) thinks that the offending line was never in the play, but was a malicious parody embodied in an anecdote and so given currency. The
true history of the lines
^
must remain uncertain. must be missing after this, referring to AS)pos, as Wilamowitz points out, though the text in loannes is continuous. ^ cV ovofia T0vfx6u Wilam., ovoyLa re to efxdv loann. fjp^dixrjv Rabe,
line
fjv^dfirjv
*
loann.
{Class. Phil,
iii,
So Wilam.
p. 226) for
I
KwpuKov
t* 5pojr.
ii6
all
TRAGEDY
that the Peneus and the Water of Asopus bound an ^ protect with winding streams, the land that is called Aeolis after the name of my father. This was one house that sprang from Hellen. But he sent forth one offshoot to this city, one and to famous Athens Xuthus, to whom the to that the daughter of Erechtheus, once bare Ion on the nymph, neck of the land of Cecrops. But I must recall my tale to mine own name even to the point whence I began. They the daughter of Chiron bare me to call me Melanippe Aeolus. Her Zeus covered with a plumage of a bay horse's hair, because she would chant strains wherein she gave oracles to mortals, to tell them remedies to give them relief from their pains and by a dense storm from the heaven was she driven away, and left the Corycian Mountain of the Muses. The prophetic nymph was called by men Hippo, by reason of her changed body. So is it with regard to my mother.'
.
.
From
(as
Wilamowitz
the dialogue of Aeolus and Hellen may have come thinks) some gnomic utterances contained in
fragments already known, and implying a difference of age in the speakers.^ line in Aristophanes (Lysistr. 1124) ^y^
yvvT] fiiu
ilfjLL,
P0V9
8'
'iv(TTL
fioL is
said
by the
Scholiast to
and was probably spoken by Melanippe I am woman, but I have a mind.' herself.^ A fragment * on the origin of all things from Heaven and Earth is almost certainly from Melanippe's famous philosophical speech. Who ^ is the speaker of a fine passage which is closely imitated by Menander in the Epitrepontes does not appear. (Wilamowitz would assign it to Hippo's speech ex machina, but this
this play,
'
come from
is
a Divine
hardly certain.) The passage Book of Remembrance

SoKLT
TrrjSdif
is
a denial of the notion of
TTTepola-L,
TaBLKrjfiaT L9 Oeoii^ kv Aib^ SeXrov Trrvâl^ ypdêiv TLV avrd, Zrjva 8' elaopoiiVToi viv ov8' 6 irds av ovpavos BvrjTo7s 8iKd^Lu
KccTreiT
;
'
Or enclose between them

*
(practically
opl^ci),
Nos. 500, 504, 508, 509 (N.). In one MS. the Schol. seems to refer the following lines also to
| \
this play: avrr} b^ efxavTrjs ov KaKws yvco/jLrjs e;^co tovs S' ck Trarpos re Ka\ yfpaiTtpwv Xoyovs ttoAXov? oKOvana ov /jLioy<ra)jU,at KnKS>s. If this is right, the speaker may be Hippo. Fragment 482 refers to her prophetic
powers.
'
Fr. 484.
Fr. 506.
TRAGEDY
^L09 ypd(povT09 Ta9 PpoTcov dfiapTia?
âpK(TLeV, Ov8' kKelv09
7refj.7rLV
117
av
dX\'
(TKOTTOOU
rj
eKoicrTCo ^r]/j.iay'
Alktj
evTavda
*
ttovcttlv kyyv<s, l
ôvXeaS' opdv.
Think ye that unrighteous deeds spring up to heaven on wings, and that there one doth write them on the leaves of the tablets of Zeus, and that he looketh thereon and executeth Not the whole heaven would suffice, justice upon mortals ? were Zeus to write down the sins of men, nor could he look and send each man his punishment. Nay, Justice is here, and
that nigh,
if
ye be ready to see her/
story presented in the MeXai/iTTTrrj Aea-fioori? is, with its presuppositions, in many respects different from that of the
The
Aeolus, discovering that his daughter had borne twins, had blinded her and confined her in prison, and had delivered
ô<pr},
over the infants to herdsmen to be exposed. They were, however, observed being suckled by a cow, and on seeing this the herdsmen saved them and brought them up. But about the time of their birth Metapontus, king of a region in south Italy ,^
where the scene was probably
laid,
demanded
that his wife

;
children or depart from his kingdom and in response to her appeal for help, the herdsmen handed over to her the twin sons of Melanippe, whom she presented to
Theano should bear him
Metapontus as her own and his offspring. They were named Boeotus and Aeolus. At this point it appears that there were two versions of the story in existence. According to Hyginus, Theano now bore two children of her own to Metapontus,
and, being distressed because in time he showed that he loved best the supremely handsome sons of Melanippe, she resolved
to get rid of Melanippe's sons and, taking the opportunity afforded by the absence of Metapontus at a sacrifice at Diana
;
Metapontina, she told her own sons the truth about their supposed brothers, and bade them murder them while out
On the relation between the Boeotian and the south Italian legends of He gives strong reasons for Melanippe see Wilamowitz, I.e., pp. 64 thinking that Euripides found a legend according to which Melanippe's twins were born at Siris. Hyginus makes Metapontus King of Jcaria, but this is simply a mistake or misreading for Italia. In another version he is called Metapontius (see Diod. iv. 67). There is no need here to
^
fif.
enter into the complications of the legend in other writers.
ii8
hunting.
followed,
TRAGEDY
it
According to the other version, which Euripides was her brothers whom she induced to make the
attack, perhaps as the prospective inheritors of the

if
kingdom
the twins perished. The messenger's speech, of which one of the Berlin MSS.^ preserves a considerable part, describes the attack. The messenger himself was one of the attacking
party, which the twins at first imagined to have come merely to join in the hunt ; finding themselves seriously assailed, they retaliated and slew their chief opponents, with the help of
their father Poseidon.
knife,
Theano
killed herself with a hunting-
and the twins, who had gathered from the taunts of their opponents during the fight that they were of servile origin, fled to the cowherds who had brought them up. Poseidon then revealed that they were his children, and told
them of the imprisonment
of their mother.
The
twins forth-
with slew Aeolus and liberated their mother, whose sight was restored by Poseidon. They then brought their mother to
who, realizing Theano's treachery, married Melanippe and adopted her children, and while he himself founded Metapontum in Italy, they were sent to rule over Boeotia and Aeolis, to which they gave their names. How the latter part of the story was arranged for the purpose of the
Metapontus,
play
impossible to say the final settlement was doubtless ex machinal but it appears that the space available in the parchment would not allow of a very long
it is
;
made by Poseidon
scene after the messenger's speech, and it how so much matter can have been worked
is
not easy to see
in.
Perhaps much
of the action was not presented, but simply ordained by the god. There is nothing to indicate at what point the long
women, contained in the papyrus fragment,^ was It may have been introduced, or by whom it was spoken.
defence of
given to Melanippe, of whose part in the play

singularly
^
itself
there
is
little
trace
^
;
and
it
probably came
early in the
No.
5<;i4.
Berl. Pap. 9772, a Life of Satyriis, col. xi. ' The only fragment which seems to imply her presence is No. 507 (Nauck), which appears to be a remonstrance addressed to her on her refusal to cease mourning for the supposed death of her children : ti
Tov^ davovras ovk eas redvrjKevaif
Koi raKxvBevTa crvWeyeis akyr^^xara
TRAGEDY
play, as there
119
would be no room for it in the last sections, and it probably formed part of a set debate or ayijuv, Wilamowitz conjectures 'that Melanippe may not have been in prison during the early part of the play, since the person from
a play is named usually has a considerable role in it, and the title Ae(Tixa>TL9 would still be justified if she were only cast into prison in the course of the play but there
;
whom
seems no special occasion

after her original offence,
is
for her
and
it
being so imprisoned so long must be confessed that there
obscure in regard to the play. It is also not The persons the chorus was composed.^ defence of women is perhaps one of the prosiest passages that
the poet ever wrote.
It begins, indeed, confidently (in lines
much which is known of what
which have long been known) '?

/KZTTjv dp' e/y
yvvoLKas ^ avSpcov
yjroyos
8'
^dXXeL Kpby TO^^vjxa kol Xeyei

at
'
kuko^s'
eydo.
8'
ela
dfi^Lvovs dpcrepodi/' Sei^co
Vain
is
man's abuse of women the
bowstring, words of abuse.
Women
twanging of an idle are better than men,

to argue
and I will prove But the tone

that
it
it.'
falls off
when the speaker goes on
the house clean and happy, and catalogues the sacred offices which were confined to them.^ The extant passage concludes
is
:
women who keep
ovu \pri yvvaiKeToy yivos ; ov^l iravdeTai \fr6yo9 ^draios dpSpcou ot t dypav rjyovfieyoi
TTCoy
KaKco9 aKoveiv
yjreyeLy yvj/aiKa?, el /jlC evpeOrj KaKjjy 7rd(ra9 6/moi(o9 ; 8iopLa(o 81 rco Xoyco'
Trj9 fikv
KaKTJ's
KdKiov ov8\v yiyv^rai

5'
yvvaLKO^, kaBXrj's
ov8v
eh
vneplBoXrju
ni^vK dfieLvov
Siacpepova-i 8' al ^vcreLS.^
^ Blass inferred from 1. 46 of Berl. Pap. 5514 that they were a male chorus on the ground of the participial ending ovres. But is it certain that the chorus are there speaking of themselves ?
. .
.
"^
Fr. 499 (Nauck).
is a fragmentary reference to ^vnôXai.' dfxdpTvpa perhaps to the dispensing with witnesses in transactions with women. * The last three lines, needless to say, had not escaped the vigilant Stobaeus.
'
There
I20
'
TRAGEDY
Why, then, should womankind be abused ? Shall not there be an end of the vain reproach of men, and of those who think it sport to blame all women alike, if one has been found bad ? I will draw this distinction nothing is worse than a bad
woman, nothing surpassingly

natures
differ.'
better than a
good
but their
Some
of the fragments in Nauck's collection probably be-
long to the same dispute as this speech, and the dispute seems to have turned partly upon the principles which should govern
part of the defence of women, frr. the passages are 50 and 50a perhaps part of the attack about as poetical as the greater portion of the Book of Pro-
marriage.
[
(Fr.
493
is
verbs,
be
said,
which they closely resemble.) The chorus, it need not summed up with irreproachable wisdom (fr. 503)
:
fierpLcoj/
fxeToc
XeKTpODv, ixeTptoav Se ydfjLCov
(Tco(j)poavvr]s
KvpcraL Ov-qTola-Lv dpL(TTOV.
in
In the Vita Euripidis it is said that the defence of women the Melanippe was written in consequence of an attack
made upon
future.^
they forced
Euripides at the time of the Thesmophoria, when him to promise to abstain from such attacks in Such circumstances, if the tale were true, might
* '
account for a certain lack of inspiration. But the story may be a false inference by some historian from the Thesmophoriazusae of Aristophanes. The messenger's speech, or at least the latter half of
it,
;
has
been known
and need not be quoted ^ it is a typical piece of vivid Euripidean narrative, worthy to be ranked with the poet's best.
for half a century,
'
(d)
Euripides'
Hypsipyle \
Very few fragments of the Hypsipyle of Euripides were known before the publication in 1908 of large portions of the
Satyrus' Life ', col. x, adds that the attack was made in a massed expedition eVi rov roirov^ ev at crxo\dCa>v ervyxauev perhaps the cave on The source of the story may have been Philochorus (see Salamis. Gellius, XV. XX. 5-6, and also C. F. Kumaniecki, ^^ Satyro Peripatetico^
^
'
pp. 58-60).
^
It is to
text) in
be found in Nauck (as fr. 495), and (with a somewhat improved von Amim's Supplementum Euripideum.
TRAGEDY
vi,
i!ji
play contained in a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus {Oxyrh. Pap. No. ^î)i dating from the end of the second century A.D.
story of Hypsipyle had been the subject of a trilogy of Aeschylus, comprising the ArjfivLaL, 'TyjrLirvXrjf and Nefiea, with the KdêipoL as a satyric play. The ArffivLai probably
The
presented the massacre of their husbands by the women of Lemnos, the 'TyfrLTrvXTj the arrival of the Argonauts and the
union of Jason with Hypsipyle, the Nefiia the experiences of Hypsipyle as a slave at Nemea and the death of Archemorus,
who was
ArjfjLi/iaL
represented by Aeschylus as son of Nemea. The of Sophocles appears to have corresponded in subject
to the 'TxInnvXr] of Aeschylus.^ It has already been noted that the play, as
shown by the
Scholia on Aristophanes, Frogs^ 1. ^% belonged to the years 411-408 B.C., like the Antiope and Phoenissae. The attempts
to date the plays within this period more precisely are unconvincing,^ and the problem is not very important. What
is
made
of interest
is
that
we have
in the Hypsipyle a singularly
example of Euripides' gentler dramatic manner, dealing with the theme of the lost twins in connexion with a ^ than those of the Antiope and story far less barbarous and marked Melanippe^ throughout by a kindly and humane in is more dominant than terror. Even which pity spirit,
attractive
Eurydice, who has lost her child through Hypsipyle's act, shows, after her first burst of anger, a remarkable reasonableness in response to the pleading of Amphiaraus. Indications in
show that the play was, like the Phoenissae^ a long one, extending to over 1,700 lines. It has received full attenand the latest edition, tion from scholars since its discovery
the papyrus
;
that of Italie (19^3), contains a most useful commentary, and puts into their place certain fragments not derived from this
See Pearson, Soph. Fragm, ii, pp. 52, 53. Robert's argument [Oidipits, i, p. 199) that the fragmentary chorus in frr. viii, ix of the Hypsipyle presupposes the Phoefiissae 134-46, 409-23. All that can be said is that both deal, the former more allusively, with a well-known story. The same statement applies to the attempt to date the Antiope before the Hypsipyle on the ground of fr. i, col. ii, str. j3'
'^
e.g.
of the latter.
Except women-folk
'
in
is
so far as the massacre of the
men
of
Lemnos by
their
remotely presupposed.
122
TRAGEDY
itself.^
Apart from these and one or two minor corin the Oxford Fragmenta more and liberal supplements in the Tragica Papyracea (with defective lines) in von Arnim's SuppUmentum Euripideum remains satisfactory, though the treatment of some passages
papyrus
rections
the text as contained
(particularly of
fr.
xviii) is still disputed.^
The
certainty.
early part of the plot can be followed with very fair Its presuppositions are these. On their way to
Colchis the Argonauts put in at Lemnos, where Jason and Hypsipyle were united. But, whether before the arrival or
after the departure of the
Argo, the
women
of
Lemnos
re-
Hypsipyle could not bring herself to slay her father Thoas, as she was instructed to do, and (probably) sent him adrift on the sea in a chest, which, by the aid of his father Dionysus, came safe to the
all
solved to massacre
the
men
in the island.
Hypsipyle now ruled Lemnos as queen. She fruit of her union with Jason but it became known or suspected that she had spared her father's life, and she was forced to flee, leaving the twins at Lemnos, perhaps in the care of her sister. But soon after her escape she was captured by pirates and sold as a slave to Lycurgus of Nemea, and there we find her at the beginning of the play, some
mainland.
bore twins as the
twenty years later. In the meantime Jason, on the return voyage of the Argo, called at Lemnos, and took away the twins, probably to lolcus,^ whence, after his death, his fellowThe most important rearrangement is due to Petersen, who found {Hermes^ 1914, pp. 156 ff., 623 ff.) that in the Petrie Papyrus^ ii, p. 160, No. 49 c, frr. xxii and Ix of the Oxyrh. Pap. formed one connected passage. Italic restores two lines in fr. i, col. v, from Fr. adesp. 350 (Nauck). ^ Special reference may also be made to the discussions of Robert {Hermes, 1909, pp. 376 ff.), Wecklein {Sztzb. Bayer. Akad., 1909, 8), and Petersen {Rh. Mns., 1913, pp. 584 ff.). I have been unable to obtain the Dissertation of W. Morel, as well as several other writings on the subject. The original edition by Grenfell and Hunt {Oxyrh. Pap. vi) is still
indispensable.
^ ^
i.e. if
Mahaffy's
ii,
1.
'loikKov (for
Kokxatv of the papyrus)
is
accepted in
But it is hardly likely that even if the Argonauts had waited at Lemnos on the outward voyage till the infants were born, they would have taken them to Colchis without their mother and even if Robert were right in his theory {Hermes, 1909, pp. 376 ff.) of a story in which Jason was killed at Colchis (so that Orpheus took the infants in charge there), this improbability is not resolved. It is noticeable that, whichever reading is adopted, Euripides
fr.
Ixiv, col.
93.
About
this scholars are divided.
TRAGEDY
carried
123
them to Thrace and educated Argonaut Orpheus Euneos as a musician, Thoas as a warrior. them, bringing up (The analogy with Amphion and Zethus is obvious.) In Thrace they found their grandfather Thoas, and with him returned to
Lemnos to
exile, the twins set out to seek for
look for their mother, and, hearing of her her through the world. At
the beginning of the play their quest had brought
them
to
Nemea.
The
scene
is
of the keys of his with it a great carried an office which evidently temple position.^ Hypsipyle, who is nurse of Opheltes, the infant
S0VX09 of the
Nemean Zeus the keeper
laid before the palace of
Lycurgus, the
kXtj-
son of Lycurgus and Eurydice, speaks the prologue the first three ^ lines of this (which alone survive) recalled her descent
;
No doubt the chief facts in her history were audience in the remainder of the speech. the before brought Then she goes within, probably to tend the infant. Euneos
from Dionysus.
and Thoas appear before the house, remark upon its beauties,^ and knock at the door. Hypsipyle comes out to answer them,
carrying the infant, to whom, before asking the strangers' business, she speaks a few soothing words about the toys he
will
get when men ask for

is
his father
Lycurgus comes home.
The young
master
only
a night's hospitality, but on hearing that the away and his wife is managing the house alone with
her,
women about
they
propose
to
go elsewhere
Hypsipyle doubtless insisted that such a thing could not be thought of and brought them in. This done, she sings to the infant, accompanying her song with the KporaXa, the castanets
or rattle
scene ridiculed
by Aristophanes
in the Frogs."^
;
must have entirely ignored Medea for the purposes of this play she would hardly have been favourable to Jason's children by Hypsipyle
either in Colchis or on the return journey. ^ See Frazer's Apollodorus, vol. i, p. 357.
Apollodorus
calls
Lycuigus
King of Nemea.
Fr. 752 (Nauck). For the various theories held by different scholars as to the speaker see Italic, pp. 58 ff. There can really be no doubt. ^ Fragment 764 (Nauck) is best interpreted so it does not read like words addressed by Hypsipyle to the infant to console it by showing it pretty things, as some have supposed. * 11. 1304-6. The play contains a number of other allusions to the
;
Hypsipyle.
134
TRAGEDY
varied introductory scene
is
The long and

later
quite in Euripides'
manner.
There follows the parodos of the chorus of Nemean women, interest what task Hypsipyle is now peror is she still forming brooding on the Argo and the golden fleece and on Lemnos, even at a moment when the Argive host under Adrastus, ready to depart to Thebes, is assembled on the plain outside ? In reply she shows that all her thoughts
who ask with kindly
are for the
Argo and
its
heroes.
They
try to console her
by
reminding her of Europa and lo, whose seafaring had led them to good in the end but she likens herself rather to Procris, and another whose name is lost, who were not made
;
happy, though even they were celebrated by the Muse, as she

will never be.
Then there enters Amphiaraus, the seer of the Argive host he talks (almost as a newly arrived traveller in the New Comedy might talk) of the tiresomeness of strange and lonely places, and, after learning to whom the house belongs, asks Hypsipyle
;
show him the way to running water, not defiled, like the pools, by the host, so that he may make a lustration before the army sets out. He explains at her request the purpose of the expedition against Thebes, tells his name, and learns hers.
to
The
is very defective here, but apparently he speaks of the necklace and his own impending doom, and and Eriphyle to show him the way to a spring. consents Hypsipyle
text
xviii belongs to this described the evidently dialogue. terrifying serpent which ^ those and scholars who think that the spring guarded
It is
very uncertain whether fragment

It
Hypsipyle gave the description (and therefore knew of the

danger)
fill
out the lines
in
such a
way as
to
make Amphiaraus
Those,^ on the other hand, who think it incredible that Hypsipyle would have acted as she subsequently
reassure her.
had she known of the danger, refer the passage to a later speech describing the disaster, and fill up the lines differently or leave them incomplete.
did,
^
"^
cf.
von Arnim (following Wilamowitz). Italie (who summarizes the discussion, also Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrh, Pap. vi, p. 25.
e.g. e.g.
Robert, Petersen,
pp. 24-6
TRAGEDY
135
The dialogue over, some fragments of a stasimon follow in which allusion was made to the events leading up to the
expedition of the seven heroes against Thebes the quarrel of The Polynices and Tydeus, and the dream of Adrastus.
events which formed the subject of the next episode are more certain than the exact treatment of them in the play. Hypsipyle led the heroes to a spring, and laid down the infant
grew
Opheltes near the spring on a thick bed of parsley which there. (An oracle had given warning that he was not to be laid on the ground till he could walk, but whether Euripides
known
able.)
introduced this warning is not known. If the warning were to Hypsipyle, her conduct would be almost inexplic-
While they were drawing water, the infant was slain the bite of the serpent which guarded the spring, and was by dead. back brought Hypsipyle had now to fear the anger of
Eurydice.
Fragment x contains
dead
at the sight of the
traces of her cries of despair infant, and fragments xi-xiii of the
lamentations of herself or of Eurydice. In fragments xx,xxi, Hypsipyle is debating with the chorus (mostly in stichomythia) how she can escape. It is not clear whether the
calamity was
made known
^
:
to Eurydice
by a messenger
or
by
Hypsipyle herself; with one another Eurydice accused Hypsipyle of murdering Opheltes deliberately and of plotting against the house, and
despite her defence condemned her to death. Scraps survive of a stasimon in which the chorus call upon Dionysus for aid,^
but the two
women were
confronted
and probably the events just narrated were distributed over two episodes with an intervening stasimon, now entirely lost. Whether Euneds and Thoas had any part in them is at present an insoluble problem. When the text again becomes comparatively intelligible, Hypsipyle is being led to death, and makes a last appeal to Eurydice. It is in vain, and as a last resource she calls wildly for Amphiaraus, and bids him testify to her innocence by
Perhaps the narrative of the event at full length was reserved for the speech of Amphiaraus later in the play. One of these lines is numbered iioo nearer the end of the play the number 1600 is found in the margin.
'^
126
telling the facts as
TRAGEDY
he knew them.
an
almost
perfect
condition.)
(Here there are sixty lines Amphiaraus, who had appeared at the very moment of her need, bids Eurydice stay her hand she answers him with respect, and he relates
in
;
story of the disaster the narrative is unhappily very fragmentary and declares the future honours to be paid to
the
full
Opheltes, who is now to be known as Archemorus, and is to be the hero of the Nemean Games his funeral is to be performed by the Argive host. Eurydice clearly consented to spare Hypsipyle's life, but the exact course of the play once more becomes obscure. It is certain that the mutual recognition of Hypsipyle and her sons was brought about by Amphiaraus, and it may be assumed that Eurydice liberated her
;
from
slavery.^
In the last coherent passage Hypsipyle and her sons are seen bidding farewell to Amphiaraus, and then mother and
sons
tell
the mother's part

that he sent
each other their history in a pathetic scene, in which is in lyric verse. At the end of the scene
Dionysus appeared ex machina, and it has been conjectured Euneos to Athens, to found the clan of the who maintained the cult of Alovvctos MeXTro/ievos, Euneidae, and had the sole right of performing at certain festivals. Hypsipyle may have been allowed to return to her father in Lemnos. The most difficult of the unsolved problems connected with the play concerns the part played by Euneos and Thoas, who would hardly have been introduced simply for the sake
of the recognition. One version of the story ^ made them the deliverers of Hypsipyle out of the hands of Lycurgus but he
;
seems to have no part
(The suggestion that he in scene the last and returned demanded vengeance on Hypsipyle and so caused Dionysus to intervene has no support in
in this play.
^ There is no trace in the remains of the play of the version given in the Scholia to Pindar's Nemeans, that Eurydice imprisoned Hypsipyle in a secret place, which Amphiaraus revealed to her children by divination. It is probable that the recognition was assisted, and Eurydice, as well as Hypsipyle, convinced, by the production by the sons of the golden vine which was the family treasure {Anth. Pal. III. x. ; see Grenfell and Hunt,
Oxyrh. Pap.
"^
On
Italic, pp. 56, 65). vi, pp. 27, 28 these points see especially Italic, pp. 64
;
ff.
"j'jj'i'n'-i'fi*
"'
WP
Figs.
7, 8.
The Death
of
Archemorus
IL
TRAGEDY
U7
;
Another version makes them defend Hypsithe fragments.) before they know who she is, from the anger of Eurydice pyle,
Amphiaraus who does this, and there is no sign of an earlier argument conducted by the two brothers. Another,^ on the contrary, makes Eurydice employ them as the ministers of her intended revenge but it is perbut
in
the play
it is
evidently
haps unlikely that she should give such orders to guests who owed the hospitality which they were enjoying to Hypsipyle
The problem is complicated by a few lines (fr. Ixiv, which ii) suggest that at some point in the story mother and sons were involved in some common alarm
herself.
col.
:
reKva
8'
dva
fitav oSov
dvoLTraXLv eTp6)(âcru kirl (j)6ôv 7rL re
\p6vcc
It
8*
e^cXafiyjreu vdnpo9.
may have been simply when they saw the danger

they went
possibility
off to fetch
is
that, as the first editors supposed,
in which Hypsipyle was placed, Amphiaraus at her entreaty. Another suggested by a painting on a fine vase of Cam^
this painting
depicting the death of Archemorus. In two young armed men are rushing to slay the serpent. It is possible that these are Euneos and Thoas, and that they first found the dead infant, killed the serpent, and
panian manufacture
brought the tidings to Eurydice.^

lacking.
Decisive evidence
is
still
^ This would be like the story of Dirce having ordered Antiope's sons (whose identity was unknown to her) to tie their mother to the bull. In Statius T/ied. v. 718 the sons at first side with Lycurgus against Hypsipyle. Those scholars who support this theory of the play (e.g. Wecklein, F/ii'L JVock., 1923, col. 995) argue that their conduct is thus consonant with a certain abruptness or rudeness to her in the first scene. But this is surely a misreading of the scene, in which their words are brief indeed, but
delicately tactful. 2 Fig.vii ( Wietier VorlegebL, 1889, PI. XI, Fig.

right, the
Of the figures on the i). lower may be Nemea, the upper cannot be identified. The other figures are unmistakable. ^ Thoas may have been a /cwôj/ Trpacrconou after the introductory scene, as some editors think, except that he joined with Hypsipyle and Euneos in the words of farewell to Amphiaraus. It is Euneos who speaks in the final dialogue with Hypsipyle. But, in fact, either brother may have been the speaker in any intervening scenes.
iliS
TRAGEDY
so few scenes are coherently preserved, it is not much about the literary character of the play, in not having before us the accusation and defence
Where
and
possible to say
of Hypsipyle when confronted with Eurydice we have probably lost the dramatic climax of the work, and the scene in
which the contrasted characters were most forcibly brought But it is impossible not to be struck with the homely out. charm of the early scenes (however little Aristophanes might appreciate them), by the simplicity and beauty of the language throughout, and by the fine drawing of the characters. Amphiaraus, as the holy man, is perhaps a little too conscious of his holiness as he gives Eurydice his credentials, but he is a truly tragic figure as with grave self-control he goes to
a foreseen death, glad to do good service to the distressed on his way. The pathos of Hypsipyle's story appears most of all in the final dialogue with her sons, but is felt in every part
of
and the disaster to her nurseling spring ultimately

;
it.
From
first
to last her troubles
her
flight
from Lemnos from her
kindliness of heart
her devotion to the infant in her charge
plainly belongs to the same temperament ; and in her escape at the last from her troubles there is a fine contrast with the
fate of her deliverer. The Hypsipyle must have been a very fine play for acting throughout, but nowhere more so than in the parting between Hypsipyle and Amphiaraus the language here is reserved in the extreme but no words could
impending
have added to the pathos inherent
in the event,
and with
perfect taste Euripides lets it speak for itself. The death of Archeniorus is the subject of several well-
known
Two
vase-paintings besides the one already mentioned. In the first ^ Amphiaraus of these are here figured.
;
seems to be consoling the mourning queen, as in the play two of the three young men may be Eune6s and Thoas the third remains uncertain. In the upper register are Eos in her ^ chariot, Hermes, and another young warrior. In the second are represented below the funeral-rites of Archemorus, and
;
Fig. viii ( Wiener Vorlegebl, 1889, PI. XI, Fig. 3 ; cf. Hoppin, Blackfig. The vase is signed by Lasimus. Vases, p. 448). 2 Fig. ix {IViener Vorlegebl,, 1889, PI. XI, Fig. 2 a).
jiBHMHlMlilllllMllIMiLllll]
Fig.
9.
The Death
of
Archemorus
TRAGEDY
above the pleading
Eurydice.
evident,
mg
The
close
of Hypsipyle and Amphiaraus with dependence of the vase on the play is
though additional figures are introduced Zeus, Nemea, and two of the comrades of Amphiaraus Capaneus and Parthenopaeus. It seems as though the play were a popular one, and there
every reason to think that it deserved its popularity. The partial loss of it is the more to be regretted, and if it should
is
be more completely restored to

find Euripides in
it
us,
we may
well expect to
at his best.
6.
Stories of
Unlawful Love
Two plays upon which new light has been thrown during the present century belong to a group of poems for which
Euripides was severely criticized by Aristophanes and others, as presenting stories of unlawful passion which should have been veiled in silence even if they were true. This group
the Stheneboea.
included the Phoenix, the first Hippolytus, the Cretans, and It is the two latter with which we are here
not improbable that all Euripides' plays of type belong to the same period, roughly between 440 and 430 B.C. By the time of the second Hippolytus, produced
concerned.
this
It
is
in 438 B.C., Euripides had abandoned the more crude or more daring treatment of such themes which had scandalized
the orthodox, but the highly critical attitude towards asceticism in the Cretans is a feature common to it and the
Hippolytus, and the versification (particularly the extreme rarity of resolved syllables) connects both the Cretans and
the Stheneboea with the
Medea
(430
B.C.).
The
fact that the
prologue of the Stheneboea falls entirely within the unity of the plot, and is not like a mere play-bill, also points to a comparatively early period.
{a)
The
'
Cretans
'.^
The
^
story which
is
by Apollodorus.
in
Minos, to
the subject of the play is told briefly make good his claim to the king-
The following account depends largely upon the excellent discussion Berliner Klassikertexte, V. ii (Schubart and Wilamowitz), pp. 73-9.
I30
TRAGEDY
dom
of Crete, declared that he had received it from the gods, and that whatever he prayed for the gods would do. To prove this, he prayed to Poseidon that he would send a bull up from the sea, and promised to sacrifice it when it came. But instead of doing so, he sent it to form part of his own Poseidon in his anger sent herds, and sacrificed another.^
upon Pasiphae, the wife of Minos, a passion for the bull, and they were united by means of a wooden cow made by Daedalus.^ The offspring was the Minotaur, whom Minos
(when he discovered the monster)
^
shut up in the Labyrinth
made by Daedalus. The parchment leaf
(of
about the
by Schubart and Wilamowitz,
first century A.D.). printed gives the scene in which Minos
has just discovered the Minotaur, whom Pasiphae had kept hidden with the aid of a female accomplice. The chorus bid
him conceal
his misfortune, and Pasiphae defends herself in a well-preserved speech of thirty-eight lines, on the ground that in her union with the bull she had acted in madness, sent
upon her by Poseidon to punish Minos himself

to sacrifice the bull
;
for his failure
the wickedness
is
his
she herself
is
With an ironical allusion to his vegetarianism, she guiltless. tells him that he knows well how to murder human beings in cold blood, and may devour her raw if he chooses. Minos
bids his attendants seize her and her accomplice, and hide them where they shall never see the light of the sun.
Of the
rest of the plot
nothing
is
that there
was a
lyric
monody by
certainly known, except ^ Icarus, son of Daedalus

;
^ Schubart and Wilamowitz think that Euripides did not introduce the substituted sacrifice, but made Minos object on religious grounds to any blood-sacrifice at all, in accordance with the sentiments expressed by the chorus (see below). They note that the sarcophagus in Paris, which gives the story in relief, presents a bloodless sacrifice. ^ The interpretation of the legend as a marriage of sun and moon, and many points of great interest in connexion with it, are discussed by A. B. Cook, Zeus^ vol. i, pp. 521 ff. ^ The Berlin editors note that the discovery is represented on some Etruscan urns. On the Paris sarcophagus, and in other works of art, Daedalus is busy with the manufacture of the wooden cow. ^ Schol. on Aristoph. Frogs 849 Z> KprjTiKas fxev avWeyiov fiopco8ias' 01 fifv els rrjv tov iKapov fiovcodiav iv Tois Kprjcri' dpaavTfpov ynp doKel civai to Whether or not the interpretation of KprjTiKcis is right, the npoo-oiTrov. monody must have been actually in the play.
TRAGEDY
and
131
this probably implies that the imprisonment of Daedalus (with his son Icarus) in the Labyrinth, in revenge for his compassage of the plicity with Pasiphae, fell within the play.
parodos of the chorus, preserved by Porphyrias (Euripides, fr. 472 Nauck), shows that it consisted of mystics initiated to
the Idaean Zeus or Zagreus, living a sacred life, characterized by the ceremonial participation in feasts of raw flesh (the the wearing of white robes, the avoidance of all with birth or death, and abstinence (except in the contact
d)/xo<payLa),
mystic
rites)
from animal food.^
(d)
The
Stheneboea
'.
The story of Bellerophon was the subject of two plays of But although Euripides, the Stheneboea and the Bellerophon. the former was attacked by Aristophanes in the Frogs (along
with the
first Hippolytus) on account of the immoral character of the heroine, the course of the plot remained very imper-
fectly
until the discovery by Rabe, in the commentary Diaconus on Hermogenes,^ of the Hypothesis of the play and a large portion of the prologue. Since that time the play has been much discussed,^ and though all points have not been cleared up, much has been made plain.
known
of loannes
vi there is recorded the adulterous passion of wife of Proetus, for Bellerophon, his rejection of which Anteia, led Anteia to accuse him falsely to her husband, and Proetus
In Iliad
in
consequence to dispatch Bellerophon to his wife's father lobates, King of Lycia, with a secret message bidding
lobates destroy him.
lobates set him to subdue the Chi-
maera and to perform other apparently impossible tasks, which he did with such success that lobates became convinced of his innocence, and resolved to keep him at his court and
give
^
him
his daughter in marriage.

(p.
The same theme was
The
note of the Berlin editors
Tj) has greatly elucidated both the
text
"^
Croiset {Rev. fif.); de Phil, xxxiv (1910), pp. 2 16 fif.); Sellner, de Euripidis Stheneboea S^chan, iitudes sur la Tragidie grecque^ Quaestiones Selcciae (1910)
;
and the meaning of this passage. Rhein. Mus, Ixiii (1908), p. 147 (see above, p. 68). e.g. by Wilamowitz {Class. Phil, iii (1908), pp. 225
pp. 494
fif.
132
TRAGEDY
in his lobateSy
dramatized by Sophocles
the scene of which
was
in Lycia.
In Euripides the scene
was
laid before the palace of
Proetus
at Tiryns, whither Bellerophon had fled from Corinth to be The wife of Proetus is purified of the stain of homicide.
named Stheneboea, not Anteia

in
lobates lives in Caria, not
the strict sense, and is simply a friend of Proetus, not his father-in-law the only test to which he puts Bellero-
Lycia
is
in
the conquest of the Chimaera ; and other minor differences from the Homeric version have been observed.
phon
the prologue is spoken by Bellerophon, he knows nothing of Stheneboea's accusations against him, but only of her attempts to lead him astray, using an old nurse as her
agent.
is determined not to yield, and (not without some to resolves rather than go awa}^, moralizing) bring disgrace upon the wife of his friend, and schism into the house, by
When
He
denouncing her.
times uncertain),^
The prologue (the text may be read as follows
of which
:
is
some-
OvK
rj
ea-TLu ocTTLS ttolvt' dvr]p evSaifiouei'^
7T(j)VKco9 eo-OXbs ovk exei ^lou, 8v(Tyvr]s cor irXovortav dpoT rrXaKa. TToWovs 8e TrXouTO) kol yeuei yavpovfievov^
^ yap
yvvT] KaTf](T)(yv
kv SofioLai vrjirta.
roiaSe UpoiTos yjj? dya^ v6(T(p voael? îvov yap iKeT'qv TaicrS* kn^XOovTa (TTeyais^ XoyoLCTL ireiOeL Kal SoXco OripeveraL
Kpv(f)aTov vufj9
eh
rai<5'
ofiiXiai/
ireaelv.
10
rjirep eêa-TrjKev Xoyco Tpo(pb9 yepaia Kal ^vvia-TrjaLv Xe\o9 " da KaKco^ vfivel Tov avTOv fivBoV (ppovcop,
aUl yap
is that of Wilamowitz, I.e. That of von Suppl. Eur. unfortunately contains some quite unauthorized supplements, which disturb the order of the lines and the sequence of
The
best text on the whole
Arnim
in
thought.
^ Lines I-5 were already known (frr. 661, 662 (Nauck)). The text given by loannes Diaconus read t.vhai\x.ov(i)v (1. i), dvaiJieprjs (1. 3), and Tifxojfxevovs (I.4), and was obviously not a careful version. ' Wilamowitz thinks that the last four words are a feeble substitute for a lost one and a half or more lines, giving the name of the land, &c., ir the
regular
*
manner
of a prologue.
for rrja-de o-reyrjs
:
Wilamowitz,
r^crS' efi
eXdovra
(rTeyrjs
VOn Arnim.
TRAGEDY
TTidov'^ TL fialvr}
KTrj(TL
S*
',
133
tXtjOl SecnroLvqs firJ9

Scofiad',
dvaKTOs
^
eu TreLaOeh
Ppa\v"
15
Zir\vd 0' iKeaiov o-i/Scoi/ TIpoLTOv re TLfiwy, oy /jL* eSeâr' eh S6/xov9
eyo) 8e Becrfiov^
XiTTOVTa yaiav ^L(rv(pov

euiylre
(jiovcov
xeTpa?^
alp.'
eTna^dâ?
r ifxas veou,
20
0V7rd)TT0T
rjOiXTjara
SeâaOaL Xoyovs
ov8* e/y vo(rovuTas v^ploraL Sopov? ^po9 pL(rS)v epoora SeLj/ou, 09 (pdeipei ^porovs
epou?
25
SlttXoT
6 8'
yap
eicr'
epcore? 'ivTpoôL \Oovl'
pev yeyo)?
'iÔia-Tos
eh
"AiS-qv (pipei,
eh TO
craxppou
en
dpeTrfv t
^TjXcoTO^ dy0pd>7TOi(Tiu' cov eiTju eyd)
dyoav
t ovKovu vopi^co Kal Oaveiv ye (rco(j)poi/coy f dXX* eh dypov yap e^Levai ôvXrjcropai.^ ov ydp pe Xvei toloS' ecprjpevov 86poL9 KaKoppoOeiaBaL pr) BeXovr' eiuai KaKov, 01)8' av Karenreiu Kal yvyaiKL wpoa-âXe'Lu Kr]Xl8a JJpoiTov Kal 8La(nrd<TaL 86pov.
'
30
is no man who is happy in all things. Either a man born noble and has no livelihood, or he ploughs broad lands and is base and on many who exult in wealth and birth a foolish woman in their house has brought shame. With such a trouble is Proetus, king of the land, afflicted. For I am come to this house a guest and a suppliant, and she urges me with words and pursues me by craft, that I may keep her secret company in her couch for ever the aged nurse who is charged with the message and would arrange this union chants the same words, Foolish man, yield Why art thou mad ? Dare to (grant the prayer of) my mistress and by yielding in one slight thing thou shalt win the palace of the king." But I revere law and Zeus, the suppliant's God, and I honour Proetus, who received me into his house when I left the land of Sisyphus, and washed my hands clean of
There
is
**
Rabe, for Bfovi. <^6vov )(eip6s von Arnim, with much probability. Mekler, for dinXoi yap eixores VTpe(f)ovT(u xôvi. Wilamowitz brackets this line and the next as a Christian interpolation, especially on account of fiVAidf/i/ 0fpfi, in v/hich * Hades is the Christian Hell. But Hades may mean simply 'Death'. For the sense cf. Jph. Atcl. 548 ff. hlhvp!
ireidî.
'
''
Wilamowitz, for
t' ifxris
.
.
'
'
E/jtof 6 xpvaroKofjLus
6' errl
ro^' euTeiuerai xapiraPj
to pev
ctt*
evaicovi
Trtir/io),
to
(rvy\v(Ti /3ioraf.
At the same time the passage runs very awkwardly,

right.
and there may be interpolations or corruptions. ^ The words e'îemi ôv\i)aopai can hardly be brackets them as interpolated to replace lost words.
Wilamowitz
134
TRAGEDY
;
bloodshed, by the blood of a victim newly slain over them and never yet have I consented to receive her words, nor to commit outrage against a house diseased, guest as I am for I hate the dreadful Love which destroys men. For two Loves are there that grow on the earth. The one, by nature most harmful, leads to death but the other Love, which leads to innocence and virtue, is to be coveted by men and such a man may I be. So I would rather die and sin not and I desire to depart out of the city. For it profits me not to settle in this house and be evil spoken of, if I be not willing to be evil nor yet to denounce her and bring a stain upon the wife of Proetus and rend the house in twain.*
;
;
In the following scenes Proetus must have heard Stheneboea's slanders, and, without assigning them as the reason, must have dispatched Bellerophon to Caria with the treacherous
his entertainment
of time occupied by his voyage, by lobates and the slaying of the Chimaera must have been bridged by a choral ode and (pro-
message.
The
interval
bably) a scene in which the nurse described Stheneboea's agonies of mind as she realized that (so far as she could tell) she had been the means of sending him to his death, and that
her passion for him was unabated. She even consecrated to him, as it was customary to consecrate to the dead, the crumbs that fell from the table (fr. 664 N.) }
TTeaov Si vlv XeXrjdev ovSeu k X^P^^ aXX' v6vs avSa, "ro) KopivOtco êv(o"
Another choral ode may have followed this scene. Having performed his exploit, Bellerophon returned on the winged horse Pegasus, full of indignation against Proetus. There must have been some formal reconciliation, but finding himself still plotted against,^ he pretended to be willing to yield to Stheneboea's desires, and proposed that she should
and possibly 663 belong to the same speech of the nurse. Hypothesis, as reported by loannes Diaconus, says fxadoiv de -nap No meaning can be attached to Trap' avTov eK TlpotTov devrepav eTTiQovXrjv. avTov, but napd tov is a better emendation than Wilamowitz's Trap' avTrjs. It is hardly conceivable that if she had revealed Proetus' plot against him, he should then have murdered her. This would go beyond any example of unpunished villainy in Greek stories.
*
Fr. 665
"^
The
^L^[^l^^[B][m][M]^[p[^l^^[^tB1
Fig.
io.
Bellerophon with Pegasus
Amphora
at
Ruvo
Fig.
II.
Bellerophon throwing Stliencboea into the Sea

Crater
in the
Hermitage Museum
TRAGEDY
shown by a fragment from the Berhn MS. of Photius
p.
135
take flight with him on Pegasus and go to Asia Minor.^ Pegasus must actually have been brought on the stage, as is
(s.v. dOrjpy
42 Reitz.),in which Bellerophon is describing the victory over the Chimaera. The lines (as emended by Wilamowitz) run
:
Tra/o)
^dXXeL
Xi/xaipav e/y acpaydSf irvpos 8* dO^p /xe kol tovS' alOaXoi ttvkvov Trrepov.
Wilamowitz conjectures) Pegasus was repreon vases) as a real horse with a pair of wings attached.^ There must have been another long interval, in which the flight took place, Bellerophon threw Stheneboea into the sea,^ and her body was picked up by fishermen (whose spokesman describes their life in fr. 670) and
Probably
(as
sented (as he
is
brought to Tiryns. In the final scene Bellerophon returned to Tiryns and justified himself to Proetus and the TirynFr. 671 was perhaps spoken by Proetus at the end thians. of the play,* when he was convinced of the truth
:
yvvaiKL
fxrjSku
octtls eu ^poi/ei ^poTcov,
The manner of own invention.

shame or
grief,
Stheneboea's death
In other versions
been Euripides' own life from either when she was detected, or when she
^
may have
she took her
heard that lobates had accepted Bellerophon's innocence. In the structure of the play the most remarkable thing is the
entire disregard of the so-called
*
Unity of Time
'.
At two
the play a very long interval must have been supto posed elapse, even if we allow for the rapidity of transport means of Pegasus but there is nothing in this to rouse by
points in
;
The precesuspicion as to the veracity of the Hypothesis. dents in Aeschylus (in the Agamemnon and Eumenides) and
in the
Trachiniae of Sophocles (unless this was a later play
^ Fr. 669 (N.) probably comes from his account of the region to be crossed, though the situation in the fragment is not at all clear, nor is the text certain. But the reference is certainly to a flight which is yet to come.
Fig. X (Amphora in Coll. Jatta at Ruvo). Fig. xi (Red-figured crater in Hermitage Museum). So, at least, some scholars suppose. But could KOfiiCere TTjvde be spoken with reference to the dead ? See Schol. on Aristoph. Frogs 1043, 105 1 ; Hyginus, Fab, 57.
"^
136
TRAGEDY
What
perhaps more strange
his
than the Stheneboed) are sufficiently reassuring, and Euripides himself deals very freely with time in the Andromache, Supplices,
and other plays.
is
is
the
doubling of the plots against Bellerophon and of tion by Stheneboea.
tempta-
have wondered what Bellerophon was doing while Stheneboea's body was tossing in the deep and while He might have the fishermen were bringing it home.
scholars
Some
returned very rapidly on Pegasus had he desired. It is sughe was himself that of the murder at purified gested getting
a wise precaution and that some lines Scholiast on Euripides' Orestes 87 :i as from the the quoted by Bellerophon may belong to the Stheneboea?' But the con-
Argos
doubtless
is
jecture
venturesome, and it is not easy to see how the lines (which seem to come from a messenger's speech) would fit
into this play.
fragment {666 Nauck), assigned by Stobaeus to the
Bellerophon,
is also generally attributed Stheneboea^ and with better reason

:
by scholars
to the
fJLl^6p (re
TrayKaKia-Tr] kol yvvq' ri yap Xeyoav TOvS' 6ulSo9 ^L7rOL TL9 dv

,*
On the assumption that the words can only have been addressed to Stheneboea, it is difficult to ascribe them to that play, Sellner's attempt to find Stheneboea a place in the
Bellerophon being quite unconvincing.^ But the assumption may be wrong, and we know too little of the Bellerophon to
decide the
^
point."*
Wecklein and Sellner. deiKvvovaiv iri Kai vvv vnepdva> tov Kiikovn^vov Upcovos X'^jua TravreXwf, ov (rvfxâivei tqvs 'Apyeiovs diKaêiv. rdxa 8* tiu tovtov koI ev BeWe pofpouTr}
e.g.
^
Koi êarov o\6ov Aava'i8a>v edpaapdrcov aras ev pccroKriu vno ". ^ The scene of the Bellerophon was laid in Lycia, and Sellner has to suppose that she found her way there and committed suicide, after the happy marriage of Bellerophon with lobates' daughter. * Sellner would also introduce into the vS'/y^-fW^^^î?^ : (i) Nauck's />rt^w. adesp. 292 x"tp' ^ hvvdaTa Trjade y7]s Ttpvvdias, as the beginning of a dialogue between Bellerophon and Proetus, who is supposed to have just arrived home after an absence which facilitated Stheneboea's designs ; (2) the lines quoted or parodied in Aristoph. Peace 140-I ri ^' ^v e? noos eôXicrOelv ttttjvos oiv dwrjcrerai These he vypov TTOVTiov irecrr) ^ddos
pPT]p.oPvoi elrroov'
|
"
eiTre KrjpvKcov
',
TRAGEDY
It
137
has been debated whether the play employed a /irjxocurj for flying, such as was probably employed later in the
Bellerophon}
There
is
no reason to suppose that
it
was so
Pegasus
may
well have been led onto and off the scene of
action, and it would certainly not be safe to date the play by the supposed use of the iirjâvrj, (The date of the introduction of this device is keenly disputed, but it would be out of place to discuss it here.)
The
'
A lexandros
'
of Etiripides
of Euripides was produced in 415 B.C. with the Palamedes and the Troades. Each of the three along had a of Troy for its theme, but it is of tale the plays part
The Alexandras
not possible to judge how far they may have formed a connected trilogy. The story dramatized in this play is that
which is narrated by Hyginus, Fab. 91, though it cannot be determined how closely Hyginus followed Euripides ^ nor can the precise relation of the Alexander of Ennius to this play be discovered. But the outlines of the story are clear.^ Shortly before the birth of Paris, Hecuba dreamed that she gave birth to a torch, out of which issued snakes. The oracle
;
of Apollo (according to the version followed by Ennius) declared that it would be fatal to Troy if Priam allowed the
child to live
;
the seers Helenus and Aesacus urged
him
to
places in the dialogue between Bellerophon and Stheneboea about their prospective flight ; (3) fr. 668 (Nauck), which he emends not very convincingly. ^ The Bellerophon was earlier than 425 B.C., in which year it is referred to (Aristoph. Ach. 415 ff.) as TiaKaiov dpajjia, but in the context this cannot be taken very strictly. The use of the f^rixavrj is made certain by references in Aristoph. Peace 135, 146 (with Scholl.). ^ There is just enough left of the Alexandros of Sophocles to show Welcker and that its subject was the same (see esp. fr. 93 (Pearson)). Kuiper think that Sophocles dealt with the same subject in the Priainos ; but the only evidence is that of Schol. Aristoph. Wasps 289, to the effect That the exposure that Sophocles used the word ;(urpiCetj/ in this play. indicated by the word was that of Paris is only an assumption. ^ For discussions of the play see Welcker, Gr. Trag. ii, pp. 462-76;
'
Hartung, Eur. I'estittihis^ ii, pp. 233-50 ; Robert, Bild u. Lied, pp. 233-9 Wilamowitz, Anal. Eur., p. 148; Kuiper, Mnemosyne, 1920, pp. 207-21 ; Cronert, Gott. Nachr., 1922; 'L\ix\d.,Aegyptus^ 1924, pp. 326 ff. and Hermes^ 1929, pp. 491 ff. (with which cf. Wilamowitz, Hermes^ 1927, pp. 288 ff.).
;
138
TRAGEDY
;
it Cassandra entreated him to slay it outright.^ The was sent away to be put to death, but, owing to the tenderness of those who were to carry out the order, he was only exposed, and was found by shepherds, who brought him up under the name of Paris. Hecuba had not ceased to mourn for him, and funeral games were instituted in his memory by Priam. (Whether the institution was prompted by some special occurrence, or was an annual event, does not appear.) The servants of Priam were sent into the country to select a bull as a prize for the winner in these games, and chose one which was a special favourite of Paris, who had now grown up. Paris, in his anger and distress, determined to enter the contest himself he did so and was victorious and recovered his bull. But am.ong those whom he defeated were his own brothers, Deiphobus and Hector, who, supposing him to be a slave like the other shepherds, were highly indignant, and formed a plot to slay him. Deiphobus attacked him with his sword, and he took refuge at the altar of Zeus 'EpKeios. There Cassandra recognized him Priam was apparently convinced on the evidence of some of the exposed infant's toys,^ and received him into his palace. The distribution of the matter over the play can only be
expose
infant
conjectured, but some fairly long, though badly mutilated, ^ passages in three papyrus fragments at Strasbourg combine
conclusions.
with the fragments already known to suggest some probable The scenes of which distinct traces remain are
:
and probably frr. 44-6 Nauck) in (1) which Hecuba is in grief and the chorus are reasoning with her. At the end of the passage Cassandra enters. conversation between Cassandra and Hecuba probably followed. (2) A dialogue about an impending contest, established by Priam, and a shepherd-youth of surpassing beauty who claims
scene (pap.
fr.
Eur. Androm. 296-7 refers to Cassandra's advice. Hecuba's dream alluded to in Pindar, Paean viii. 27. How much of the early part of the story came in the Cypria it is impossible to tell. Servius on Virg. Aen. v. 370. That the toys should have been forthcoming on so unlikely an occasion is one of those improbabilities for which Euripides has often to be forgiven. ^ Nos. 2342-4. The contents are identified by the coincidence of 1. 5 with fr. 43 (Nauck).
is first
"^
TRAGEDY
to take part in
it.
139
(This, at least,
seems to be the nature of
The speakers cannot be determined, but one of them is conjectured by Cronert to be the shepherd who had brought up Paris, and to whom, on the strength of a reference in Tzetzes, he gives the name Archelaus.^
papyrus
fr.
2.)
dialogue in which one speaker seems certainly to be the subject (possibly) the games about to be held and Priam, in memory of the child supposed to be dead. The dialogue was in iambic trimeter couplets, but its purport is not re(3)
coverable.
Deiphobus and Hector, after their Deiphobus tries to rouse Hector to take vengeance on their conqueror, but Hector refused to
(4)
A dialogue between
it.
defeat in the contest.
excite himself over
(5) dialogue between Deiphobus and Hecuba, in which Hecuba seems to be involved in the plot against the man who had put her sons to shame. (6) A discussion, evidently carried to some length, about the relative excellence of free men and slaves. Probably Deiphobus championed the former, and perhaps the foster-
and Priam may have stood as moderator of the dispute, as is suggested by frr. 48 and ^6 (Nauck). The choral frr. 52 and ^-^ (N.) with their reflections on evyeyeia may have succeeded this discussion. To the discussion probably belong frr. 47-51, and 54-7 (N.), though
father of Paris the latter
;
some
*
of
in
'
play, slave
(7)
them may belong to a possible scene^ earlier in the which Deiphobus may have tried to prevent the
in
from joining
the contest.
scene, too mutilated to be satisfactorily cleared up, in which some brief lyric fragments alternate with iambic
trimeters.
mistress
as
^
is addressed by name, and as Sianoiva, by the chorus or by a servant (' Archelaus ', Cronert suggests) and the passage continues as a dialogue
',
Hecuba
either
Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1 38 (p. 65, ed. Scheer). Archelaus is there named as the servant to whom the child was given to be destroyed. He left it exposed for five days, during which it was suckled by a she-bear, and then took it up and reared it under the name of Paris; the name Alexandres was given to Paris for his valour in defending the flocks from raiders. The bear is mentioned in ApoUodorus' version of the legend (III. xii, 5), but not in Hyginus.
I40
TRAGEDY
in iambic trimeters, in which Deiphobus is roundly bidden by another speaker (Archelaus or Hector, perhaps) to blame himself for his defeat, and Hecuba intervenes.
(8)
final
scene in which Paris

to each other.
is
death
(fr.
58).
In this scene Cassandra
at the altar in danger of may have made father
and son known
In
fr.
60 Priam perhaps
sees
tells
Paris that he will judge future :
him by what he
a
,
of him
in
the
Xp6po9
rj
Se Set^^L
S>
TKfjLrjpta)
fiaOcav
xprjarbu ovra
yuciiorofiaL
tJtol
KaKOv^
:
and
in
fr.
6a he
may
be moralizing on the issue of events
'EkolPt], to deiou coy deXiTTov ep^êrai Bv-qrola-LVi XkL S' ovttot eK ravTOv Tvxa9.
A
ing
him (both with sword
scene showing Paris at the altar and Deiphobus threatenin hand), with Priam standing by
and Aphrodite protecting Paris, occurs in reliefs on many Etruscan urns.^ This does not necessarily imply (even if the reliefs are inspired by Euripides) that Aphrodite appeared in the play ex machinay as artists added auxiliary figures freely
;
not impossible or unlikely. If Hyginus followed Euripides, the actual recognition was the work of Cassandra, confirmed by crepundia but it is possible that the recognition
it
but
is
'
was
effected without her,

just
woe
when
all
and that she rushed in prophesying seemed happy. A number of fragments of
Ennius' play contain parts of just such an impassioned prophecy about the fall of Troy, spoken by her, and a corresponding passage may have stood, either in the final scene of Euripides' play, or in the. earlier scene in which she appeared.
these, four are here figured : Fig. xii (Brunn, Urne Etrusche^ PI. I, the figures being (1. to r.) Deiphobus, Aphrodite, Paris, Hector, Priam; Fig. xiii (ib. PI. Ill, Fig. 6), same figures; Fig. xiv (ib. PI. VIII, Fig. 17), in which the goddess is winged, and there seems to be just
^
Of
Pig*
3)>
a possibility (as Aphrodite is very rarely, if ever, winged in art) that in the series of reliefs ia which this variation occurs, the goddess may be Nike (with allusion to the victory just won by Paris) Fig. xv (ib. PI. XII, Fig. 26), one of a series in which a second female figure, carrying an axe in a threatening attitude, is probably Cassandra, who, foreseeing the evils
;
which Paris would cause, had desired to slay him at his birth, and may have wished to do so in the play. Brunn figures no less than thirty-four representations of the scene, presenting many slight variations, and others occur on Etruscan mirrors.
AAAAAAA X ^JU.kX XrXX^
J.
J.
^ i
11 LJLXi 1
Jd
^ X V
>
Figs. 12, 13. Paris and Deiphobus
Figs. 14, 15.
Paris and Deiphobus
TRAGEDY
It
141
may be assumed that the play began with a prologue narrating the birth and exposure of Paris, and preceding the scene between Hecuba and the chorus. This prologue may
have been spoken by Hecuba
herself, or possibly (as
suggested) by Aphrodite. The account of the
contest
Hartung was no
doubt given in a messenger's speech. Some fragments of Ennius' play^ come from such a speech, and tell how some one (Deiphobus) had tried to repel a presumptuous boor (Paris) from the contest, and how after the victory the shepherds had called him Alexandros for his prowess.
It is
The
inference
not clear of what persons the Chorus was composed. drawn by Hartung from Cassandra's speech in
Ennius, in which the words virgines aequales occur, that the chorus was one of Trojan maidens, is very unsafe, as she is not but the chorus necessarily speaking of the chorus at all
;
probably did consist of Trojans, male or female,^ such as could remonstrate with Hecuba in a friendly way for her persistence in grief. The Scholia on Euripides, Hippolyttis^
show that there was a supplementary chorus of shepherds, no doubt came to support Paris, and that, whereas in the who Hippolytus the supplementary chorus of huntsmen had not been present at the same time as the chorus proper, the shepherds in the Alexandros appeared when the chorus had already been presented to the audience. (So it was also in the Antiope?) The scene must have been laid before the palace of Priam at Troy, with the altar before it, at which Paris was to take refuge. It is easy to conjecture what were the main attractions of the play to an Athenian audience the narrative of the games (at least if it was on a level with the many brilliant narratives
1.
58,
in
Euripides), the contrasted
characters of the hot-headed
Deiphobus and the sober-minded Hector, the rhetorical discussion of the qualities of free men and slaves, and the excitement of the plot to slay Paris and the recognition scene, with
'
Frr. iii-v (Ribbeck).

p. 289), like
Wilamowitz {Hermes, 1929, thinks it was male. ' See above, p. 108.
Welcker {Gr, Trag.
ii,
p. 466),
142
its
TRAGEDY
happy ending happy
fatal
view the
It
is
less
at least to those who had not in consequences to Troy which were to follow it. easy to discover the treatment of the character of
Paris himself, who, as he gives his

;
name
to the play,
must
have played an important part but he was evidently placed in an attractive light, as a youth of great personal courage and beauty, fiopcpfj SLaêpoov, and there was probably a scene
in the early part of the play, presenting his arrival at Troy and his determination to take part in the contest. Whether
he was at the same time confronted by Deiphobus

doubtful.
is
more
His
rustic simplicity,
and
his inability to plead his
cause against Deiphobus (perhaps in the dispute about slaves
and
men) are suggested by fr. 56 (aVor^, SialSoXal S^lvov dyXcoa-a-ia 8e 7roXXdKi9 Xijcpdeh dv^p SiKaia diÔpcoTTOi? KaKOW rj(T(Tov evyXwa-aov (pipei), and 58 (oifxoi, Oavoviiai Sta to Xeây
free
I
^prj(TLfxov
^pevcou
rj
toIctlv
dispute conventional
itself, little
can be said
dXXoLs yiyv^rai acoTTjpLa). Of the all that remains is a string of

;
such as Stobaeus could appreciate, and the attempt of Luria^ to prove a connexion between the sentiments expressed by Euripides and those of the Sophist
yvoofiai,
fails from the very generality of the sentiments and lack of the points of contact sufficiently precise to prove the case. The choral fragment (52) is variously reconstructed by scholars the best attempt is probably that of A. Korte
Antiphon
7rpi(T(r6fjLv6o9 6
X6yo9 ^vykvîav l ^poT^Lov evXoyij(TO/jLP, TO yap irdXai KOL TTpodTov OT ky^vofieOa

Sid
8'
(EKpLvev
a TKovaa yd ^pOTOv^,
ofiotav x6ot)i/ dnaa-Lv eêiraiSevcrev 6y\nv' lSlov ovSev ecrxofiej/, fiia Se yovd to t ei^yerey (Treû/ce) koI to Svayevi^, v6fM(> Se yavpov avTO Kpatuet \p6uos.
TO (ppouLfiou evyeiêia kol to o-vveTOv, 6 {8e) $09 diSoocriu, ov)( 6 ttXovto^.
But even
fragments.
this scarcely rises
above the
level of the
is
iambic
None
of the papyrus fragments
sufficiently
complete to be worth quotation.

See references
in note 3
on
p. 137 above.
TRAGEDY
8.
143
The Phaethon' of Euripides

'
There
into
is
than are those of the
no play of which the remains are more tantalizing Phaethon} The plot at once takes us
the atmosphere of fairy-tale. Clymene, the wife of Merops, King of the Ethiopians, who dwell in the land of the Sunrise, has a son by Helios, the Sun-god, named Phaethon.
He
that
supposes himself to be son of Merops, nor is Merops aware it is not so. Now a marriage had been arranged, and was
;
about to take place, between Phaethon and some goddess ^ but Phaethon, shrinking from marrying (as he thinks) above his mother then tells him who his his station, is recalcitrant
;
true father
is
whereupon he determines
to
and to request the use of the horses of the Sun. in which this matter was presented in the play
facts,
pay Helios a visit The manner

is
uncertain.
essential
The prologue spoken by Clymene must have stated the
and there followed a brief conversation between her and her son, in which, however, she can hardly have revealed his this revelation would only be called forth by a crisis origin
;
later
in the play.
However
this
may
be, the conversation
was broken
off
by
the entrance of the chorus of Merops'
maidservants, intent upon their morning work, and chanting an exquisite lyric, which a papyrus fragment ^ of the Ptolemaic
For the history and significance of the legend see Robert and Wilamowitz in Hermes, xviii (1883) ; G.Knaack, Quaestiones Phaethonteae {Phil. Unters. vii. i); and the article 'Phaethon' in Roscher's Lexicon, The useful commentary by H. Volmer {de Euripidis fabula quae âcdcop
^
inscribitur^ 1930) discusses the chief difficulties in the fragments, the placing of the fragments quoted by late Greek writers, &c. 2 Wilamowitz (I.e., pp. 396 ff., 410, and Sappho u. SimonideSy p. 38)
argues that Aphrodite is the destined bride ; others that it was a daughter of Aphrodite. The question depends on the interpretation of the words of the supplementary chorus, the readings in which are uncertain. No other suggested brides have any support from the text. ^ Berlin Pap. 9771 {Berliner Klassikertexte, V. ii, pp. 79 ff.). The remains of the play are otherwise known mainly from the Codex Claromontanus (= Parisinus 107), a palimpsest in which the Epistles of St. Paul were written in the sixth century in part over a fifth-century MS. of Euripides. These portions may be found in Nauck, and in von Arnim's Stcppiementmn Euripideiwi^ but von Arnim completes (sometimes in a very hazardous manner) large portions of the palimpsest which Nauck had treated as not worth printing. The most convenient text is that of Volmer (see note i).
'
'
144
TRAGEDY
and anticipates the happy marriage which day
:
period has enabled editors to complete, with few remaining It describes the activities which the dawn uncertainties.
revives,
is
to take
place that
HSt)
fieu dpTLâvr}S "jEo)? [/TTTTCuei]^ Kara

8'
str.
ydv
vnep
i/xd^ KecpaXd^ nXeLcc'l? eKXeLTTEL vvxta
/jLeXireL
8e SiuSpeai XeirTav
dpfjLoi^Lau
drjScoi/
6pdpvop,eua yooLS
''Itvv "Itvv TToXvOprjvou.
(Tvpiyya^
S*
ovpi^draL
ant.
KLvovcTi TTOiyivdv kXdrai' 'iypovrai S' e? ôrduav
âvOdv
TjSrj
TTCoXcov
crv^vytaL'
8'
L9
epya Kvvayol
(TTîyovaLv OrjpocpouoL
irrjyals 8*
kw coKeai/ov peXipoas KVKU09 d)(î.

8' 8*
ccKaTOL
diîfxcou
dvdyovTat vn
elpeaia^
sir. p^
evaea-aLv poBioLS,
dvd
L(TTta [vavrai] aetpdfjLeiôL " \^'Ayov, it6]tvl dyov(TLv avpa^

8'
\y]pids
(Tvv\
dKVfiouL TrofXTra
(TLyoovTCoy dvep,(DV
[ttotI
T^Kva] re Kal îXia? dXoxov^'*,
<nv8cbv 8e irpoTovov
TO,
em
pLeaov ireXdêi.
p,lv ovu erepoLo-L fxepLfiua ireXei Koafiov 8' vfieuaioou 8(nTocrvycoi/^ k[ik Kal TO 8LKaLov dyeL Kal epcos vp.velv'
^
ant.
/3'
8p,coa'ip
yap
di/dKrcou
be
far
The bracketed words are suggested by the Berlin editors and cannot wrong in sense. The editors notice the unusual metrical structure
of the parodos the first str. and ant. composed of choriambic dimeters, chosen as the simplest popular measure ; the second mainly anapaestic with iambic trimeters catalectic leading to the iambic epode. ^ Cod. Clar. has Kocrfxdv vfieuaicov de decnrocrvvaiu, the papyrus Kocrfiev vfievaioav 5e del de(r7ro(ruvoii[vj and in the preceding line to. fxev ovv erepaip erepl, which Rubensohn fills out as irepoiai /xeXej. The text given above is that of Wilamowitz, and the genitives are best taken as genitive of definition after Koap-ov ; but there is something to be said for reading to. ixv ovv eTipav erepoLcri fxeXei Koapeiv, vpevatov 8f(r7r6(Tvvou fi' epe (Volmer reads this, but with decrnoa-vpoov, which is difficult to explain.)
.
TRAGEDY
vafipLaL irpoa-LovcraL
fjLoXira ddp(ro9 dyova* 8e rvxa tl tKoi, eTTLxap/xard r' papvu âpeia (poôu eTrefiyjrey 01KOL9,
145
TO
opiêrccL Se roSe ^dos ydficoi/ riXei, Srj TTor' v)(aL9 kyoa
epod,
Xta-a-o/jieiâ
irpoa-epav vjxevaLov delaai

(piXcov Sea-TTordv.
(f)iXou
$09 eScoKe, xpoiôs eKpaue

LTCO
*
Xe-ô^ kfiolcrLv dp^J^Tais. TeXeia yd^cov doiSd,

;
Now rides the Dawn new-risen over the land above my head the Pleiad, star of night, grows dim, and on the trees
the nightingale chants her delicate strain, making lamentation at the dawning for Itys, Itys long bewailed. The mountain folk that drive their flocks awake their pipes, and pairs of
chestnut steeds arise and go to pasture. Now, too, the huntsmen that slay the wild creatures go forth to their task, and ^ by the springs of Ocean the swan rings out his loud strain. The fishing-boats put out, sped by the oar and the favouring onset of the winds, and sailors ^ raise their sails and cry, " Bring us, gracious breeze, with waveless escort, while the winds are still bring us to our children and our dear wives " and the canvas blows against the forestay.^ Such are the tasks for which others must care I am led by duty and love to sing a wedding-song in my master's honour. When good days come to princes, to their servants they bring boldness to sing and a share in the joy. But if fortune should bring forth aught else, her cruelty sends cruel fear upon the house. This day is set for the marriage-rite to it am I come with prayers of supplication, to sing a weddingsong of love for my loved master. God hath given, time hath Let the nuptial song, the fulfilled, wedlock for my prince. song of fulfilment, go forth.'
A herald, preceding
mation
^
;
Merops on
fails
to the scene,
then the text
us
till
makes proclathe messenger's speech.
in ancient belief a river, which was apparently thought of springs in the far East. ^ Whether vavrai is correct or not, the reference is here to vessels larger than the aKaroi, and avpa^ a gentle favouring breeze, is distinguished from the stormier avenoi. ' The TrpoTovos is the rope from the top of the mast to the bowsprit ; the great single sail is blown out full till it touches this.
Ocean was
its
as having
146
TRAGEDY
Probably there was a dispute between Merops and Phaethon, involving an agon on the subject of ambitious marriages ; and then, on Phaethon's refusing to submit, Clymene may have told
him
his true origin,
and he
may
have
set out
on
his journey. his rash
The
messenger's speech
tells
how, having gained
request, Phaethon tried in vain to drive the horses, though Helios watched him drive and strove to direct him, and how, to save a universal conflagration, Zeus struck him down to earth with a thunderbolt. He falls before the palace of Merops, and
in terror of Merops, hurriedly hides his smoking the body royal treasure-chamber, carrying off the chorus to assist her. At this very moment Merops enters, with a second
Clymene,
in
chorus of maidens^ chanting a wedding-hymn; they pass from No sooner have they disthe orchestra into the palace.
appeared than a servant rushes in and reports to Merops that the palace is full of smoke, issuing from the treasurechamber, though he can see no flame. Merops asks whether No, she is too busy with her Clymene knows about it.
'
have noticed it.' Merops hurries ofl" to stop the the chorus proper, who have now reappeared, conflagration burst into an impassioned lament, and Merops's loud cry of grief is heard from behind the scenes.
sacrifices to
;
That
is
all
that
we
have.
Now
and then the
lines
almost
ask for parody, and there is a delightful freshness, and even naivete, in some of the fragments, which is not common in
Greek Tragedy. (We find it again in the Ion and the Helena.) But the author of the treatise Oti the Sublime ^ was right in
his appreciation of the vivid picture of the father vainly trying to guide his rash boy. Though Euripides is far from lofty
'
by
Would you
^
nature, he yet often forces his genius to become tragic. not say that the soul of the writer is in the chariot
.
.
too, sharing the peril
and winged
like the horses
'
The
are called napBevoi or Kopat as distinct from the chorus proper There is no other certain extant instance of a supdficotdes. plementary chorus of the same sex as the chorus proper. Both are not present at the same time, but it is hardly likely (though just possible, with very rapid changes of dress) that both were composed of the same singers. The scene in which the second chorus figures must have been a singularly pretty one.
They
of SfKpai or
Ch. XV.
TRAGEDY
make
147
entrance-song of the chorus, perfect in its simplicity, and the imaginativeness of the whole treatment of the story, may well
hope for more of the play. In the lost scenes Merops and Clymene must certainly have confronted one another, and a further tragedy was probably prevented by a divine intervention, whereby the proper disposal of Phaethon's body was prescribed, or perhaps his translation to some paradise or Garden of the Sun was foretold. The Phaethon cannot be assigned with perfect confidence to
us
'
any period. The Berlin editors
regard it as a youthful work, while resolved iambic feet suggest to others a later date.^
9.
Other Euripide an fragments

of sixteen lines of Euripides'
^
;
(a)
The mutilated remains

in
is
Archelaus are found

of the lines
an Oxyrhynchus papyrus
the source
proved by the identity of two of them with fr. 245 (Nauck). The sixteen lines consisted of twelve trochaic tetrameters and four lines of lyrics the former are part of a speech addressed by an older man to a younger several of
: :
the fragments already known also involve a father and son but the context of the fragment is not at present recoverable, nor
;
does the story of the play (which must have been more or
less
by Hyginus, Fab. 219) give any son of Temenus, was driven into exile by
like that told
clue.
(Archelaus,
took refuge with Cisseus

assailed
in
Macedonia.
his brothers, and Cisseus was being
by neighbouring powers, and promised Archelaus his kingdom and his daughter, if he would save him but when Archelaus demanded the fulfilment of the promise, Cisseus planned to entice him into a pit full of live coals, thinly
;
slave informed Archelaus of the plot, and Archelaus drew the King into the same trap. Then, at the bidding of the oracle, he departed, led by a she-goat, and founded Aegae.) Stobaeus made a rich collection of commonplaces from the play.
{b)
^
covered over.
One
of the
Amherst papyri*
^
of the sixth or seventh
p. 81.
"
e.g. Zielinski,
iii,
Oxyrh. Pap.
No. 419.
libri tres^ p. 232. Tragodumenon Amherst Pap. ii, No. 17.
L 2
148
TRAGEDY
century A.D. contains some fragments of the hypothesis of the satyric play Sciron of Euripides, a few words of which
(belonging to lines quoted in the hypothesis) are identical with fr. 678 (N.) eo-TL tol kuXov KaKov9 KoXdêiv: but no
\
connected sense can be
made
*
of the fragments.
10.
The
'
Pirithoiis
of Critias or Euripides
number of fragments were quoted by various ancient authors from a Pirithous of Euripides, but Athenaeus,' who
gives one of the quotations, and also the Life of Euripides^ show that the play was regarded by some as the work of
Critias,
who was one
of the Thirty
and
it
has been pointed
that the philosophical doctrine of the vovs SrjfjLiovpyos implied in a fragment quoted by Clement of Alexandria is
out
inconsistent with the theory more than once put forward by Euripides, according to which all things were created from earth and aldrjp, the mind of man (but not the Creative Mind)
Dr. Hunt justly being sometimes identified with the latter. notes a rationalizing tendency in the long fragment of the ^ and the rationalism there displayed Sisyphus of Critias
;
the theory that

quite different
Gods were invented
for
human purposes
is
from anything which we find in Euripides. It may be safely concluded that the author of the Pirithous is more likely to have been Critias than Euripides.
The Hypothesis
in the
of the play
is
given
by loannes Diaconus
commentary on Hermogenes already quoted. Pirithous went, accompanied by Theseus, to Hades to woo Persephone, and was there fastened to a rock guarded by serpents. Theseus refused to desert him but Heracles, being sent by
:
Eurystheus to fetch up Cerberus, obtained the release of both Theseus and Pirithous. loannes Diaconus goes on to quote
Athen. xi, p. 496 b. By Wilamowitz, Anal. Eitr., pp. 162-5. He also notes that the word fVSeXe;^?, which occurs in the same fragment (593 N.), is unknown before Plato, but it might have been used by Critias, who moved in philosophical
"^
circles.
He compares with this the use of the indefinite Bôs or Qcoi in the papyrus fragments, but it is doubtful whether any conclusion can be drawn from this, as the least sceptical writers often fall into this use.
^
Figs. i6, 17. Heracles, Pirithous, and Theseus
in
Hades
TRAGEDY
149
a passage (some lines of which were already known) ^ in which Aeacus sees Heracles approaching, challenges him, and receives
his reply:
AI.
ea, TL ^prjiia
SipKO/xat (nrovSfj riva
8evp
elireiv
eh
//.dX' evToXfio) (ppevi. SiKaiov, 5> îye, oo-tl^ wu tottov^ TOvcrSe xpifxTrrrj kol KaO' tjvtlv airiav.
kyKovovvTa kol
HP.
ovSeh OKvos
e/xol
TToivT
KKaXv\jraaOaL Xoyov.
rrarpls p.ev 'Apyos, 61/ofxa 8' *HpaKXfjs. OeSiv Sk TrduTOoy iraTpb^ eîcpvu Aid's^ kyifi yap rjXOe firjTpl KeSvfj irpos Xe\o^^
coy
Zev9,
iJKco
XeXeKTai
ttJ?
dXrjdeias vtto/'
Se Sevpo irpos ^tav, Evpvcrdeco^ appals ifireiKcop, oy fi 7TfjL\jr' "AlSov
Kvva
dyeiv KeXevcoy (coura Trpo? MvKrji/iSas TTvXas, ISeTu fiev ov OiXcov, dOXov Si fioi
dvTjvvTOV TOPS' (pT ^r]Vpr]KevaL. roLOuS' lyvevoDv irpdyos EvpcoTrrjs kvkXco Aa-ca? T 7rda7]9 ey fjLV)(0V9 iXrjXvOa,
Aeac.
tell
Ah
what
is
this
haste, one of very bold spirit indeed.
see one hurrying hither with Stranger, thou should'st
who thou art, that drawest nigh this place, and for what cause thou comest. Her. I fear not to unfold the whole tale. My fatherland is Argos, my name Heracles. From Zeus, father of all the Gods, am I sprung for Zeus came to my good mother's bed, as hath been told by the word of truth. But I come hither perforce, obeying the command of Eurystheus, who sent me and bade me bring the hound of Hades alive to the gates of Mycenae not that he desired to see it, but he deemed that herein he had devised for me a task none could perform. 'Tis in quest of such a work as this that I have gone all around to the furthest recesses * of Europe and Asia.
:
A
'
two partly
^
papyrus of the second century A.D.^ contains the remains of intelligible and several hopelessly mutilated
Fr. 591 N.
rather ascribe this line, with its false cretic ', to Critias than to Euripides. Dobree emends to Keduov (h Xe'xos. ^ See above, p. 115. Critias may be ironically quoting a line of
One would
'
Euripides.
* livxovs may possible mean the 'deep places', in which he might expect to find entrances to Hades. (Euripides uses fivxol xôvos or yfjy for the Infernal regions, Suppl. 926; Troad<)l2^ &c.) Oxyrh. Pap, xvii, No. 2078.
I50
TRAGEDY
fragments of the play. The first of the former appears to be probably the prologue of the part of a speech of Pirithous play
describing the sin

:
and punishment of
his father Ixion.
The fragment has been Housman ^

0609 Sh
7r/x\|re'
ingeniously restored
by Professor A. E.
iJLavia[<f
dTrj[v'
dpTicos k\evBep(d apirdcras 8' yKacrfjiei^rju
veê\r]v yvvaLK'\l SvcraelSecrTaToi^ \6yov
eaneipev ey
roL'? Se[cr(ja\ov'i, coy 8r]
Kpovov
Ovyarpl
pLia-yoLT
k[v ^vTaX/xico A6)(i.
TOLcovSe KOfnTOC^v 8' va-repov Karaîov? iroLvd^ $019 'ireLo-ev, [hv ttolvtccv Trarrjp
p.avLas
rpox^ npi[(l)p9 kv 8ii/aL9 Sejias ola-Tp-qXaTOLCTLV a>\[iia(Tev, KdneiO' eXcov

dnvaTov
'iKpvy\rev'
du6pa>7roL[aLv alOipos ^dOei Pop[d(np irvoais KL
dWd
8L(T7Tapd)(07) (rvfxp[eTpcp KOfnraa-fxda-Li'
TraTTjp dfjLapTcbu
eh
0[ov9 rificopia.
a\lvL\6evT e^ôov [UepiOovs ouSfiaTi kol Tvâs î^XrjX i<ras:].^

Trrjfjiar
eyo)
8'
eKLuov
But when he was just free from his madness God sent upon him. He seized a cloud, made in the likeness of woman, and spread abroad among the Thessalians the most impious tale, that he was joined, forsooth, in wedlock to the For this boast he afterward paid to daughter of Cronus. the gods the penalty deserved; for the father of all the gods bound his body, whirling round in maddening circles, to a wheel of frenzy, and then took and hid him, out of the ken of men, in the abyss of heaven and there my father was rent asunder by the northern blasts a punishment duly fitted to the boastings whereby he had sinned against the gods. And I, bearing his woes in my riddling name, am called Pirithous, and my fortune is like his.'
'
infatuation
In the second fragment Theseus is entreating the aid of Heracles. The following are the more intelligible lines ^
:
&H.
aiay^pov 7rpo]8ovuaL^
^
]tj,
]to9, ^HpuKXeis, [crh] fjiifxyirofiaL ttlcttov yap dv8pa Kai îXoi/

dXjjfxfxiuoi^.
8v(T[fjL]uco9
Class. Rev. xlii (1928), p. 9. Professor Housman naturally only gives the last two lines tentatively, with the explanation TlipiQovs napa to irfpidfiv.
'^
As given
in
Oxyrh. Pap.^
I.e.,
p. 41.
TRAGEDY
HP.
[cravT^
re],
151
Grja-eVf rfj
'AOrji/aLcou 7r6[Xei
eXeây tolctl 8v(ttv)(ôv(tl yap del nor el av crv/j.jj.axos' a-Kfjyjnp [8e T]ot
TTpeiTOVT
deLKes (tt' eôvra irpos irdrpav fMoXeiu. Evpva-Oea yap Trco? 8okT9 dv da-fievov^ ei TTvBoLTO ravra (TVinrpdâvrd croi, e/Li' Xeêiv dv coy aKpauTos ijOXrjTat ttovos
;
SH. d\k
ov
(TV XPTjC^'-^
7r[auTaxrj
y]
kfxr^v
exety
evi'OLap ovK eiJLTr\[r]KTov dXX' eX]evOepoo9
exOpolat T ^xOpOL[i/ Kal (PlXol(tl\v evfjLeurj. irpodOev cr e/xol t[oiovtou oud' alpêl Aoyo?, XeyoLS S' dv [ijSi] Kai crv tovs av]Tovs Xoyov?.
Thes. ... for it is base to betray a faithful friend, when captured by enemies. Her. Theseus, thou hast spoken as becomes thyself and the city of Athens, for thou art ever the ally of the distressed. Yet it is unseemly that 1 should return to my country with an excuse.^ How gladly, thinkest thou, would Eurystheus, if he learned that I had helped thee
Thes. toil had left my task unfulfilled ? ^ not hast thou will, rashly given (?) my good Nay, everywhere but freely, hostile to foes and favourable to friends. It is said that formerly thou wast such to me, and now thou mayst tell the same tale.
thus, say that
my
It is possible that this is in

^
in
one of the plays which Aristotle had mind when he spoke of plays, the scene of which is laid Hades, depending for their interest on the spectacle {6\jns).
The treatment
terrifying.
of the subject in art, however, suggests nothing fifth-century relief in the Torlonia Collection
and a scene on an Etruscan mirror, which are here reproduced, are typically restrained in expression.*
exovm to mean giving Eurystheus an opportunity This suits the context, but is difficult to extract from the Greek. Could the words mean under the necessity of explaining why I had returned with two others ', making an excuse for their presence (' lest Eurystheus should say that they had helped me, and so I had not
^
Hunt takes
'.
o-Kri-îv
for an excuse
'
'
'
fulfilled
"^
e/irrXjjKToj/
'
*
the task alone ') ? does not give a satisfactory contrast to eXevdepas.
'
'
Some
word meaning
purchased
seems
to
be wanted.
Poe^., ch. xviii.
Figs, xvi and xvii (after Petersen, Ein Werk des Panainos (1905). Both works probably show the influence of Folygnotus, in whose great painting of the lower world Theseus and Pirithous were included.
152
1 1.
*
TRAGEDY
The Medea of (f) Neophron
'
No. 1 86 of the British Museum Papyri^ contains fragments" of a play about Medea. An allusion in the first fragment to the arrival of Aegeus,^ when compared with a fragment of the
Medea
of Neophron,^ in which
Aegeus says that he has come
to Corinth to consult
as to the interpretation of an oracle, has suggested Neophron as the author ; but the grounds for the ascription are very weak, though his play may have
Medea
been the best-known Medea after that of Euripides himself. Plays on the same subject were written by Dicaeogenes,
The stage-direction ^ôpov Carcinus, Diogenes, and Biotus. in fr. 3, in place of a written choral ode, and followed immediately
by two
fifth
lines of
iambic verse, indicates a date later
than the
fr.
century
2*
fr.
raise the
But certain coarse expressions in we have not to do with whether question

B.C.
Comedy
in
or Satyric
Drama.
Assuming
that the
two
lines
3
[(j)i\aL
'y]vi/aLKS at
KopLvdtov neSou
p6/xols
[oIkl]t
\a)pas
TTJcrSe 'jTaTpa)Ois
were spoken by Medea,^ Milne concludes that the fragments come from the early part of the play.
12.
The Hector of Astydamas

*
'
(f)
One of the Amherst papyri,^ of the second century B.C., contains part of about fifteen lines of a scene in which some one announces to Hector an attack of the Greeks Hector
;
calls for his
armour, and
for the
captured shield of Achilles,
^ Milne's Cat., No. yy, where the text is given. The readings are often very uncertain, as Mekler's comparison {Philologus, Ixx. 497 flf.) of Cronert's and Eitrem's readings shows. ^ The speaker is Jason, and some words of a speech to Jason follow. But no connected sense can be made of them. ^ Schol. Eur. Med. 666 (Neophron, fr. i Nauck).
e.g.
exî^
I
1.
.
8 VTOf&> ^XejSi,
and
is
(if
Milne
is
right) in
is
II.
18, 19 eV nrjpo'is
pO* e'x^tOTO? v(f)Xês Kepas.
the
first
All that is really certain time.
that
some one
addressing the chorus for
Amherst Pap.
ii,
No.
10.
TRAGEDY
and pours scorn on the other speaker's misgivings.
significant lines are as follows (with the restorations
153
The more
proposed
by
Blass)
ravT dyyeXodv
7JK(o,
(Tol9
ov KaO'
[-qSoj/rju
86fj.0L9
(TV
8\
ayjâ^,
ttJ? eKel (pp[ovpds fioXcov
(EKT.)
OTTO)? (TOL Kaipicos e[êi rdSe. x^P^'- T^P^^ oLKovs oTrXa r [KK6fxiê fxoL
(PpovTiC
Kal Tr]v 'A^LXXecos 8opidX(OT[ou da-TTiSa'

6^0)
yap
avT-qv
rrji^Se
Ka[i
....
Xa[ya> (ppeiâs
dXX' eKTToScoy
r]fXLU
jjlol
a-TrjOt, /xr) [Siepyda-rj
d-Tvavra' Kal
yap eh
dyoLS dv dvBpa Kal tov vOa[p(Te(TTaTov.
Not gladly come I to bear these tidings to thine house but do thou, O King, go and take good heed of the guard in that place, and see that all shall be as the time demands.' HecL Go to the house and bring me out my arms and the spear-won shield of Achilles. For this very shield will I But stand out of my path, lest thou ruin all our plan. take Thou wouldst make even the bravest man as craven as a
*
'
hare.'
is evidently within Troy, probably before the and the time is later than the death of Patroclus royal palace, and the capture of the arms of Achilles by Hector. This almost rules out the suggestion of Weil ^ and Radermacher ^ that the play from which the passage comes is the Hector of Astydamas for in that play (as they note) there seems to have been a scene ^ in which Hector, going to the fight, took farewell of his infant son. But that scene belonged to a much earlier point in the story, and would hardly have been included in the same play. Weil suggests Polydamas as the first thinks and the advice which he gives in Iliad xviii that speaker, on the third day after the death of Patroclus, may have been inserted here, and that he forebodes evil as he did in Iliad xii.
The
scene
Journal des Savants^ 190I)
p. 737-
Rhein. Mus.^ 1902,

'
p. 138.
Schol. Iliad '^X. 472 otto Kparos Kojjvd^ eiXtro* aT)fjLiovvTai TiJ>ff tovtov dta t6 tov TpayiKov AarvdufxavTa napdyeiv tup "E/cropa XeyovTa deâi KoivrjV fxoi npos noXepov 5f Ka\ cjio^rjOfj irals*. In this the original words may have been deâi kvvtjv /moi np6tT7roX\ wde Trpo(TfxoX<ov (Porson), and perhaps [xfj
Kai (jio^qdfj TTtus (Dindorfj.
'
154
TRAGEDY
13.
Incerti
Oeneus'
{?)
Mus. Papyri 688 and 2822^ were ascribed tentatively to the Oeneus of Euripides, and are printed along with the previously known fragments of that play by von Arnim.^ But the occurrence in them of the stage-direction yopov /x[eAos'] rules out this ascription, and
contained
in the Brit.
The fragments
Little is clear in dates the play later than the fifth century. the fragments, except that some one is about to pay honour to
the
tomb of Meleager
:
whether Meleager's nephew Diomedes^

some one
else.
or his sister Deianira or

portions run
.
.
The
partly intelligible
'eXol? ycLp
fjv
T()v
kjicou
Xoyoav
e^êfy*
ttoSl,
0'
.
v(j)r)y]L
irpd^Lv
\o\piiri(T(o
d8]Xâ>^ MeXedypco Scoprjfiara

yiurjTaL KdTTOTrXrjpooOjj Td(j)o9, S' dyd>p(ou tccv Ace/caAXi(rrei///[eâ)]^,
[uojj.L^Tai.
077(09
Tv\rj
axnrep TvpdvvoLS dvBpda-iv
\opov
oarov
'y\tv\aL(TLV
//[eXoy
Tapayfiov [tovtov
eyo)
yap
rj 8v\(nrpa^La eulê^XrjKe] rX-qjiovcov PpoTa)[v, [i8]o[v dpTt Tb]u reOuTjKora

.
. .
Evidently we have
another
jecture.
:
the end of one scene and the beginning of but the nature of the scenes it is impossible to con-
In
another fragment occurs the phrase di/8pes
c5
(Ppevo^Xaêis*
^
14.
Iphige7iia' [f)
(a) In a passage in Brit. Mus. Papyrus 2560 (of the late second century A.D.), none of the lines in which gets much
beyond the caesura, the herald Talthybius is bidden by the speaker to narrate something. The word dOiîLcrro^ (1. 3), and the references to marriage in later lines, with the mention of
^
i.e.
Pap. Grenf.
ii.
and Hibeh Pap.

ff.
i.
4.
Stippl. Etir.y pp. 36 Pap. V, p. 570).
(see Milne, Catal.^ No. 80,
and Korte, Archiv
^ After the expedition of the Epigoni to Thebes, Diomedes went to Aetolia to restore the throne to his grandfather Oeneus, who had been expelled by the sons of Oeneus' brother Agrius. * The proposed reading TrarpaSeXcô) assumes that Diomedes is the speaker, and this is quite uncertain.
TRAGEDY
atSrjpo^,
155
have suggested
that Iphigenia
may
^
have been the

of the third or
subject of the play.

(d)
Another papyrus
(Brit.
Mus. 486
b)
second century B.C. contains a fragment of a dialogue in which one of the speakers is Agamemnon; Calchas,Talthybius,
and the Locrian leader Ajax are mentioned.
The
reference
to airXoLa points again to Iphigenia as the subject, and what may be merely a passing reference to Ajax is no obstacle to
this.
Catalogue of British
few other scraps of plays are mentioned in Milne's Museum Papyri (Nos. 81-4) but contain
nothing sufficiently clear to be of interest.^
A.
1
W.
P.-C.
Milne, Catal., No. 78
'^
(p. 57).
fr.
lb..
No. 79
(p. 58).
953, gives forty-four lines from the so-called Didot Papyrus', which was first published by Weil in 1879. Many scholars have had grave doubts about their Euripidean authorship ; and Professor D. S. Robertson has argued in the Classical Review, xxxvi, pp. 106 sqq., that they come from Menander's 'ETrirpcTroi/Tey, and contain a pf)o-is of Pamphile, to which there was an dvTipprja-is of Smicrines, partly preserved in the Cairo papyrus of Menander (see ch. iii, below, While I am not convmced that they are correctly ascribed to p. 168). this play, I have no doubt that they belong to the New Comedy, and I have therefore omitted them from the present chapter.
Nauck,
'
Eurip. Jncert. Fab.,
Ill
COMEDY
Epicharmus and pseud-Epicharmea (Axiopistus ?)
Aristophanes,
Cratinus,
;
the Old
Comedy,
Middle
Eupolis, unidentified pieces; Comedy, Alexis, Antiphanes, unidentified pieces; New Menander, Menander (?), Philemon, unidentified pieces
;
Comedy,
Graeco-
Egyptian Comedy.
Of
the earliest form of
Comedy we
have, as might be ex-
So far as pected, hardly any remains preserved in papyri. of Dorian writers and other comedy survived, Epicharmus
they did
the Roman Publilius Syrus after them, not as moralists from whose plays could be but as dramatists extracted a series of maxims and apophthegms regarded as
so, as did
valuable for the ethical instruction of youth. When Theocritus composed a dedicatory inscription for Epicharmus' statue in Syracuse he gave as the reason for his
fellow citizens' affection not the fact that
written comedies but that he ttoXXu

TvaLdlv elire ^prjoriixa}
iroTrau ôav
Epicharmus had roh
The longest fragment which we have from a collection ot such yvSiiiaL consists of some twenty-six lines of introduction followed by four fragments so mutilated that nothing can be
made of them.^ emended so as
Of
to
make
the yvStiiai themselves we have a few, tolerable sense by Wilamowitz.
us in one fragment, are worse than wild beasts, for they bite the hand that feeds them.^ Not a few of such ypoofzaL, however preserved, are late forgeries
Women,
the poet
tells
some
are to be seen in Kaibel's
Comicorum graecorum frag-
menta, together with what

^
seems a genuine fragment of
DemiaAczuk, Suppl. Com., p. 123; cf. i) Cronert, Hermes, 1912, pp. 402-7. ^ Pap. Berol. 9772; Berliner Klassikertexte, II, p. 124; Demiariczuk, cf. J. U. Powell, Collectattea Alexandri?ta, p. 222 (Pseudpp. 124-5
; ;
Theoc. Ep. xviii. 9. Pap. Hibeh, i, p. 13 (No.
Epicharmea, No.
3).
COMEDY
Epicharmus' Odysseus}
157
title
:
Of Sophron we have but a
Sn^PONOS MIMOI rXNAIKEIOI,

similar disappointment.
and with that most
tantalizing scrap we have to be content.^ Turning to Attic comedy we are faced with an almost
Even by the third century B.C. the generation which could understand the subject-matter, or rather the historical and topical allusions, of Aristophanes and
the Old
it,
Comedy was past. Comedy, as Aristotle truly said of had become more philosophical less interested, that is, in the person, more in the type. The very language of the old poets would be puzzling to the later speakers of the simplified and de-Atticized KOLvrj, and, indeed, we owe the pre'
'
servation of Aristophanes' eleven surviving comedies rather to the interest which Byzantine scholars showed in his language
than to any love of his plays as such. Not only, then, are papyri of the Old Comedy infrequent, but they tend also to be late. For all that, where papyri reinforce manuscript
have, for they do so with a certain authority. a lines the of from which instance, fragment 150 Wasps'^ helps us in definitely confirming two conjectural emendations.*
tradition,
Still it must be admitted that in general the papyri fragments of Aristophanes anticipate rather than elucidate the
We
mistakes of the manuscripts.^ Of hitherto unknown plays of Aristophanes we have but little. There is a fragment possibly
attributable to
writer,
him containing a reference to the older comic ^ five more fragments containing a reference Magnes
;
to Philocles and furnished with scholia
probably Didymean;"^ an indecent discussion between two women, possibly from the
^
"^
i. 108, fr. 99; Pap. Oxyrh.
cf.
ii,
p.
Korte in Neue Jahrb. xx (1917), pp. 291 et sqq. 303 (No. 301); oi. Archiv fur'Papyrusforschung^
1901, p. 501.
^
^
Pap. Oxyrh,
1.
xi,
pp. 145-55, No. 1374.

(for
Brunck's ypd<pofxat
MSS.
y|Hl^^/o|JLal)
in
1.
576 and Bergk's
iveSrjKe
for fjredrjKe in
790. ^ See Grenfell's excellent article mJ.H.S., 1919, on the value of papyri for textual criticism. He cites many instances of confirmed emendations. The lacuna in the MSS. of Ar. Ran. 888 is also to be found in a papyrus.
"
Pap. Amherst,
ii,
p.
4 (No. 13); Demiahczuk,
p.
90;
cf.
T.W.Allen
in C.R., 1901, p. 425.
Pap. Greco- Egiz. ii. i, pp. 9 et sqq. ; Demianczuk, pp. 17-19; cf. Cronert in Berl. Phil. Woch., 1908, p. 1391. For Philocles 6 'AX/xiWof, bia
'^
TO TTiKpov flvai
cf.
Schol. Ar.
Av.
281.
158
COMEDY
Second Thesmophoriazusae} and (again) possibly from this same play a scrap of Euripidean parody.^ We are reminded
of Aristophanes' attacks on that unfortunate tragedian by a papyrus fragment of Satyrus' Vita Euripidis^ where it is said
that
the comic
poet eTriOvfieT
ttjp
yXcoaa-av
avrov
(i.e.
of
Euripides)
/xeTprja-ai,
Sl' TO,
TJ9
XeiTTa prjfxaT
eêa/jLrJx^ro.^
Would like to take measurements of that tongue of his with which he used to lick his subtleties into shape.'
*
Three Oxyrhynchus papyri seem to contain Aristophanic

scholia, but they are of doubtful attribution and little im* another scholium is perhaps referable to the portance
;
GeryiadesJ'
One
small but interesting piece of evidence
is
to
hand showing us that Aristophanes was not altogether a dead letter for the Egyptian Greeks of the second century of our era. This is a fragmentary papyrus bill, mentioning a sum of money owed to a scribe for the copying of Aristophanes' Pluttis. Labour was indeed cheap in those days, for the scribe seems to have been paid at the rate of only 38 drachmas per
10,000
lines.^
Of
writers of the
portions of
^
Old Comedy other than Aristophanes, for whose works we have papyri to thank, Cratinus is
;
ii, pp. 20-3 (No. 212) Demianczuk, pp. 91-2. Grenfell and Hunt, New Classical Fragments y p. 24 (No. 12). The attribution to Second Thesmo. is that of Blass {Liter. Zentralbl., 1897, p. 334). Crusius {Mil. H. Weil, p. 81) prefers the Gerytades. Others have thought the fragment Euripidean.
Pap. Oxyrh.
The text is ix, p. 151 (No. 11 76); Demianczuk, p. 20. Perhaps, as Grenfell and Hunt suggest, read Kofiyj/d for Xenra. * Pap. Oxyrh. xi, pp. 245-7 (Nos. 1400, 1402, 1403). The glossed word (TKopofilîiv suggests Aristoph., of. Schol. Ar. Ach. 165. Cf. Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 142; Wiist in Btirsian, 1926, p. 121. ^ Pap. Flor. ii. 9 ; cf. Archiv f. Pap. vi. 254, No. 486 Korte in Neue Jahrb. xx (191 7), pp. 291 et sqq. ^ Pap. Brit. Mus. Inv. 21 10; cf. H. I. Bell in Aegyptus, ii (1921), pp. 281 et sqq. : The Thyestes of Sophocles and an Egyptian scriptorium *. Bell shows clearly that ypdnTpov here means pay for copying, not simply for writing materials. Reckoning 10,000 lines as fifteen days' work, Bell points out that the scribe's 56 dr. a week compares favourably with the wages of a director of water-works, who got only 40 dr. ; cf. Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 1 10. See above, p. loi n.
Pap. Oxyrh.
uncertain.
; '
COMEDY
159
perhaps the most important, and of him we possess not a play, nor even the portion of a play, but the Hypothesis or Argument to one, the Dionysalexander} Fieri non potest,
Leo once wrote,
tit
Atticae comediae ullius
fiâgmentis refingatiir?
This pessimistic
argumentum e utterance is to some
extent borne out by our newly discovered Hypothesis. Basing his conclusions on fragments preserved only in citation Casau-
bon thought that the Alexander of the composite title was Alexander of Pherae, and so attributed the play to the younger Cratinus Meineke made a similar attribution, though he chose to see in Alexander, Alexander the Great. Kock rightly gave the play to the elder Cratinus, and again rightly took the Alex;
ander of the
title
to be
synonymous with
Paris
but he inter-
preted the play as the impersonation of Dionysus by Paris, which, as we shall see, is the reverse of the truth. Zielinski
thought that the play wâs a political parable Dionysalexander was the Athenian Demos, and the three goddesses mentioned in a fragment were the three party leaders. Only
:
a little-known scholar, W. H. Grauert, writing as long ago as 1838^ solved the riddle anything like aright, and he, Cas'
sandra-like, sang truth without belief. The text of the Hypothesis runs as follows
.
K{aX) OVTOL
fJL{^v)
7rp{09) T01J9 OettTCL? VTTep

6
TOV
TTOLrj{TOv)
SiaXiyoi/TaL K{al) Trapaâvei/TU top Alovvctov

(Kal)
e7TL(TKa>(7rTovcri)
^\evdôv(T(Lv).
8(e)
["Hpa^] TvpavvL8o(s) aKLuijrov, 7ra[p]a

K{a)T{a) 7r6X/j.o(u), rrj9
8'
TTapayevofxevoav avTca irapa fieu 8' 'Adrjvds VTV\i(as) !A(ppo8L{T7j^) Kd\\L(TT6{v) re K{al)
fi{e)T{a) 8e eirepaaTou avrov vTrdpêiv Kptpei ravr-qv vlkclv. nXevo-as e/y Tav(Ta) AaKe8aLiJLo{va) (Kal) tyjv ÊXei/rji/ eâyaycbu uKovaas 8 fier oXiyov tov9 enavep)(êT(aL) eh rrju "181]^. A)(âL0V9 7Tvp[7roX]LP Tr]v \Qi(pav) 0[euy(ef) irp09 top 'AXeâv[8(pov), K(al)
*
Trju
lJL(ev)
'EXvrj(u)
eh TaXapov
a)(nT[ep
Tvpov
Pap. Oxyrh. iv, pp. 69 et sqq. (No. 663); Demiauczuk, p. 31; cf Kenyon, 'Greek papyri and classical literature' m J.H.S.^ I9I9) P- n; Korte in Neue Jahrb. xx (1917), pp. 291 et sqq. and (chiefly) in Hermes^
xxxix (1904), pp. 481-98. ^ The great Aristophanic scholar, Van Leeuwen, seems to agree with him. IniUilior vix ullus est labor, he writes, qiiam de opcrtifji ignofontvi compositione vet indole disputandi. (Prolegomena ad Aristophanem^
p. 140.)
'
In Rhein. Mus.^ 1828,
p. 62.
i6o
Kpyy^ra^,
COMEDY
kavTov
S*
e/y
KpLo{v) ;x(e)r(a)a-^fao-a9 vwojiiueL to
irapayevoixevos S* 'A\eâv8(pos) K(al) (pcopdora? eKccTepo(v) dy^Lv kwl ras vavs irp(oG-)TdTTeL co? irapaScocrcou roT? oKvovcTT]^ 5e Trj'S Ê\evr){s) ravTrju fi(û) OLKreipas ldyâioi{s)o)? yvvoL^ eôav err iKar tov 8(e) Al6vv{(tov) (iy irapaSo)(( l), 6r}a-6iievo(v) dirocTTeWeL' (TvuaKoXovd{ov(ri) 8' ol ^dTv{poL) iTapaKa\ovvT9 re K{al) ovk av 7rpo8d>(TLv avrov (f)d<TKovTes. K(OfjLCo8eLTaL 8* kp TO) 8pdfiaTL IlepLKXrj? fxdXa 7n6avS>^ 8l'
[leWov.
fjL(pd<rCos CO?
*
knayeLoôis toIs 'AO-qvaioLs tov iroXefioy.
These [i.e. the Satyrs] address the audience on behalf of the poet, and when Dionysus turns up they mock and jeer at him. Offered^ by Hera invincible power, by Athene good fortune in war, by Aphrodite the chance of becoming the most beautiful and best-loved man in the world, he adjudges the prize to the last named. After this he sails to Sparta, carries away Helen and returns to Ida. Soon after this he hears that the Achaeans are ravaging the country, so he flies to Alexander and, hiding Helen in a basket like a cheese^ and changing himself into a ram,^ he awaits developments. Alexander turns up, and finds them both, and orders them to be led off to the ships, intending to hand them over to the Achaeans. Helen objects, and in pity he keeps her to be his The Satyrs wife, and sends Dionysus away for deportation. accompany him, encouraging him and declaring that they will never desert him. Pericles is satirized in the pla)^ with great * in the plausibility guise of one of the characters for having brought the war on the Athenians.'
Mythological burlesque such as this formed one of the stock subjects of Greek Comedy. Cratinus himself uses it in other plays such as the ^pL(j)ioi, a skit on the Perseus myth,
where Pericles is apparently parodied in the person of Zeus, and his mistress Aspasia in that of the goddess of the title, it being suggested that Nemesis and not Leda is the real mother of Helen. The Dionysus of Crates and the Europa and 'Adrjvd^ yovai of Hermippus tell, or at least suggest, their own tale, and readers of Aristophanes will not need to be reminded of Prometheus hiding under his
in the Nkfiea-is,
for
and
As Grenfell and Hunt point out, TrapayfvojjLevcop looks like a mistake some such word as rrapaT(ivofieva)v. ^ Uncertain. There is much to be said for Korte's opnv or x'/'') raXapos being the technical word for a bird-basket. ^ The well-known ^^7, /3^ fragment (fr. 43 K.) comes in here.
^
No
doubt that of Dionysus.
COMEDY
^
i6i
umbrella, and of Iris, the soubrette (as Symonds calls her) in the Birds of Hermes as house-porter in the Peace, or of the gluttonous Heracles or the cowardly Dionysus in the Frogs,
and hatch her egg in the Daedalus. The Dionysalexander illustrates the exuberance of fancy and liveliness of movement of the Old Comedy at its with its unexpected incidents and its fun fast and furious best it must have been a rattling farce. But, as in other mythoIn the
spirit
is
same
Leda
told to sit
logical burlesques, there
underlay the fun a serious political
purpose, and Korte,^ following the Hypothesis, holds that, beneath the characters of Dionysus and Helen, Cratinus is satirizing Pericles and Aspasia, paralleling the Greek invasion of Troy with the Spartan incursions into Attica, and suggesting, as did Aristophanes,^ that Pericles was mainly responsible
for the war.
further point of interest

Its style
Hypothesis.
emerges from the study of this shows so close a similarity to that of

all
the Hypotheses to Aristophanes' plays that we must date to very much the same period. If this is so, we must give
up
the theory generally held ^ which attributes these arguments to the Byzantine period, and Korte is probably right in his
view that they derive almost directly from the Hypotheses of

prefixed to school editions of the poet. to, if not of greater importance than, the Dionysalexander Hypothesis are the fragments of Eupolis*
Symmachus
Next
in
importance
This play we know to have been written in 41a, and theme, not unnaturally, is the bad state of Athens at that The chorus is perhaps composed of Mapa6o!>voiidâL time.
Jfj/ioL.^
its
who
deliver the parabasis

is
(first
fragment).
Here a
certain
mentioned, but we know nothing of him, nor can much we gather from this reference except that he is accused
Niceratus
of over-rationing.^
Griechische Komodie, p. 28. e.g. Ach. 530. by Leo {Rhein. Mus. xxxiii, pp 405 et sqq.). * Cat. gen. des antiq. igypt. du MusSe de Cciire, No. 43227, Pap. de Mdnandre, Lefebvre, pp. xxi et sqq. ; Schroeder, Aov. Com. fragg. in Pap. repert. (Kleine lexte. No. 135, p. 65); DemiaAczuk, pp. 43-8, and
1
"^
e.g.
p. 117.
"
*Two
;
187
or more Athen. iii. 98
xo''i't'ff-*
One
xoivi^
was a day's
ration
(cf.
Hdt.
vii.
e).
8730
i6a
COMEDY
;
of the
The second fragment seems to belong comedy following the parabasis
to the episodic part it presents us with
various revenants irpoarTdTai tov Srjfxov who have somehow been recalled from the nether world to succour Athens in her
need.
One
of these
is
is
Solon, whose
name
occurs in the text,
This latter point that the has been disputed on the ground papyrus reads quite Plutarch's Life of from But we know definitely Pyronides. Pericles^ that a Pyronides occurs as a character in the ^fj/ioL
and Myronides
in all probability another.
^ Aristophanes' Wasps the dog Labes stands for the general Laches, so doubtless here Pyronides is an intentional perversion of the name Myronides.^ The attri-
of Eupolis
and as
in
bution of the third leaf (a leaf found two years earlier than, though seemingly written by the same hand as, the first and
second leaves) has led to much dispute.* It clearly refers to the return to life of some one, for we get the line
[tl]
'
T0V9 Oavovras o[v\k kas T6yrjKep[aL
^
;
Why
will
you not allow the dead
to remain dead
'
general scene seems to be the expulsion from Athens of a (TVKo(j)dvTri^ by a SiKaios durjp. The (rvK0(pdj/T7j9^ though
The
claiming to be himself also an honest man, has confessed to having extorted a hundred staters from a êt/o? by threatening him with an action for profanation of the Mysteries. The
^ho9 had appeared with barley grains

proof enough,
^
sticking to his beard
for the (rvK0(pdrTr}9, that

^
1.
he had been drinking
ch. xxviii.
836.
This Myronides might be the a-TpaTrjyos of 479/8 (Plut. Arist. chs. x and xx), but is more likely to be the victor of Oenophyta (457 B.C.). He was one of Aristophanes' heroes, cf. Lys. 801 and Eccl. 303. Pyronides occurs in Pap. Oxyrh. x, p. 98 (No. 1240}. Grenfell and Hunt would connect it with our present papyrus. * The bibliography is Lefebvre (op. cit.) is against the attribution Korte in Hermes, y\\\\ (191 2), pp. 276 et sqq. and again in Bericht. d. sacks. Ak., 191 9, pp. 1-27 is for Jensen in Hermes, li (191 6), pp. 321 et sqq. hesitates, but is in the main against Robert, in a review of Demianczuk (who accepts) in the Gott gelehr. Anz., 1918, pp. 168 et sqq., is strongly against ; Wilamowitz in Herjnes, liv (1919), p. 69, deals with the Myronides
: ; ;
;
'
question only; Wiist in Phil. IVoch., 1920, col. 385 et sqq., is for. ^ Perhaps a conscious parody ot Euripides. The line occurs
in
the
Melanippe (fr. 507 Nauck). It is possible that Teî'r;]<a)y ovk aveîav ovd' 5n-a| of Pap. Oxyrh. vi, p. 172 (No. 863) connects with this fragment.
COMEDY
the
kvkccou
163
holy crvKoc/xjipTrjs is thrown into chains, and the StKaio? durjp remarks that he wishes a similar fate would overtake Diognetus. There is also some mention of an Epidaurian.
or sacrificial drink.
The
The
the
Jij/jLOL
case for the attribution of this leaf of the papyrus to rests in the main on three arguments first, the
:
reference to the recalling of the dead noticed above secondly, the likelihood of a reference in a play produced in 412 to one of those accusations of profanation of the Mysteries which
;
must have been still rife in Athens ever since the scandal and panic and wholesale arrests of 415 thirdly, the fact that, as Aristides was to the Athenians the SUaLos avr\p par excellence^ and as he seems to have been one of the saviours of Athens
;
'
in this play, his

is
appearance
in the role of o-i'/fo0aVr?;s'-ejector
what one would expect. The case against the attribution rests mainly on the reference to Diognetus. We happen ^ to know from an inscription of a certain Diognetus, whose father, Phrynon, dedicated an offering to the gods on his son's
just
recovery from illness. By regarding the Epidaurian in the fragment as being Asclepius, Robert identifies the Diognetus
of the papyrus with him of the inscription, dates thereby the scene as roughly 350 B.C., and regards it as part of a play belonging to the Middle Comedy. To this theory several
objections
may
more
this
likely to
is
be made. In the first place the Epidaurian be the îvos than the god of healing, and,
of the
identification of the
is
if
so,
is
the likelihood
two
considerably impaired. Next, even granting the identification, there is nothing which dates the inscription to 350 it might, so Wiist thinks, be as early as 403. Further
Diogneti
than
this,
Diognetus
three times in
Kirchner's Prosopographia and the Diognetus
is
common name it
occurs thirty-
of the play may be, for instance, a ^rjrrjTrj^, for whose existence we have the evidence of an inscription.^ Of the two views that which attributes this third leaf to the ArjfioL is on
the whole the
^
more probable.
I.G.
ii.
1440.
att.
Kirchner, Pros.
3850
Cv'^T^^t ^re Uv66vikos dariyyetXeu iv ra dtjfKo
TTfpi 'AX<(l^ta6ou,
i64
COMEDY
far
So
we have passed
definite authors.
in review papyri attributable to Besides these there are certain of which we
can only say, and that sometimes with hesitation, that they belong to the Old Comedy. Three of these may be cited.
One ^ has
for
survived as, apparently, a schoolboy's copy, written bride's purposes of education or perhaps punishment.
'
A
rj
true
dower
.
.
',
8ou
dW
.
writes the moralizing poet,

'iSva (rejjLva
.
.
is
ov xp^crou
'
BiKaLoa-vvr] , ^pov-qa-L^
.
('
/idpaynot gold
or emerald
the fragment might well
fidpaySos is takes on a fantastic form and

6oi/j.dTio[i/
.
justice, prudence '). So far gifts come from a New Comedy indeed a form which Menander ^ uses but the sequel
but moral
we
evJKapnov
. .
K(rTa)(yco[v elpyaafiivov
read of the bride's wearing a cloak ('
fruitful
Korte some
play,
attribute the
*
'
political
wrought with ears of corn'), which makes whole fragment with great probability to Old Comedy in which, at the end of the
to
(?)
Peace
is is
wedded
Demus.
an interesting Strasbourg papyrus ^ dating from about the year 390 B.C., and containing a dialogue
The second
between two friends, the name of one of v/hom was Euarchidas. Euarchidas (as his Doric name suggests) is a Spartan who is
entertaining in Sparta apparently the scene of, or a scene in, an Athenian êvos whose name has not survived. the play Euarchidas, being a Spartan, talks Doric,* his friend Attic.
would suggest, a promade to remark that in Athens, a city of shopkeepers, the name EvapxtSa? would be impossible. A man would rather be called EveinroXos. The mention of Lysandridas (= Lysander) leads us to attribute the comedy to a date between 404 and 375. The third ^ is a papyrus quite recently discovered, which
friend
is,
The
as his presence in Sparta

aristocrat,
Laconian Athenian
who
is
^ Pap. Soc. Ital. 143 Pap. Grec. e Lat. ii. 67 cf. Korte in Archiv f. Fr. 373 K. Pap. vii, p. 142. 2 Pap. Argeniorat. 2345 cf. Wiist in Bursian, 1926, pp. I2ietsqq., and Cronert in Nachr. d. k. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. zu Gott. Phil. Hist.
;
;
"^
Klasse^ 1922, pp. 27-31. Cronert's certainly bold restoration is criticized by Korte, who does not believe in it, in Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 257. * e.g. irrj-noKa, Xoa)u (Attic Xo&f), [xefivanai. ^ Published and explained by M. Norsa and G. Vitelli in BuU. de la Soc. roy, d'Arch. d'Alex., suppl. du fasc. 25, pp. 3-9.
COMEDY
165
gives us fourteen lines apparently from the Prologue to a mythological parody spoken by the goddess Rhea. It runs
as follows
TL
:
ovv
kfjiol
[roiv croiv /ie]\L
(pair]
tis
au
kyoo 8* kpS> [t\o So(poK\ov9 7roy vfjLMv, " niiTOvOa 8eLvd ". Trccrra fioL yepoau Kp[6vo9\
TO,
TraLSt*
eKTTLpeL re
Kal KaTeaOUi,
'^^'^
dW
6 TL
k3[T*
ifiol
Se TovToav TrpoaSiScoa-LP ovSe eV,
avTos epSei
x^'-P^
MeyapdS'
dycoi/
av
TKCO 'yCO TOVTO TTCoXcoU Cr6Ll.
SeSoLKe
e^pjycre
yap rov xPV^f^^^ coa-irep kvu[* ÊKdrrjy'] yap Kp6j/a> ttoO* AttoXXodj/ Spaxlf^V^t]
ovk direXaPe ravra 8r] Ovfiov 7rve[(ov\ irepav Xpr)(Te[u, avrt ye] 8pa[x\iJL(o[v d]^[L(ii>v\ ou (TKevdpia, fxd tov Al', ovSe xprjfiara, K TTJs âa-LXeCa^ 8* kKireauu vno Tr[aL8Lov.] [tov\t ovv 8e8oLKa)s irdvTa KaTawi[ueL reKva,]
you might ask why I trouble about your affairs. quote Sophocles in answer: "Terrible have been my Old Cronus devours and drinks all my children, sufferings ". and gives not a farthing's compensation. No he kills all my off>pring with his own hand, takes them off to Megara, and sells and eats them. And the reason is that he fears the ^ oracle, fears it like Hell. Apollo once lent him the loan of a drachma and never got it back so in anger he gave another kind, an oracle, claiming in return for his drachmas not goods nor cash, but Cronus' expulsion from his kingdom at a son's hands. That 's why he gobbles up all his children.'
of
I'll
:
'
One
We know that
called KpovoSy but its remains

tion of the fragment
is
the old comic poet Phrynichus wrote a play ^ are so meagre that we can
conclude nothing from them that would suggest the attribuunder consideration to that play. Nor
the quotation from Sophocles of much use. do not of the many plays of the tragedian it comes ; and even if we suppose the reference to be to the
We
know from which
^ There is a pun on the double meaning of XP^^- To borrow Professor '^ " to lend money Gilbert Murray's words : The word xp^^ means both and *'to give an oracle"; two ways of helping people in an emergency' {Four stages 0/ Greek Religion, p. 51).
'
Kock,
i.
372 et sq.
i66
Oedipus
Coloneiis^ in
off,
COMEDY
since the date of that play
no better
which the phrase does occur,^ we are still is not certainly known.
it
fairly
trustworthy tradition, however, attributes
to the
end of the poet's life, and sets its first production as late as the year 402. This gives colour to the theory that our comedy is rather Middle than Old.^ This is probable for other reasons. Common as we have seen mythological travesty to be in Old Comedy it becomes later still more common. Titles such as Athamas^ Aeolus^ Deucalion, and Danae (to cite but a few) abound, and we have plays like the Orestautoclides of Timocles, in which Autoclides, pursued by courtesans, figures as a parody of Orestes pursued by the Furies. Alexis' Linus seems to have dealt with the story of its hero's death at the hands of the violent and gluttonous Heracles, and a Ganymedes was written by Alcaeus, Antiphanes, and Eubulus.^ fragment coming apparently from an Anthology, and attributed by Wilamowitz to Pherecrates,* who belongs to the Old Comedy, deserves a bare mention, and similarly one from
Plato Comicus.^
Of what is indisputably Middle Comedy we possess only one papyrus fragment of any importance. This is a Berlin specimen dating from the third century B.C., and containing twenty-six lines of a comedy attributable with tolerable
certainty to the dramatist Alexis,^ the uncle
^
and model of
attempt on the part of the editors to pin the Oedipus Coloneus, because Rhea deprived of her children is^to Cronus what Oedipus deprived of his children is to Creon, seems hazardous in the extreme. ^ The mythological aspect of Middle Comedy is well treated by Denis, La Comidie grecque, vol. ii, pp. 354 et sqq. * The theory of the editors, that this play must have been produced before 408 because in that year Euripides produced the Orestes and, as the Orestes (1. 1616) contains the phrase nennvda deim, the comic poet would have made Rhea quote Euripides in preference, will not commend itself to many. C. Gallavotti {Rhnst. di Filol., nuov. ser. viii, fasc. 2, June 1930) suggests as the title Kpoj/os or Ai6s yoval. His view that 1. 8 (where he reads coanep ol Kvves) refers to the Cynics is highly improbable. * Pherecrates in Pap. Berol. 9772 DemiaAczuk, p. 71 : avr]p yap oaris d7r]odavov(rr]s 6ua0op[et
Soph. O.C. 892.
An
citation
down
to the
'
yvvaiKos, ovros ov/c]

^
eTrt'trrar'
evTvxelv,
Plato in Pap. Berol. 9772 ; DemiaAczuk, p. 82. H. I. Bell, Pap. Berol. I1771. Cf. Year's Work, 1918-19, p. 3 Bibliography, \Graeco-R07nan Egypt, 191 5- 19, p. 120; Wilamowitz in
:
COMEDY
167
Menander. The left-hand side of the papyrus has gone, a fact which adds to the difficulty of interpretation, as it makes it impossible to be certain who is speaking and when a change of speaker occurs.^ The scene seems to be laid in front of a temple of Demeter, and there is an altar on the stage much All we can make out as in the similar scene in the RudensP' with certainty is that some one pursues some one else, who
takes refuge at the altar. Wilamowitz thinks that the pursued is a girl and the pursuer a leno Korte, with more proba;
bility, pictures
a scene
in
which some one

the
is
eloping with an"
heiress
and being pursued by
kiriTpoiros
accompanied
by
presence of a coryphaeus and the letters yopov in the text, suggesting a choric usage analogous to that in Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae^ point to the play's
his slave Sosias.
The
belonging to the Middle Comedy.^ The more exact attribution to Alexis is due partly to the occurrence in this fragment of the formula of an oath similar to one used by him in the
ToKKTTris* and partly to his use of the adverb iraXaLo-TpiKm.^ Besides the fragment of Alexis we have from the Middle
Anthropogonia of Antiphanes, and a possible reference to the comic poet
Comedy
only the
last
few
lines of the
Sophilus."^
Lefebvre's discovery in 1906 of some 1,600 lines of Menander for our knowledge of New Comedy what the discovery of the papyri of Bacchylides and those of Herondas have been
is
f.
Sitzbericht. d. k.preuss. Ak. der IVzss., 191 8, pp. 34-6; Korte in Archiv Pap. vii, p. 142 and in sixth Heft of Ber. iiber d. Verh. der sacks, Ak,
der Wiss.
^
(1919^ pp. 36-8. noteworthy that in papyri change of speaker is indicated a generally by marginal dash. Where characters are mentioned by name it is usually the work of a later hand. 2 Plaut. Rud., Act III, sc. iii, 11. 664 et sqq. ' The question of choric usage is a vexed one, but it seems that between the full chorus of Old Comedy and the Zwischentdnze of the New there was a time when choric lyrics were still written and sung, though they were omitted in reading editions, their place being marked
It
is
Ixxi
Athen. vi. 258 e. ^ For the more usual Attic TTaXmaTiKais. 1. 23. Pap. Oxyrh. iii, p. 73 (No. 427) Demiaiiczuk, p. 8 ; cf. Korte, Neue Jahrb. xx (1917), P- 291. ' Milne, Cat. of Literary Pap. in Brit. Mus.^ pp. 65-6 (No. 93) cf.
1.
by* the word xop"0

21
;
cf.
Schol. Ar. Nub. 889.
cf.
p.
177
inf.
i68
for
COMEDY
our knowledge of post-Pindaric lyric and mime. The now so well however, known, and have been made so accessible to English readers by
five plays so restored to us are,
no need to do more than call attention to some articles which suggest that a papyrus, known now for some fifty years, and hitherto attributed to Euripides, may be another portion of Menander's Epitrepontes. This is the Didot papyrus published by Weil in 1879, ^"d now to be read in Nauck's Tragicorum graecorum ^ fragmeiita under Euripides.^ Prt)fessor D. S. Robertson has
Professor Allinson in his
edition, that there
is
Loeb
suggested, with great probability, that this is Pamphile's pr](n^ to her father Smicrines, part of whose answering pr^cn^ we may
Smicrines wishes his daughter to get a divorce from her husband Charisius on the grounds of Charisius' unfaithfulness. Pamphile (if it be she) admits that, being a
possess.^
woman, she
is
probably d(ppa)Vj but claims that even a woman sometimes wise in her own interests. She still loves her
is
husband, and has no wish to desert him in his misfortunes. Remarriage to a rich man is useless, for the second husband, too, may go bankrupt, and so she will be no better off. Besides, a father's rights over his daughter cease once he has given her in marriage he cannot claim to do so a second The style of this fragment is far more that of the New time. Comedy than that of Euripides, but it is worthy of remark
;
7roPT9 are
that the grounds for the suggested divorce in the 'EinTpemoral in this passage they are financial. One
;
certain addition
we have
to the Epitrepontes
some twentyOf
these
one
lines
from the monologue of Onesimus.^

of the Microvficuo?.
Four papyri preserve scraps

*
Fr. incert. 953: see chapter ii, above, p. 155. C.A\, 1922, pp. 106 et sqq. Both VVilamowitz
the Euripidean authorship.
and Tyrrell had denied Professor Robertson does so on metrical
(e.g. elision of -at). J. G. Milne (C./?., 1925, p. 1 17) supports this view, reading the meaningless a-fiodpeyarris as eniTpenouTfs. Korte (with more probability) reads as cnro{v)8epydTTjs, accepting the Menandrian ascription but denying the 'ETrirpcTroj/res. ^ Menander^ ed. Allinson, p. 86, 1. 502 ft hi Kdfxe del, kt\. ed. Jensen,
grounds
P-35-
Fap. Oxyrh. x, p. 88 (No. 1236) ; Sudhaus, Meft. rell. nuper repert, (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte, 44-6), p. 25. Cf. Bell, Bibliog.y 1913-14, p. 95 ; Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 144.
COMEDY
one
*
169
It is
is
of
little
importance and doubtful attribution.
a fragment of nine mutilated lines in which Theronides, the soldier in the MLaovfjLei/o^, talks to a certain Malthace, who may be the slave of the heroine of the play, Crateia.^ The
other three papyri are of more value, though all are tantalizhave a scene in which, in ingly short and fragmentary.^
We
the presence of a nurse {Tpo<f>6^)^ an dvayvcdpia-Ls (recognition scene) takes place between Crateia and her father Demeas, which is unfortunately interrupted by the arrival of Crateia's
lover,
scene,
if
This Thrasonides, to whom Demeas is unknown. the above be the right interpretation of it,* reminds
us of a similar one in Plautus' Poenulus^ where the avayvoapi(TLs
between Hanno and his daughter Anterastylis is interrupted by the soldier-lover, Antamoenides. Thrasonides has
carried off Crateia
is madly in love with her, abuse his power, and in his misery his thoughts turn to suicide, but from taking that final step he is prevented by the prayers and exertions of his faith-
by
force.
He
but she scorns him.
He
will not
ful slave,
Getas.
Demeas comes
to
redeem Crateia, and
finds
Thrasonides so obliging and charming that he bestows his daughter's hand on him in preference to her other suitor,
Clinias.^
To
is
this
Menander himself;
KeipoyikvT]
again we get a parallel, this time in for the position of Glycera in the JTepi-
very like that of Crateia in the MLO-ov/xepoSf except that, while Glycera is more or less free to leave Polemon if she will, Crateia is absolutely in Thrasonides'
power. Of Menander's KoXa^

^
we have
for
some time possessed
Pa^. Oxyrh. x, pp. 95-6 (No. 1238) ; Schroeder,pp. 56-7. Cf. Korte, Bericht. d. sacks. A/e.j 191 9, p. 27. ^ But erjpu) [may only be Qrjpcou, a Menandrean character, as we know from Irr. 937 and 895. Schroeder does not even accept it as Menander.
Oxyrh. vii, pp. 103-10 (No. 1013) (= Sudhaus, pp. 97-8) Pap. Cf. Year's Work, pp. 45-7 (No. 1605); Pap. Beiol. 13281. 1918-19, p. 3; Bell, Bibliog., 1915-19, p. 120; Wiist in Philol. Woch^y Wilamowitz in Sitzber. der prenss. Ak., 1918, pp. 747 et 1920, col. 385 Korte in sixth Heft of Ber. iiber d. Verh. der sacks. Ak. Ixxi (1919), sqq.
jPap.
;
Oxyi^h.
xiii,
pp. 28-36. * I follow Korte rather than Wilamowitz. The latter regards Thrasonides as adoptive f.ither rather than lover of Crateia.
11.
1294 et sqq.
is lost,
The end
but they must doubtless
all
'
live
happily ever after'.
J70
a considerable
COMEDY fragment.^ A more recently discovered
papy-
rus^ attributable to the same play covers much the same ground, but contains lines not found in the longer portion.
This at once suggests that the latter is a manuscript not of the entire play, but only of certain scenes in it. The new
Now we papyrus, moreover, contains a parasite, Gnathon. know from Athenaeus ^ and Plutarch * that the name of the
parasite
(i.e.
Bias' parasite) in the
KoXa^ was
Struthias.
It
has been conjectured, therefore, that Gnathon is a second parasite, attached to Phidias in much the same way as
Struthias
is
to Bias.
This suggestion seems the more likely

that a parasite of the
when we remember
figures in Terence's
name of Gnathon Etmuchus^ a play based on Menander's
Three new small fragments of Menander's Tônpybs^ with come from a codex of the fourth century but the surface is so much worn that little can be made out
interlinear glosses,
;
for certain.
Still,
enough remains of three
lines to
enable
them
to be identified with an extract from the TeoDpyos preserved in Stobaeus, though there is a different reading in one
place.
Nomothetes
With the exception of an unimportant fragment from the ^ we have no other papyrus remains of plays by name
to
attributable
Menander.
We
have, however, one
long fragment, some eighty-seven lines in all, which scholars have with some confidence assigned to that dramatist."^ The
manuscript starts
spoken by Tvyj]
*
much
p.
in
the middle of the

in the
same way as
;
prologue, which is is that of the
(No. 409) Sudhaus, pp. 89 et sqq. 93 (No. 1237); cf. Korte in Archiv J. Pap. vii, p. 142; Bell, Bibliog.^ 1913-14, p. 96. * ^ de adul. 13. X. 434 c. ^ British Museum Papyrus 2823a; edited by H. J. M. Milne in the Journal of Egyptian Archaeology^ vol. xvi ( 1930), pp. 192, 1 93. Mr. Milne thinks that the fragments may belong to the papyrus of the reeopyo? at Florence, P.S.I.^ No. 100. Cf. Stob. Flor. xcvi. (Hense, vol. v, p. 789). ^ Giessen papyrus; cf. Year'^s Work., 1927-8, p. 78. ' Pap. della Soc. Ital. 126 ; Pap.grec. e lat. ii. 27. Cf Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, pp. 146-8 ; Norsa and Coppola in Rivista Jndo-Greco^
Pap. Oxyrh. iii, Pap. Oxyrh. x,
p. 17 et sqq.
vi (1922), pp. 35 et sqq.; Van Leeuwen, Men. fab. reliq.^ Jensen (Men. reliq., pp. 178 et sqq. (attributed to the *EttikKt]pos). pp. 128 et sqq.) also attributes it to this play.
Italica,
COMEDY
IlepLKeipo/xei/r]
171
is
by
''Ayvoia.
The
plot
as follows
two old
men, the greedy Smicrines and

live next door to each other.
his
younger brother Chaerias, Chaerias' household consists
of himself and his wife, together with his daughter and another girl, the sister of a young man at present abroad, who is being brought up in the family. Chaerias has a stepson his
wife's
this
son by a former husband whom he intends shall marry

The young man
returns,
ward.
and Smicrines (we do not
know why)
slave
wishes to prevent the marriage. Here there is a lacuna of over two hundred lines. next hear of the
We
Davus' plan to announce the of Chaerias death wife and the the that two know he is really still girls only act comes to alive. The an end. The next act opens with
a monologue by Smicrines.
'
This
is
'
who announces
state of our
to
him
his brother's
death
interrupted by Davus, In the present '.
knowledge it is impossible to say from which of Menander's plays this comes,^ or to guess the denouement. Another papyrus containing matter of value for the student of Menander's works is one from Oxyrhynchus,^ containing two columns of respectively forty-four and forty-five lines of
the Trepioâl
era,
tcoj/
MevdvSpov
SpafxccToou of
êXXioy
6 Kal ^'Ofi-qpos.^
This writer lived
in the first
all
rj ^lXXlos century of our
and seems to have dealt with
in alphabetical order.
''IfjL^pLOL
also its date (296-295 B.C.) the middle of that of the ^lipeia.
and
The fragment
Menander's 105 plays gives us the plot of the

*
and breaks
off in
Perhaps assignable to Menander is another Oxyrhynchus papyrus^ of twelve lines, dating from the third century and mentioning two typically Menandrean characters Ad)(^r}9
^
Herzog {Hermes^
li
(1916), pp. 315-16) suggested the 'E7TiKKr]po<:, but
we should expect Smicrines to have a son. Nor does the suggested AvaKoXos suit where the god who speaks the prologue comes out of
if
so
Nymphaeum ^
p. 148.
^
(fr.
127 K.).
pp.
Pap. Oxyrh.
x,
81-8 (No. 1235);
cf.
Korte
in
Archiv j. Pap.
vii,
For Korte's attribution of this to philol. Woch., 191 8, coll. 787 et sqq. * The manuscript actually reads eVi
'liWios see his article in Berl.
NiKo*cXe'o[i;r, but, as Wilamowitz points out {Neue Jahtb. xxxiii, p. 245), this should be eVt Ntxiou, as is shown by a reference to the tyranny of Lachares which started in the spring of 295 (Beloch, Gr. Gesch. iii, p. 197).
"^
Pap. Oxyrh.
xv.
No. 1824;
cf.
Korte
in
Archiv f. Pap.
vii, p.
151.
172
COMEDY
M(e)/f[/'aj].
and
Here a
father (Adxrj9) gives his daughter in
marriage to a suitor
who accepts
her without dowry {dirpoLKo^).

7rai'(5co]i/ ctt'
The fragment
contains the formula
dp6Ta>yvT)(Tico[v,
which occurs elsewhere in Menander.^ Definitely Menandrean are ten yvcofiai discovered on a thirdcentury papyrus in the Fayfim.^ Of these four were known previously; the other six are new to us. All but one begin
with
o)?, e.g.
rjSij
yovecav kol reKPCov
(r[v/j.(p(OPia (?)
'
and evidently formed part of a collection, as we might say, of bright thoughts' from Menander, for Florilegia were common in the first few centuries of our era, and many examples have
come to light among papyri. Of papyri ascribed by some scholars to Menander, the ascription being denied by others, one of the most interesting
another discovered in the Fayum.^ The plot of the play and, indeed, the order of the fragments are matters of some uncertainty, and different scholars have put forward divergent
is
views.
additions.
written
The two prologues* attached are doubtless later They are interesting in themselves, both being in a trick style. The first is in what are known as
*
'
anacyclic iambics i.e. lines so written that the order of words can be inverted without damage to the scansion. It begins
:
*'/)(By, A(p[po]SLTr]9 f/os"
i7rLLKr}?,
[u]io9,
reo9, inLGiK^s f/o? 'A(Ppo8iTr]^, "Epcas
and continues
in the
same
style for twelve
more
lines.
The
second, which, perhaps mercifully, is fragmentary towards the end, is spoken by Aphrodite, who, after an introduction
begins the story in Kar d\(j>dfirjTov iambics i.e. lines the first of which starts with A^ the second with B, and so on. These prologues are also of interest as giving us
of twelve
lines,
^
'^
It
occurs in Pap. Oxyrh. iii, No. 429. Year's Work^ 1927-8, p. 78; Kalbfleisch in Hermes,
ii.
Ixiii
(1928),
p. 100.
^
Pap. Ghordn,
First published
by Jouguet
in Bull. corr. hell,
xxx
(1906), pp. 123-49; cf. Korte in Hermes^ xliii (1908), pp. 38-57; and in Archivf. Pap. vi, pp. 230 et sqq. ; Demianczuk, pp. 99-102 ; Schroeder, pp. 29-38; Legrand, Daosy p. 341, note 4; G. Capovilla in Btill. Soc.
Arch. d'Alexandr., N.S.

*
iv,
pp. 193-229.
Schroeder, pp. 63-5.
COMEDY
much from
173
a sort of half-way house between the prologue proper and the In spite of their cleverness we do later hypothesis in verse.
these prologues. The scene, we are in Ionia; a rich youth (Phaedimus) told, from a Troezen, marries her, and becomes a Troebuys girl zenian citizen. In the first fragment a slave brings unwelcome
not learn
is
laid
somewhere
to a mistress.^ Enter the young man Phaedimus, who answers the slave's greeting roughly. Next comes a scene in which Phaedimus upbraids his friend Niceratus for disloyalty.
news
Chaerestratus then enters, scolds Phaedimus for his unreasonableness, and sends Niceratus off. The rest (col. v) mutilated to admit of any reconstruction.
is
too
Jouguet, the
first
editor of the papyrus,
and Blass, who
assisted him, both regard the fragment as Menandrean, and Blass went so far as to suggest that it came from Menander's
''Attlctto^.
recent
is
of the piece
Menandrean authorship Giovanni Capovilla, but he cannot be said to

champion
of the
counter successfully the arguments adduced by Korte, who shows fairly conclusively that the play was written a generation later than Menander's,
work of an Egyptian.
in all probability the aside Setting vague stylistic arguments,^ Korte calls attention to (i) the tasteless monologizing
is
and was
of Chaerestratus,^ which mation of the audience;

(3)
merely introduced for the infor(2) the non-comic form avroTa-L;*
(e.g. SiafiapTaiêLu
the dearth of vocabulary as shown by tasteless repetitions used three times) and (4) the frequency
;
of the perfect tense. We may, then, regard the fragment as probably later, the work of some Egyptian writer, the title of
whose play was quite possibly

Troezen,
Still
Tpoi^-qvta, or
^
The girl from
another
Fayum
papyrus
has been ascribed on very
this as a monologue. arguments are always dangerous. Capovilla assigns the play to Menander because of 'la vivezza della rappresentazione ; Korte denies Menander's authorship because the language fehlt die Knappheit und Scharfe Menanders*. *
^
So most probably, though Schroeder regards

loc.cit.
Stylistic
1. 134. 6; Demianczuk, pp. 102-4; Schroeder, pp. 3-1 1. Cf. Blass in Lit. Zentralbl., 1906, pp. 1078 et sqq. ; Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vi, pp. 228 et sqq.
'
11.
160
et sqq.
Pap. Hibeh^
i.
174
COMEDY
slender grounds to Menander. survives some i6o odd lines
papyrus Though so fragmentary that

it
much
of the
is
little
can be gathered from
it.
The
characters
Novfirji'ios
and
^(o(TTpaT09 (?) give us no help, and although A-qfxeas^ occurs ^ in Menander's kâiraTcov it is unlikely that our fragment
Ah
comes from that
mon
the
play, since it seems to have nothing in comwith Plautus' Bacchides^ the supposed original of which is
*
eâiraToov.^ British Museum preserves a fragment lines ascribed by some scholars to Menander.
Ah
The
of
wishes to escape from a marriage engagement for

foreign
some fifty young man love of some

this
woman. The
slave
Davus strongly deprecates
move.
On
himself to
young man's departure the be bold and prudent in action.

the
slave encourages Enter (from the
country) an old man, Simon, marriage to be made.
who
orders preparations for the
Perhaps the most recent papyrus discovery which throws any light on Menander is that of two fragments published by G. Pasquali in 1929.^ The papyrus is self-dated to the year A.D. 59-60, and contains some fifty lines, about thirty of
which are decipherable. between two characters,
In the
in
first
column we have a scene

is
which one
endeavouring to avoid
task imposed, or insisted on, by the other. He urges the sea of troubles in which he is struggling, but is met by his friend's reminder that sailors faced in real life with such
some
'
'
storms neither lose hope nor shirk their duty

[70?? 7r]Xiov<rLP
ov
dccopeh
xeL/xcoi/f
ttoXXcckls to, Sva-x^prj
[dvTiKL]Tai TrdvTa'
^
nvevii, vScop, rpLKv/iLa,

;
A
1 1
pp.
2 '
3-14, but Fr. 123 K.
Arjueas occurs in Flind, Petrie Pap., p. 16 (No. 4. i) it is a common name in Comedy.
DemiaAczuk,
Ritschl, Parerg. 405 ; Pap. Oxyrh. iv, p. 127 (No. 677) Demiariczuk, pp. 116-17 ; Schroeder, pp. 54-5, contains a dialogue between a master, Nou/ii7i/io9, and a slave, but it is too short and fragmentary to interpret. Cf. Wilamowitz in Gdit. gelehr. Anz., 1904, p. 669. * Pap. Oxyrh. i, pp. 22-5, No. 11 ; Demianczuk, pp. 111-13 ; Schroeder,
p. 113) support
11 and Hunt (p. 22), and Blass {Archiv f. Pap. i, Menandrean authorship, suggesting the Fecopyds-. Wilamowitz {Gott, gelehr, Anz., 1898, p. 694) doubts the attribution mainly on the score of the occurrence of the word îvelv (1. i). ^ Studi italiani di Filologia classica^ nuova serie, vol. vii, fasc. iii-iv.
pp. 38-42.
Grenff
COMEDY
[d(TTpa7ra]L,
175
,
xdXaâ,
ovk
fipovrai, vavTiai,
TrpoorfjLivei
vv^.
[dWd
[Kal TO
*
/jLr)]u
KaarT09 avrayv
rrjv
kXniSa
^
[kol to jj.]\Xop
TTiêvfi']
cLTriyvoo.
Toou KuXcou TL9 rjyjraro
ia-KiyjraO', eVepoj tols
âfiodpa^Lp
all
V)(TaL,
Don't you realize that sailors have to face

:
. . .
sorts of
unpleasantnesses storms, hurricanes, waves great and small, night ? Yet each and lightning, hail, thunder, sea-sickness, all of them await events with confidence, and do not despair of what may happen. One hauls on the ropes and keeps an eye on the wind, another prays to the gods of Samothrace.'
In
column
ii
a third
character
makes
his
seemingly a slave of one of the others.
Column
appearance, iii is too
fragmentary to yield any sense. The characters' names are Moschion and Laches, names universally known in New Comedy, and not specifically Menandrean. Indeed, the editor,
though suggesting that this papyrus may form a portion of an unknown comedy of Menander already known to us in uncertain outline,^ will not commit himself further than to say that he can see nothing in the lines inconsistent with an attribution to Menander.^ With the bare mention of an unimportant Freiburg papyrus * we may pass on to the work of writers definitely other than Menander. Of these the most important from the present ^ which point of view is Philemon. Thanks to a papyrus contains parts of Didymus' commentary on Demosthenes, we
know
for
of the existence of the hitherto
unknown
AiOoyXvcpos,
Didymus quotes from that play with reference to a certain Aristomedes, who was a trierarch in the year ^S^S* Satyrus,
^
The papyrus seems
to read rois ofjoaQpaiv.
The
attractive
emendation
Prof.
2afx6d(jaîv
was suggested independently by Wilamowitz and

;
W. M.
Edwards. ^ Menander^ ed. AUinson, pp. 464-73
ed. Jensen, pp. xlvi et sqq.,
and 84-7.
''1.
II
TrpoaaTTTfis
rfj
rvxj}
rrjv
aiTiav recalls
a similar expression of
Menander, fr. 1083 (Kock), but this fragment is not certainly Menander. Were the metaphor from a storm not such a literary common-place, one might (with Pasauali) see a connexion between this fragment and
Philemon, fr. 28 (Kock). * Pap. Freiburg, i :
Gnomon
^
cf. Wiist in Biirsian, 1926 (p. 124); Korte in 23 (denies Menandrean authorship). Pap. Berol. 9780; Demiahczuk, p. 71 ; Schvoeder, pp. 60-1.
i.
176
COMEDY
^
.
.
\
too, in his life of Euripides
quotes Philemon as saying of his hero EvpnriSrj^ . SvvaraL Xeyeiv, and another 8y fiSvo? of trace is the dramatist to be seen in the line possible
:
opyrjs KaTi KpviTTa
firj
'K^dprjs
(jitXov,
by a schoolboy as an exercise or punishment, and perhaps the best he can do for Philemon's ^
line
written out four times
opyfj? X^P'-^ "^^ KpVTTTOL
/irj
(l>durj?
(ftiXov.
In connexion with Philemon arises the interesting question, whether we have found in a play of his the original of Plautus'
Aulularia
of
? There exist three (or possibly four) papyri,* all which contain portions of one and the same play. Although
the total
considerable, yet
number of lines contained in these four papyri is we cannot make much out of them in their
very mutilated state, and it must be admitted that so far as we can disentangle anything of the plot, it does not square
with that of the Aulularia.
Grenfell and
it is
a few possible verbal parallels, and we get in both plays a slave of the
attribution
Hunt point out to be observed that
the letters
name of Strobilus. The to Philemon has been made to rest in the main on KPOIC[. The addition of an omega gives us the
word
KpoL(7(Oy and it has been pointed out that the one and only reference to the Lydian king in comedy occurs in ^ a fragment of Philemon quoted by Eustathius in his com-
mentary on Homer.
Kol
The
line
quoted runs Kpota-co Xa\a> aoi
MiSa
KOL TavToiXco,
Kpota-cp occurs in
quotation and in
and it is certainly true that the word the same place in the line, both in Eustathius' the Hibeh papyrus.^ But against all this it
may be
-co
to
reasonably urged (i) that it is not necesssary to supply KPOIC[ (e.g. Schroeder in his text reads Kpoicrov) ;
; ;
p. 62.
2
Pap. Oxyrh. ix, p. 150 (No. 1176) Demianczuk, p. 72 Schroeder, For Philemon's admiration for Euripides cf. fr. 130 K.
Bull. corr. hell. 1904, p. 208. Fr. 233 K. (The 2nd aor. active of <^mVa) is suspect ; but if corrupSee Powell, Collect. Alex., p. 226, tion has set in, it has set in early.)
^
note on Chares 4, 1. 20. * Pap. Hibeh, 5, Pap. Grenfell, ii. 8 (b). Pap. Rylands, 16(a) and (so Schroeder) Pap. Flinders Petrie, 4 Demianczuk, pp. 98-9 ; Schroeder, Cf. Leo in Hermes, xli (1906J, pp. 629 et sqq. Blass in pp. 11-20. Rhein. Mus. Ixii (1907), pp. 102 et sqq. ^1. 62. ad Horn., p. 1701. 6. Fr. 189 K.
; ;
COMEDY
177
;
(2) that even Kpotaco does not point decisively to Philemon (3) that even were Philemon the author of this play, the
identity of that play with the Aulularia has
by no means been
Indeed, positive arguments may be adduced against proved. the ascription to Philemon. For one thing Plautus, like Terence, tends to alter the names of his borrowed characters,
so that the occurrence of a Strobilus here, so far from supporting the identification, actually militates against it. Further,
we
lines in praise of
get the mention of a nomarch,^ and what looks like five Egypt,^ which suggest rather an Egyptian
than an Attic comedy. On the whole we can say with some confidence that the Y\iA^m.oxi- Aulularia case is non-proven. Three other papyrus fragments refer, or are possibly assignable, to writers of the
New Comedy;
one
is
the already
mentioned^ commentary of Didymus in which the author refers to two plays of Timocles, the "ilpooey and the 'I/captot The "H/acoey seems to date from 34a B.C., and it is possible that this play, and other plays of Timocles, should be considered as belonging to Middle, rather than New, Comedy.
.
A similar uncertainty arises
in the case of
another papyrus
British
already mentioned.* The Sophilus
in
this
Museum
;
papyrus may be the writer of the Middle Comedy on the other hand, we find a reference ^ to a certain Damoxenus, and two Damoxeni connect with New Comedy, viz. the comedy writer of that name,^ and the famous chef who occurs as a
character in the well-known fragment of Anaxippus' 'EyKaXvTTTOfJieVOS.'^
have already had occasion to mention * comic Anthofavourite type of such is to be seen in the so-called logies.
*
We
'
y\r6yoL
yvuaiKMu^ which, as their
gynistic aphorisms.
Remains
implies, contain misoof these sometimes survive on
name
ostraca, suggesting that such Anthologies were used for educational purposes, and were excerpted by the scholars.^
M.
* ^
7.
11
ô_4
p^ 1^7^
;
Milne, Caf. of lit. pap. in Brit. Mus.^ pp. 65-6, No. 93 * 1. Kock, iii, pp. 348 et sqq. 9.
^
;
cf. p.
167.
Above, p. 172. Kock, iii, p. 296 Athen. ix. 403 e. G. Milne mf./I.S., 1923 (pp. 40-3) Frankel in Hermes^ lix (1924), Wiist in Bursian^ 1926, p. 123. Bell, Bibliog.^ 1923-4, p. 85 pp. 362-8
^
'
J.
3736
|>f
178
COMEDY
Papyrus fragments make known to us a type of New Comedy little heard of from other sources. This is what we
might
call native
Graeco-Egyptian comedy.
It is clear that,
as might be expected, Alexandrian authors continued the tradition of the Greek poets, and wrote many New Comedies
more or
less in imitation of
already had occasion to Another fairly certain instance is a Strasbourg papyrus^ containing some five lines in praise of an officer or official who is referred to as cpiXiXXiju and (fnXoâa-iXevSy neither of which Yet another epithets seems to suit an Athenian comedy.^
* Strasbourg papyrus may be another such, though we have really nothing to guide us to a knowledge of its period or It is an almost entire prologue provenance. spoken by
Menander and his school. We have notice what are perhaps two of them.^
Dionysus himself, or perhaps by some other god,^ and its main interest lies in the fact that we have in it a proof that
the prologue, as an integral part of the
New Comedy,
goes
back to Greek times, and was not, as has been thought,^

a later addition
I
first made by the Roman playwrights. add some references to papyri omitted above as being of
insufficient interest for detailed
examination
;
Schroeder, p. 54. Pap. Oxyrh. iv, p. 168 (No. 862) ; Schroeder, pp. ^^-^. (A slave asks Phidias where he has hidden a baby.)
iii,
;
Pap. Oxyrh. Pap, Oxyrh.
iii,
and 74 (No. 430) pp. 69 and 74 (No. 431)

pp. 69
Schroeder, p.
ô^.
Pap, Oxyrh. ix,pp. 124
et sqq. (Demianczuk, p. 95; Schroeder, contains Satyrus' life of Euripides, 7W2; Chapters, pp. 61-2) First Series, pp. 144 sqq. There are quoted five fragments
pp. 173 and 177. Pap. Argentorat. 307 Cronert in Gott. Nachr., 1922, pp. 31-2 Wiist in Bursian, 1926, p. 124. ^ It should be mentioned that Cronert suggests that the play might be Attic and date from the period of Athenian-Macedonian friendship. But the Alexandrine hypothesis is preferable. * Demianczuk, p. 96 Pap. Argentorat. 53 Schroeder, pp. 45-8 Reiizenstein in Hermes, 1900, pp. 622-6 Legrand, Daos, pp. 506 et sqq. An important question resting on the restoration of 1. 15. Weil {Rev. des ^t.gr. xiii (1900), pp. 427-31) thought that the speaker was the poet
^
; ;
;
himself.
'
Cf. Leo, Plautin. Forsch., pp.
176 et sqq.
COMEDY
of
179
comedy. One mentions

Cf.
;
the da-TvuSfioL or police officers
of Athens.
191 2,
p. 381
Leo
in
Korte
in
GoU. gelehr. Anz. (phil. hist. Klasse), Archiv f. Pap. vi, pp. 249 et sqq.
;
Pap. Oxyrh. x, pp. 95-7 (No. 1339) Schroeder, pp. 57-8 cf. Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, pp. 143 et sqq.
Pap. Hibeh,
i.
pp. 41-4 (No. 12)

i,
Schroeder, pp. 51-2.

;
Pap.
a
Soc.
Ital.
pp. 49-51.
Ie7i0y
(A
Schroeder, pp. 166 et sqq. (No. 99) free-born girl, Ao)pL9, is in the hands of
KipSoou.) Cat. of lit. pap. in Brit.
Mus.^ pp. 64-5 (No.
92).
Weil in Mon. grec. i, pp. 25-8, published a papyrus fragment in which a character likens his call on a philosopher to
a sick or even dead man's
were, the letters
come
to
life.
As
APIZTHN,
He has, as it visit to Asclepius. the word TrepLnaTOdv occurs, and also we may see a reference to the
M.
P.
philosopher Arist[oph]on of Ceos, the Peripatetic.
IV
LATER ELEGY, EPIGRAM, AND LYRIC POETRY

Erinna, Parthenius, Posidippus, Leonidas of Tarentum, Antipater ot Sidon, Amyntas, Anonymous Elegiac Poems, Philicus, Anonymous Lyric Poems, the later Dithyramb, a Bucolic fragment.
Erinna, the young poetess who died at the age of nineteen, was a favourite subject of those writers in the Greek Anthology who liked to celebrate poets and poetry. She won the praise of Asclepiades,^ Antipater,^ and Leonidas,^ and remained as the type of exquisite youthful promise destroyed Three of her epigrams are preserved in the before its time. and may be survivals of the Garland of Meleager Anthology,^ into which the poet wove yXvKvv 'Hptpprj^ napOevoxpcoTa But the greater part of her fame rested on her KpOKov.^ short Epyllion written in hexameters to the memory of hei Oil girl friend, Baucis, and called 'AKaKdra or The Distaff, this poem five lines have been known from quotations in Stobaeus ^ and Athenaeus,"'^ but now we have the mutilated
remains of some sixty lines found by Italian discoverers at Behnesa,^ and contained in a papyrus of an early age,
probably the second century B.C. The arrangement and restoration of these lines are highly hazardous, and most are too fragmentary to yield any sense.
The
identity of the poem is fortunately quite certain. only does the name of Baucis occur three times and the
Not
word
dXaKdra once, but Erinna's own name

* ^
is
almost certainly
Anfh. Pal.
vii.
ii.
^
^ ^
ib. vii. 713.

vi.
ib. vii. 13. ^ ib. iv. I. 12.

vii.
352;
vii.
710, 712.
iv. 50,
51.
^
^
283
d.
F.S./., vol. ix, No. 1090, and p. xii. The Italian scholars place it in the third century B.C. Bulletin de la Societe Royale <Ârchiologie cV Alexandrie^ No. 24, pp. 9-16; cf. A. Vogliano, Gnotnon, 1928, p. 455 ; ib., 1929, p. 171 and p. 288 ; L. A. Stella, Rendiconti del Istituio Lombardo,
pp. 827-38.
LATER ELEGY, EPIGRAM, & LYRIC POETRY

recognizable,^
tion
i8i
and one fragmentary
line
seems to be identical
at last in a posi-
with a line familiar from Stobaeus.^

to
We are
form an independent judgement on
The
Distaffs
and see if its great reputation was deserved. The poem is a lament for lost friendship and vanished delights. It seems the distaff was the have had because to its title symbol of spinsterhood, and Erinna and Baucis had passed their girl-
hood together.
The text is full of problems. The papyrus begins with the mention of a yikuvva, and though this might refer to a tortoise or to a lyre, it seems more likely that Erinna is recalling
a
game
of her girlhood, the

ix. 125).
game of y/KiyjEXoavT]
girls*
'
described
by
Pollux (Onoin.
This was a
game, and one
girl
who
middle was called Tortoise ', )(j^\<x>vrj. The others ran round her and asked questions to which she replied.
sat in the
Pollux records the words.^

Girls.
X.\L\eXa)vi] f rt rroteis û ro)
//ecro)
Tortoise.
Girls.
Tortoise.
Mapvofi' 'ipta kol KpoKav MiXija-Lav. *0 8' eKyovo? crov tl ttolcoi/ aTTCoAero AevKccp d(p' lttttcov e/y OdXaaa-au dXaro.
;
The final dXaro suggests a sudden movement in when the Tortoise dashed away from the rest.
* '
the
If
game
Erinna
refers
to
this,
the opening lines

:
may
very tentatively be
restored as follows
Xe]vKdu
fiaLPOfjLep[oi(rL
7r]oa(rii^
d(f>
li\Tnrcov
KdX\Xia-[T] w, /xey' dvaay (pliXay

dX]XofjLeua fxeydXas
[
es]
\Xvvva, xoprtov avXd^.

tv]
:
yiyopas
Then come some simple words
of lament
Ta\vTd TV, BavKL rdXaiv\ay fiapv (TTOvd\)(êL(Ta yorjfjLi' ^ Keirai ra\vTd fjLOL ku Kpa[8ia ]pa L\vLa ^ 8e err 7ra]i^po/xey dvdpaK9 r]8r], Trjv[a Oepp!
8ayv[8]cioi/
re x[
iraipySes
ei^
OaXdjioLo-L.
its
Erinna
is
recalling their
common
childhood with
doils,
and she goes on apparently to say how her mother used to

^ 1.
24
'^[pi] "["]
ii.
Cf. infra.
Diehl,
2.
35.
supp. Maas.
than
txvia, supported by Theocr. xvii. 12 1-2, Vitelli's d/m;ti/ta, supported by tt 35.
seems
'
to
make
better sense
enaipofxfs Vitelli.
supp. Vitelli.
i82
LATER ELEGY, EPIGRAM,

in the
wake them
a bogey rd^ kv
:
morning, and
how they were
afraid
of
at fiLKpai? t[ filv Ko\ira

e/c
(f>6l3ov
dyaye
Mo[pfj.]oo,
S*
^
âra' Troao-L
icpoLrrj
Te]Tp[a](rLu'
$[e
KaXds aia^pau]^ /jLeTeâXXer'
owcoTrdv.
But when Baucis married, these childish incidents ended Erinna goes on to speak of the change
:
dvLKa
a<j(T
8*
ej^
W^X^^
[di'Spo? e/5ay, rjoica

^
iravT
eXiXaao
'in ifrjTTLda-aa-a T[ed9 Trapa] fxarpos

]
.
aKovcras,
BavKL
T(o
(f)LXa, Xa6a\ TV KaTaKXa[L]oL\a-\a

fiOL
. .
*A(j)po8LTa'
^
ov
ydp
01)8'
ecnSrji/
Xetnoa' ^v6d8e\ dirb 8a)/j.a êlSaXoi, TTOêy [. .] ^ ve\Kvu ov8 yodcrat <pae[(r(n deXco
[.
^[Ta
[.
yvîvalcnv
^(âiTaKTii/,
[iirel
(J)ol\vlklo^
al8d)?
...
The main
drift is clear in spite
of the gaps.
When
Baucis
married she forgot her youthful pleasures, and her forgetfulErinna is sad for her, but ness was punished by Aphrodite.
cannot leave her house to look on the dead body. After this no consecutive sense can be obtained. The word at 1. 23
ei/veaKaL8eKaTos seems to refer to Baucis' age at the time of her death, and shows that there is no need to suspect the coincidence that Baucis and Erinna died at the same age. At 1. 3s we can probably place one of the familiar quotations
preserved by Stobaeus.
TrpavXoyoLirq
The papyrus
gives
and Stobaeus
navpoXoyoL noXiai, ral yrjpao9 dvOea Buaroh, ^ been open to suspifirst word has for some time It of a reminiscence cion as Antipater's iravpoeirrj^ "Hpivva. of the line is text correct now seems clear that the
where the
TrpavXoyoL iroXiaLy ral yrjpaos dudea dvaroh.

^
^
* ^
^ Maas, be cfioiTfj Vitelli. supp. Lobel. pap. man. sec, yap man. prim. supp. Vogliano. supp. Vogliano. 6(kai or npeTrei Maas. supp. Lobel. supp. Maas ; cf. Ovid, Am. ii. 5. 34 conscia purpureus venit in era
8* (\)oiTri
8' s
''
pudor
^
'.
Cf.
Knaack, Hermes, xxv,
p. 86.
AND LYRIC POETRY

Aeolic.
183
The language of the poem is a mixture of Doric and To the first element belong the forms ro/ca, kirav:
to the second the nouns ending in -wa, like X^Xvvva and a-eXdvva, the participle (rToud)(îcraj the infinitives in -rjv, the present indicative yo-qfii. What we can learn of the dialect confirms Suidas' statement that Erinna wrote The mixture of these two AloXiKfj Kol AcopiSi StaXeKTO)} dialects raises a problem. Did Erinna write in the vernacular of her native island, where the two speeches impinged one on the other, or did she write an artificially mixed speech like so much of the language of Greek poetry ? The first view was
pofi9, TV, TTjva^
^ by Wilamowitz before the discovery of the new fragment and it has much a priori to recommend it. We might expect a young girl to write unaffectedly in her own vernacular. But certain considerations must make us moderate this view. In
held
first place there seems little doubt that Erinna's home was the Dorian island of Telos, where Aeolic can have had no influence on the spoken dialect. It is true that the island of Tenos is called her home by Stephanus of Byzantium ^ and given by the MSS. oi Anth. Pal, vii. 710,* but Tenos was an Ionian island, and there is no trace of Ionic in Erinna's language. Another tradition preserved by Suidas places her in the Dorian island of Telos,^ and this agrees well with her use of Doric and the other tradition mentioned by Suidas Her that she was a Rhodian, for Telos is near to Rhodes. be a the cannot and comlanguage, however, pure vernacular, bination in it of Aeolic and Doric elements is certainly
the
reminiscent of the style of Theocritus,

dialects.
who made
1.
use of both
We may
recalls
add to
this certain other traits
which she
her use of
shares with Theocritus.
The word
iii.
âyi/? of
ii.
occurs else-
where
in
Greek poetry only

Theocr.
51.
at Theocr.
no;
PiâXoL
^
With him,
too, she shares her
love of repetitions and the varied position of her stops in the

^
S.V."Hpivva. Helle7ti5tische
1.
(IdayPTi,

The MSS. give but many modern
Dichtung,
p. 108.
'
s.v. T^x/oy.
ri/i/ifiwafificoj/Ti,
emended by Pauw
to T?]Wa, wf
scholars prefer Ti;\ia.
s.v. "Hptvi/d.
I
owe
these suggestions
and
parallels to the kindness of
Mr. A.
S. F.
Gow.
84

The sum of these small points seems to indicate that came under the influence of the Coan circle of poets, to
line.
she
which Theocritus, Asclepiades, and Philetas belonged. Telos was near Cos, and the similarities between her and Theocritus seem best explained if we ascribe them to direct association. If we accept this conclusion, we must revise our view of Erinna's date. The opinion reported by Suidas ^ that she was a contemporary of Sappho's has been abandoned by scholars for some years, and never had much to recommend it beyond her few Aeolic forms and words. In recent years more attention has been paid to Eusebius' statement that she flourished But this date, too, must be Ol. 106-7, i.e. 356-^S'^.^ revised if Erinna really belonged to the Coan circle.
*
'
Though
century.
the evidence
is
scanty,
it
looks as
of poetic activity took place
in the first
her short period quarter of the third

if
The
recovery of these fragments of the 'AXaKoira suggests
one or two lines of thought. In the first place the language, ^ manner, and subject indicate that perhaps Blass was right after all when he ascribed to Erinna a fragment of four lines
coming from the remains of a Florilegium found

chus.*
at
Oxyrhyn-
The
lines are
ijvOofJLev ey
fieydXa^ AajiaTepos kvve

eix/jLUT*
kd(T(Ta[L
TrataaL TrapOeviKai, waLcraL
KaXa efiâr
exotVa[f,
6pfjL[(09
Koka
^
rjv
fiei/
e-ôtaaiy ap/Trperreay 8k Kal

^
wpLo-Tc^ e^ eXicpavTO^y ISrjv TroreoiKOTa^ aijl

8e iraipa 2a7r</)ors Kn\ ofioxpouos.
*
Wilamowitz, Hellenistische Dichtung^ p. 108; Edwyn Bevan, Leonidas of Tarentum^ p. 109. It might be thought at first sight that a case might be made out for dating Erinna in the fourth century. Eusebius' date for her might seem to be confirmed by Tatian's statement {adv. Graec. 52) that Naucydes made a statue of her. If by Naucydes he means the brother of Polycleitus, the statue cannot be dated much after 400. There was another Naucydes, the son of Patrocles, who worked in the early fourth century. In either case Erinna would fall about 400 or But very little trust can be put in Tatian's statement. His earlier. whole information about statues of women is open to grave suspicion, and bears on it the mark of fiction. Cf. Kalkmann, Tatians Nachrichten iiber Kunstwerke', Rhein, Mtis. xlii, 1887, pp. 489-524. ^ Netce Jahrb. f. klass. Alt, iii, 1 899, p. 80. * Oxyrh. Pap. i. 8 ; cf. J. U. Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina, p. 186. ^
Cf.
'
Restoration
is
quite uncertain
atyka Blass, alvaa Jurenka, aorpo)
Diels.
AND LYRIC POETRY

It is possible that
185
These charming lines were once ascribed to Alcman,^ but their language makes such an attribution most improbable.^
they are another fragment of the Âa/cara.
of Aeolic and Doric recalls Erinna's language, and the manner resembles hers in its simplicity, its repetitions,
its
The mixture
reminiscences of girlhood.^
If
Erinna lived at Telos

it
Asclepiades,
in the time of Theocritus and was only natural that her works should be
published under the patronage of the Coan school of poets, and perhaps Asclepiades' poem on her was prefixed to the first collected edition of her works. Such is a natural interof its words *0 pretation opening yXvKv? 'HpLj/v7j9 ovtos ttovos. This way of introducing her works with a poem was followed by Antipater of Sidon, whose words seem to refer especially
to her
'
little
epic
',
the i4Aa/cara,
TravpoeTrrjs
dW
'iXa)(eu
"Hpivva kol ov ttoXv/jlvOo? doiSais' Movara^ tovto to Paiov eiros.

is
Similar in purpose
*
'
the
anonymous poem* which takes
note only of the three hundred lines of the 'AXaKara, praising the honeycomb of Erinna's verses and calling them equal to
Erinna must have been well appreciated after her death, and her reputation seems to have been well deserved. She wrote with tenderness and sincerity, mourning for her
Homer's.
repeated cries of BavKL TaXatva are wrung sufifering heart, and we need not wonder that Antipater said that her swan's song was better than the chatter of rooks
lost friend.
The
from a
in the clouds.
C.
M. B.
^ klass. Alt. iii, 1899, p. 44; Weir Smyth, Greek Blass, Neiie Jahrb, Melic Poets^ P- 14. 2 Wilamowitz, Gott. Gel. Anz.^ 1898, p. 695. ^ Neither Telos nor Tenos has so far revealed any evidence of a cult of Demeter, but an inscription from Cos (Paton and Hicks, No. 386)
.
gives elaborate regulations for the selection

priestesses.
It
and consecration of her
temple to which the fragment refers. * Anth. Pal. ix. 1 90, attributed variously to Callimachus (Benndorf), Antipater of Sidon (Stadtmiiller), Meleager (Wilamowitz).
to
festival held at this
may be
i86

Elegy
The additions to later Elegy written in the Elegiac metre come chiefly from inscriptions, but there are also a few which come from papyri. Taking first the authors some of whose work is already extant, we gain additions to Parthenius,
and to the Epigrammatists Posidippus,^ Leonidas of Tarentum, and Antipater of Sidon and a new Epigrammatist also has
;
come
'
to light
named Amyntas.
',
Parthenius has been called

for
the last of the Alexandrians

first
the last part of the
century
B.C.,
although his date falls in he belongs to the Alex-
andrian writers in
spirit.
of a vellum MS. of the third or fourth century A.D. contains the remains of twenty-nine lines, to some of which marginal notes are appended and it was by one line, of
leaf
;
which the
last
note (Topo^ the fragment as a
and to which the marginal was appended, that Cronert was enabled to identify
Spoirrj^,^
. .
word was
Etymologiciun
aopov} Timander.
poem of Parthenius from an entry in the Magnum^ 288. 3 SpoiTtj UapQevios Sh ttju The poem was a Lament ('ETriKrjSeLoy) for one
.
The
'EirtKijSeioy
Parthenius cultivated, for three others^ are
was a form of poetry which known to have

in
been composed by him, and examples of them are found

^
For other additions
to Posidippus see
the
First
Series of
New
Chapters^ p. 107. ^ H. J. M. Milne, Catalogue of the Literary Papyri in the British Museum^ No. 64. For suggestions on the text see A. D. Knox in the
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology^

'
1.
21
xv. 140. for the unintelligible ]<oi>pAai dpoirr^s
A. D. Knox suggests u
interior
Kovpddi dpoirrjs, the phrase
meaning a catafalque with perhaps

:
paintings;
might mean a decorated cenotaph, a place where Timander's friends might go and lament kioptcs [6d]vp6ij,6n, 11. 22-3. Hesych. eyKovpdHes' Tit iv t(o TvpocraTrco aTtyp-ara, Kal oi iv toi? 6po(f)a'i9
or
it
. . .
ypa<f>LKo\ [npoawTTuiv] irivaKCs' ea-ri
ypanros niva^.
p.uos.
yap icovpas r) Kopv(f)rj {6po(f)f) Struve) Kal 6 iyKovpas de 6 yypap.pvos. (nlva^ iv Kuvpdî Xiyerai yeypap.-
opo^cb/inort
Mvpp.i86(riv. Hesych. Koupds' rj iu toIs cod.) ypa<prjj opocfiiKos mva^' in.pa de AtVxi^'Xo) eif Mvpptdoaiv op.(j)i^dWT(n {(ip(f)i^d\\et cod., em. Hermann) evKovpddi. icrri
{opo(^r]p.it(n
coni.
M. Schmidt) AlaxvXos
be eyKovpas 6po(f)iK6s rrlva^. From these two obscure and probably corrupt notices in Hesychius (yKovpddi is given by Nauck as a fragment of It was the opinion of Aeschylus, No. 142, belonging to the Mvppi86i/fs. Hermann that scholars were uncertain whether Aeschylus wrote eV Kovpdîj two words, or eyKovpddi, one. * Given as fr. xlvi in Meineke, Analecta Alexandrina,
'^
Meineke,
AnaL
Alex..,
Parthen.
frr.
i,
ii, iii.
AND LYRIC POETRY

other writers of the Alexandrian age, Aratus
^
187
and Euphorion.^
The tone is seen in tolco, TifiavSp*, eiri SaKpva, and we can make out that he was probably unmarried, yXvKepccv ovk
d7riX[av(T yd/xcor,
0LKLr]9 TTJXe,
TreTTvpcofiipa.
and that he died far from his native land, and was cremated in a foreign land ^y oOvetrj This general sense can be made out from the
:
remains of the beginning of the fragment

(?)
dd]XL09 yXvKpcou ovk dweXlava-e ydfxcov el'veKa xcupe kol ocppa a:[ ] ])(Tj Totas (pijs e7n8efjLi/i[d8o9 ] TOLcp, Ti/jLauSp', ewi 8dKpv[a
.
]u
]l
0LKLT]9 TTJXe KaTa(pdL[flP09 kv oOveLTf 7r7rvpoofjLpa X[eLyjraua
(?)
The next
sense;
lines are too lacerated to
admit of a consecutive
11. 21, 22, 23 end respectively with kyKovpdSi or kv KovpdSi 8poLTr}9y as suggested above, Kiovres^ and 68]yp6p.0a. <I)V9 k7ri8e/xiî[d8o9 in 1. 3 Cronert renders 'tali natus lecti
socia,
matre
'.
Epigram
Additions to the Epigrammatist Posidippus were recorded
in the First Series of
New
Chapters^ p. 107.
To
these must
now be added twenty-five mutilated lines of another epigram by him. The papyrus which contains them is of the third
B.C.,* and therefore, perhaps, contemporary with him, bears upon the verso the title crt'/z/iet/cra kTnypdp.iJLaTa One of the two epigrams mentioned above nocreL8LiT['!Tov\,
century
and
it
celebrated
the temple which stood on the promontory of Zephyrium, and which was dedicated to Arsinoe under the
of
'
title
Arsinoe Aphrodite
'.
There are
sufficient
remains of
new epigram to show that its subject was Arsinoe but we cannot restore the lines.
the
;
the marriage of
Cleombrotus, Suidas s.v. Aratos. Protagoras, Meineke, Anal. Alex., p. 21. The remains of fourteen elegiac lines given in Papyri landanae v. 182 sqq. (1931), and assigned by Cronert with great (J. Sprey), fasc. learning (pp. 213, 214) to an Alexandrian author, are too fragmentary to support any certain conclusion. He suggests the possibility of Parthenius ; but the new words vetipoxr*? and KoXoicvudaiwTniva do not point to this. * H. J. M. Milne, Catalogue of the Literary Papyri in the British Musemn, No. 60.
^ ^
On On
i88
a papyrus^ which Grenfell and Hunt assign to the of age Augustus come epigrams by Leonidas of Tarentum, Antipater of Sidon, and a new Epigrammatist, Amyntas. The epigrams of Leonidas of Tarentum receive the accession
spoils of his hunting,
From
of an epigram upon one Glenis, who dedicates to Pan the and the opening of another, the copying of which was
left
is
unfinished
Spv/xopofiov, a
new word,
;
unless
the right division of the letters but LeoSpvfjLov 6/jLov nidas is very ready in his coinage of new words.^ There is also a new dedicatory epigram by Antipater of
Sidon
upon
this Glenis (the son of
Onasiphanes, as he
is
here called, for so Grenfell and
Hunt have restored the name). until this papyrus came was known Of Amyntas nothing to light containing two of his epigrams. The first is upon a woman of Samos named Prexo, two epigrams upon whom
are in existence, one by Leonidas * of Tarentum, the other by ^ Antipater of Sidon. The second is upon the destruction of
the walls of Sparta in i88 B.C. by the Achaeans Philopoemen, and the scene of desolation
:
under
Tai/
wdpos aTpea-TOP AaKcSaifjiopa, tcls X^P^ jiovvas woXXaKis kv woXea-iu SrjpLU ecppLêv "Aprjs ^
lines lost.
^LXoTToljievL SovpL T
dl'LKOiTCD
/c
.... two
VVy Vn
7rprjyr]9
^
"^
'AâLcov
TpLcrcydv 7JpL7T fivpidScop

iv,
Leonidas von Tarent in Jahrb. f. SuppL, Bd. xxiii. ' Oxyrh. Pap., iv, No. 662. Wilamowitz has corrected /cm rjyffiovi into Ka6r)yfi6i>L, and suggests avaXeop or avaraXeov for avTO veov, Gott.gel, Anz.^
J.
Oxyrh, Pap., vol. See the Index to
No. 662.
Geffcken's
'
'
class. Philol.
1904, p. 669.
*
'
^
Anth. Pal. vii. 163. Oxyrh. Pap. iv. No. 662.
ib. 164.
is
Grenfell and Hunt point out that a couplet has fallen out after 1. 2, as shown by the absence of a governing verb. In 1. 8 Mr. Milne, who has examined this difificult papyrus closely, reads the words eniaai ôes.
In I. 9 the remains of the last part of the line suggest nap* Evpoirao \oTpms, a phrase found in Theocr. xviii. 23 ; Wilamowitz also suggested it. The remains of the last line suggest vXas, and the line may perhaps be restored as above. An anonymous epigram, Anth. Pal. vii. 723, runs as follows, and shows a close similarity with the new fragment :
*A irdpos adfiaros Koi avefjLâros, S> AaKe8aifjLov, KaTTvbv eV Evptora depKeai *Q,\eviov a<TKios' olcovoi 8e KnTO. x'ûvos oIkiu 6cvtS jivpouratf p,j]ka>v S' ovk aiovat, \vKoi.
AND LYRIC POETRY

acTKeiros' olcouol Se TrepLcrjiv^r^pov ISourcs
189
fivpovTai, neSioy
8*
ovk
kirtaa-L
^Soey,
Kanvov S' kKOpwcTKOVTa irap Evpcorao XoerpoTs vXa^ SepKOfxeva [ivperai aKpoiroXi?.
'
10
The words cannot be restored with perfect certainty, but we can make out the birds mourn as they see the land smoulderwood by
invasion
ing; the cattle are gone, and the the pools of Eurotas '.
smoke
is
rising
from the
Laconian boast, that until the Epaminondas in 369 no Laconian woman had seen an enemy's smoke, a boast which Agesilaus had often made, and which he lamented was now cut short. Grenfell and Hunt are no doubt right in assigning Amyntas to the second century B.C. few epigrams from inscriptions of a good age have come
recall the
^
These words
of
to light. The best comes from Eutresis near Thespiae,^ and it consists of three Its date is about the middle pleasing lines.
of the fourth century B.C., on a humorist \ as the editor calls him
master mole-catcher and
'EuOdS' eyo) KeTfxai ^PoSlo^' to, yiXoia (ricoTrca, Kal a-nraXaKcov oXedpou XeLirco Kara yaiav dnacrav.
At
Si TLS dvTiXiyei,
Karapd^
Sevp* di/TLXoyeiTco.^
*
A
^
papyrus of the Imperial
Age
contains an
.
anonymous
. .
ort .to avxrjixn . kfopa Plutarch, Li/e of Agesilaus, ch. 31 'Hyia Se w Kal nvros exprjcraTO ttoXXcikis (InciP otl yvvfj AaKatva kuttvov ovx ioapaKe TToXefJuov cf. Xen. He/l. vi. 5. 28 al fiev yvvaiKes ovde tov Kanvov
.
. . .
KeKoXovfxevov,
'.
opSxriu r]V(i)(ovro.
"^
Ainerican Journal of Archaeology xxxii (1928),
p.
179,
by Hetty
Goldman.
3 in KmaSds in 1. 3 are quite sufficient to enable us to unfortunate that the editor prefers to write Kardpas, the aorist participle of Karalpa), contra metrum. Even if it were possible, her translation swooping down is alien to the epigraphic style. Revue de Philologie, xix, pp. 177 sqq., by Sir F. G. Kenyon corrections by H. Weil on p. 180. Milne, Catalogue of the Literary PaPyri in the British Museum, No. 62.
traces of
It is
'
The
restore
it.
'
'
''
ElprjVrjs TTTopSovi
(vcottiôs
ev6a KXadivaas
NeiXcoTiv viafo yrjOaXeos, Y.vvojMrjs (pofiToiai Kal 'EvBeuirjs âOvrrXovrov

Aa>p()Cf)npoii
yriu eni
^pidufifvos ^vCf]V, Zet'9 aT 'EXfuê'piof. de xeptaaiv edfâro NflXos avaKTa, Kal ddfxap f) ;(puo-eoiy 7rrjX((Ti Xovopeurj
Kal abrjpip ÊXfvOepiov Aios op-^pov.
lO
dnToXfpop
I90

of fourteen lines in
honour of Augustus, and the title êpacTTos (line 13) shows that it must be later than 27 B.C. It records the welcome which Egypt gave him on his arrival
poem
after the battle of
and prosperity
for
Actium for the blessings of peace, order, H. Weil is probably right in ascribing it
and
it
to an Alexandrian Greek,
*
is
written in the florid and
pompous style which is found in Egypto-Greek compositions. Thus pruning off the sprays of fair-eyed Peace 1. 5 (iTTopdovs is Weil's felicitous emendation of the unintelligible jioxOovs of and laded with a close-packed freight of the Papyrus)
',
'
Good Order and opulent Prosperity' (1. 7). The 'spouse who washed by golden arms must be the Delta with the seven streams of the Nile. The thle of Zevs 'EXevOipios applied to
'
is
Augustus
in
1.
11
is
paralleled
by Zaul
k\ev6epL(o in an
inscription at Philae (CJ.G. 4923), perhaps of the date 7 B.C., the work of Catilius, and in one at Tentyra {CJ.G. 47^5) ^^ the date a.d. i. An anonymous inscription^ of about A.D. 175, found near
Marathon, contains twenty-eight lines in good preservation, and traces of ten more sufficient to show the sense
:
^'OAjSfo?,
d)
MapaOdou, vvv enXeo, kol fieXeSavTO^

^
r)\
av8pd(TLV
vo(TTrj(TavT
irdpos, (feaLSifiou *AXKid8r}p

^
yaiTjs
e/c
dnb HavpofMardooif kaopoiv 'A^lcou vedr-qs, ei/da îXonToXe fMco

5
AvaovLoav âa-iXfji (TVi/eaweTO rfjX' kXdovTL. Tov fikv 6 KL(T(jo(f)6po9 irals Alos Ipea ov avTo? dyev Trdrprfv ey doiSi/xou Eipa(j)LcoTr]9,
kÔTTiOev 8\ Oecb Saxriîo) irpoea-av. TolcTL S' 'Adrjvalr) ttoXltjoxo^ dvTeôXrja-e p)(o/jLiuoLS 'Petro) XaXKiSLKcb TrorafMcb
OpeLoo^', (Ev6* dXict) au/M/SdXXerov olSfjia p6o9 re,
10
Xabv dyova-a, eras irdura^ 6p.r]yepeas, Iprjas fieu irpooTa dean/ KOfiocovTa^ (Oeipai?,
Koa-fKp T<o (r(f)Tp<p irdpTas dpLrrpeTrias,
The few letters missing at the beginning of some of the lines or in the body of them can be restored with certainty. ^ The stone has A\KniBr]p, which is probably a mistake for 'AXKiddrjVf since the name of Herodes Atticus' mother was Vibuilia Alcia Agrippina. ' The fabulous folk in Homer, N 6, identified here with the Sarmatian and Scythian tribes on the frontier.
AND LYRIC POETRY

Ipîas Se /leravOi (ra{6)(f)poi/a KvjrpLu kyovara^^ T^y <5* 774 KvSaXLfiovs iralSas ololSottoXovs
191
15
Z-qvl OerjKoXiovTa? 'OXv/nrLCp {e)Lâ<TL KvSpovs^ ToiCTL 8' CTT* rjidiovs icTTOpa^ r]uopirj9, TraiSas 'AOr^vatcov \aXK(o yavocovras (j)i]l3ov?,
T0V9 avTOS,
XrjOrji/
iraTpo^ (XKeLOfievo^
20
AlyeiSea), Xdo^rjs 8i/o(poeifjLouos ea-yeOe Kovpovs

dpyv(l)iaLS yXaivais oiKodev dfMcpLeora^,
ScoprjOeis T
kvTf\(Ti KarouiiaSov rjXeKrpoio. ottlO^v povXr) KeKpLfiii^rj KeKponcou
rj
Tow
?7
8'
âLT09 TTpOripCO KLOV dOpOOL,

8'
irepT} jxetcov ecnreTo rfj

8'
fjLU dpi(ov, KaTOiriu.
25
Udvres
T(>v
k<7ToXd8avTO veoTrXvTa <pd[p6a XevKU.]
6*
dyxov
Trpo^dS-rji/
'icTTL^ [o/xlXo?
aVay
30
v8rjp.a)v êtvcdv
re kol ai[ ov8e T19 oiKoc^vXa^ XeiVe[70 ov TTOLs, ov KovpTj X^v OS
MXev
dXX' dyipoPTO
8eyfiJ/oL ^Hp(o8r]p
coy 8*
ore 7rai8a
dfJLCpLTria-j]
fJ.[rJTrjp
TTjXoOeV k[py6[JLV0V
yaLpo(Tv[vri
7rXr]v
coy
'
35
[
[
Happy wast thou of late, Marathon, and dear to the heart of men more than before, when thou sawest the brilliant son of Alcia returned from the Sarmatian Abii at the ends of the earth, when he was in the train of the war-loving King of the Ausonians on his distant campaign. Eiraphiotes himself, the ivy-bearing son of Zeus, led his priest to his famous fatherland, and behind Eiraphiotes the two goddesses, the givers of Athene, the guardian of the city, met life, escorted him.^ them as they came to the Rheiti, the two rivers from Chalcis,
to Thria, where two salt waters, wave and stream, unite, and first the led the people, all the city folk gathered together
;
priests of the their bravery
gods with long flowing hair, all conspicuous in and next the virgin priestesses after them the
;
;
famous singers, servants of Olympian Zeus, gloriously attired and after them the young men, sons of the Athenians, skilled men of war, proud in bronze mail youths whom Herodes himself, to preserve his father's memory from oblivion, had relieved from the shame of wearing black attire, and clothed
; *
*
Eiraphiotes
',
Dionysus
;
Demeter and Persephone
his priest ', Herodes ; three Eleusinian deities.

;
'
the two goddesses ',
igz
at his
own expense in white cloaks, and presented with shoulder-brooches of electrum. Behind them the elect chosen Boule of the sons of Cecrops went in a body first, the nobler House and the other, the lower House, followed it behind. All were attired in newly washed white garb. Near them no went forth another company of natives and strangers guardian of any house was left behind, no lad, no white-armed As when a mother with joy erodes. lass . awaiting .' embraces her son who has come from far . ., so
;
; .
.
This inscription formed a poem upon a personage of interand importance, Herodes Atticus (c. A.D. 104-180), the celebrated 'Prjrcop who taught at Athens and Rome, the future
est
Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus being amongst and who spent much of his great wealth in embelAthens and other cities as Philostratus ^ says with lishing
his pupils,
;
effective rhetoric,
TToXei?, elSXexlre 8e
ejSXei/re
fieu
yap
e?
(^lXov^, e^SXei/re ê
ey
h eOvrj. We
know from
Philostratus'
life
of
him ^ that he had been required to go to Sirmium, the capital of Lower Pannonia, to answer the charge of tyrannical con'
duct which had been brought against him.* In returning, he probably took ship from Oricus to the head of the Gulf of
'
Thence he continued his Corinth, and landed at Eleusis. journey by road towards Athens, and the inscription tells us that at the 'Petrco, the two salt pools near the coast, he was
met by the procession which had come from Athens to do him honour. It was composed of priests, virgin priestesses,^ choir boys, ephebi, the members of the Areopagus,^ the Ecclesia, and of the Boule, and others in fact the whole population, as
;
First published by P. Graindor in Musie Beige, xvi (1912), pp. 69 sqq., with a valuable historical commentary; then by N. Svensson in Bull. Corr. Bell. 1 (1926), pp. 527 sqq., with a photograph ; v. WilamowitzMoellendorfF in Sitz. preiiss. Akad., 1928, pp. 26 sqq. ; there are further notes by him in Hermes, Ixiv (1929), 489, and his treatment of the I have followed his text. inscription displays the hand of the master.
2
Philostr. Vit. Soph. Philostr. F//. 5^/^

11.
ii.
i.
i.
ii.
1
I. II.
4-5
(piXoTTToXifico
Marcus Aurelius seems strange, but the frontier which ended in 175.
^
This epithet of AvaovicDv fiaaikrji (rvve<r7rTo. it refers to the series of his wars on
It
a-a6cl)pova Kvnpiv exovcros, Wilamowitz's emendation of [ieTav6i(ra(f>pova. does not mean priestesses of Aphrodite '. ^ In apeiW there is a pun *the better Assembly, that of the "Apfios
*
irdyos '.
AND LYRIC POETRY

we gather from
:
193
or girl stayed behind, and as a
the fragmentary beginnings of lines no boy mother falls upon the neck of
her son returning from afar, so he was received with joy. Their ceremonial dress, especially that of the Ephebi,^ is carefully described for a special reason, since it illustrated
H erodes' generosity. We
learn from Philostratus
that their
usual dress was black, in sign of mourning for the slaying of the herald Copreus,^ as he was in the act of dragging away the fugitive Heraclidae ^ from the altar of Zeus at which they
had taken
this
attire
Herodes, at his own expense/ changed refuge. to white. inscription^ gives an unusually
An
graphic account of a meeting at which the President put the question who voted for the proposal that the Ephebi should
wear white robes, and who against it.'^ 'No one raised his hand. Herodes said, ['' Ephebi, while I am here], you shall not want for white robes." Another point in the poem illustrates his generosity he gave at his own expense ^ brooches
'
:
of electrum to fasten the robes at the shoulder.
The
other
new
piece of information which the poem gives is that his gift of white robes was made in memory of his father.^ There
was a special reason why a native and inhabitant of Marathon, Herodes was, should do this, for the scene of the Heraclidae^ and therefore of the murder of Copreus, was the temple at
as
Marathon.^^
^
M.
P. Graindor suggests with great probability

not a frigid reminiscence of ^ 64
vfôTiKvra <f)a.p[a XevKo] is

ii.
priests
were so dressed, Hdt.

2
37.
ii. p. 550. the suggestion that this name was inserted by the Alexandrian scholars see the cautious judgement of A. C. Pearson, Euripides^ Heraclidae, Introduction, p. x, note. ^ This incident was not used by Euripides in his Heraclidae.
Philostr. Fz/. Soj^/i.
'
On
OLKodei',
^
1.
22.
ii
Dittenberger, Sylloge^ edit.

etTTf v*
[e(jf)j;/3oi,
:
'HpcDS^s
3, No. 870, dated i66/y-^l() olde'is eTrrjpfv. efiov Trapovros ;(Xa/xu]5a)t' \(vku>v ovk ajroprjaere.
' thus tipao-a with the omission of t;)i/ x^^^P^ as enripf, without Tr)v xî/ja a gloss was rightly restored by Dobree, Advers, iii. 543, and Holden in
Ar. Plut. 689. ^ 1. 23 8(A>pq3ls T fverfjcn Karapaôv rjXeKTpoio o'UnBev. " XrjOnv nnTpos diceiopeuos, literally 'remedying any forgetfulness about The words have been strangely misunderstood: 'making his father'. amends for his father's forgetfulness ', i.e. in not carrying out a reform which he had intended. ^ Eur. Heraclid. 32 Mapada>va koi a-vyKKrjpou eXBovres x^ûa.
|
3736
194
Athenians

may
be found
in the inscription,^
that another trace of the reconciliation of Herodes and the
now
lost,
on the
gate of a building standing at the entrance of a valley near Vruna, which is probably the site of the ancient Marathon.^
Ôfiovotas
X^Lai].
d6audT[ov]
It is in the
^HpcoSov 6 x^P^^ ^^'? 01/ di/epmanner, grand befitting the entrance to

ttvXt].
the demesne of this illustrious personage. One other detail in the poem has some importance, since it appears to throw light on the site of Thria, which has not
been determined.
The
inscription gives
epxofjLii/oL9 ^PeiTct)
dvTP6\r](re XaXKiSLKci) noTafjia)
Spid)^* pd* dXico (TVfjipdXXeTou olS/xa p6o9 re.

It
was an unfortunate suggestion to

7roTa/jia>,
alter this to ^Pcltco
XaXKiSiK^
understood.
the stone
;
caused the passage to be misWilamowitz has now* returned to the text of

since
it
and the
lines
should probably be punctuated
epxofjiepoi9 'PeiTco, XaXKi8iKci> TrorafMoo,
&peL6i(\
'
'ivQ*
dXtoi (rvfiâXXeTOv olSfxa poos re,
met them on
their
way to
to Thria, where
two
the 'PeLToo, salt waters, wave
two rivers from Chalcis, and stream, meet

'.
The
on the
inscription therefore supports the view that Thria stood coast, not inland where recent maps place it.
The
scene and circumstances of Herodes' return are de-
scribed with official detail, and the phrasing is studied even to pomposity thus Wilamowitz observes that rjiOeovs la-Topa?
;
merely a showy phrase for ep oirXois. The turned and correct thus the open vowels in dyovaa eras (1. la) and Si/ocpoetfioiôs (1. 2i) are in accordance with the Homeric usage. But there are neologisms, some by analogy, such as jieXeSaPTos (1. i) and Scoprjdeis for Sooprja-dfiepo? (1. 23) one by false analogy and quite inderjuopirj9
(1. 1
8) is
lines are metrically well
Frazer, Pausanias, vol. ii, p. 437. were two salt pools which, according to Pausanias, derived their water from the Euripus and therefore they are called here of
iii.
I.G.
403.
The
'Pf tTco
Chalcis'.
*
Paus.
i.
38.
ii.
24. 6.
Hermes^
Ixiv (1929), p. 489.
AND LYRIC POETRY
195
fensible, ka-ToXdSavTo for iaroXaSaTo,^ Wilamowitz points out that KeKpoires (1. 24) for KeKpoTrtSai is common in Athenian S' rj erepr) (11. 24-6) poems of the time ôvXrj ... 77 //e^'
:
is
loose,
of taste.
its
and the pun ^ in 25 {*ApLcou or dpetcov) shows a want Yet the composition, apart from these defects and
general heaviness, presents a living picture of the scene.
Lyric Poetry
Philicus
^
:
TIpooL/jLiou.*
Second Series that more of to the Demeter Philicus could be Hymn by fragments has extent to some been and realized, pieced together, enough has been recovered to show the general idea and style of the poem. But first the statement then made, that the Hymn was cast in the form of a Dialogue between Demeter and lambe, must be corrected. The evidence available up to the
in the
'^
The hope expressed
time pointed to more.
this,
but
we
see
now
that the
Hymn
contains
first part is fragmentary, but follows the traditional the carrying off of Persephone by Pluto, who is here story, ' Demeter's search for called a brigand {Xrja-Trji'),^ and
'
The
hexaDemeter's complaint opens with the recital of her claim upon Zeus in virtue of birth and relationship, and the
in
her with torches from the pinewood (XafiTrdSa^ forms the poet's introduction, for her lament was
vXrj).
'
It
meters
'.
Yet is it stranger than eyprjyopBaon in K 419? Yet Isocrates was proud of his professorial pun rrjv dpxrjv avrols (i.e. the Athenians) yeveadai t5)V napovrcov KaKS>v, ore rrjv dpxrjv rrjs daXaTTrjs The author of i\dp.fiavov {Phil. 61 ; cf. de Pace, loi, Paneg. 119). the ITepi "Xôv^^ iv. 4, mentioning in connexion with ro -^vxpov that Xenophon {Rep. Lac. iii. 5) had played with the two meanings of Kopx] 'maiden' and 'pupil of the eye', adds that Timaeus seized upon this piece of frigidity as if it were stolen goods (cby ^(npiov nvos e<f)nnT6ixvos). Cf. Aristoph. Ran. 862 ra fxeXr), to. vevpa rrjs rpaywdias in two senses. A new example, the two meanings of XP""* comes from the fragment of a comedy discussed above see p. 165. ^ *Inno a Demetra di Filico C. Gallavotti, in Studiitaliani di Filo^
'
logia Classica, N.S., vol. ix (1931), pp. 37 sqq. * For this title see Schol. to Hephaestion, p. 140 Consbr. eV t^ irpooi/xia eypnyj/c Acopa vplv (fyepca^ tov fxerpov tovtov oXop noirjfxa ypd'âs. ^ Second Series, pp. 61, 62.
^
'
praedone marito
',
Ovid, Fast.
iv.
591.
02
196
share
^

in
the Universe to which she
is
entitled.
Zeus makes
a brief reply, ending

(TV
7rVKa9 djêXov, Xv âpeiau 6(ppuv.
Then
all
'
the
Nymphs and
the Graces of Righteous Suasion and
the troop of women bowed their faces to the ground '. The text onwards to the end of the fragment is nearly complete
but that was not the end of the
Hymn.
re
'H
/jLi/ eX-qyev IIl6ov9
81
Nvficpai
AiKaias Xapires re
51
Tray
Se
yvvaiKcov
d[/J,a
kvkXco re 7r]ipL^ 0'

[ ]
ia-fio^
eOcoirevcre
ireSoV fjLTC07TOL9.
^vXXoôXrja-aL 8k Oeay
OLKoipTrov'
e(T\ov
ra fiova
^dcxpvra yfjs
J
wav[diTv]crTov
tolctl
^
T7]v
yepaiav Kaiptav 8\
dKp8ri[9];
,
8e
/xeu
opeioL?
Â[X]LfjLov9
rjOecn^
K TLV09 ea-TeiXe Tvxiv^'

^
, ,,
8e] a-efii/oTs 6
,
yeXoio? X6yo9 ap*

^
^Toia-a
yap kipBeyâr
[eVoy 6 d]p[(j\aXeov Kal ^leya'

[(j)dpfjLa]Koy,
Mrj PdX-
/^
ov
Xere \6pTov alycov ToSe TreivcouTL 6e^

epeicTfia AeTrrrJ?.
(ri>
dXX'
dfi/Bpoaia yacTTpos
Kal
i/xi
8e rfJ9 'ArdiSos TL Kep8o9, fjLov
d)8[Ti'as]
'Idfiâs iTraKova-ov*
ppa^v
8' diraiSevTa X^^[^' ^^ ^]^ diroiKova-a XdXo9 8r]fi6TLS' at 6eal fikv aiSe dea aol KvXiKas k[. Kal (rrefifiaTa Kal âivTov .je
.
.
v8cop ku vypco, Ik 81 yvvaiKcov TT[dpa kolpo]u Pordv-q 8copov, 8LaLTa.
60
oKvqpds iXdcpov
OvOev
ifjLol
T5)v8e [irdpea-TLv y]ipas'

.
.
dXX'
el
YaXao-eUyl irivOos,
eyo) oe Avaco
51' [7r]/c)[or7ruxo^'"o] suppl. Gallavotti. 52. suppl. Gall. 53. Such (f)v\Xoô\ia is described in the fragment of the Hecale of Calhmachus (fr. I. I. II sqq., Mair) inscribed on a wooden tablet of the fourth
century,
preserved at Vienna
among
the papyri of the
Archduke Rainer
ov\i poTOi; roao-rjv ye x^î-v Kare^^cvaro (^wWaVj ov ôperjs, ouS' avros or' tv\to (f>v\\oxoos fxeiSf
^
1.
29. fioipiBia
'
TTcia-ts
fierexf^v.
it,
with TTpaais written over restored Trao-i?, possession

ndais' KTrjais.
',
The papyrus has KTr](ri<: in the text from which Mr. Lobel has convincingly a word hitherto known only from Hesychius,
AND LYRIC POETRY

oacra tot
197
dypaxxTai nfpi
t' dfi<f)i re
Qr](TH âXXov,
[ol jxiv iKVKKa)aa\vTo nepta-Tabdi^, at re -yui/at/cf?

.
cTTopvTja-iv iW(TT(f)oi/.
cf.
(Gallavotti.)
Perhaps noTvinv,
(WXiov Gall.
Horn.
Hymn
ii,
to
54. mivdnva-Tov Gall.
Demeter 203 ttotpiuv dyvrjv, 47, 54 'AXt/xoC? M. Norsa, cf. Pans. i. 31. i
21 Stahlin.
56.
cttos-
Clem. Alex. Protr, chap,

apoKepdr]'
p. 25.
55. Toi(Ti di
:
Lobel.
pap.,
:
corr.
M. Norsa.
OapaaXeop Gall.
KepdnKeov Vogl.
57* (papfxaKOV
p.oi tl
Vogliano aâp Lobel. M. Norsa. 58. coSiyas'
Vogliano
TL
dinp-ov
Kaphas
:
Gall.
Pohlenz, Schmid. 59. x^*^^^ Lobel.
difficulty. A vocative seems required 61-2. suppl. Gall., who would perhaps mSe, deq, ao\ KvXiKns, Kv8ip. also punctuate aXX' el ;âXacret$', TTevdos eyco 8e Xutrco, If you will pardon me, I will relax your grief but the late position of Se is awkward. The sentence might have continued, I will unloose all my merriment '.
'
Lobel corone
aldfo-ai
pe Gall.
Kepbos Schmid : pov (pap.) av Gall. aiheaipev pap., corr. 60. aide 6e(u pap., and K .... 6 KaXd T ' e belle
u>s
:
Gall.,
but re Ka\ present a
'
ndpearTiv Korte.
She ceased, and the Nymphs and the Graces of Righteous Suasion did obeisance, and bowed their foreheads to the ground. Now they had only the plants of the barren earth to shower upon the queenly goddess but by good fortune Halimus sent the old mountainy wife, obscure but opportune is the merry word unprofitable to grave folk ? She stood and " uttered a loud bold word Throw not goats' fodder ; that is no medicine for a hungry god ambrosia is the delicate " And do thou listen to the tale of the birthbelly's stay pangs of Attic lambe. Small gain have I to give I have poured forth my untaught words like a chattering countrywoman who lives afield these goddesses here offer to thee, glorious goddess (?), cups and garlands, and water dyed in wet but from women comes herbage, a common gift, the food of the shy doe. No boon like theirs have I but if thou wilt .' relax thy grief, I will unloose
'
;
:
The story of Demeter, her grief for her lost child,^ the famine which she sent upon the land, and the change of her sorrow into joy, was a familiar theme in Greek poetry. The
locus classicus
the Choral
Ode
which she
^
is
Hymn to Demeter, and there is Helena of Euripides (1301 sqq.),'^ in identified with Cybele and there was an elegiac
is
the
Homeric
in the
On the significance of the details see Frazer, Ovid's Fasti, vol. iii, Latest work on the Hymn Korte, Hermes j Ixvi, p. 442. pp. 281 sqq. ^ Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, iii. 31 sqq.
:
198

Philetas
^
poem by
entitled
Demeter, of which we have a few
fragments. There are differences between the Homeric Hymn and that of Philicus, as far as it has been preserved. The
incident of
Demeter inquiring of the Sun
for
information
about her daughter does not appear in Philicus, while Zeus does not in the Homeric Hymn take the part of an interthe consolation which Demeter locutor, as he does here
;
receives
Hymn,
put into the mouth of the Sun in the Homeric but into the mouth of Zeus in Philicus and in the
is
;
Homeric
Hymn
it is
in Philicus
the dignity of Pluto which is dwelt upon, the institution of religious rites in his honour.
it is
noticeable, partly in consequence of the better preservation of this part of the poem, is the place taken by lambe.
More
In the Homeric Hymn she is apparently a servant in the household of Metanira, wife of Celeus, prince of Eleusis but Philicus describes her as an old country-woman, who had
;
come opportunely from Halimus

This
in the hill-country of Attica.
may be a local Attic legend which Philicus has worked in (Attica was full of such legends), since we learn from Pausanias^ that there was a cult of Demeter at Halimus.
The Choral Ode
of Euripides resembles our
;
Hymn
^
in
the
Euripides they are bidden to gladden Demeter, in Philicus they do obeisance to much ruder and more primitive figure appeared in her.
in
mention of the Graces and Muses
popular religion to play the part of the mirth-provoker. This was Baubo,* to whom coarse mimicry was attributed. But the composer of the Homeric Hymn had already refined
this.
the poet Philicus of Corcyra comes before us in an extract from Callixinus of Rhodes,^ who published
figure of
*
The
'
his
work Uepl 'AXeâvBpuas
in the reign of
Ptolemy Philo-
pator.
He
took part
in
a spectacular festival which was held
'
"^
Collectanea Alexandrina, pp. 90, 91. Paus. i. 31. I ; cf. Clem. Alex. Proir.^ cap.
ii,
p.
25. 21
Stahlin
(Gallavotti).
Eur. Hel. 1301 sqq. Orph. Frag. 52 Kern; see also 49, 81 sqq.; on this T. W. Allen in Classical Review^ xxi (1907), p. 97. ^ Athen. v. 196 sqq.
^
'
last,
a papyrus, see
AND LYRIC POETRY

at the beginning of the reign of
199
Ptolemy Philadelphus, being the priest of Dionysus who walked with the Tex^'Ljai at the end of the Dionysiac procession. No special mention is made
of Demeter in the procession in which all the Pantheon was represented, but the story of each god had its representation.^
whose story he was afterwards to tell when Ptolemy Philadelphus had instituted the Procession of the Basket at Alexandria, referred to by Callimachus.^ Enough of the Hymn remains to show that it was not intended for use in ritual, like the Paean of Philo-
Among
these would be Demeter,
damus
of Scarphia or the Delphian
Hymns.
In
its
tone
it is
rather like the Epidaurian Hymn which will be treated of below, a Hymn not to the goddess but about her. It is
a literary hymn, and so in Callimachus' the introductory line
Hymn
to Demeter,
TS> KaXpiOco KaTLoi/Tos kinÔeyâcrBe^ yvvaiK^s,

is
only a literary allusion, a semblance of
ritual.
All these
deal with their story in a bright and lively way, and contain an amusing episode. Both Callimachus and Philicus show
the tendency to realistic description characteristic of the age,
and the old dame in Philicus is of the same type as the consummate Praxinoe of Theocritus and Metrotime in Herondas. BanTov vScop kv vyp(p for wine is the kind of riddling phrase that a rustic uses,^ like Hesiod's irivroôs, bunch of and the whole line fives TpLTTovs, an old man with a staff'
'
'
'
'
',
ov ToSe TreiPooPTL Beco (jydpjiaKov, dXX' d/x^poa-ia yaaTpo^ epeicrfxa XeTTTTJ? with its blunt directness and the homely vigorous
metaphor in the last three words, is taken from life. By good fortune Hephaestion has preserved two lines from Philicus which must surely have formed part of the opening
of our
Tfj
Hymn
X^^^^V H-va-TLKa Scop a

fxeTU 8e
ArjfirjTpi re kul ^p(r(p6i/rj
Kal KXvjikvcoTo.
'
Tavrns
(sc. TTOfXTrds) ai to^v Bioav diravTUiV^ oiKeiau t)(OV(Tai Tr]S TTp\
Ka(TTov avToiv i(TTopi(is 8in(TKevr]v.

^
Callix. in
Athen.
V. 197*^*
in Dem. i and Schol. ' For an excellent analysis of this cryptic kind of expression see Mair's translation of Hesiod, Introduction, pp. xivsqq.
Callim.
Hymn,
f2oo

rr]s
and
KaLvoypd(pov (TVvBea-ecos
^lXlkov^ ypafifxaTiKoi, Soopa êpco
Which
(just
of the two lines
came
the
first
cannot be determined.^
calls
Clearly our
as
Hymn, which
Scholiast
npooifjuou^
Thucydides* calls the Homeric Hymn to Apollo npooLjjLLov)^ was introduced to the notice of scholars as a
composition in a new style ', not by a devotee, but by a skilled man of letters, as the pithy phrase KaLi^6ypa<po9 (TVvBea-L^, and the bold metaphor eOooirevcre weSoy jieTcoTroLS
*
show.
Several
anonymeus
lyric
poems have come

Remains
from papyri and from inscriptions.

^
to light both of a poem which
Diehl, Anthologia Lyrica, vi, p. 296 from Hephaestion (pp. 30, 31 who passes a measured criticism on the poem : ^lXlkos 5e 6 KepKvpaios, eh coy rrjs IlXfiaSoy, eânerpa (sc. ;(0pta/zj3iKc5) avvedrjKCv okov tovto Se Koi aXaôveveraL evpqKevai <J>tXiKo? Xe-ytoi^ TToirjua Tfj )(doi/Lr] ktX. Kaivoypdôv kt\. êvderai de' the reason given being that Simias of Rhodes had used the metre before him (see Collectanea Alexandrina^
Consbr.)
pp. 116, 117).

a)S
But, Hephaestion continues,

Xe'yet,
Tv\r]v el p.^
npcoTos vpr)K(os to perpov
aXX'
a>s 7Tp5)Tos
tovtco rep per pa

:
apa 6 îXiKos ovx to. oXa
TToirjpaTa ypdy^/as.
The
full text
mentioned
in the First Series of

"'S.pXeo hx]
of the epigram on Philicus, which Chapters, runs as follows paKapicTTOs 68onr6pos, epxô koXovs
was
New
Xo>povs evafêav oyj/'opevoSf ^lXikc,
CK
Ki(T(Trjp<f)os
K(f)aXr)s
evvpva KvXicop
5
pTjpaTa, Kol vrjaovs Ka)paaov els p-aKupav, ev pev yrjpas IScov evecTTiov *AXklv6oio
dvdpos eTnarapevov' *AXkiv6ov Tis ecov e^ alpoTos [a vacant space] a7r]o [ArflpodoKov
âirjKos,
(a)fiv
Edited by Wilamowitz from a papyrus of the third century B.C. with the necessary slight corrections in Sitzungsb. derk. p. Akadetnie, xxix (1912), pp. 547 sqq. It presents several interesting points: it maybe contemporary with Philicus ; with Hephaestion, it gives the correct form of his name, Philicus, not Philiscus ; it mentions the facts that he was a priest and poet ; and now that the Hymn has come to light, we observe a special appropriateness in the epithet ivvpva, and lastly he was a true Phaeacian ', in Horace's sense of tlie word The idea that the ^coeti/ emaTapevov. Philiscus who was presumably the author of the sepulcral epigram from
* :
Cos, printed by Reitzenstein in Epigrafum und Skolion, 219, 220, was many suppositions to be accepted with any confidence. ^ Gallavotti prefers the order given here j Korte would reverse it. ^ Schol. to Hephaest., p. 140 Consbr. ev to) irpooLp-lco eypay\re Ampa vplv (pepo), Tov pTpov Tovrov oXou Ttolrjpa ypdyj/as.
our author, rests upon too
Thuc.
iii.
104.
AND LYRIC POETRY

consisted of
2^01
more than a hundred
lines are
found
in a
Heidel-
berg papyrus,^ the date of which is about the end of the second century or the beginning of the third. speaker, a woman,^ enumerates various trees and plants, those, it would
appear, which come into the stories that narrate the metamorphosis of persons into trees and birds. Thus one line refers to the metamorphosis of Myrrha into a myrtle, another
to that of Attis into a pine
;
the
name Tereus
occurs,
and the
swallow and the nightingale are mentioned, birds which as Procne and Philomela occur in the story about him. The poem is written in dimeter meiuric anapaests, a metre of which we have several ^ examples from the Imperial Age.
The outstanding feature of the poem is the use of new and extraordinary compound epithets thus ^L\ofzvpTo<payrJKOfxo9
;
apparently applied to a wild sow
(piXoyaXlXjoP pa)(ioi/OTVfji7r[dua)]
KopvâvTL KoXv6po(pi\dp7ray[L]
is
the description of Attis.
The
epithet for a swallow
is
p.\[avo\TrTepo(paLo\o(TOi)ixaTos, a word in which Korte points out that cpaioXo- appears to be a conflation of (paios and
aloXos.
For a nightingale we have

drjSova
yoepo(TT[Eva^7]vo\a\riixova^
a kite
is
called
^
iKrelv Se vôcra-Lov dpirdara^

ya[xy\t(javv\ÔTTOiVTO(pL\dpiTa(Tos.
facility of composition, but only one, the of the description Corybant, shows the strikingly inventive of the power poets of the Old Comedy, or of Pratinas,
These words show
Philoxenus, Cercidas, and

^
Timon
the Sillograph.
;
First printed
in
ft\7ra>
Korte
^ '
by Bilabel Archiv f. Pap. viii,
in Philologus, Ixxx (1925), pp. 331 sqq.

p. 257.
see
See
New
four times, (i\inov(ra twice. Chapters in the History of Greek Literature^
Second
;
Series,
p. 46.
The nominative IktIv for Iktivo^ has been unknown before Choeroboscus {Graminat. Graec, Hilgard, iv, p. 267) distinctly lays down the vocraiov the ovbayiov tj evdela avrr) (sc. IktIv) evpijrai eu ;^/;jj(rf i. usage papyrus vtoaviov is an easier correction than Bilabel's (ro) voaaiop.
*
:
:
202
From Seleucia in Susiana ^ comes an inscription with the remains of thirty-one lines, on one column when complete it consisted of at least two columns but all of the second is lost except a few letters at the foot containing a Hymn to Apollo
in the
It is written in acrostichs,
Priapean metre, a Glyconic followed by a Pherecratean. the first letters giving the name and
given
description of the composer. Other examples of acrostichs are by Kaibel,^ the first being of a date between 15 and 7 B.C., that is to say, more or less contemporary with this
inscription, for the date of the

B.C. or preferably
Hymn may
be the
last
century
the
first
A.D.
Herodorus, the son of Artemon.
The writer was probably The letters of the acrostich

.
0? forming the opening letters of the lines spell 'Hp68 r rcoi/ and are followed ., by Trpoy 'ApTficouo9 SeXevKeu?, which M. Cumont completes by toou irpos tm EvXaico^ the river
. .
.
which gave the official title to this Seleucia, rj Trpoy TO) EvXaio). He completes his reconstruction by suggesting [vLKT^rr}^ ye]yovey words which imply that the composer won
in Susiana,
the prize at a competition. The fifth letter in the first name is lost, but from the appearance of the vertical stroke which is
of the sixth, M. Cumont restores ^HpoScopos in to preference ^HpoSoTos. The following extract gives the end
all
that
is left
of the
title
"Teiy
<5'
Kal
yjrrj-êL^
eva-elSiaLi/ xvSrju kvl (f)[(t>\Xeols
xpv(r6p{p)vToy oXfiov,^ 6fjpa9, dfi^pore, craiueLS,

jSrjo-craL^,
23
'EâL(pi/7]9 Se
av
[7rap]8dXeLS rj/iepoh Pi
25
'TiruovuTa^ 8' afxaOea-rccTovs^ [r)X]u'Yrjt(n TrvKocêL?.^ Si) ttXovtov 7r[L\vvTols Vfiei9 [ou 7r]apaLpT0i^ evpovu, Toiyap 6y[a] Kal iroXeis TrovX[v]coi^v /io[u o/jLl/xa
^flaicocrap, kirel
^
'
27
a-eâs ix[ovvo\9
ecr>ce[s]
aTrdvTOiv.
29
Inscriptions grecques de Suse', F. Cumont, 1928, from Memoires de Mission archiologique de Perse, torn, xx, pp. 89 sqq.. No. 6 ; cf. Kaibel, Epigr. Gr,, Nos. 979, 1096; and see Pauly-Wiss., Real-Encycl. s.v.
la
Akrostich.
W. VoUgraff compares Orph. Hymn. 34. 2 Epitaph. 5. There is a slight harshness

^
dXîodcora, and Hyperides, in the asyndeton ylrfixîSf
but this is preferable to his suggestion of an adjective Ko.ylrTjx^'is coined with the meaning of ay\nr)KTOi, shaggy '. ' His restoration rjXvyijot, is tentative ; he takes the meaning to be thou dost cover with the shades of night the simple in their sleep ; the simple are contrasted with nivvToi, 1. 27.
craivfts,
* ' ' ' '
AND LYRIC POETRY

*
203
dost shower prosperity upon the righteous in streams of gold, and dost fondle, dost caress the beasts in their dens, immortal god. Suddenly too dost thou tame the panthers in the dells, and thou coverest with shades of night the simple in their sleep. Thou dost bestow upon the wise a stream of wealth which cannot be taken from them.'
Thou
The subject of the Hymn is the power of the Sun in nature, and the blessings which he bestows upon man and beast. There is no need to see, as M. Cumont does in lines 24 and 25, an identification of Apollo Helios with Dionysus,^ with whom panthers are associated, for the choral ode in the Alcestis, 578 sqq., speaks of the influence of Apollo's music over wild
The name Navaia, the great goddess of Susa, is animals. probably to be restored in 1. 6.^ P'rom the temple of Aesculapius at Epidaurus,^ which yielded us the Paean of Isyllus,* come two inscriptions each containing
three
is
in
I
'^
is
One, No. 130, contains a Hymn to Pan which complete preservation. The metre is trochaic dimeter ol ^ -u, and the Hymn, which is liturgically correct,
Hymns.
I
composed
in
a literary style
evOeov êiprjva X^^V
-^
V)(^pVT09i V7rp6aco7ro9, es* 8' 'ÔXvfjLTToy dcrrepooTTOU pXTaL Trav(o8o9 dyo).
No. 129 shows
less traces of literary
consists of thirteen lines,
mainly written
ithyphallics
:
in
and metrical skill. It about half of which are complete, hexameters, two of which are lifted from
the Iliad (^ 284-5, the Shield of Achilles), interspersed with

evKXeel? re MoLcras
evfieueLs T6
^
MoLpa?
Cumont compares OrpMca, No. 239 Kern, ap. Macrob. SaL i. 18, sections 12, 18, 22 "HXios-, bu Awwaov eVt/cATâit' KnXeovaiv: cf. Orphica^ Nos. 236, 237. But Farnell, Cults of the Greek States^ v. 252, observes ' Macrobius' theory of the solar character of Dionysus is not supported, so far as we have seen, by any Hellenic cult*. Mhnoires, p. 86. ' I.G. iv, Editio Minor, pp. 83 sqq., Nos. 129-34, with photographs.
"^
New
Chapters in the History of Greek Literature^ First Series,

hk prjixa.
p. 132.
^
Peek gave the reading as
204

UpOKaWLVLKCO
No. 131
is
of
much
greater interest.
It is a
Hymn
to the
Mother of the Gods, written with no little literary skill, and containing a vivacious dialogue between her and Zeus. The composer had a light touch, and the style is simple, the
narrative
lively.
The metre
itself
is
the TeXea-oTLXXetou
^^ ^
j \
interesting, for
it
is
which gives to the merry
little
song a
lilt
of
its
own and
;
lines of Telesilla
it is appropriate, for the only two which are preserved are the opening of a
Hymn
to Artemis.
The
text runs as follows (the corrections

:
are those which are given in the Corpus Inscriptionum)

'f2
Miâjioavvas Kopai, Sevp* 'iXOiT* OLTT* a)pai/(o, Kai /jLol a-vva^Lcrare
TOLv
coy
Maripa
rcov Beoov,
5
Âê TrXavcojiei/a Kar wpea Kal vdiras^

ajSpoTav KOfxav t KccTcoprjfieua f (ppiva^.
orvpovor
TOLV
Maripa
roou
Oecov
10
Kepavvov eâXXe,
x^
)(d
rd
TVfjLwav' kXdfipave'
StipTja-cre,
Trerpa^
rd TVfXTrav kXdfipave. ''Mdrep, dine' els Beovs, Kal fiT) Kar oprj nXavco^
jXYj
15
a
r\
rj
-re?
*'
ttoXlol
x^poTTol XeovXvkol
. .
."
KovK
fiTj
dneifM
fiepT]
eh
Oeovs^
so
dv
TO TO
rd
Xd^co,
[xkv rjiiLcrv rcopavoo,

S'
rjfiLo-v
TTOUTOO
yaias, TO TpLTOV fiep09,

25
XoiJTCOS dweXevo-ofjLaL."
X^^p'i ^ MeydXa dvaacT' -a Mdrep 'OXvfnrco.
ye daughters of Memory, hither from heaven, and sing ye with me the Mother of the Gods,
come
AND LYRIC POETRY

she came roaming mountains and glens with immortal hair streaming,
o'er
ijo,5
how
heavy
at heart.
King Zeus beholding the Mother of the Gods,

was hurling his thunder, and she taking her drums he rending rocks, and she taking her drums.
' :
Mother, away to the gods,
and roam not over the mountains,

the bright-eyed lions or the grey wolves' And I will not away to the gods unless I receive my shares, the half of the Heaven, the half of the Earth, the third part of the Sea, and so will I depart.'
lest either
'
For the metre see Hephaestion,

Ionic
;
ch. xi,
who
regards
it
as
regarded acephalous White, The Verse of Greek Comedy, sect. 573; Wilamowitz, Griechische Verskunst, 120, 242). The metre occurs not infrequently in Sophocles, fr. 172, Pearson; 0. T. 466-8, 1044 sqq., where acephalous Pherecrateans occur,
Glyconic
(J.
but
it
should
rather be
as
W.
as in this
Hymn
25 and 29
Pax
1329 sqq. (White,
op. cit.^ 574)-
so in Aristophanes for instance, In 1. 8 the stone gives

;
great puzzle. squeeze made by Mr. D. L. Page shows that the only letter which is uncertain is the second, where a rough-edged dent in the stone renders
KATQPHMENA a
Both he and illegible, and that the H is quite certain. Professor Robertson have independently suggested that the letters KATQP are a repetition of /car' <pea just above in
it
and within range of the eye. The mistake has infected the next letter, for the dialect would almost certainly demand The style demands a simple and common verb like -ayi^va} von Hiller suggests Papvvojxiva. opLvofiiva (K^pLi/ofxiua)
1.
6,
change of metre (such as

is
enToafieua (îHva<: here)
is
possible, for
a ArjKvdiov
not
unknown among
glyconics (Wilarnowitz, Gr.
Vers-
kunst. 247, 248).
2o6
In
11.

II
and 13 the stone gives KAI, which Wilamowitz

stone
pr}(T(Tco
corrected.
13.
The
or
gives
AIEPPHZE.
The compounds
370
of
prjyuvfjLL
begin to drop one p as early as
B.C.
(Meisterhans, Gramm. att. Inschr., p. 169), and this is frequent in the (Thackeray, Grammar of the Old Testament in
LXX
Greeks p. 119). 17. MHZE the stone, \ir\ (t 01 Maas, rather than firj a i\. For \vKOL in 1. 18 there is no verb, and the metre of 1. 20
causes
some
difficulty.
which would he highly

difficulty of
effective here
After Xvkol Maas sees an aposiopesis, but this still leaves the
;
beginning the Mother's reply with Kat. On the other hand, to make the aposiopesis end with Acar seems very unlikely. R. Herzog enters equally into the spirit of the
Hymn in
lines
another and more preferable way, thinking that some have been omitted containing some such sense as
irXavcop.ivavy kv opet Xecop, fx craLvovTL Se kol Xvkol^
"
[" eSoaa-L
âivei
KovK
* *
eL(Top,aL
19
Oeov?/*
eat thee as thou dost roam.'
The lion on the mountain fawns upon me, the wolves also fawn upon me, and I will not go to the gods.'
In
1.
21 the stone has

;
OYPANH,
which must be corrected to
TCdpavod
cf. 1. 2.
subject of the Hymn presents difficulties, since no occasion in the life of the Mother of the Gods, such as is
The
narrated here, appears in literature, or is mentioned by the authorities. Wanderings ', and the desire of Zeus to end
'
them, are unknown
in
connexion with her, and
still less
her
claim to a large share in the Universe. Dr. Farnell, who has been good enough to examine the Hymn, is of opinion that a double conflation or contaminatio of myths has taken
and first that the Mother of the Gods is identified with Demeter, as was sometimes done, as by Euripides, who
place,
^ But Koi ovK aTTfifxL is quitc plain upon the stone, giving two cretics. These would be appropriate to the tone of the passage, cf. Aristoph. Ac/i.
299
0^*^
avaax^crofxai ktX.
AND LYRIC POETRY

describes in a Choral
307
Ode
in the
Helena^ 1301 sqq.,
how
the
unnamed Mother
in
of the
Gods sped through the wooded glens
He
yearning for her daughter with the unspeakable name.^ ^ points out that this Choral Ode may have been present
mind of the composer of the Hymn, for Kar copea kol vXaura (1. 6) and 6 Zeij^ S* iariScov dva^ (1. 9) recall dv and of the Helena. Further, the pdirrj avyd^cou k^ ovpavtoav words yâpoTToi XeouTe^ and ttoXlol Xvkol recall the Homeric
to the
vdnas
Hymn, XIV,
els-
Mrjripa
Becov^ 3, 4,
fj KpordXodv TVirdvoov t* ta^^rj crvu re ppofios avX5>v evaSev, r]8e Xvkcoi/ KXayyt] \apoTrodv re XeouTCou,
Next
is
to be noticed the similarity in thought
between the
share of Hecate in the third part of the sovereignty of the world (Hesiod,^ Theogony, 411 sqq.), and the claim which is
put forward by the Mother of the Gods in our Hymn, and which might arise from the idea contained in the Orphic
Hymn
xiv. 10, 11 ;*
kK (Tov yap kol yaia kol ovpavbs evpvs virepOe KOL TTOVTOS TTVOLai T.
These considerations have led Dr. Farnell to suggest that our Hymn was a prize composition intended for a festival of the Mother at Epidaurus, where we know from the inscriptions that she had a cult.^ Her claim for a share in the universe he
regards as a foolishly learned imitation of the passage in the Theogony, and the whole production as illustrating the
process
'
'
by which the
into playthings of literature'.
old fervid realities of polytheism faded This view, which is attractive
and probable in itself, is supported by the style of the other two Hymns. In No. 130 nearly every noun is accompanied by an ornate and rather conventional epithet, like \pv(jk(iiv
yopoav dyaXjJLa
d(rTpco7rbi/
^
\
kpirpkircou âvOco yevdco'

d)(^d>
|
ks 8' 'ÔXvfxirov
\
epêrai iravcoBos
decoy 'OXvfnricoi/ ojiiXov
Farnell, Cults of the Greek States^ iii, p. 31. For the conflation in this Ode in the Helena see W. Scott, Mountain- Mother Ode*, Classical Quarterly, iii, p. 165. ^ Regarded by many editors as a post-Hesiodic interpolation.
'^
'The
'"'
Ret. from
von
Hiller.
Greek States, iii, p. 383, Nos. See New Chapters^ First Series, p. 43, and the mentioned above.
Farnell, Cults of the
^
23, 24.
Hymn
from Susa
2o8

The author
'
dfiPpoTCL paivoLo-a Mota-a, a style
which suggests the hand of 1^29 shows the same two lines from Homer, pursues style, and then, in lifting a practice not unknown to prize composers. Mr. Tod is of opinion that the three Hymns were inscribed simultaneously, and by the same hand, which he assigns to the third century A.D., so that they may all have been prize compositions. Like Delphi ^ and other sites, the temple of Asclepius at
a literary compiler.
of No.
'
Epidaurus furnishes other examples of sacred lyric poems, Nos. 132 to 135, besides the Paean of Isyllus.^ Something of the nature of an occasional or prize poem by
a schoolboy, perhaps to be recited on a Speech Day ', is presented by the following lines in the Anacreontic metre
* '
'
which come from a papyrus of the fourth century found at Eschmunen.^ The composer calls it the first-fruits of his
'
education.
i[TaL]piKf}9 [0' iop]Trjs
OaXvoTLoy
'Epoo
fJLu
KOfii^co.
ovu ks
r]Pr)9
T(i\L(TTa /lirpov eXdeiu, SiSacTKciXov T* aKovcov
TToXvv \p6vov ^LCOUaL. ^vrj Se K[o(T/jLL]a tls (T0(f)6[v re vov (ppoi/rjfia.
TivOLTO
fjLOL
[fidOrjarLi^
Kv]KXovfjLurj[u ireprjaaL'
10
[iTdp(TL\o9 OeXoL/i' av Alos S6p,o[i9 TreXdcra-aL
A
^
"^
Fragments of a Bucolic Poem page from a papyrus codex* of the third
to fourth
century contains on the recto portions of twenty-eight lines

Chapters, First Series, pp. 42 sqq. Chapters, First Series, pp. 46, 47; Second Series, p. 204; Collectanea Alexandrina, p. 133. ^ The supplements (entirely tentative) are by W. Cronert, except in 8, where Wilamowitz gives as above Cronert gives (ro0o[O to t fI8os ftrj. The lines were first printed by Vitelli in Studi italiani di Filologia Classica, xii. 320, and with improvements in xiv. 126 ; then by Wilamowitz in Griechische Verskunst, p. 611 ; lastly by W. Cronert in Gnomon, 1926,
:
New New
p. 663.
*
H. Oellacher's
text
i,
in
Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung
Rainer,
Neue
Folge,
pp. 77 sqq., 1932.
AND LYRIC POETRY
209
from a poem in hexameters, describing how Xda-Los JJdv took wax from a store of honey in an oak, melted it, and made pipes into which he blew. The story is continued on the
verso in twenty-nine lines, many of which are well preserved. Pan is lying on the ground, wearied perhaps, as Oellacher
suggests, by his efforts in piping, but his pipe is not with him. Silenus sees him, and addresses him thus in words of merry
mockery
Elire] fioi,
ai-)(]/j,r]Tr]9
0)
j/o/iecoi/
fiiya Koipave,
ttco?
a[v Utrj^
;
fJLeve)(âpiios
TToo?
irfj
8e
)(]opoou
kn
drep (raKioov 7r6A[e//or5e dycovas dvev (Tvpiyyos lKd[uL9
10
',
a]oL 7rriKTi9 '^prj, iirjXoo-CTKOTre, nfj creo (p[opfJ.Lyi 7r[fj] fieXeoou /cXeoy evpv, rb Kal Aibs ovar laJji/ei;
d7rLpe(rL7)[u] fxerd 6[oLvr)v
'^H pd aev VTrvoi)ovT09

KXeyjre Ter]v
rj
avpiyya Kar ovpea Adî/L9

rJTOL
6 ôv[tt]9,
15
fAvSos'f
KetvoLS
r]\e\
ydp
OvpcTLS, 'Ajj.vi^TLX09, rje Mv[dXKaSy KpaSt-qv kiTLKaLeaL r]i6eoLa\LV ;
fXLv
(Tov
8.
yap
eSuov 'iScoKas opeora-nroXo) tlvI v[vii(^rj^ VTTO TTTepvyea-cnv d^l (piper rjrop [Êpcoro?
leir]
ieirjs
Wilamowitz, comparing
;
in
T 209
also
i'oi
tls.
12. ta[
perhaps rather talveiy cf. Find. OL ii. 13. pap., lanret Radermacher For Zeus in this connexion see Arist. Fol. v. 1339 b. 13. So for pap. (dolvrjv P. Maas). 15. Avdos is probably a anipaiT][.] fiera 6[
corruption, and Avkos unlikely AvklSus ^ Qvpais. r)
:
P.
Maas with much
probability suggests
This
may come
from an Epyllion, or from a
Hymn
to Pan,
and Oellacher thinks that the composition may not be much and older than the time to which he assigns the papyrus it is, as he points out, plainly and in tone, metre, style, though
;
indebted to Theocritus, it is perhaps preferable to ascribe the Imperial rather than to the Ptolemaic Age.
T/te later
^
it
to
Dithyramb
of two papyrus rolls exhibit fragments of on the later Athenian Dithyramb of the fifth and a treatise fourth centuries B.C., in which are incorporated many extracts
The remains
from the Dithyrambs themselves.
The
editor points out that
* On the later Dithyramb see Pickard-Cambridge, lb., pp. I36sqq. Dithyramb^ Tragedy and Comedy^ pp. 53 sqq.
873B
!2io
LATER ELEGY, EPIGRAM, AND LYRIC POETRY
the exegesis resembles the conclusion of the fifth book of Aristotle's Politics^ which explains how the different kinds of
lyric
poetry and the music to which they were set correspond to the affections of the soul {ja ndSr]). To irpiirov is mentioned, as by Aristotle, and Melanippides is said Kara(sc,
TOLTTeLv iKcca-Trju
apixovLav)
kirl
to irpiirov avTcou.
all
He
the
observes also that the extracts themselves exhibit
marks of the new Dithyramb,
rjpcoLKT] virodeo-L^,
Xeî? elpofiivrj,
ISia (pXeyfiatyovara, SnrXd ovofiara,
and obscurity.
are tantalizingly incomplete. The first contains the opening of a Dithyramb probably intended for the Great
They
Dionysia
dvaPSacTOV avTco' Aiovvaov deLorofieu
lepaU kv dfiepaLS
SdoSeKa
fjLYJvas
dirovTa'
ndpa
(For
di/Or]
8'
a>pa,
ndpa
5'
dvOrj
see Pickard-Cambridge, op. cit.y p. 50.) The second opened thus (unless we accept the conjectural compound word of P. Maas in the first line, papPapaPpovTo)
:
Zejjs fiu 7rpp/jLe
fSdpâpa PpovTa,
ydv
)(pv(r68ov9
is
kTLvaê TloTu8av Xpva-eoSovTL rpiaiua ...

5'
new word.
:
Another contains a description of sleep
fiaXaKOfifiaros vrrvos yvla 7Tpl irdvTa PaXdou, a)(7t fidTTjp naiS' dyaira-
Tov XP^^'-^^ ISova-a <pLXa> koXttco TTTepvyas dfxcpilBaXej/
J.
U. P.
ROMANCE: TRACES OF LOST GREEK NOVELS

When Erwin Rohde published his epoch-making book on Greek Romance in 1876, he depended on the evidence of the complete romances and the summaries provided by Photius and finding that none of this material could be dated earlier
;
than the second century A.D., he propounded the theory that
Greek Romance was a product of the Ztveite Sophistik^ and had no direct connexion either with the short story as represented by the Milesian Tales or with any Greek or Alexandrian
Even before the publication of the first papyrus fragments his view was assailed on various grounds, though, it must be admitted, with but before singularly little success he died two fragments attributed to romance were published.
literary form.
;
One of them he did not allow to be romance, and his judgement was not unreasonable ^ the other he only mentions
;
without attempting to discuss it yet it is precisely this fragthe Ninus that not only makes his main ment, Romance, theory untenable, but also throws more light than could ever
;
have been hoped for on the history of the literary form. It is greatly to be deplored that the fragments which we now possess were not discovered before Rohde wrote his book, or, he did not live to adjust his mind to the new For no scholar has deserved so well of Greek Romance. Those who brought out the second and third editions of his book rightly refused to make alterations other
failing this, that
material.
than those
the author's manuscript notes,^ and, putting aside the thesis which he was defending, the bulk of his work remains, and will remain, the standard work on the
justified
by
fragment. See below, pp. 237 Schmid, however, the editor of the third edition (1914), wisely added an appendix, in which the work done and discoveries made since Rohde's death were summarized.
flf.
"^
The Metiochus-Parthenope
p a
212
ROMANCE
subject. He, better than any who have succeeded him, could have dealt with the problems raised by the new discoveries, and Greek Romance awaits a scholar equipped with the acuteness as well as the learning of Rohde to rescue it from the
sea of conjecture in which it has floundered since his death. For the fragments which were published during Rohde's lifetime were only a foretaste of what was to come. It is true
that the Ninus
Romance remains
at
once the most consider;
but small able and the most significant of the discoveries and unsatisfactory as many of them are, there are to-day
nearly twenty fragments which, with greater or less plausiThe Ninus bility, may be classed as fragments of romances.
Romance
its
is
date
for
important, not only for its contents, but also for it may be said with some certainty that it was
in
written
down
the
first
century B.C.
The
dating of the frag-
ments depends primarily on the character of the writing. If, as is usually the case, the romance is written on the verso, a terminus post quern may sometimes be fixed by a dated document on the recto similarly, as happens with the Ninus Romance, a terminus ante quern is established for a romance written on the recto, when there is a dated document on the
;
verso.
On
these grounds
the Ninus
Romance
fall
all the fragments except those of between the end of the first and the
beginning of the fourth centuries A.D. Admittedly the date at which the fragments that we possess were copied gives no but since the certain indication of the date of composition
;
works
question are likely to have been ephemeral, it is not unreasonable to suppose that their composition did not in That the Ninus general much antedate their copying.
in
Romance must have been written down before loi A.D. is proved by the document on the verso which is dated in the fourth year of Trajan. How long before this the copy was made, or the romance composed, is a matter for conjecture, but the state of the papyrus and the nature of the writing are
said to be not inconsistent with a date as early as the second
century
date.
B.C.,
and
it is
grounds some time
in the first
is
generally allowed that on palaeographical century B.C. is the most likely

therefore the only pre-Christian
The Ninus Romance
ROMANCE
and probably as much
ments.
it
'zi^
specimen of its kind; it is indisputably two centuries earlier than the earliest of the completely extant romances (Charito),
earlier
than any of the known frag-
It follows that several interesting questions arise
is
a romance that can fairly be put in the same category as those of Charito and his successors ? Does it throw any light
on the ultimate sources of Greek Romance? Does it do anything to explain the stereotyped form with which we are familiar in the later romances ?
It
is
the office of the historian to state the facts rather than

in dealing
to
advance a theory, but

it
with such fragmentary
material
is
hypothesis.
to avoid putting forward a working In the opinion of the present writer the answer
difficult
to all these questions is in the affirmative, but before calling attention to the significance of the evidence it is necessary to
survey
its
character.
consist of two fragments apparently belonging to different parts of the story. Fragment A presents parts of five columns, fragment B parts
The remains
of the Ninus
Romance ^
should be placed before or after B but no convincing reason has been adduced for altering the order A, B adopted by the first editor and, considering the scantiness of the remains, in the nature of the
of three.
Whether
;
remains uncertain
case
first
it
makes little difference which order is preferred. The column of fragment A is too much broken to admit of
plausible restoration, but the clear meaning of the other four makes it likely that Lavagnini's guess at the general drift is
on the right lines, though his attempt to restore the actual Greek is too hazardous to win approval. It would appear that the author is describing in his own words the relations
between Ninus and the

^
girl
of his choice
in
and although her
Fap. Berolinensis dcî^^ printed
Eroticorum Fragmenta Papyracea^
ed. Bruno Lavagnini,Teubneri922. (It also appears, with an English translation and a survey by S. Gaselee, at the end of the Loeb edition oiDaphnis and Chloe (191 6).) For the Ninus Romance, as for all the fragments in Lavagnini's collection, the text as printed there has been used, except where otherwise stated. The authority for the restorations maybe found
by reference to that edition. Lavagnini's bibliography has recently been supplemented by F. Zimmermann in Philologische Wochenschrifty li (1931), See also infra^ p. 257. pp. 195-6.
214
ROMANCE
name
is never mentioned, and although she is depicted as a very different person from the Semiramis of tradition, there is good reason for supposing that the girl is no other than Semiramis.^ Both are desirous of marriage, but whereas
Semiramis
<r(p6Spa
is
reluctant
because of
alSm
(A.
I.
lo),
Ninus
pS>v
(A.
I.
\crTrvS\uv j8oi/A[er]o
in
3) wished to bring things to a head (A. I. 12) and thought over various ar-
favour of an early celebration of the marriage, guments which seem to have been the same as those that arguments he subsequently addresses to Derceia, the mother of Semiramis.
Both shrink from approaching

:
their
own
mothers,
who
were sisters, but agree to speak to their aunts, each to the other's mother
[aXX' ovTe 6 NiPo]9 dvrfveyKev
[TT/ooy
^
Triv fir]Tpa oL'Jre
17
TraT? eroX-
[fxa
(A.
I.
31-3),
\Odppovv
*
yap
dfx-
[(jiOTepoL
TTyooy
^
rjds rrjOiSas fidXTCCS fj]r}Tpa9
[XOU ^
TT/OO?
(A.
I.
34-6),
and at the end of the column a scene Ninus puts his case before Derceia
:
is
introduced in which
6
[8k Nii/09 eXOoDp 7r]po9 rrju A^p*'
\KUav KoX 8^0lJi^0Si
jXTJTep"
(A.
I.
36-8),
which
ktX.
"
is
directly continued
by
''
el-rrei/,
evopKrja-a? dcpiy/jLai
in
A.
II.
1 ff.
Ninus' speech covers the whole of A.

*
II
and A.
Ill,
and does
far
It is at any rate significant that her mother's name, Derceia, is not removed from Derceto, the divine mother assigned to Semiramis in the usual legend. The coincidence would be strange were any one but Semiramis in question here. Cf. Wilcken in Hermesy xxviii (1893),
pp. 187-8.
^ dvjveyKfv L. (with pap.), but either dvf]veyKv or dveveyKelv seems necessary. ' e]6dppovv Piccolomini {Rend. Lincei^ ser. v, vol. ii (1893), p. 315) Odppovv pap. dappelv L. * npos Piccolomini : om. L. " [Xov ^ npbs Piccolomini [\ov edoKow ^ L.
:
ROMANCE
not end until A.
IV. 13.
:ji5
The columns
doubt.
*
are in
good preservation,
and the sense

*
is
never
in
have kept my oath he says. In the course of quests, and by virtue of my royal prerogative
I
',
my
con-
kBvvdfjirjp
eij
Kopov
K7rXr}crai ttolrjv
(rav diroXavcriu'
re dv
fiOL
kXdTTOVOS L(rco9 T} due-^Ld ttoSov vvv 8e dSid^dopos eXrjXvOcb^ [vTrb] TOV OeOV VLKCOfJLaL Koi VTTO
TTOLrja-aVTL 8l'
TOVTO
TfJ9 rjXLKLas.
(A.
II.
13-20.)
Aphrodite through the medium of your daughter holds

captive.
me
Must
for
wait
enough
marriage
fifteenth year.
Your
seventeenth year, old indeed, few men remain pure until their daughter, it is true, is one year younger
?
am
in
my
than the age blessed by custom
OTL Se
T}
(f)V(rL9
TOOV TOLOVTCOV (TWO-
8cOU KdXXlCTTOS kcTTL p6/J.09
TLS
dv ev
(f)pov5)v
dvruiTOL
(A.
III.
3-6.)
You may advise us to wait for two years, but Fortune will not tarry. I am a mortal and subject to the ills of mortals but I am also a king who must encounter uncommon dangers. are your only children give us a chance to leave you some earnest of our love. You cannot call me shameless for
;
We
approaching you.
in secret
;
I might have sought to satisfy my desires would have been shameless. But in a straightforward manner I only ask that what you yourself have prayed for and promised may be fulfilled in the near
that
future.'
ference at
Derceia listens with pleasure, and, though she affects indiffirst, she promises to speak for him
:
TavTa
PovXofjLivrju eXeye ttju
TT/ooy
Aep-
Kiau Kai Td)([a] ppaSvua? irpoTepav dv avTr][v\ iîdcraTO Toi>9 nepl TovTcov 7roLijcra<TdaL X6-
3i6
yovs'
ROMANCE
^
aKKLcrafiii/T]
8*
ovv Ppa-
\ea
To,
(rvvrjyopr](r[i]v
vinaxyeT-
(A. IV. 13-30.)

is
Meanwhile Semiramis
Ninus' mother Thambe.
fulfilling
a similar
mission to
But she
kvTo^
T\rj^
yv-
vaiKOi>viTLS[o9 ^(oaa o\vk ev-
(A. IV. 2S-5.)
Her passion was equal to that of Ninus, but not her freedom of speech.2 She got her audience, but only burst into tears she tried to speak, but stopped almost before she had started.
She opened her
lips,
to fear, desire, and shame, evidenced

pallor, she achieved
but nothing coherent emerged. prey by alternate blushes and
nothing in spite of Thambe's encourageout without fear. Finally^ seeing that maidenly ment to speak modesty has completely closed her lips, Thambe remarks
that she likes her silence better than
could say.
his
any words that she She suspects that Ninus has been too rough in advances, but assures her that he has no evil intentions.
"
But
Ppa8v9
6
POfLOS
T[oh
600)-]
pL0L9 ydfjLcoi^' airevSet y[ovu]^ 6 eyuoy vlos' ovSi, Sia [tovt
el]
KXaLeL9, pLacrOrjyaL ae 8[uJ'

dfjLa
Kai]
(A. V. 22-7.)
fxeLSiaxra 7TpLil3a[Xu]
avTTju Kal 7](T7rd^T0.
Even then Semiramis cannot bring herself to speak, though she at last seemed to be on the point of uttering her plea. In the last lines of the column a meeting between the two
*
Cf. aKKia-iios in Heliodorus, Aethiopica^ vi.
huvt] de fKilvrj
aKKiafxovg
avaTr\d(Tai Kar efxov. ' Trji KoprjL S* v ofioiois 7rd\d(Tiv Tr]v edfJL^rjv (A. IV. 20-2).
'
ovx
ofiota napprjaia tS>v
Xoycov ^v rrpos
;
T[o'is ecf)a)]pLois
(ujpi'ots' * >'[o{}j/] ^
Brinkmann {Rhein. Mus.

loc.
Ixv (1910), p. 319)
T[ots ^5?;
L.
" Brinkmann [roCro] L. L. prints h\/iv\ but question marks at ydfxa>v, vlns, and ^[(iv], Gaselee at ydficov and 8[e2p] they are much better omitted. Cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit.
froOr
i]
. .
Zimmermann,
.
cit 200
fi[e]
:
L.
.
6[ei."
Kai]
ROMANCE
:3I7
mothers is described, and Derceia is just beginning a speech about a weighty subject, presumably the marriage, when the column and fragment come to an end.
The
first
column of fragment B
is
so incomplete that
any
It appears certainty of restoration is out of the question. that the two lovers are present and that Semiramis is in
a state of great agitation.

pr]yfMe[i/7j
?
At any
I.
rate
?
words such as
ireptepI.
(B.
I.
4),
BaKpvonv (B.
6),
dva}jT'q8ri(Taa-av (B.
9)
suggest some display of emotion on the

present,
her.
and
in
what
^
part of the lady follows Ninus seems to be trying to calm

is
Piccolomini
thinks that Ninus has tried to violate his
betrothed, that her distress

his
due to
this,
and that Ninus

^
in
attempting to reassure her. Levi suggests that merely a parting scene but this by itself does not explain the words of Ninus which may be restored with some
speech
is it
is
confidence ov
Sr)
(SovXofLaL
\[
]a>i/
fxdWov
is
rj
npo
[repoj^
ua]p{L)eve(r6aL (B.I. 18-20).
The same
conjecture^ Piccolomini seems nearest to the truth, but it is perhaps more likely that Semiramis cried out before she was hurt or even in
Garin's
that
the trouble
objection applies to due to jealousy.
danger
that
*
she
is
again the victim of incurable modesty.
The
lovers are about to be separated and naturally arrange a last meeting, presumably alone. But when Semiramis sees her lover approaching, her desire for propriety overcomes her she bursts into tears, leaps up from the couch, and doubtless
;
tries to
run away.
his intentions are, as
Ninus seeks to comfort her, saying that they always have been, strictly honour-
able,
and he gives her some pledge Tr/jorfy ecrro) tov\[tov (B. I. His persuasion is successful and they spend the 22-3).
I. remaining time together Traj/rjfj,\[poL ] dXXrjXoLs (B. 25-6). Such a scene would be in keeping with the characters
^ ^
Antologia, Ser. 3, vol. xlvi (1893), p. 498. Riv.filol. class, xxiii (1894-5), pp. 6-9. ^ Studi Ital. di filol. class, xvii (1909), p. 424, note 2. * Levi, loc. cit., followed by Lavagnini, Le origini del romanzo greco, and B the marriage has been p. 80, thinks that in the interval between This is possible ; but in spite of the favourable attitude of celebrated. Derceia and Thambe, it would perhaps be more in accordance with the tendencies of Greek Romance if the realization of the lovers' hopes was
Nuova
postponed
till
the end.
21 8
ROMANCE
fit
as they are depicted in the first fragment and seems to with such words as are left in this mutilated column.
in
The end
of B.
and
all
of B.
II
and B.
Ill
are concerned
with a military expedition^ of Ninus who, at his father's behest, was leading a huge army against the Armenians. The
difficulties of
the march were great
Se
rj
(TTpaTLOL
kol dir
aTradrj^ avrSiv hv
eKLySvueva-e Opaa-vrepa Ka-
ra
T(>v
TToXefiLoav BLeaearco-
(TTo.
v^vLKvTa yap oScou dTTOpla^ Kal fxeyedr] iroTafioou
VTrepPdWovra ^paîfv
TTOvov vweXd/xâpe
elvai
/jLefjLrjvo-
ray iXîu Apixeiuov?.

^
(B.
II.
23-31.)
At length he invaded the river-country and built a fortified camp where he rested his army, the elephants in particular
being worn out by the long march.
0)9 eK[Lvcoi/
(sc. Toou
But
TToXefiLCdp)
TjKOva-e]^
liera ttoXXcov
dSoDi/j
6[p/x(oi/rcoi^^ A^^P^"]
âyaya>[y
ttjp Svpa-]
fiLV
7rapaTdTT[L.
(B. III. 1-4.)
There follows a description of the dispositions of his forces Then we see him riding out at the head of his (B. III. 4-27). army and hear him observing that he is staking everything on the issue of this battle: KaOdwep
av
^'
e[/y //ceo-/'-]*
TrpoTetuodv
ras [x^^P^?]
''
To
defieXLou", ^'0^,
T\d re Kpi-]
(Ti/xa Tcov e/jLwu iX7r[L8a)v rdSe e-] dirb TTJaSe r^y W/êpay] (TTLU.
rj
dpôfxai tlvos nî[ôvos\
Rhein. Mus.
^
military implications are discussed in detail by B. A. Miiller in Ixxii (1917-18), pp. 198 216. Tnv TTOTaniav with the papyrus. Lavagnini's rqv TroKefxlav is unnecessary and unsuitable. Cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 200-1.
^
*
The
So Zimmermann
(\ls tKfo-iJai/
: (k\(Ivov 6pai\ Miiller, loc. cit., pp.
.... 6\iJixa)VTa L. 207-9 (cf. Heliod. Aeth.
ix. 5)
ppo-toi/
6v(r'L\av
L.
ROMANCE
rj
:ji9
rcoy
TreTrava-ojJLaL ocpxi^^ yap kir AlyvTrTLo[vi ttovohv Kal]

. . .
Kal
vvi' rrjl's
ra TTJy dXXrjs 7roX/jL[LKfJ9 (B. III. 30-8.) ."J and so the fragment comes to an end. All readers of this document who are familiar with later Greek Romance must at once be struck by one significant point of resemblance. Two hundred years before the earliest completely extant romance we find a pair of lovers who show no essential difference from their later counterparts. Thev impetuous but honest Ninus reappears clearly enough in the Theagenes of Heliodorus, and the lovesick maiden of unassailable virtue and almost intolerable modesty might be the heroine of any Greek romance, though here again the
Charicleia of Heliodorus
take
two
incidents
perhaps the nearest parallel. To for example, the oath exacted from
is
Theagenes by Charicleia
in the
Aethiopica
is
closely akin to the
pledge which seems to have been given by Ninus (B. I. 18 ff.) ;^ and the difficulty experienced by Semiramis in telling Thambe of her love is paralleled by Charicleia's abortive attempts to
explain to her mother that she has so far fallen from the ideals of virginity as to have looked at Theagenes with the eye of love.^ Ninus, like Theagenes and all the heroes of Greek Romance, is the plaything of Aphrodite or Eros;^
Semiramis, a true forerunner of the characteristic heroine, is as much in love as the hero, but an inveterate stickler for decency.
is probably sufficient to demonstrate the essential between the Ninus Romance and the later romances but the more interesting question remains does the Ninus
This
in itself
similarity
Romance throw any

genre
?
light
on the ultimate sources of the literary
The evidence of such poor fragments is admittedly of dubious value, but taken in conjunction with what we know in the later romances and what we may conjecture from the
pseudo-Callisthenic Alexander
^
Heliod. Aeth.
iv.
18
cf.
Romance it possibly justifies Schissel von Fleschenberg, Entwicklungs-
His whole geschichte des griechischen Romanes im Alter tuvi, p. 17. account of the Ninus fragments (ibid., pp. 14-19) is interesting. ^ Heliod. Aeth. x. 18-21, 29, and 33. ' A. II. 17-20. Cf. A. II. 25 ff. 61 \xkv ovK Tji(r6ap6fxrjv *A(f)po\8iTr]Sy fioKapios av rjv Trjs aTfpptWrjTos' vvv de [rîjs v\fifr(pas dvynrpui ai]\xp-d\<OTOs kt\.
, . .
\
220
ROMANCE
other stories,
to a
a tentative theory. Leaving the Arcadian Romance of Longus out of the question, for though it displays much that is
characteristic of the
it
clearly belongs
romances are remarkably similar to one another. The characters, the treatment, and even the and yet one difference is plots are almost stereotyped observable an ostensibly historical a to abandon tendency ^ in favour of a background purely fictitious setting. The relative dates of the authors are by no means certain, but the fortunate discovery of papyrus fragments of Charito and Achilles Tatius supports the view, probable on other grounds, that Charito is to be considered the earliest, and Achilles
different category, the extant
Tatius the
latest.
It is
therefore of interest to notice that
Charito, though his hero and heroine are creatures of his imagination, introduces some historical characters and some
historical events
his main story is fictitious, but he seems to have been at pains to lend it a historical flavour. Heliodorus,
;
somewhat
is
later, presents
;
period, but no more
his characters are all fictitious
a picture of a fairly definite historical and there
no
historical authority for the
sequence of events which he
Achilles Tatius degrades romance from the realm of princes to the level of the bourgeoisie. His story is frankly fictitious, and he evidently had no feeling that romance should
describes.
be related to history. These facts in themselves are not necessarily significant. few romances which apparently fulfil certain conditions have been bequeathed to us by fortune, but the many that
are lost might have told a different tale
and moreover
it is
unreasonable to expect a completely orderly and logical development of such a literary form. But in the light of the
Ninus Romance and the possible nature of the original Alexander Romance, the relations between the later romances become suggestive. The oldest version of the pseudo-Callisthenic Alexander Romance that we possess is probably to be dated not earlier than c, A.D. 300 ^ but many scholars have conjectured that
;
Cf.
Wilcken, Sitzungsber.
d. Pretiss.
Akad.
d. Wiss., 1 923, p. 180,
and
Kroll, Historia
Alexandri Magni,
p. xv.
ROMANCE
'z^zi
the story in some form goes back considerably further. That much of the matter belonged to earlier tradition, some of
going back to a period not long after Alexander's death, proved by papyrus fragments.^ One in particular may be instanced Pap. Berolinensis 13044, dated saec. ii-i B.C., which describes a visit of Alexander to the Gymnosophists.
it
is
The same episode is related by pseudo-Callisthenes iii. ^-6 with some differences, and more exactly reproduced in the Latin version of the Metz Epitome, which seems to draw on
earlier than that of pseudo-Callisthenes.^ The existence of isolated incidents at an earlier date does not prove that they were welded together into a consecutive whole such
some source
as
we
find
^
in
the pseudo-Callisthenic version
nevertheless,
and Wilcken, who are inclined to believe in an early version which underwent a series of additions and original modifications, are probably right. Kroll, indeed, is sceptical, but it seems intrinsically likely that a partly historical, partly fictitious life of Alexander would come into being not long
Ausfeld
after his death.
its
To postulate it is at any rate tempting, for existence in view of the Ninus Romance and the later
would be of the utmost
;
stories
Speculation is only reasonable, that the version retains the essential characteristics pseudo-Callisthenic of the original, two points might be emphasized. First, that'
significance.
perhaps vain
but assuming, as
is
was treated light-heartedly, and that the romantic possibilities of a story weighed more heavily with the author than its historical probability. Secondly, that the theme was
history
the glorification of the hero, to were completely subordinate.

elaborate
love-story;
whom
There
all
is
the other characters
no evidence
is
for
an
very
little
attention
paid to the
Roxana episode by
It
is
pseudo-Callisthenes.
in this
connexion that the Ninus fragments are of
Ninus, if not a historical character in the particular interest. same category as Alexander, was sanctified by tradition as a
great warrior-king, and was
^
fair
and perhaps easier game
for
loc. cit, pp. 150 ff. description of the fragment together with a given by Wilcken, loc. cit., pp. 160-74. ^ Der griechische Alexanderroman, pp. 214 fif.
^
Wilcken,
full
commentary
is
'Z'ZQ.
ROMANCE
A
It is reasonable to conjecture the writer of romantic history. that his warlike exploits occupied a large part of the story. At any rate in fragment Ninus, by emphasizing the
dangers to which he has been and will be subjected, implies that he has ah'eady done much fighting and travelling, and
and in fragment B we find him is about to do more middle of one of his campaigns. Lavagnini's ^ assumption that the erotic element in it was of paramount importance seems to be ill-founded nevertheless, it is in the developthat he
in the
;
ment of the love

Ninus Romance
'
interest that part of the significance of the

lies.
The
similarity
between the Alexander
and Ninus Romances is that each deals with the exploits of a famous historical character, and each so far idealizes its hero
that
its
flimsy.
relations to history or tradition become extremely The main difference is that the writer of the Alex-
ander Romance, whether for lack of interest or lack of material, made little or nothing of the love story, while the
author of the Ninus Romance, in his eagerness to introduce an erotic element, twisted tradition in such a way as to make of
Ninus and Semiramis a pair of lovers with just those characwhich the later writers exploited for the purpose of The importance of the erotic element their love romances. in Charito and in the Alexander Romance was negligible his successors it is overwhelming, and the remains of the Ninus Romance indicate that it may have been the link Romantic history with less or more atten. between the two. tion to the affairs of the heart developed into erotic romance with a spice of adventure. For adventure is as essential an element as love in Greek Romance and always forms the
teristics
;
it is primarily a shift of emphasis that distinthe essentially erotic stories of a Charito or a Helioguishes dorus from the essentially adventurous Alexander and Ninus
background
Romances.^
* Le origini del rornanzo greco^ p. 75. His statement is in accordance with the view of romance that he expresses earlier (pp. 11-12), but as far as origins are concerned he over-estimates the importance of the erotic element. ^ The importance of the historical and adventurous element has been
emphasized by J. Ludvikovsky, Reeky
Romdn Dobrodmzny (Prague,
1925),
ROMANCE
The realm when he has
223
of hypothesis is fascinating for the writer, but not the space to deal adequately with the
evidence or with rival hypotheses, he can hardly expect to convince the reader. The stuff that went to make up Greek
Romance was manifold, and its relative importance has been It is not claimed that history or, as variously estimated. Lavagnini puts it with his eye on the extant romances and Parthenius, that local legends were the only source but it would be irrelevant to the purpose of this essay to analyse the whole make-up of Greek Romance. It does, however, seem fair to
;
state that
two points emerge from the fragments of the Ninus ^ First, that a romantic treatment of history was one of the weapons of a Greek Romance writer, and secondly, that the sentimental love story was exploited at least as early
Romance.
as the
first century B.C. Further evidence for the use of the famous
men
of tradition
^
as characters in a
Pap, Oxyrh. 1826 iii-iv The is too much broken to (saec. A.D.). fragment sense and have yield any satisfactory may nothing to do with romance at all but in view of the Ninus Romance it is at
in
;
romance may be found
least suggestive that
it
Sesonchosis was the

the Egyptian prince
stris.^
name given
presents Sesonchosis as a character. in Graeco-Roman times to

earlier
whom
Greeks had called Sesois
To which
have been
is
or to
how many Egyptian
may
strictly applicable
kings the name uncertain what does

;
were attributed to him the real or appear of legendary conquests many Pharaohs, and that Sesostris (or in the Sesonchosis) history of Egypt is comparable to Ninus in the history of Assyria, and even to Alexander in the history of Greece. There are several references to him in the Alexthat
there
ander Romance.
In
i.
34. 2
we
read v-rravrSiVT^s
tS>
'AXe^duSpco
Kara irdaav
iroKiv 01 irpocpfJTaL tov9
ISlov9 Oeoi/s
ko^l(outS
which, though written in Czech, is furnished with a summary in French. See also B. E. Perry \xvAmerican Journal of Philology^ li (1930), pp. 93 ff.
Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ vol. xv, pp. 228-9. Cf.Pauly, R.-E. s.v. Sesonchosis and Sesostris. The Scholiast on Apoll. Rhod. iv. 272 says "îcroyxaini^ 'Acriai/ opixrjait^ rrciaap irji^ fxev KareaTpeûTO, ofxoioas Kai to. TrXflaTa rrjs Evpoirrrjs . Qeoirofxnos 6' ev rpiTco ScVwot/jij/ avTov KaXei. Cf. Ausfeld, op. cit., p. 140.
"^
2i54
ROMANCE
avTou piou
^cr6'Y)(coa'Lv
dvrjyop^vov
better
KO(T/jLOKpdTopa.^
As
;
subject for the idealization of
a romance writer few could be
than this semi-historical, semi-mythical king but whether Pap. Oxyrh. 1826, which offers us practically nothing except the name and a reference to oirXofiaôi and l-mTOfiaôL^^ is a fragment of such a romance, must remain doubtful. In connexion with the romantic treatment of well-known history or legend another fragment deserves consideration, though its relation to stories like the Ninus Romance on the one hand
apparent. Pap. consisting of two columns, gives in Greek the substance of what appears in iv. 9-15 of Septimius' Latin version of Dictys Cretensis de Bello Troiano.
and the
later
romances on the other

(saec.
iii
is
less
Tebtunis 268
A.D.
init.),
The most obvious importance
of this
discovery
is
that
it
proves, what was indeed suspected before,* that there was a Greek version of the Dictys story behind Septimius and the later Malalas and Cedrenus.^ The question that is of interest here is whether the original ^ Greek version was in any way comparable with other Greek romances.
The fragments that survive are principally concerned with the treacherous slaying of Achilles by Paris and Deiphobus, and with the subsequent events in Troy and in the Greek
camp.
The accuracy with which Septimius
paraphrases
rather than translates the passages by which we can check him makes it likely that the Latin version as a whole fairly
1
Cf.
i.
33.6;
iii.
7.17, 14.2.
preserved in 1. 4 of the recto, and is clearly to be restored from the '\oyx'^'^*-^ ^"^^ ](70'y;^&)[ai]s' of 11. i and 12 of the verso. 'a Xoittoj/ /xera r[i/ LI. 4-6 of the recto run ] 2eo-oy;^(aatV av\]kBi\ ]
is fully
The name
i7nroiJ.ax(OV Koi 67rXo/<[a;â)j/.

'
Tebtunis Papyri^
full
commentary
ii, pp. 9 ff., ed. Grenfell, Hunt, and Goodspeed. (with text) is given by M. Ihm in Hermes, xViv (igog),
vol.
pp. 1-22. * See, in particular, F. Noack, Der griechische Dictys [Philologus, Suppl. vi (1892), pp. 403 fif.). ^ The various versions are compared by Ihm, loc. cit. ^ It is not necessary to assume that the fragment comes from the indeed, the date of the writing is against such an original version assumption. It seems clear that the Dictys story, like the Alexander
' ' ;
Romance, gradually developed. Lavagnini, Aegyptus, ii ( 1 92 1 ), pp. 1 92-9, advances the theory that a fragment published by Norsa, Aegyptus, i (1920), pp. 154-8, which deals with Neoptolemus, should be assigned to a similar romantic prose-version of the Troy legend.
ROMANCE
215
well represents the substance and spirit of its Greek forerunner ; and a consideration of Septimius suggests one or two First, the legend of the Trojan War is treated with points.
some freedom there is a disrespect for normal tradition which is perhaps comparable with the laxity of the authors of For instance, we are the Alexander and Ninus Romances.
;
told
that
*
Agamemnon
wâs temporarily
^
supreme command
at Aulis
deposed from the and that Hector was killed in an
moreover, supernatural events are rationalized as, example, the substitution of a hind for Iphigeneia in the sacrifice to Artemis.^ Secondly, there is a tendency to treat the epic material romantically. This is particularly notice;
ambush
for
able in the part assigned to

especially Polyxena.
women
Hecuba, Cassandra, and
between Achilles and in have little common with the relations Polyxena may and Semiramis or between any of the lovers between Ninus in Greek Romance, but the first meeting between the two
relations
calls to
The
Achilles one
mind the corresponding scene in several romances. day made bold to watch the Trojan women at
their prayers. Many Trojan matrons were present, and in addition Hecuba's unmarried daughters Polyxena and Cas-
sandra,
who were
'
officiating as priestesses of
Minerva and
Apollo. dine virginis capitur
But Achilles
;
versis in
Polyxenam
oculis pulchritu-
auctoque
discedit'.*
in horas desiderio, ubi
animus
love
non
lenitur,
ad naves
So
did Chaereas
fall in
with Callirhoe,^ Habrocomes with Antheia,^ Theagenes with

Charicleia."^
But the story
is
Love
is
at first sight
is
very different from the usual romance. characteristic of Greek Romance, but it
always reciprocal.^
1
The
love of Achilles for Polyxena does

^
i.
19.
iii.
15.
3
i.
"^
21-2.
i.
*
iii.
Charito, Kav aX\r]\ois

^
I.
ff.,
a chance meeting
raxâs ovv nddos epcoriK^v awcSo)-
2.
kt'K.
Xen. Eph. i. 3. 1-2, a religious procession ivravOa opSxriv aXXjjXour, Koi aXi(TKTai "Avdeia vtto tov 'A/3poKo/iOV, rjTTarai de vtto "Eparos A^poKOfirjs ktX. '' Heliod. iii. 5, a ceremony in honour of Neoptolemus o/xoO re yap
dWrjXovs
8
This
8 75
iiopoiv 01 vioi koi ^pcov. is demonstrated by the
examples just quoted.
2^6
ROMANCE
not lead, as it should, through toil and trouble to ultimate bliss, but is directly responsible for his death, to which he is lured by pretended negotiations about her. The ordinary
was essential that whatever intermediate hardships the hero and heroine might endure, the reader should be given to understand at the end Taken as a whole that they lived happily ever afterwards. the Dictys story is not strictly comparable to the other Greek
;
Greek romance could not have had for was killed in the middle of the story
its
it
hero a
man who
romances.
to
All that can be said

in
some extent
is that the author indulges romantic treatment which with different
might have produced something like the usual romance but he has in fact dealt faithfully enough with his
material
;
epic material to exclude the possibility of placing his
book
in
the corpus of Greek Romance. It is possible that further evidence, of a different kind, as to the antecedents of Greek
Land. 274
*
(saec.
ii
A.D.),
Romance is to be found in Pap. which was classed by Kenyon as
fragments of a literary work, unidentified, apparently a
romance \^ comparison of the fragments with the fragments of a Demotic text has shown that they are the remains and of a Greek version of the so-called Tefnut Legend with its the Greek of connexion romance ordinary although love and adventure is far from certain, it has been stated ^ that it and similar Egyptian legends to some extent influenced the development of Greek Romance, and it deserves some consideration. The joint efforts of Cronert, Spiegelberg and Reitzenstein, published by the last in I9ii3/ have produced the Greek text, a comparison with the Demotic text, and a number of observations upon the contents and significance of the story and the substance of what follows is drawn from
; ;
their work.
The papyrus
consists of ten fragments comprising

(1898), p. xxvi.
Greek Papyri in the British Museum,
ii
See also
(1927),
53, 65,
Milne,
p. 157.
^
Catalogue of Literary Papyri in the British
Museum
Ker^nyi, Die griechisch-ortentalische Romanliteratur, pp.

'
192.
^
Die griechische Tefnutlegende
in
Sitzungsber, d. Heidelberger
Akad.
d, IViss., Phil.-Hist. Klasse, 1923, 2.
ROMANCE
the remains of twelve columns.
%%-]
The unusual
caused the
height of the
columns (perhaps eighty

half,
lines)
roll to
break in
is
with the result that the middle of the columns
often
lost
and three existing pieces
(frr. 5, 6,
and practically useless. Even bad condition, but with the help of the Demotic text and a general idea of the story the columns can be placed in order and partially interpreted. The myth told how Tefnut fled in anger from her father Phre, the Sun-god, and lived in the shape of a cat in the
desert of Aethiopia. Her father ordered Thot, the to her home to Egypt. Thot to fetch eloquence, go
are unplaceable the other parts are often in a

7)
and
god of had to
guard himself against the possible attacks of the goddess, but by soothing her constantly recurring anger with flattery and by admonition he finally brought her back to Egypt after
a series of remarkable adventures.
in detail
To go through the text would be tedious and unprofitable, but a few speci-
men
It should be said that in the passages may be quoted. Greek text Tefnut is referred to as 77 êo? (or êa), Thot has become Hermes, and Phre Zeus or Helios.
From
col. Ill
6]
77?,
(=
fr.
4 a) 37-9
ÊpjjLfJ9
\lkv
OVV
T}[l^
tj
7rpi)(ap']
S]p,oaif Se
avT(p
[dea ovs
iJ/S-]
oi/Ajero
it
opKovs
appears that the goddess has agreed to accompany Hermes, and oaths are given on both sides. Hermes says (11. 6^ fl".)
:
a
y
oroL,
eTreiSr)
ofjLoofiOKd [<ro]i, [eiprjK-] ovTrco (rvp[rJKd9 fiov]
ofioaov
Kara tov [oiôfxaro-] fJLOL TOV (TOV dSeXôv 'Ap^\a-vov(f)LO^?\ kav eXdrj^ {xer ifiov [el? Aiy-] VTTToVy ovK edcrco ere d[ua(TTpi-]
yjraL
e/? roz)s tottovs tov[tov9'
^]
Se
OL
avT^' fi^66pK[(0(T6v /x] opKov Kara t[ov ouo/iuto? to]

(f>r]
V Alos.
But Tefnut requires constant

passage
in praise of one's
encouragement
hence the
own country
in col. IV
(=
fr.
4 b).
02
2zS
ROMANCE
creature, says
Every
Hermes,
is
happiest in
its
native clime
enl Tr]9 ISia? 7r[aTpi8os] Kol evrraOei kol e[vpo-] la-xvet

el 'iKaa-Tov
(66-8),
and
so,
he presumably went on, you too had better go home.
The
goddess, however, has her tantrums, and at one stage she transforms herself into a lioness. This leads to a fable in
which personifications of sight ('Opacns) and hearing

discuss
(Akoyi)
the
theme
that every creature
falls
a victim to a
stronger, and that even the Hon, the king of beasts, is subject to Qdparos. It reminds one of Swift's complementary theme
:
NatValists observe a flea Hath smaller fleas that on him prey, And these have smaller still to bite 'em And so proceed ad infinitum.
The moral
become a
of the fable
is
that,
though Tefnut
col. VII
may have
Zeus b fr. (col. (= 3 b) 34 ff: Tefnut seems to undertake to do Hermes no harm, and he
lioness, all creatures are equal in the eyes of
VI b (=fr. 3 a) 65-70).
In
returns to the charge

T0L9 8
7ri
(f>iT
TOV-\ avT7j
rj
Sia-!ro[Ti,
6-]
809 eh AtyviTTov 6[8eveL' el yap] 68evei9 eLKOdLv rjlfiepa? ev ope-]

CTL
8iavv(TeL9 eir
ol[kov,
(48-5:2.)
Shortly after follows another fable about two wolves and a

lion (56
ff.).
(= fr. %h) we find the two in Thebes, Tefnut transformed into a gazelle, and Hermes into a lynx
Finally in col. XII
:
K0Lixrj6[ei-]
8e rrj^ Oeov d7revav[TL-\ ov AiocTTToXeco^ dae/Scov [ttAtJ-]

a-r]^
60?
d(f)V(o
eTTecTTrj
kol
cwy
8op-
Kd8a KvvrjyeTv rj/xeWou. TTju 8e 6 Xvy^ eyeipas ejâXon the analogy of

does not actually appear in the fragment, but it may be inferred "Opao-ty (col. Vl a (=fr. 9 a) 7); for the personified abstracts represent the birds of the Demotic text which respectively see and hear everything. See Reitzenstein, loc. cit., pp. 17, 19-20, 27.
*Akot]
*
ROMANCE
X6fj.uo? TO 7Top6fjLeTou irapa>p/jLicry,
229
TrJ9 Se
kvaWofiiKal
Siicrco-
vrj^ d(pa>p/JLi(Teu
a-eu.
(71-80.)
It is this passage which Kenyon cites as typical of the fragments and supporting the conclusion that the book was a romance. And romance it is in a way. The myth appears to be used without religious intent. There is a certain amount
but the main object of the author in recounting these strange adventures seems to have been the entertainment of himself and his readers. But the very strangeness of the adventures, the supernatural element, if nothing else, disof moralizing
;
It is tinguishes the piece from the normal Greek romance. hard to believe that it was adventures such as those of Tefnut,
or those of Isis in search of the
body
of Osiris, that are behind
the adventures of Greek Romance, which for all their improbability are normally kept on the plane of human possibility,^
and have a much closer relation to the semi-historical adventures of a Ninus or a Sesonchosis. It is true that interest in matters Egyptian is characteristic of Greek Romance. Heliodorus actually calls attention to it when he makes Calasiris sum up his account of the numerous questions that were put to him by the inhabitants of Delphi with the words AlyvnTLov
yap
ccKovor/JLa
Tarov.^
Some
Kal Sirjyrj/za ndu ÊXXtjplktj^ olkotj^ kirayoayoof the questions may imply acquaintance with
;
it is various Egyptian myths, but they are not recounted the physical peculiarities of the country, the strange habits of the Nile and that kind of thing, to which the romance writer
In other words, he follows in the footof curious the traveller, exemplified perhaps by Alexsteps than in rather the ander, footsteps of the mythographer. It would probably be unreasonable to deny altogether
devotes his attention.
the influence of Egyptian myth on Greek Romance, but the importance of the religious background seems to have been
greatly over-estimated.
^
*
It
is
surely fanciful to see in the

'
The doubtful case of the ra Irrep QovXrjv itTnara of Antonius Diogenes an exception, but that story is essentially as far removed from a myth like the Tefnut legend as it is from normal Greek Romance.
is
Heliod. Aeih.
ii.
27.
230
ROMANCE
^
and the punishment of Charicles ^ close connexion with the Egyptian myth of the loss and recovery of the sun, the sky-god's right eye, and to read any ulterior
dream of Charicleia
motive into the purely descriptive phrase, used by Theagenes to Charicleia, eu /xeu iroiova-a ras rjXLaKas aKTiuas {= roifs ocpdaXfioif?) d7ro(roo^L9.^
of the Tefnut legend, though glossed the supernatural,

if it
The fragments show that the Greek version some of the less credible parts are was in Greek Romance over,* essentially supernatural
;
occurs at
all, is
only incidental.
It is
conceivable that the humanization of supernatural legends may have played a part in the development of romance, but
the apparently
much
closer relation of stories such as the
Alexander and Ninus Romances suggests that the influence of Egyptian myth was at the most secondary, that it was used for incidental adornment rather than as a model for the plot.^ Leaving the fragments which are of interest for what they may show of the history of Greek Romance, it is now time to turn to the miscellaneous pieces which apparently present scenes from romances of the developed and stereotyped form. Most of them are printed in ha.va.gn'mVs roticorum Graecorurn Fragmenta Papyracea, though one or two must be added. Of the more extensive fragments, that of the so-called Chione Romance is in many ways the most interesting and at the same time the most tantalizing, not only because of its actual contents, but also because of what it might have told us but
an unfortunate accident. rest, the Chione Romance is not preserved on In papyrus. 1898 Wilcken bought in Egypt a parchment of six leaves which bore traces of Greek uncials of manuscript the seventh century A.D. underneath some Coptic script.^
for
Unlike the
^ ^ HeWod. Aefk. ii. 16. Ibid. iv. 19. Kerenyi, op. cit., pp. 51 ff. See Reitzenstein, loc. cit., pp. 25, 27 f. ^ Greek religious or semi-religious aretalogies perhaps stand in a similar relation to romance. A fragment such as Pap. Berol. 1 15 17 (saec. ii A.D.), published by W. Schubart in Heryjies Iv (1920), pp. 188-95, shows traces of romantic treatment, but the basic matter is quite different. The connexion between romance and aretalogy is in externals rather than in essentials, and the influence of one upon the other, if any, is likely to have been confined to the mere technique of telling a story. ^ Wilcken published and described his find in Arch. f. Papyrusforsch. the last ten pages deal with the Chione fragment. (1901), pp. 227-64 ^
i
;
ROMANCE
The
0,^1
first four leaves contained part of the Chaereas and Callirhoe of Charito, while on the last two were written eight
columns of an unknown romance. Wilcken transcribed the most legible columns while he was in Egypt, and what he for the whole six deciphered then is all that we possess leaves were destroyed by fire before they could be thoroughly worked over. The result is not only that Wilcken's transcription can never be checked, but that, since Wilcken could not remember the order in which the transcribed columns, were All written, there is no external evidence for placing them. that is certain is that two of the columns must be consecutive for Wilcken only attempted to copy the smooth side of the parchment, which would offer four columns, of three of which we have parts. But although external evidence is wanting,
; ;
internal evidence strongly supports Wilcken's arrangement, if not for the reasons that he gives. Lavagnini's theory ^ that
the correct order

text, has
writer,^
is i, 3, 2,
which he prints
in the
Teubner
been attacked
whom
the Classical Quarterly by the present Zimmermann, in a recent article, supports on this
in
point.^
Though a scholar is at liberty to choose the order which he considers will make the sequence of thought most except Lavagnini who have tackled the intelligible, all
fragments are agreed that Wilcken's order is the best, but even so, they disagree about the context that is implied.
Column
describes
I,*
of which the last

is
^
:
a council which
for Princess
missing, discussing the question of a
fifteen
lines
are
husband
Chione
\^\a(n\ua
e/y ravrrji^
Kal Tov avvoLKrjcroiy)-
ra avTjj /ierep;(eTai, Sionep ovtco )(pi)
povXevaaaOaL vvv
'
Stated in
Le
origini del
romanzo ^recOy
pp. 89
ff.
Class. Quart, xx (1926), pp. 181 fif. Aegyptus, xi (1931), pp. 45 ff. Cf. Phil Woch. li (1931), col. 229. * The fragment appears in Lavagnini, Erot, Fragin. Papyr.^ pp. 24-7. The text used is mostly his (see p. 2 13, note i),but the columns are referred to by Wilcken's numbers, given in brackets by L.
^
That
TtwTTjv
(I.
2) refers to
Chione
is
clear from col.
II.
232
ROMANCE
yvSivai iroTe 8vuaarOai.
(I.
1-9
For
(l.
their decision the councillors
9-12).
:
have been given thirty days The discussion probably came to an end at the
TTju ira-]
(I.
words
28)
povcrav
at
(ll. i),
:
which point, with the transitional phrase

OVTOL fikv rjaav irpo^s) t[(o\ 7rep[i Tcov (SovXevcadaL. raXi(09 Se
BL^(j)OLTr](T
a{j-]
....
(ll.
I-4),
the scene changes from the council chamber to the city, where the forthcoming marriage is the one topic of conversation
(11.
7-9).
Everybody
is
angry at the churlishness of the
threats of the powerful suitors, particularly certain eligible men of a named but undetermined city ^ who wished to sue
for Chione's
hand
is
(ll.
9-19).
(ll.
suit after the others
But nobody dared to press his 19-22). At the end of the column
:
Chione herself
introduced
17
5e Xlout}
jxa(ll.
iraph TTJs
Oova-a
fJLrjTpb?
TUVTa
ovKerli]
22-4),
.
which was doubtless followed by words like Karia-xeuy dXXa .,^ but the last four lines of the column are missing. The third column, which was probably the next but one in the manuscript, presents a discussion between Chione and an unnamed person, who remarks that Megamedes is expected at any moment, and that he himself, in spite of all his efforts, can see no way out of the difficulties for Megamedes has given Chione no cause for abandoning him. He therefore asks Chione to suggest ways and means, for he is helpless (ill. 1-13). Chione
.
Wilcken transcribed
7rdv\Ta)v
as the end of
11.
14 and the beginning of
15, but this is intolerable, and, moreover, makes 1. 15 suspiciously short. For suggestions see Lavagnini and Zimmermann, loc. cit., p. 48,
II.
note
"^
3.
The name
of the dwellers in
some
specified place
seems
to
be
required.
Zimmermann,
p. 49.
ROMANCE
233
replies that neither has she any plan, but one suggestion, that if she cannot live with her lover she can at any rate die with
him and the only matter left for discussion is the best way of achieving this end (ill. 13-26). This is not the place to enter into a controversy about the respective merits of the view put forward in the Classical
;
it
Quarterly and that recently expressed by Zimmermann but would be cowardly as well as unsatisfactory not to attempt
;
some reconstruction
of the context.
From
the theory out-
lined in the Classical Quarterly, that the participators in the council of col. I are the King and his advisers, there seems to be no reason to retire. Zimmermann^ reinstates Wilcken's
opinion that the council
necessary to
suitors
is a council of suitors this makes it assume that the ultimatum was issued by the
;
King, but Trap avTOD\y\ in I. 13 is much better adapted to the who would be the ultimatum makers on the other The drift of the second column is clear interpretation. enough. Between it and the third it may be conjectured that Chione, hearing that only thirty days separate her from an unwelcome husband, confesses to having a lover, possibly one
lovers
of the people referred to in col. II and that the case of the is desperate is indicated by col. III. Zimmermann
;
agrees
that
Megamedes
is
the King's choice
no other
explanation can give any sense to

airiav
8'
ovSefxtctol
av Trapk(Tyr\Kk
yafxrjSrj^ Iva
7rrj9
Me(III.
^
dnoXi']~^0)
\
avTOv
but who
is
suggested that
the speaker ? In the Classical Quarterly it was it is the King, who, finding that his daughter
will not look at his candidate, is at his wit's end.
In spite of
;
Zimmermann's objections
*
this
does not seem impossible
The parallel offered by the opening of Charito is loc. cit., pp. 46-7. tempting but not conclusive. It does not follow that, because the suitors held an indignation meeting in Charito's story, it was the suitors who in the very different circumstances of the Chione Romance were the holders
of the council.
^
of Ephesus.
^
The name Megamedes is rare, but Antheia's father bore it in Xenophon Cf. Lavagnini, Le origini del romanzo grecOy p. 96.
loc. cit., p. 183.
*
loc. cit., p. 51.
234
ROMANCE
is
but Zimmermann's explanation, with his restoration of III. i8-
perhaps more satisfactory. According to him the speaker is Chione's lover, whose failure to persuade the King
23,
him marry Chione has reduced him to despair. The thirty days are expiring and all that Chione can suggest is to gain two more days' grace in which to commit suicide
to let
:
âvT9
T0VT[(p]
e7r[i]
Sv[o rjfiipa^ Trepi/jLeT-]

[vaL crvvairoOaveLv]
TeXevraToy
rjfi[iy]
diToXdireTaL.
(ill.
18-23.)
Zimmermann
is
certainly right in rejecting the

III.
assumed change
of speakers^ in
23,
and Chione continues

^
rj]
ovSev [erepop
770)9
Kal o23-6.)
ev<T)(rj p.6va)^
y^vrjOfj (TKoirelv.
(ill.
The whole scene, then, is typical of the opening of a Greek romance secret lovers, unwelcome suitors who will doubtless
pursue their victim with vengeance, the resolve to commit suicide, and every reason for a flight of the hero and heroine from home, a flight which will lead to all the usual adventures
the external
to date the story is hopeless. Even evidence of the writing is here useless, and internally there is nothing of significance in this respect. The fact that it was coupled with Charito might suggest more or
perils.
and
To attempt
less
contemporaneous
composition, but
such
evidence
is
obviously not cogent. Neither of the other two larger fragments in Lavagnini's collection bears such obvious traces of being part of a romance,
but a
A.D.
^
fair
init.)
claim can be made for both. The fragment (saec. ii which Lavagnini calls after HerpylHs,^ the probable
loc. cit.,
Thoughtlessly copied in Classical Quarterly^

erepov
from Lavagnini's
text.
"^
Fap. Mahaffy, first edited properly by Smyly in Hermathena^ xi (1901), It appears on LI. 21-2 pp. 322-30. pp. 16-20 of Lavagnini's collection. supply the name r^y 'EpirvWldos, but the letters nvX are doubtful. Cf. Zimmermann, F/iil. Woch. li (193 1), coll. 225-7.
'
Zimmermann,
j)
scripsi
rjTTov,
m nai
L.
ROMANCE
235
though not certain name of the lady in the piece, is primarily concerned with a storm at sea, the story being told in the first person. At the beginning there are two ships in question,
both
in harbour,
',
advised
where owing to weather conditions we were says the speaker, to stay for a day
'
iiriSovuaL
e[is\
v(ppO(rvvr]u' [V7rpTT]crTaT09 Se
OLCoi^b[9
19
KaTO\riv
(4-7-)
d7r[o]8rj fiias
di^Spbf (j)L\o\(j)po(TVvov^ fie[k^]ov\\6iiri\v fiepeiv.
Td[K]Xr](ri9'
Kayco
fikv
But the captains were divided

sailing,
in
opinion; ours pressed for

:
whereas the captain of the big boat suspected a severe and possibly irresistible storm. Anyhow, we decided to sail
\rj\[o\v9 KOL Bprjvov
d(nra(rd}iev[oL\ tolvvu d\dXKvoveiov kyL[pavT]S^^ eh Trjv o[l]K[L]ap iKdrepos /xpduT[s] vavv dy^Xo]j)vp6fj,6a, [(T/cJoTTOwrey dXXrjXovs (pL[Xrj]/xaTd tc rai? X^P^^
(i
P[dXXo]pTes,
1-15.)
because of its size, while we were off at once but the sun, which had been shining as we sailed out, was immediately veiled in clouds, and it suddenly began to thunder, and we, though we repented of our departure, could not return because of a strong wind behind us (15-^^1).
big ship was slower to
;
The
start
rj
Se T7J9 'Ep8'
7rvXXiSo9 ccKaros ovKer* dv-qyOr]' KaTecrTi]

ÊpTT.)
ovu^
(sc.
77
dno
Tov TeL\ovs dvaKaXovfxev[7]]' irpo^ Ppoi\v 8' opcoure[s' a]j)a9 dcpTjpiraô/jLeOa, irvevfia yap dOpovv eyK[aTe]ppr]êu
........ ....
^
rjy
rj
Kal TTju fxeu Kepalav ovk euavTL\av'^ yap ovk la-yye (pepeiv
TrapaâXeiu,
(21-8.)
TropQjxls rrju
6dXa]TTav:
There follows a description of the violence of the storm and of the way in which the ship was tossed from place to place,
so that the passengers not only expected but also longed for instant destruction (36-7).-^ It was so dark that it was imnvooos (Vitelli) ^tXo](/)po(rui/oi;Zimmermann
:
r]v
dairos? fv](f)po<Tvvov L.
^ ^
*
'
^yf i\^pavT]s scripsi y(l[povT]fs L. KaTea-rr) 8' ovv Zimmermann : KaTea-rny 5' pap. et L. fuavTi]ap Zimmermann rpuxeâv L. Koi nddoi ^v drraa-ip. oXeOjwv [8' ov 7rpo](r8oKia fiopov
:
I
dWh
236
ROMANCE
'
possible to tell whether it was day or night (49-50).^ could see neither land nor sky, but were completely over-
We
whelmed by water (50-5)
7ro\Xd[KL9 Se ko]! ttJ? Kepaias efidXXov[to] TTVpa-OL ppax^'iS

[fjiipos]
eKarepov,
dr da-
Tp\
CLV
cos]
^(pacTKoi/ OL
\Kky\0VT^^ LT
i/a[vraL Alog]k6pcou irpocrcovvjitdaTp[0LSL9 <T]7rLpOrjpe9 VTTO TOV
TTuev/xaTos pnrL(6[fiV0L, to aalcfyes jjl\v dSvvarov eiwleViV Trpo(TKvvov[v 8e Kal] irpoa-^vôvTO Trdure?.'
(55-60.)
And
was a favourite theme ^ for the writer of a Greek romance, and natural phenomena such as St. Elmo's Fires, which were capable of alternative That does not prove explanations,^ were dear to his heart. that this particular description comes from a romance, but it adds to rather than detracts from the possibility, and in view of what may be conjectured from the earlier part of the
seems reasonable to give it the benefit of the doubt. There is no evidence as to the identity of the speaker, but if the piece is a romance it seems likely that he is the hero. It may be said in passing that the development of the plot was often, as for instance in Heliodorus, helped by stories
fragment
it
there the fragment ends. The elaborate description of storms
by various characters at appropriate times.* If the speaker is the hero and Herpyllis the heroine, we may assume
told
whatever reason, the lovers were in flight, a situation which constantly recurs in Greek Romance. They have reached some haven, and the friendly invitation of the inhabitants
that, for
coupled with an ominous weather forecast makes the hero inclined to stay there for the time being; but he is over-
persuaded by the captain of

continue
his ship,
and
it
is
resolved to
the voyage. Why the hero and heroine are on different boats it is impossible to say, but they are, and their
separation gives an opportunity for an emotional parting^
^p
^
[8' ]fif;X[o]i/ cire
vv^
fXO' rjfxepa Kaêitr|T?j[K]et ctkotovs 6fJ.oi[6]Tr]TL.
Heliod. v. 28 (Teubner; 27 Didot); Ach. Tat. iii. 1-5, &c. ^ e.g. Heliod. i. 18 (why does a cock crow at dawn?) and the frequent excursions of Ach. Tat. into the realm of natural history cf. Rommel, Dze naturwissenschaftlich-paradoxographischen Exkurse bet PhilostratoSy Heliodoros und Achilleus Tatios, pp. 59 ff. * In Achilles Tatius the hero tells the whole story in the first person.
e.g.
;
ROMANCE
scene, and a
little later for
%'^^
the pathetic picture of Herpyllis the of her at side ship and calling to her lover who standing is fast being blown from her sight. The result of the storm
would be
that generally befalls the lovers in
connexion between the two again a fate Greek Romance. The evidence is slender enough but while the fragment is at any rate not inconsistent with what we know of Greek
to cut the
;
Romance, it is not easy to see to what other literary genre it could have belonged. There is no indication as to the date of composition. The writing is said to be a cursive of the
early second century A.D., and this is consistent with the fact that the recto of the papyrus contains some accounts in first-
century writing, and the words \avov êâa-Tov TepnaviKov^ which appear to be the remains of a date, and may be made to refer either to Domitian or to Trajan. In all probability
there
the composition belongs to this period. At any rate, although is no intrinsic reason why it should not belong to an
earlier
date,
and although Cronert's^ A.D. 150
is
almost
certainly too late a terminus ante queniy there is no evidence whatever for Bury's suggestion ^ that the story may be the
work of Antiphanes whom Antonius Diogenes mentions

his forerunner.^
as
the
name
that Antonius Diogenes chose his heroine out of deference to the for Dercyllis
The theory
author of this piece, bear examination.
who used
the
name
Herpyllis, will not
The
clear,
claims of the Metiochus fragment are at first sight less but another unpublished fragment of the same story is
said to
make them more
secure.*
The published fragment ^
(saec. ii A.D.) is part of a debate, in which one Metiochus attacks the divinity of Eros who, according to him, is only a
Kivit]\ia
Siai/oias viro [Trjaôyy yivoix^lvov
TrpSiTOv] Kai
^
vno avurjdeLa? avô/xeuou.
(28-Q.)
Arch.f. Papyrusforsch. ii (1903), p. 366. Ap, Smyly, loc. cit., p. 330. Photius, Bibliotheca^ cod. 166 sub fine (p. 112 a Bekker) = Hercher, Erot. Script. Gr. i, p. 238. * Pap. Berot. 9588. Cf. Schubart ap. Wilhelm in Weiner Eranos (1909),
^
'
P- 135^
Zimmermann,
Lavagnini, Erot. Frag, Pap.^ pp. 21 -4; Pap. Berol. 7927. Phil. Woch. Ii (1931), coll. 227-9.
cf.
!Z3^
ROMANCE
the opening
it
From
would appear that two people had been

:
discussing Love, and presumably commenting on the power of the god, before Metiochus indignantly breaks in
19 T]r]y <f)[iX]ocr6(j)ov ^rJTrja-LV 7rap]rj(Tai^ ol Svo
Kara rvxrjv
ra? -^vxocs
T[Lva
Xr)p[ovi^r-
Sia TTju t]ov irdOovs dvafivqa-LV, (p' o[ls dyavaKTMu <T(f)68pa 6] Mtjtloxo^ v7roTLfiri<Tdfiev[os fidXXov ravT elvai yeA]a)ra y* ^ ^ fidO-qa-Lu 7rpe7rov(r[au rfj
9 vioL
Tcou vecoTepoov ejêi
^^
BmixoXoyoL [iv'\ elneu ktX.
(i~6)
restorations are, of course, highly conjectural, but the legible words seem to justify something of the sort. The
The
phrase introducing the remarks of Metiochus apparently implies that he alleged that the discussion of ol Svo [yeot] was
something laughable, not worthy of being called learned in the opinion of up-to-date people. The object of Metiochus is
The to pour ridicule on the popular conception of Eros. is Eros remains a child that absurd; just as always story is so it incredible that human children inevitably grow up, a divine child will always stay at the same age. Moreover, if
'
Eros
those
is
whom
a mere baby, how can he traverse the world wounding he wishes with his arrows ? You who have
experience say that lovers' hearts are set on fire I have not but one thing experienced it, and may I never do so I know ', and he gives the rationalistic definition of love which
!
has already been quoted (6-29). Now if the fragment ended there, it would be legitimate to say with Rohde^ that it did not come from a romance at all,
but was part of a philosophical discussion akin to the pseudobut the rest of the fragment, though much Lucianic'Ê/jwrey broken and incapable of accurate interpretation, militates against this theory. The name Parthenope (31), taken in
;
conjunction with Metiochus, at once calls to mind the legend which told how Parthenope, originally one of the Sirens, but
in later times
perhaps considered simply as a
girl,
ttoXXois
dvSpda-LV eTTLôvXevOeiaa kol ttjp napOevtav ^vXdâcra, elra

*
"^
Xr]p[ovPTs veoL
yeXjcord
^
Der griechische Roman
rj
Zimmermann Xr]p[aiuovTes Zimmermann yeX]<oTa L.

: :
L.
rj
^'
^,
p. 568,
note
2,
sub
fin.
ROMANCE
a)KT)(T}
'zsg
eh Kaiinavovs eXOovaa MrjTioxov ^pvyos epaaOelaa The beautiful girl who, after scorning love and sucnumberbecomes love's victim and succumbs to the one man, was excellent material for a romance, and
cessfully defending her chastity against the attacks of

less suitors, finally
charms
this
is
of
may well belong to such a story. The debate to the literary form,^ and the sentiments of Metiochus are closely parallel to those attributed to Habrofragment
not# alien
at
:
comes
the beginning of the romance of

^Êpcord ye
cwy
firju
Xenophon of
Ephesus
kêpaXev
epacrdeirj
ovSe kvofxiêv eivai deou,

co?
dWa iravTr]
r\
ovBev riyovfievo^, Xeycov

fir]
ovk du nore ovtl9

el 8e irov lepov
ovSe viroTayeir] T(p 6eS>

elSe,
OeXcav'
dyaXfxa "Epcoro^ KareyeXa.^ Eros taught Habrocomes his mistake and in this story he would have had even greater cause for anger, for his divinity and his personality were denied
;
not only by Metiochus, but also,
it
seems, by Parthenope.
For
when Metiochus
give her views
:
stops speaking, he persuades Parthenope to
el3ov[Xe'
TO Tb]u Xoyou irepaiveLv kol 6 [fiev eyKe]LfjLevos * efxd)(]TO 7rpo9 ttjv TIap6ev6nr][v dp]TLXal3e(rdaL
Tr]9 /jieX]eT7]aecos'
Si-
KdKetvj]
(29-32),
and she, not yet engaged to Metiochus nor desiring to be {ov]k exovaa tov M-qTLo\ov 33, and kol evâro firjSe fieXXeLP ^^), appears to share his opinion of Love, and speaks of the folly of the stranger (0 tov êvov Xfjpo9 ^6), presumably one of the two who were debating at the beginning, and refers in the last line to poets and painters, doubtless as being responsible for
the popular but erroneous conception of Eros. There seems to be some plausibility in attributing the fragment to a romance, probably to the beginning of the story.
To
attempt to reconstruct the plot

of
is
clearly fruitless, but the
contents
without significance. fragment Metiochus meets two friends who have learnt from personal
the
are
not
Geographi Graeci Minores,

cf.
the story
2 3
ii. 280 (Miiller). For the background of Lavagnini, Le origini del romanzo greco^ pp. 82-9.
e.g.
*
Ach. Tat. ii. 35-8. Xen. Eph. i. i. 5.

[/u' eyKcJi'/xej'o?
scripsi
ifievos
L.
240
^
ROMANCE
experience the cruelty of Eros and are discussing his power. He endeavours to encourage them by proving that Love is not a god to be feared, but an attitude of mind which can be
On concluding his observations he does not wish the discussion to come to an end, and turns to Parthenope, whose presence throughout is to be assumed, for confirmation.
overcome.
She, too, is a disbeliever in the superstitions about Eros, who has not yet exercised his power and made the two fall in love.
But it is safe to conjecture that this would follow. The legend was that Parthenope fell in love against her will and that she was greatly distressed thereby, ra? rpiâs T/jLi/ aKoa-fiLaj/ Her pride would be humbled as iavTTJ9 KaTa\jrr](pi(ofieur).^ Charicleia's was humbled in the Aethiopica^ and the case of Metiochus would be the same as that of Habrocomes in the
Ephesiaca^
who is compelled to grovel before Eros, to eat his words and to confess the divinity of Love 6 yi^xpi vvv aySpL/coy Â^poKOfjLTj^, 6 KaTacppovoovÊpcoTos, 6 tco Oem XotSopovfievo^
edXcDKa kol
(paLVfiTai Tis
pei/LKrjfiaL
rjSr]
KaWmv
koI wapdeiô) SovXeveiu duayKciôfjiai, Kal For e/iov Kal Oebv "EpooTa KaXod}
the date of the fragment there is no evidence other than the writing, which proves that it cannot be later than the second
century A.D. Before turning to the smaller fragments, one other, which though small in bulk is rich in suggestion, deserves attention.
Pap. Soc. Ital. 981 (saec. ii A.D.) bears as clear signs as the Chione fragments of being part of a romance, and the fact that the writing is of a good book-hand on the recto only of the papyrus may possibly indicate that the story was held
in
^
high esteem.
There are two fragments, the top of a

a.vayiVT)cnv (3)
right-
rr]v t\ov ndOovs nelpav (25-6).

^
and
Xaff*
[u|/i,etp]
rjbrj
tov ttclOovs elXrjcpoTes
280. Charicles despair of her ever marrying eKBeid(ovaa fxv -napOtvlav Ka\ eyyvs ddavdrcov diroâivovo-a, cixpavrov Kal aKrjparov Koi ddidcfidopov 6vopA(ov(Ta,''Epci)Ta de Koi ÂippodiTrjUKaiirdvTayafirjXiovBiaaov dnoaKopaKilovaa (ii.33), succumbs to Theagenes, and begs Calasiris not to ask her to tell him things a koI irda-xetv alaxpov koX eKXaXelp alcrxporepop' los e/ie ye Xvnel pei/ Kal rj voaos aKfidôvcra, nXiOU 8e to juj) KpaTijaai. rrjs votrov rfjv dpXTjV, aXX' rjTTrjdrjvai nddovs aTreipijfievov fxev p.ol tou npo tovtov ndvra Xpdvov, XvixaiPOfifvov de Kal fiexpis aKofjs to Trapdevias ovojxa crepvoraTov (iv. lo), * ^ Vol. viii, pp. 196-9. Xen. Eph. i. 4. I cf. i. 4. 4-5.
ii.
Geogr. Gr. Min.

Charicleia,
who made
ROMANCE
hand and the bottom of a left-hand column be continuous, but this cannot be proved.
a lady in great distress
;
241
the columns mayIn fr. a we find
if
probably
the heroine and,
the
columns are closely connected, Calligone by name.^

eXdovaa
<ra iavrrjv eTrl Trj9 (TTi^d8o9
She
ducoX6Xvû fxiya kol SlcoXvyLOV Kal ScCKpUCC ^[pp]OP ddpoa' KaTeprjâro re rbu ^tTCDva,
(a. 2-8.)
On
(A.
account of her distress Eubiotus clears the tent on the
pretext that she has received bad news from the Sarmatians
8-13)
7]
Se ducoXo<pvpTo Kal eiKLvrj rfj rjfxepa
KcoKveUj Kal eXoLSopeiTO

fieu
kv
fi
Tov 'Epaaelvov elSev ...
(A. 1 4- 1 7.)
The remaining
restore,
four lines of the fragment are too broken to
but
avrr] tols avTrjs ocpOaXfxoT^ (a.
19-ao) suggests
that she cursed the eyes that offending Eraseinus.
had ever enabled her to see the
Fragment B describes an abortive attempt of Calligone to commit suicide. She reaches for a weapon, but Eubiotus has abstracted it while she was not looking, and so she rounds upon him with
:
w
[irlcov
iravTCiiv
dvOpd)Lp.i
KaKLO-Te, 0? erXrjs [a]\/ra-
[a-^]at
[/JL]eu
rod
i/jiov
îcpovs'
yap ovk
0fj,L(rTd),
'Afxa^wu ov-
[Sh]
.
dXX' 'EXXrjuh
rbu
Ovfibi^ idi fxoi to î[t]l
[.
.]
KaXXtyoi/T), ovSefiLa?
'AfjLaôycou
[Se]
[d(r]Oei/(rTpa.
[0o]y KOfjLLêy
{X^]p^^''^
firj
are
rah
(b.
dyx^^^^
dTroKTei[v(o.
30~9)>
at
which point the fragment ends. The mere fact, noted by the editors, that the name Calligone
*
Fr. B. 35.
!Z4^
ROMANCE
the scene are clear, and Rostovtzeff,^ comparing the
finds a place in Achilles Tatius and Eubiotus in the Toxaris of Lucian does not amount to much/ but the romantic possibilities of
fragment with the relevant part of the Toxaris, has real justification for calling it part of a Scythian romance. When he
Greek Romance as we he goes too far Antonius Diogenes took his characters to Scythia, and indeed beyond Thule to the land of Nowhere, and one small papyrus fragment perhaps points to Scythian adventures.'* It was natural that the Mediterranean basin with extensions southwards and eastwards should be the normal scene of a Greek romance; but this fragment shows that other areas also were exploited, and suggests that it may be fortuitous that all the extant romances
asserts
that Scythia plays no part in

;
know
it,
confine themselves to the boundaries of Alexander's empire. The romance writer required a certain type of material, and
doubtless did not
much mind where
it
came from
that he
often built on local legends is certain, and it is interesting to observe that Rostovtzefif looks to history as the ultimate
source of the Scythian romance in the same way as history has been suggested as the background of the Ninus Romance. There is some plausibility in the theory that the names of
Lucian's characters, though fictitious, are intentionally reminiLeucanorofthe Leucons, Eubiotus scent of historical figures of Eumelus ^ and it may be added that the slight change of
is paralleled by the use of Derceia for Derceto in the Ninus Romance. The connexion between the romance represented by these fragments and the story told by Lucian is not apparently very close, though with so little to build on it is unsafe to be
name
dogmatic.
The only
actual points of contact are the geogra-
phical setting and the name Eubiotus, but it is not unlikely that both Lucian and the author of the romance drew upon
^
They might also have noted that Themisto is the name

in
of
Habrocomes'
1928,
mother
"^
the Ephesiaca.
PoMaHfc,
CKHGCKift
Seminarium Kondakovianum^
*
Prague,
pp. 135-8.
^
loc. cit., p. 136. Rostovtzeff, loc. cit., p. 137.
Pap. Oxyrh. 417.
See below,
p. 245-6.
ROMANCE
the
are,
:j43
same
and small as the romance fragments certain do they suggest points which in view of the
local legend,
analogous story in Lucian it is tempting to stress, because they may illustrate the way in which a legend with romantic
possibilities
Briefly
was treated by the writer of a Greek romance. summarized Lucian's story is this Arsacomas,
:
a Scythian, while on a mission to Leucanor, King of the Bosporans, falls in love with Mazaea, the King's daughter.
His
suit is
daughter to
rejected with scorn by the King Adyrmachus, King of the Machlyes.

kill
who
gives his
Two friends
of Arsacomas contrive to
Leucanor and get Mazaea from
Adyrmachus, supported by by trickery. Eubiotus, the new King of the Bosporans, who leads Greeks, Alans and Sarmatians in his train, attacks the Scythians under Arsacomas, but is defeated and slain by the conspicuous
bravery of the
latter.^
Adyrmachus
It is to
is
be noticed that Mazaea plays
no indication that she loved Arsacomas any more than Adyrmachus. Arsacomas falls in love
a passive role; there
at first sight, but otherwise the erotic element is absent. Lucian uses the story to illustrate the heroism to which men were actuated by friendship. The plot of the romance cannot be reconstructed but two
;
things are abundantly plain

active
first,
and important
part,
and
that Calligone played an secondly, that lovers' troubles
supplied at any rate part of the motive force.

distress
Calligone s
was due to some real or supposed misdemeanour of Eraseinus, and we can hardly be wrong in assuming that he was her lover. On this account she wished to destroy herself and was only prevented by the foresight of Eubiotus, who seems to play the part of the faithful friend, without whose services few heroes or heroines of Greek Romance would survive to enjoy their ultimate bliss. But, though the main in the are characters romance apparently Greeks,^ while in
Toxaris, 44-55. Calligone's remark that she was not Themisto, an Amazon, and from Eubiotus' pretence that she had received bad news from the Sarmatians, it may be inferred that Calligone had got mixed up in Scythian politics, and had been masquerading as an Amazon ; but she was a Greek, and the names Eubiotus and Eraseinus indicate that they were Greeks
^
^
From
too.
Cf. Rostovtzeff, loc.
cit.,
pp. 137-8.
2,44
ROMANCE
Lucian they are barbarians, and though there is outwardly so little in common between the two stories, it looks as if similar material was behind them. Lucian, for whose purpose heroic and feats of self-sacrifice were most important, perhaps exploits
kept nearer to the legend the other, writing for a public accustomed to the erotic romance, uses the Scythian material
;
to
make
is
there
a conventional love romance, in which, of course, no reason to believe that the adventurous element
was disregarded. Whatever the origins and whatever the nature of the whole
story, the scene that
is
preserved
is
so characteristic that
it
might come from almost any Greek romance. It declares itself alike by its style, its language, and the events which it It is needless to enumerate scenes in which the presents. heroines abandon themselves to an orgy of lamentation
a parallel to the second fragment may be found at the beginning of the second book of Heliodorus, where Theagenes is
twice
prevented from killing himself by the foresight of Cnemon, who gets nothing but curses for his pains.^ The rhetorical style is just that of the average romance, and the
language, though in a sense commonplace, offers some phrases which are constantly recurring in the romances pLyjraora iavTTju TTi Tjy? (TTi^dSo?^'^ Kareprjâro top xiTcoi/a,^ di/coXo(pv-
pTOy^
and most characteristic of
all
dvoaXoXvêv pkya koX
SicoXvyLoVf the adverbial use of StcoXvyiou, though not infrequent in other late Greek, being particularly common in the
romances.^
The remaining fragments may be dealt with more briefly. They divide conveniently into two classes first, those which from their style or contents bear some direct evidence of their
:
romantic origin, and secondly, those that depict scenes which

^
Heliod. ii. 2 and 5. Examples are quoted by the
editors.
1
Cf. d7ra>\o(f)vi)ovTo Heliod. vii.
w[\o](l>vp6fida Herpyllis
Fragment
13-14.
Tat.
the examples cited by the editors (Charito, iii. 3. 15, 7. 4; Ach. may be added Heliod. vi. 5 where Xvyiov (on the analogy of SicdXiiîoj/) is probably the right reading (see Froc. Camb. Phil. Soc, cxlv Erotic literature provides another example in Aristaenetus (1930), p. 3).
i.
To
13. i)
i.
13.
ROMANCE
are consistent with or even
245
common in romance, but which might nevertheless be derived from other sources. ^ Although Pap. Oxyrh. 435 (saec. ii-iii A.D.) was attributed to history by its first editors, the words rris TTapBk\yov\ (6) and Tov ydyLQv (9) suggest romance. The occurrence of such
commonplace people as names as Demosthenes,
does not
if
the Corcyreans (i) and such prosaic the name is to be so restored (2-3),
make
a romantic source less probable, since historical
characters, as has
been shown, played an important part in Moreover, as Garin has pointed out,^ the scene depicted may be parallel to that in Charito viii. 8. lijff. Just as at the end of Charito's story the Syracusans at the instigation of Chaereas voted rewards of various kinds incidentally Chaereas gave a talent to each of his three
Greek Romance,
hundred brave soldiers (viii. 8. 14) so we may imagine that this fragment comes from the end of a romance where it was
told
how
the Corcyreans distributed largess

ol Se
KcpKvpaioL rav-
ra
aKo\vcravT{s\ tov fiev Arjfio-
(T6ivrj\v^ k'iTri[v\ovv kol 81*

fiia?]
evOv
(l~5-)
îx'^î eSoordu
7rpo6v/jL(09
re to Ta-
XavTJop
After that the fragment is beyond repair, but the mention of a maiden and of marriage indicate that other than purely
monetary questions were at issue. * Pap, Oxyrh. 417 (saec. iii A.D. init.) consists of two columns, In the first of which is too broken to yield any sense at all. the second we read of one Theano, the mother of the son of Histus^ who has been carried off by Hippasus and the
Scythians
^
:
IjQ.vdi'grCxmy
Erot. Fragm. Papyr., pp. 28-9;
of.
Zimmermann,
/'^/7.
Woch.
2
''
li
(1931), col. 230.

Ital.
Studi
di Filol. Class., N.S. i (1920), pp. 179-80. Blass, Arch.f. Papyrtisforsch. iii (1906), p. 282. Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 31-2; ct. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 231. Calderini, Le avventure di t[o]v iraidus tov 'larov (21-2). fji^\Tt]p
^Y]iio[(T6evri\v
Cherea
e Calliroe, p. 63,
',
del fanciuUo Isto
and Garin, loc. cit., p. 179, translate by madre which is what might be expected, but seems to strain
the Greek. Kerdnyi, Die griechisch-orientalische note 80, makes Histus the name of the father.
Romaniaeratur,
p.
64,
24^
ROMANCE
dp7rayUT09 Se avTov ovK kveyKovara rrjv (Tvii<f>o^ pav LKTh iylevri 0]t] [/c]aT ovap T7J9 Oôv.
(25-8.)
The next
finally
line
and a half have practically vanished, but
Xeuei avTr]v
j/a[y]
rj
êo? drraXei[?
XdTT(rdaL rriv
o)? [8]r]
dTrlolXrjylfOfieuT),
'AOi]-]
t[o]i^
7ra[i]8a
(30-4.)
Theano was overjoyed, and taking with her her friend Euneike she set out for Athens. But the fragment breaks off when she has got as far as Oropus and the temple of Amphiaraus.^ There is no proof that this is part of a romance, but it shows
signs of a wandering and sorely tried hero in the son of Histus. Hippasus again, though a Mitylenean general in
Longus,^ looks like an example of the brigand chief so in Greek Romance, and the presence of Scythians is Further, it is not (23) justified by the Eubiotus fragment.
common
uncommon
for
gods to appear
in
dreams to the characters of
a romance for the purpose of telling them what to do next. Garin compares Achilles Tatius vii. 12. 4, where Sostratus
dream that he will find his daughter Ephesus, and Heliodorus iii. 11, where Calasiris is told by Artemis and Apollo to take Theagenes and Charicleia with
learns from Artemis in a
in
him and
to return to his
*
own
country.
Pap. Oxyrh. 1368 (saec. iii A.D.) deals with the adventures of Glaucetes, who, as he was riding along, was suddenly addressed by the ghost of a young man, who asked him to step aside
from his road and bury him and his lady murdered
:
love,
both foully
"
KUfXaL 8^ VTTO
KaXi],
djx(j)(0
TTJ
7r[\a-]
-
TaVLCTTCO KLPr} Kol flCT

fiov Kop-q
OLvrjpr]-
ey\vr)&\q
^
*
Zimmermann
loc. cit.
cit.,
iv\JcrT]r]
L.
'
iii.
See Ker^nyi,
i. 2.
Lavagnini, op. last letters of the lines not printed by Lavagnini
pp. 33-4. There are two columns, but only the of the first are preserved, so that it is useless and
;
cf.
Zimmermann,
loc. cit. 232.
ROMANCE
247
Glaucetes was too much astonished to speak, but he nodded and rode on, whereupon the young man vanished:
6]
Se r\avKT7]9 Karh, KpdT09 TjXaviêu KOL dfia ktre(TTpeêTo 1 TTOV avdis lSol iKLyoy, dxy ovktl e/3Ae7re(i/).
(39-42.)
Before daybreak he reaches the village where he crosses the river, and finding an open stable, he ties up his horse and
tries to sleep lying
on the humble straw (o-TL^dSa
evr^Xrj kol
(pavXrjv (4H-9)). Meanwhile a woman which leads to the loft and there the
comes down the ladder

fragment ends.
^
;
It
can
hardly
fail
to be
from a romance
parallels for assassination
and the appearance of ghosts can be cited no data for reconstructing the story.
but there are
Pap. Soc.Ital, 726^(saec. ii-iiiA.D.) consists of three columns, but the third and the greater part of the first are so broken
that they offer no sense, and even the second and the rest of the first can only be partially restored and understood. The
remains yield a number of names Lysippus, Thalassia, Cleandrus, Thraseas, and Antheia and Euxeinus who are respectively the heroine and one of the pirates in the romance of Xenophon of Ephesus but it is impossible to discover
;
the relations between this host of characters.
The word
iyypayjrdTco at the beginning of the second column suggests the recording of some decision described at the end of the
preceding column ; but the end of column I as it stands does not help. In fact, except that the second column seems to
tell
of some events at sea, and to imply plot and counterplot,^ and that one of the women has apparently concealed some
is
poison about her person,* there

^
practically nothing to be
= Photius, Bibliotheca^ cod. 94, p. 76 a-b e.g. lamblichus 13 (Hercher) (Bekker), and Heliod. 1. 30 for assassination. Ghosts appear, for example, in lamblichus 5 = Photius, p. 74 b and Xen. Eph. v.^.T^ cf. Heliod. vi. 14-15. See also Garin, loc. cit., p. 181, and Ker^nyi, op. cit., pp. 32 ff.
Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 29-31 ; cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 230-1. S.v(Tmnoi 8e [r,\]u)v e'nl Bd\(iT\Tav aiiu Ev^lv(0 7rvv6dvfTat,Tci)vyvo)\[pi]fi(ov f Tqv /carafrracri[fl Trdadu t[( j^jujcra [. ]7roXiT[6uo"TO 6] Qpaafas [x'!>Tt] dpX^^
'
|
"^
[vea]vi(j[Kos
7rept7rf[t]
*
o]vto<,'
QaXairaiade auapTrdaaaa T6n\ol\[o]uK\dv8iJOV Qpaatav

(f)di)\[^fx]aKop
:
"AvOat
(20-5). [de] Idovaa to
K<ii
KnraKj)i)y\rn(ra o)? /iaXirrra

j
(30-1).
L. restores <j>dpyLUKov in l. 18 also rb p.ev [<pdpfxaKov <V] jols koXttois Kari6 fro fXT] Tiff aif\[Tf]v d(f>aipf}]Tai ndXiVj but this IS quite uncertain.
248
learnt.
'-
ROMANCE
yet the tone of the piece seems without
Ital.
And
much
doubt to indicate romance.

Pap. Soc.
725^
(saec. iii-iv A.D.) is
for not only are the existing a single complete line makes
beyond repair; words few, but the absence of

it
uncertain
how many
letters
Neverare missing either before or after the legible words. theless the remains seem to be consistent with a description of the troubles of a hero and heroine of romance.
]
rjXdcu
efioi
8VT[e]p[o? dycov^
(l)
dve\]diipavov
]vL
(^"3)
(9)
TrJ9 yvp[aLKCOPiTL8os
OLKCO d,TTOKK\{e)iixiv\r]
8'
e\7rel
at
Bvpai
kTr\eTiBr](Tav,
/c
dvL(TTr)\cn
T]rjs
kXip7J9 6 '/2Ae
(10-12.)
rjfxd^ (15),
On
the strength of el8ov ol ^v\aK[es (14), eKciOev
Xa]fjL7rTTJpa9
îpopT[9 (16), and PacriXeioop (18) Lavagnini a in which the narrator (the heroine ?) and scene imagines a man (lover or husband ?) are fleeing from a palace and being
pursued by the King's guards carrying lanterns. The suggestion is attractive, but rests on slender evidence. However,
the traces definitely look like romance. ^ Pap, Soc, ItaL 151 (saec. iii A.D.)
is a border-line case between classes I and II. It describes a drinking or feasting scene at which were present o-aTpdiraL kol /zey[icrTaiês', the King, his wife, and two honoured guests (?), Dionysius and Apollonius. The elegance of the Queen is noted:
17
[tov] yvvT] vnepdvoi)

[to d]o7rpeTTei
PaoriXh rj tovavrov dj/eKLKuXXei Koa-fiovfiivr],

5e
{3~5-)
The honour
in
:
which the guests were held appears from the
next sentence
t[ov] [8k 7r6]Tov fi(rd(raPT09 6 /SacrtXei/y /le^
Lavagnini, 'r^/. Fragm.Papyr.^ Pp.36-7

Cf. Heliod. x.
cf.
Zimmermann,
loc.cit.
233.
^
'
9 ^ Se "ttXiô-iov 6 ayoiv ctVoucra .... Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 32-3. Cf. Zimmermann, loc.
"
cit.
231-2.
ROMANCE
\Tava](rTas
^49
em
rov dyKcova, ov KareT{5~9)y

"
yLK]r][Trj]pLou
[co(nrep Ae/]j3a)r
[X <TKv]<pov TTpoereipeu tS> ^louvo-lco kol tco ÂttoXXcovlco
saying,
if
rightly restored,
"
Trpomvco
Such a scene might come from other sources, but Miiller ^ makes out a case for attributing it to romance. It clearly takes place at the Persian court, and the presence of the
Queen
indulge
is
significant.
in
mixed drinking
are
Older custom did not permit women to parties, but the women of Greek
Romance
emancipated.
Not only do we
find Statira,
wife of Artaxerxes, King of Persia, in Charito, and Persinna, wife of the Aethiopian King Hydaspes in Pleliodorus play-
ing important roles, but at the beginning of Achilles Tatius a dinner party is described at which four women, two of
them unmarried, were present

scenes are
ever,
is
^
;
common
in the
;
romances.
as
and feasting and drinking The evidence, howMiiller
not conclusive
points
for,
himself observes,
the
language
to
Greek
of Hellenistic or
Roman
of
times,^
when women had
in general
much more freedom
action.
fall the remaining two fragments in Lavagnini's and a few others. Pap. Oxyrh. 416 * (saec. iii-iv A.D.) was assigned to romance by its original editors, but except that it records a divine epiphany with its effect on the spec-
Into class II
collection
tator,
and that apparitions are to be found in Greek Romance, The apparition here is there is no reason for the ascription. not, as in the Theano and Glaucetes fragments, embedded in
a clearly romantic context. any connexion between the
In fact,
first
it
is
impossible to see
six lines
and the remainder
of the piece, which deals with the epiphany. Moreover, the document rather a its results and religious suggest epiphany
Rhein. Mus. Ixxi (1916), pp. 360-3. Ach. Tat. i. 5 ; cf. Apollonius of Tyre, 15-16, where the King's daughter is present at a dinner-party. 3 avaKiKreai^KaraKflfsBaiâccumbere (cf. Lobeck, Phrynichtis,^^!^. 2i6= /^tcya dwdfifvoi (cf. Lobeck, ibid., 17), fxeyia-Tcives, a plausible restoration,
^
fxeaovv, pp. 196-7), and fxea-dCfiv * Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 35-6 cf. Zimmermann, loc. the contents cf. Garin, loc. cit., pp. 177-8.
;
cit.
232-3.
For
250
than a romance.
]
ROMANCE
Aesculapius comes as the punisherof sin
(l)pLK[(o]Sr]
^
:
TTeudLKrjU Kal
^\ovTa [6]y\nv
(9),
so that the observer

"
]
]
Tpofirjaas
w ",
"
elirer,
iraipoLy rts iaO' ovtos-
7Tv6a\kos aiia Kal KaTai/[or]]TLK6s;"
(lo-ll.)
Angry
in
appear or send apparitions of dreadful aspect but romance, they either forebode some terrible event,^ or
deities
give some orders which are immediately obeyed ;^ the result of this apparition is to make the spectator sit in sackcloth and ashes, as it were, and repent of his sins
:
Karapp-q^dfievos Tri[u\ k(T6fi[Ta TTpoaeSpafiev aura,' Kal [

'^S/ioL Tcov dfjiapTrjOiuTCoy'' ([Irrey
t]ov (Tco/xaTO? aLKLôfiivov.
(14-17.)
The fragment might come from

better,
a romance, but equally well, from a tale of miraculous conversion.^ perhaps religious ^ i 868 is so small that it really (saec. A.D.) Pap. Oxyrh. offers no evidence at all. without Cronert, argument, calls it
' '^
a fragment of a romance in which Tithraustes holds a trial but the original editors found the division TLBpavar-qs less
;
plausible than ori ^/3ai'aT7;9, and even if TLOpavar-qîsvight, the appearance of the name, the use of the second person, and
the words 8ov\\\cov (3) and yvvalKes (8) are factory grounds for the ascription.^
scarcely
satis-
Two
(saec. iv
other very small fragments have been assigned to

^ Frag. Lond. 1847 A A.D.), a narrow strip of vellum with writing on both only a collection of disjointed words. The story is
romance on quite
sides, is
insufficient grounds.
apparently told in the

^
first
person
/cayco
(14
r),
ura
8e to[vs
7rto-7rep;ôi/Ta (7).
^
KaTap[oT]]TiK6s
^
Zimmermann
.
e.g.
*
Heliod.
v.
22; Xen. Eph.

^
;
KaTa[7T\r)K]TiK6s L. i. 12. 4.
Cf. Kerdnyi, op. cit., p. 169, note 62. Longus, ii. 26. 5 ff Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 27-8 cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 229-30. ^ Woch.f. Klass. Philol. xxvi (1909), col. 119. ^ This evidence is cited by Miinscher in Bursian 149 (1910), p. 180 in support of Cronert's ascription. ' Milne, Catalogue of Literary Papyri in the British Museum (1927),
e.g.
pp.
60- 1.
ROMANCE
.
asi
olKiav]
\
aA]|Xoi>s'
iie[
.
KdX[cra eh]
.
ttju
.
fJLr][u
. . .
K\e\eveL
.
|
eTreJo-âi e/? to[
editor's guess romance of the Roman period ? no support from the remains, which might belong to ^ anything. Frag: Lond. 2037 D (saec. vi A.D.) is even
But the
](rvfi7r6criou
(20-23 r) (42-44 v).
and
receives
smaller.
militates
Cronert suggests romance, but the date perhaps In any case the only against this ascription.^
is
the presence of the words Xtjo-ttj^ and êJo-TrorT/y and the possibility of a female speaker, and this is clearly not
evidence
enough to enable us to place it in any category. There are two larger fragments of which it may be said that, although there is no reason to suppose that they do come from romances, they would not be out of place in them.
(saec. iii-iv A.D.) offers a description of conditions in Egypt, and as such has a claim, though not a very strong one, to a mention in connexion with romance ;
Pap. Soc.
Ital.
760
romances provide a considerable amount of miscellaneous information about foreign countries, especially Egypt.
for the
The words rois AlyvwTioi^ appear in 1. 8, but little can be made out of the fragment except that the passage dealt with
the animals KopKoSeiXooi/
(9), 6 drjp ofiLxXdoSrjs
(4),
7repLKxv[^ (11),
the climate ovSe ovpauo^ P\aPep6[^ and of course the Nile
The other, Pap. Lond. 2239 ^ aîaixov tov NeiXov (16). (saec. ii A.D.), is more extensive and yields consecutive sense, but there is little that supports its connexion with romance,
to which indeed
sists
it
im
has not been ascribed.^
The papyrus
con-
two fragments comprising two fairly complete columns and the unintelligible remains of two others. The two fragments seem to have no connexion. The first sings the praises
of
of
alSoiSi
invoking the support of the poets
TToXXa fxev ov{v)

Ôfirfpov dav/xd(ra{s:) t[o]vt{o
t[l\
e-]
fJLaXXoU TTpO(TU[p.aL\
(T({Tri piov]
[6\avixd(eLV [e]r tl kol

'
Ibid., p. 206. Cf. Heliod. iii. 7.
"^
See below, pp. 253

^
^
fif.
vol. vii, p. 45.
Milne places it Cronert's theory that
Milne, op. cit., pp. 158 ff. under the heading 'Fiction', but seems to accept
it
comes from a
hidkfîs.
2^2
ROMANCE
[8']
dv8{p)5>v rrXeoves (tool
rjk
ire-
(pavTai^
(I
7-13)5
or
TOV 'lOaKYJCTLOU Sij/XTj-yopov^ 19 TOLOVTO^ TTporjyayev

7}
ai8(09 axrre Kal 7r[o/z]7r7}y

TTjif
TVXLi^ Kal
rJ8iT[o]
pTjcTLU
[(9]c6^.^
7raT[pL]8a [i8eiu].*
yap
yvfj,vov(T6[aL kov]-
' ev7r\oKdixoL(r[L /xereX]-
(I
:
2:^-8.)
Hesiod also
is
cited
T*
[a 18(09]
Tj
dv8pas fieya
cri[j/eTai]
(I
^8" 6v{Lu)r](nv.^
32-4.)
Cronert was inclined to class the fragment as a sophistic but improving discourses diatribe, and perhaps he was right
"^
are not
unknown
to romance,
and the authors were fond
of citing the best authors in support of their remarks. The second fragment would be even more at home in a romance,
for
it
contains an elaborate description of a bird

\pr] XoyiêcrdaL otl
[t]oT9 p-ev fjLOVaiKTjl/
ran' opvtBcdv 8(0Ke{i/)

6 0609 T0L9 8e /XaUTlKrj(p) TL T019 8h TO 19 8e
dWo
TTOIKlXtjU TTTepOCXTlU 0)9
Kal T(p8 T(p opviOf,.
(II
^
;
B 62-8.)
The
is
bird
is
presumably the phoenix
its
ttoiklXt] 7rTipcocn9
described
^
by
Pliny,'-*
who
also tells of the relations of the
Iliads. 531 and XV. 563.
necfiavTai ed.
* *
^
dqfjLrjyopov ed. : Srjfxrjpopov pap. ISeiv scripsi exempli gratia.
'
(êâirat pap. tolovto ed. : repovTO pap.

^
Odyssey
vi.
221-2.
It is treated as such by W. M. Edwards, who includes it in his essay on tikiaKoyos, Aiarpi^r], MeXerr) in the Second Series oi Aêw Chapters in the History of Greek Literature (pp. 123-4). * Professor Edwards's theory that it is the barn-door cock is not per'
Works and Days
8.
suasive.
' Nat. Hist. X. 2. 3 (Phoenix) aquilae narratur magnitudine, auri fulgore circa coUa, cetero purpiireus, caeruleam roseis caudam pinnis distinguentibus '.
*
ROMANCE
bird to the
11.
253
is
Magnus Annus/
this
;
to which reference
made
in
fragment it is hard, however, to reconcile the a-apKo(pd[yo9 of 1. 89 with the statement in Pliny, neminem exstitisse qui viderit vescentem?' But that does not concern us the point to notice is that the Greek Romance writers were fond of excursions into natural history Heliodorus, for
;
74-6 of
giraffe,^ Achilles Tatius a preposterous description of a hippopotamus* so that it would be far from surprising if these observations on the nature and habits of the phoenix came from a similar source,
instance, gives
an elaborate account of a
especially as this bird of Achilles Tatius.^
is
the subject of one of the digressions
One
There may be other fragments, published or unpublished. at least, if it is rightly ascribed to romance, would raise
;
the interesting question of the illustrated novel ^ but it is doubtful whether the identification of a few more fragments
would teach us much that we cannot learn from the pieces already considered and that, it may be felt, is remarkably little. But while it is true that except for certain points of interest to which attention has been called the fragments of
;
both classes
are
rather
disappointing,
are of importance for
secondly their date.
two reasons first their number, and That the extant romances only meagrely
nevertheless
they
represented the total output has long been thought, so that the number of fragments which with greater or less plausibility
possibly unnecessary, confirmation of a preconceived suspicion. But more interesting is the evidence of date, and it is proposed to
may
be assigned to romance
offers
welcome,
if
conclude this essay with a suggestion about its importance. With the exception of the Ninus fragments, the significance
'
Ibid. X. 2. 5.
Ibid. x.
2. 4.
'
Heliod.
x. 27.
^ Ach. Tat. iv. 2. 1-3. Ibid. iii. 25. ^ Cf. Bauer gr. 1294 (saec. i-ii A.D.) unpublished. Pap. Paris, suppl. * and Strzygowski, Eine Alexandrische Weltchronik {Denkschrift. d. Wiener Akad. phil.-hist. Klasse li (1906), No. 2), p. 174. It consists of four columns of text, interspersed with miniatures. Milne (op. cit., p. 163) names romance as the possible source of another illustrated fragment Pap. Lond. 113. 15 c; but the few words that are legible give no clue, and the lateness of the papyrus (saec. v-vi A.D.) is against the ascription. The picture is reproduced and described by Bauer-Strzygowski, op. cit.,
*
'
pp. 176-7.
254
ROMANCE
of whose early date was considered before, and of one very small fragment,^ whose ascription to romance rests on no
evidence whatever, the papyri fall between the end of the The first and the beginning of the fourth century A.D.
papyri, of course, cannot prove that the stories of which they bear traces were not composed much earlier than they were
particular books, though it seems in general intrinsically improbable that their composition antedated their copying by more than about fifty years ; what
written
down
in
those
they can and do prove
is,
was composed much

A.D.
later
that none of the stories in question than the end of the third century
precisely the same.
It is
The
significance of this lies in the fact that the case

is
with the extant romances
not
possible here to give the evidence for dating these, but it may be said that papyri have made it practically certain that Charito wrote before 150 A.D. - that a combination of external
;
and internal evidence makes it likely that lamblichus, Heliodorus, and Xenophon of Ephesus wrote some time in the and that Achilles Tatius was second and third centuries the last, though a papyrus fragment proves that he, too, cannot
'^
be placed much
It is
later
than 300 A.D.*
the position of Achilles Tatius which is worth considering in the light of the new evidence. Many reasons,
some bad and some good, have been adduced

ting that Achilles Tatius
is
for
demonstra-
later
than Heliodorus, but the
been missed. It is impossible to read Heliodorus (and Heliodorus may be taken as a typical though superior example of the ordinary romance) and Achilles Tatius together without being impressed by an
to have
^
most cogent reason seems
Pap. Lond. 2037 D of the sixth century. See above, p. 251. Pap, Faytc7n i (pp. 74 ff.) and Pap. Oxyrh. 1019 (vol. vii, pp. 143
ff.))
both of the early third century at the latest. ^ For lamblichus see Rohde, Gr. Romh ^, pp. 388 ff. and Kleine Schriften, ii. 40-2 {=Jahrb. f. PhiloL, 1879, p. 16 f.); for Heliodorus see Rattenbury, 'Heliodorus, the Bishop of Tricca in Proc. Leeds Phil, and Lit. Soc. i (1927), pp. 174-5 that Xenophon of Ephesus wrote not earlier than Trajan's reign is proved by his mention of the fiprivdt>xr]i of Cilicia (cf. Pauly-Wiss. R.-E. ix 2032 f.) and his description of the temple of Artemis at Ephesus makes it unlikely that he wrote after A.D. 263, when it was destroyed by the Goths. * Pap. Oxyrh. 1250 of the early fourth century (vol. x, p. 135).
*
ROMANCE
immense
the other
difference.
;
2S5
is
It is
not that one

in their
;
both are competent
much better than way nor is it that

;
the stories are essentially different both include the normal material what is observable is a complete change of outlook.
:
Of
the comparative lateness of Achilles Tatius various signs might be cited. One of the tendencies of Greek Romance
seems to have been from simplicity to elaboration compare Charito with Heliodorus, for instance. The added elaboration was not merely a question of plot, but more particularly the inclusion of digressions on miscellaneous matters. Heliodorus offers a number of such digressions,^ but he is simple
;
compared with Achilles Tatius. The digressions in Heliodorus are usually of some significance in the story, those in
Achilles Tatius are often quite remote.^ He sometimes gives the impression that he used erotic romance as a framework
in
which he might conveniently display his erudition. But it is his treatment of the erotic theme that is the most
consideration of convincing evidence for his lateness. Achilles Tatius indicates that he (and so probably his readers) was out of sympathy with the impossibly idealistic tone of
comparison of the characters in Helioordinary romance. dorus and Achilles Tatius is full of significance. For instance,
the heroines.
To
lover before the marriage had been celebrated In a moment of frenzy she calls out to able.
Charicleia the idea of surrendering to her was inconceiv-
Theagenes to
is
S)
come
only mindful of propriety, and adds (peiSov Se kol tote,

;
to her,
if it
is
in a
dream
but even then she
Kal (pv\aTT
vofilfxco ydficp
ttju arji/ TrapOepou.'^
But what
'yaOe^ of
lo she does not repulse the ardent Clitophon, but the two are disturbed before anything serious in ii. 19 she is privy to the plot to admit her lover happens
Leucippe
In Ach. Tat.
ii.
'^
to her room,
if
and the
plot failed through
no
fault of hers
Gaselee's distribution of the words

^
is right, iv. i.
may
fr.
and, be
e.g.
2
iii.
ii.
V.
e.g.
14.
13 ; X. 27. 7-10, 15. 3-4;
iii.
25
(cf.
Fap. Lond. 2239,
il)
iv.
2-5, &c.
iliod. vi. 8 sub fine, Helii Ach. Tat. ii. 10. 4 wy hk Kai enex^^P^^^ '"^ upoijpyov Kat Tapax^fPTes dpeirrjdrjaafjitv. fjixoip KuTomp ylvfTui'
*
Troicti/,
-ôcjôs
th
256
ROMANCE
added, where she expresses disappointment that

insists
Arternii"
on the lovers waiting for marriage. Leucippe comes through safe and sound, it is true, but it was by good luck Not that Leucippe is licenrather than by good intention. her resistance to tious any more than Clitophon is licentious
;
the overtures
of
any but her true lover

;
strenuous as Charicleia's
felt
is every bit as but Achilles Tatius seems to have
that the fetish of chastity in the average romance was absurd, and tries to humanize romance by creating characters There is an that are reasonably, not unreasonably, moral.
interesting contrast
in
between the similar episodes of Arsace-
Heliodorus and Melitte-Clitophon in Achilles Theagenes In each case the hero is indebted to the lady, but the Tatius.
climax
in
Heliodorus
ov
is
that Theagenes expresses his thanks
in words,
(piXr]6LS,
but remains chaste to the end

jxrjv
k^r]\6ev
Oeayiyrj?
after
avTOs ye
(jyiXria-as^
whereas Clitophon
long resistance at length gives

since gratitude demands with Melitte's desires.
way against
his principles, and,
sacrifice on his part, complies Moreover, Clitophon is not such a prig as to deny that he got some pleasure from this unintended amour to Se dire pee pyou e/? 'AcppoSiTrji/ tjSlop jxaXXov
some
Tov TToXvTTpdyiiovos' avTO(pvrj yap eêi

sion which
ttjp r]8ovrjvf
an admis-
no torture would have wrung from Theagenes.^ Achilles Tatius did not exactly parody his predecessors, but it is suggested that by attempting to humanize romance he not only showed up the absurdities of the usual stories, but was also responsible for the overthrow of the literary It is here that the papyrus fragments become imporform. few convincing specimens of romance which could tant. be safely dated later than Achilles Tatius would invalidate
the theory, but the fact that out of a considerable number not a single one can be put later than the probable date oni
Achilles
Tatius
may
be taken as evidence
in its favour.
Achilles Tatius seems to have been to Greek

^
"^
Romance what
Heliod. vii. 26. Ach. Tat. v. 27. 4. contrast between the moral outlook of Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius is also illustrated by the use of chastity-ordeals in the two authors. Cf. Rattenbury, 'Chastity and Chastity Ordeals in the Ancient Greek Romances' in Proc. Leeds PhiL and Lit. Soc. i (1926}, pp. 59fif.
^
The
ROMANCE
257
He broke down the conEuripides was to Greek Tragedy. and drove the essential and ventions, permanent elements to
seek refuge elsewhere. The erotic element did not die, but found an outlet in * Love-Letters ', a contemporary literary
form of which Aristaenetus was an exponent
in
the
fifth
century, but the idealized love story of a superhumanly modest hero and heroine vanished, and Greek Romance hiber-
nated until
it
was revived some centuries
later
by the ByzanR. M. R.
tine writers.
Supplementary note to
The
article
'
p. 'zi^.
by F. Zimmermann, Zwei zerstorte Kolumnen des Ninos-Romans \ in Hermes Ixvii (1932), pp. Ixvii sqq., was
,
published too late to be of use ; but although it furthers the interpretation of the more fragmentary parts, it does not appear to invalidate the general survey of Greek Romance
which
is
given
in this
Chapter.
APPENDIX
Additions to the Second Series (Hesiod, Lysias, Greek Music), Additional Notes, Corrections.
HESIOD
W. Cronert has MS. of the fourth
bability
edited
fragment from a parchment
or fifth century which with much prohe attributes to Hesiod's 'Catalogue of Women'.
On
above the
of
the recto are preserved the remains of seven lines, and first line of the verso, which also contains the
lines,
remains of seven
appears A^ which indicates the opening
Book IV and
the conclusion of
appears to be the departure of Jason and and their arrival at the island of Pence.
Book III. The subject Medea from Colchis,
The
order of
determined.
the end of
some of the existing fragments can now be The long fragments ^ of the Berlin papyri give Book I and the beginning of Book 11,^ as is indi;
cated
in
by the letter B in the margin and fragments 52, 60, 62 Rzach's text are said by the authorities who preserve them * to have come from Book III thirty-five mutilated lines
;
appear to come thence. It is that we have the remains of two MSS. which likely, then, contained all four books.
in
Oxyrh, Pap, 1358,
fr.
2, also
J.
U.
P.
LYSIAS
Fragments
^
of Lysias are preserved in There are fourth century. the of a papyrus of the early part
of
Rivista di Philologia, Ivi (1928), pp. 507-8 ; the fragment was first pubby Vitelli in Bulletin de laSoc. Roy, d' Archeologie d'Alexandrie^
;
two speeches
lished
2
1928, p. 294.
Rzach, frr. 94, 96 Evelyn- White, fr. 68. Evelyn-White assigns this book to the 'Holai Hesiod See now T. W. Allen, Class. Quarl., xxvi. 82. p. 193 n. ^ Printed in Evelyn- White, Hesiod, Appendix, pp. 602-5.
^
:
'^
(ed.
Loeb),
Chapters^ First Series, p. 153. Museum Papyrus 2852 edited by H. J. M. Milne in Journal 0/ Egyptian Archaeology, vol. xv (1929), pp. 75 sqq.
New
British
The
APPENDIX
parts of two columns, the
first
2S9
speech
in
containing the close of the our extant collection, 'AiroXoyia irepi tov
first
even of the thirteen lines from that of our chief MS. authority, the twelfth-century codex at Heidelberg; but it does not support the conjectures of Herwerden. This is
'Eparoadipovs
(pouov.
The
text,
which are preserved,
differs
entitled *T7rep kv dcTTeL, Mr. Milne 'Epvîfxdxov fietvavTos points out that the speech must refer to the events of the time of the Thirty
followed
by the opening of a new speech
Tyrants.
After Thrasybulus with the democratic exiles had
seized the Piraeus in 404,^ he
was joined by many persons but Eryximachus, presumably a man of oligarchical leaning, remained behind and did not join the refugees of whom Lysias was an energetic and liberal
from Athens
;
supporter.^
Mr. Milne suggests that this Eryximachus may be the and experienced physician of that name who is mentioned in the Protagoras and Phaedrus of Plato,
cultured, philosophic,
and who takes part
in
the Symposium^ making one of the
speeches in the discussion.^
The speech opens with a protestation of the speaker's innocence and xP'/orTor?;?, and of the zeal which he has
shown
in facing
many
dangers and
in readily incurring large

It is
expenditure
in the public interest.
written in a smooth
style, with the quiet,* easy, conciliatory, and attractive tone which marks the opening of Lysias' speeches.
and polished
a papyrus roll ^ of the third or possibly the second century H. Oellacher prints eleven fragments which he identifies as belonging to the Aoyoi KXrjpiKoc, Lysias' Testamentary
From
Four come from the speech ^Tirep r^y *Aj/Ti(pa>uT09 OvyaTpo?^ two from a speech on an Adoption by Will the others are not yet identified.
speeches.
;
J.
^
U. P.
Xen. Hellen.
'
*
^
Oratorum Vitae, 835 F. Plutarch, Plato, Symposium, 176, 186. KndfarriKvia, Dionys. Hal. Lysias, ch. 9.
H. Oellacher
Folge,
i
ii.
4. 25.
in
Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung Rainer^
Neue
3736
(1932), pp. 97 sqq.
S %
26o
APPENDIX
GREEK MUSIC: THE CAIRO MUSICAL FRAGMENT

^
Addition to the chapter on

tions
'
in the
Greek Music in the Papyri and InscripSecond Series of A'ew Chapters in the History of Greek
Literature, pp. 146 sqq.
only fragment of music in Greek notation which has come to light since the publication of the Christian Hymn (Oxyrh. Pap. xv. 1786) is written on a scrap of papyrus preserved in the Cairo
The
An
N
Museum
AMYHMYM
(No.
S^S?t'i)
]COI
?
TA AE
TA
PCO
Nl
KE
I
TINAY[
]?!
AM K n T O Y ro NA TOON Eni KATACnO[
-JACON
acquired along with a number of the papyri may safely be dated on palaeographical grounds circa 350 B.C. ; it is therefore the oldest musical document in
The papyrus was
of Zenon, and
Greek that we possess. There is no clear indication whether the music itself is a contemporary composition (as seems more likely) or a copy of some famous earlier work ; but in either case it must be older than all other pieces of Greek; music
Unforextant, with the exception of the Orestes fragment. is so short and badly mutilated that the new piece tunately,
it does not by any means gratify expectations which might be aroused by a consideration of its age.
The words
part of a
is
//certj/ and yovaTcav eiri suggest that the text is monologue from a lost tragedy; but since there
it
not sufficient of
is
hazardous.^
*
The
preserved to define the metre, restoration musical notation is confined to signs for
li
Published injotirn. Hell. Stud, graphic facsimile.

*
(1931), pp. 91-100, with
a photo-
i=i ^ On the basis of the colon in Aul. 546-53) I have ventured to propose
j
*^
v>
(cf Eurip. Iphig.
APPENDIX
pitch.
261
As in the Delphic Hymns, there are no rhythmical and the various problems which arise in interpreting the (TTLyiirj and the XeLfifxa in other fragments are neither
signs,
complicated nor resolved by this new piece. The signs of pitch, which are written over the vowels (as in most of the other fragments), or are spread over a vowel and the preceding consonant, are derived mainly from the Phrygian (or Hypophrygian) key {t6vo9) but at the end of the second
;
line there
is
evidence of a modulation to another
toiôs.
a musical point of view the piece presents three (a) Although the mode of the fragment interesting features, it is clear that the scale employed was is quite uncertain,
a mixture of the diatonic genus with either the chromatic or of the {b) At the beginning (less probably) the enharmonic, second line there are two octave leaps in succession which
From
form a great contrast to the circumscribed melody of the other parts of the piece, {c) In most of our other fragments there seems to be a close relation between the rise and fall of the melody and the pitch accents of the text but, so far as
;
it
goes, this
new fragment does not confirm
the melodic prin-
which have been deduced from the Delphic Hymns, the Aidin Epitaph, and the Berlin Paean.
ciples
A. Diatonic
and Chromatic.
B. Diatonic
and Enharmonic
aoi
rd Se
tS/j*
Ik
4t
iv
av -.
-1
70
vd
ir t
Karaffvor-
J.F.M.
8' hv Trpda)(Tot' rdde rZ.p hv iKiriv av(Jbav 7rpo(/)epa).)
[abiKa
(ov 7rpo(rvxofxa)i yovaTWV

firi
KaTa<nro{8ovfJLva.)
restoration
on a paeonic basis may perhaps be possible
a62
APPENDIX
ADDITIONAL NOTES TO THE SECOND SERIES

Epigrams from Inscriptions
86. 3 6
yj/ocfios
rjv
:
page
58, line 27,
vanXrjyos ev ova(n,
add note cf. Anth. Pal. xi. and E. Norman Gardiner, Greek
:
Athletic Sport and Festivals y pp. 255, 296, 456. Timachidas page 76, four lines from the bottom, add : A. Wilhelm in Anzeig, d. Wiener Akad. phil.-hist. Kl. 1922, p. 70; and Nos. xiv-xvii, pp. 89-108 of the same publication. The text is much improved by Aia'Xo'yot: page III, line 14, add:
:
L.
Deubner
in
Hermes^
Ivi.
314-19.
He
decides for the age of Lucian.
CORRECTIONS OF THE SECOND SERIES

16, line ii,por *play doubtfully called The Samian read The Girl with the Clipt Hair* Epigrams from Inscriptions page 51, line iZ^for cfyotvia-o-as read ôiviaaas The Poetry of the Hesiodic School', page 209, line 16, for Atreus read
Menander: page
Woman
'
Minyas
ADDITIONAL NOTES TO THE THIRD SERIES

'Lysanias' has been conjectured for *Lysimachus' in see Pauly-Wiss. s.vv. Lysanias (8) and Lysimachus (20). Page 203, note 2. The article on these new Hymns from Epidaurus by K. Miinscher in the Festschrift to F. Poland {Phil. Woch., August 25,
Page
23, note 5.
;
Tzetzes
1932)5
came
to
hand too
late to
be
of service.
INDEX
Abdera, 45-7. Achaeus, 'AXKfieaiv
crarvpiKos
of,
of, 75 n. Achilles Tatius, 220, 236 sqq., 249 sqq.
75 Alphesiboea
n.
n.,
242
Acraephen, 24. Admetus, 81.

Aeaces, 34. Aegina, 23, 24, 40, 42-3.
Aelian, 79.
Helios, 203. of Ptoion, 39.

129, 139.
Antimenides, 18 n. Antipater of Sidon, 180, 185-8. Antiphanes, 237. (comic writer), 167. Antonius Diogenes, 229 n., 237. Apollo Arjpaivos, 46.
Apollodorus, 24, y8,
87
n.,
106,
Aenus, 18. Aeoladas, 52,
53, 54.
n., ^6,
Aeschylides, 60. Aeschylus, 52, 75

sqq.,
91 sqq.,
102,
79, 81 121, 135,
ApoUonius Dyscolus, 25 n. Aratus, 187. Archilochus, 58-62. Archinus, Law of, 70. Ariphantus, 60. Aristaenetus, 244 n., 254.
Aristides, 163.
186
n.
Aetna, 56-7.
Aexone, Inscription from, 69 sqq.

Agasicles, 5
s, 54-
Aristomedes, 175. Aristophanes, 27, 29, 74, y6, 91,

136
103, 104, 116, 121, 123, 128, 131, n., 137 n., 157 sqq., 167, 195, 205, 206 n.
Agathon, Alcmaeon
Agesilaus, 189.
of,
75 n.
Aidin Epitaph,
Aigilia,
the, 261.
10, 13-21, 27-9,
Aristophon of Ceos, 179.

Aristotle, 59, 60, 65, 77, 83, 114, 151, 157, 210.
70 n.
i, 3, 5,
Alcaeus,
95.
dialect
Armenians,
of,
the,
218 andn.
metres, 20,20. 35-6.
Alcaeus (comic writer), 166. Alcaeus of Messene, 55.
Alcman, i, 29, 53, 67, 95, 185. Alexander the Great, 159, 221,
Arsinoe, 187. Ascalon, 18. Asclepiades, 180, 184-5. Aspasia, 160, 161. Astydamas, 75 n., 152.
Athenaeus,
170, 180.
6,
49,
57,
75,
148,
223. Macedon, 57. ofof Pherae, 159. Polyhistor, 21 Romance the, 219, 220-2.
I
Athens, the Athenians,
16, 38, 40,
n.
46-7, 55, 69, 71, 87, 178 n., 192-3,259. Athens, theatre at, 90.
'ATTtKto-/i()s,
161-4,
Alexandria, 21. Alexis, the Linus
21.
of,
166-7.
Augustus, 190.
Amasus, 34. Ambrosian Life^
Automedes
the, 21, yj.
of
Mycenae,
23.
Ammianus
Amyntas,
Marcellinus, 55.
n.
Babylon,
18, 41.
i, 3,
Ammonius, 66
Bacchylidcs,
57.
29, 35, 41, 42,
186, 188-9.
55-8, 67, 167.

Balbilla, 27.
Amyntas
of
Macedon,
Anacreon, 66-7.
Anactoria,
7.
Baucis, 180.
Berlin Paean, the, 261.

BuivTfiov at Priene, the, 60. Biotus, 152. Boeotia, 40. Boeotian dialect, the, 26.
Anaxippus, 177.
Andaesistrota, 53.
Andromeda,
7.
Anthologies, 172, 177.
264
Brer Rabbit, 90. Byzantium, 21.
Cadi, 89.
INDEX
Demetrius of Phaleron, Demodicus, 23. Demosthenes, 248. Dicaeogenes, 152.
the,
23.
Cairo
Musical Fragment^
Dictys Cretensis, 224.
260-1.
Didymus,
18511., 19611., 199.
175, 177.
Callimachus,89,
Callixinus of
Rhodes, 198.
Carcinus, 152. Carthage, 41.

Catilius, 190.
Cedrenus, 224. Ceos, 41. CephisLis, 25 n. Cercidas, 201.
Diodorus, 24. Diogenes, 152. Diognetus, 163. Dionysia, the, 71 sq., 210. Dionysius, 40, 48, 52. Dionysus, cult of, 64, 74 n.
Aiovvcros fxeXirofxevos, Doric dialect, 35.
1
26.
Chaeremon, 75
Chalcis, 24.
n.
Doricha, 6. Dracon, 15.
Charaxus,
5.
Charito, 213, 220 sqq., 231, 233 n., 240 sqq., 249, 254.
XeXi;êXd)j/7, 1 8 1-2.
Ecphantides, 71-3, 74. Egypt, 177, 190,251.

Eleusis, 192.
Ennius, Alexander
141.
of,
137, 140,
Chione Romance^ the, 230 sqq.,

240.
Epaminondas,
Ephebi, 193.
Epichares, 71.
189.
Chios, 62. Cicero, 106. Cithaeron, Mt., 22-3, 50. Clement of Alexandria, 148. Corcyra, 23, 245. Corinna, 2, 10, 21-30. dialect, 25-6. metres, 28-9. Daughters of Asopiis^ 23. 'Evoivovfurjy 25 n. Helicon and Cithaeron^ 22-3,
28.
Epicharmus, 156, 157.

Epidaurus, Temple of Asclepius
at, 208. Eretria, theatre at, 90.
Erinna, 'AXaxdro
Euaretus, 75 n.
of,
180-5.
Eryximachus, 259.
Euboea,
38.
Eubulus, 166.
Eumelus, 242.
Euneidae, 126.
Corinthians, the, 49. Crates, 160. Cratinus, 71 sqq., 158-61. Crete, 64.
148. and the Pirithous,
Critias,
1 48-5 1. Croesus, 176. Cyclic Poems, the, 35. Cypria, the^ 34, 106 n., 138 n.
Euonymus,
25.
Euphorion, 187.
Eupolis, A?j/Lioi of, 103, 161. Euripides, 29, 50, 82, 97, 99, 102 sq, 158, 162 n., 168, 176 n.,
Damaena, 55. Damoxenus, 177.

Daphnephoria,
Aa(f)vr}(fiopLK6v^
the, 38, 53.
53.
Darius, 47.
Delium,
55.
Delos, 38. Delphi, 39, 42, 43, 53, 208. Delphic Hymns, the, 261.
Demeas,
60, 61, 62.
254. Alcestis^ 203. Alcmaeon at Corinth^ 75 Alexandros, 137-42. 75 Andromache, 136. 136 Andromeda, AntiopCj 69, 103, 105-13, 121, 141. Archelaus, Bacchae, 97. Bellerophon, 136-7. Cretans^ 129-31. Cyclops, 92, 93
n.
'A\KfX(ov 6 dta ^cocîSoy, n.
n.
147.
28,
n.
INDEX
26s
29, 60 n. Electra^ Helena, 29, 146, 197-8, 201. Hercules Furens, Hippolytus (the
1 1 5
Herondas, 167.
Hesiod, 54, 207, 252, 258. Hesychius, 74. Hiero of Syracuse, 56.
'%
59, 60. 20, 33-4, 35, 63, 65, 67, 96, J85. Homeric Epic, the, 30. Homeric to Apollo, 200. to Dioscuri, 20. to Demeter, 197-8. to Hermes, 87, 89. to the Mother of the Gods,
n.
first),
j.
13:
Hipponax,
Hippolytics (the second), ^29,
Homer,
Iphiênia at Aulzs, 88 133 n. 129. Medea, 03, Mekavlmtr] 117-20. Palamedes, 131. 69,1 03, 113-7* 143-7. Phaethon, 103, 121, 129. Phoenissae, Pirithous, 148-51. Rhesus, Z% n. Sciron, 148. Stheneboea, 69, 129, 13 1-7. 136. Supplices, Telephus, 82. Troades, 137.
AecrfxcoTis,
1
141. Hypsipyle, 69, Ion, III, 146.
103, 120-9.
n.,
1 1 3,
Hymn
207.
MeXai/iTTTri; ô(f)r],
Horace, 2, 16, 20, 21, 48, 59, 89, 108, 200 n. Hyginus, 79, 106, 113, 114, 117,
137, 140, 147.
Hymn to Apollo, a, 202. Hymn to the Mother of the

a,
Gods,
204-8.
to to
Hymn Hymn
Pan Pan
(l),
203.
(2),
208-9.
Hyrieus, 25.
lamblichus, 254.
Ibycus, 29, 30-6. metres, 35-6.
3,
Eusebius, 184.
Eustathius, 176.
Eutresis, 189. Euxantius, 42.
dialect, 35.
Iliad, the, 30, 35, 96, 131, 153, 203.
Galen, 39. Glaucus, 62.

Glenis, 188.
Ion of Chios, 55 n., 102. loannes Diaconus, 68, 113, 131,

148.
Gnesippus, 74. Gongyla, 7. Gortyn, the Law
Iphigenia (anon.),
Ira, 16 n.
of, 35.
54-5.
Ismenion, 40.
Isocrates, 195 n.
Isyllus, 203, 208.
Graeco-Egyptian Comedy, 178. Gymnosophists, the, 221.

Hadrian, 27 n. Halimus, cult of Demeter Hebrus, 18. Hecate, 251.
Julian, the
at, 198.
Emperor,
50.
Hector, the, 153. Helicon, Mt., 22-3. Heliodorus, 219, 220 sqq., 236, 242, 246, 249, 252 sqq. Hephaestion, 4, 199, 205. Heraclitus, 14.
^âxoKoyoi TvvaiKOiv, the Hesiodic, 29, 258. Kr]\r]86vs, the, 40.

KrjTcioi, the, 83.
Krishna, 89.
Hermippus, 160. Hermogenes, 68. Herodes Atticus, 192. Herodorus, 202. Herodotus (of Thebes), 41. Herodotus (the historian), 6,
Lachares, 171 n. Laches, 162. Laconia, 188.
Lasus of Hermione,
49.
16.
Lenaea, the, 71 sqq., 75. Leonidas, 180, 186, 188. Lesbian dialect, the, 20, 27. Lesbos, 9, 16.
2.66
INDEX
Odyssey, the, 105. Oeneus, the (anon.), 154.
Leucon, 242. Lz///e lliad^ the, 83. Longus, 220, 246.

Lucian, Toxaris of, 242-3. Lucius Verus, 192.
Lydia,
7, 16, 85.
Olympia, 65. Orestes Fragment,

Oricus, 192. Orion, 24, 25.
the, 260.
Lysander, 164.
Lysias, 258-9.
Orphic
Hymn,
207.
oi,
Lysimachus, 23.
Pacuvius, Ontiope 108 n.
106, 107 n.,
Pagondas,
53, 55.
Magnes,
157. Malalas, 224. Marathon, 193.
Marcus Aurelius, 192. Medea, the (anon.), 152. Megara, 40.

Melamphyllis, 47. Melanippides, 210. Melanippus, 13, 16, 17. Meleager, i8c, 185 n. Melia, 39, 40. Menander, 164, 167-75.
1
Uapdeveia, 6y. Parnes, Mt., 25. Paros, 51, 60-2. Parthenius, 186-7.
Pausanias, 39-40, 96, 198. Penthilus, 5. Pirithous, the, 115 n.

Penthilids, the, 15, 16.
Ilept "Yx/rous, 146, 195 n.
the Author
of,
55,
Pericles, 40, 160, 161.
'Attiotos, 173. VeapyoSj 70. I04 178. 171. 171, KoXa^, 169. MKroupfvor, 168. NofioderqSf I70.
'ETrirptVorTes-,
'lepfta,
n.,
I16, 168,
"l/x^piot,
Persians, the, 46-7. Petronius, 21 n. Pherecrates, 166. Pherenicus, 56. Philemon, 175 sqq. Philetas, 184, 198. Philicus, 105 sqq. Philochorus, i2on.
Philocles, 157.
nepiKeipofiePT),
Messenian War,
Messenians, 65.
69. 65.
Philodemus, 58 n. Philopoemen, 188.

Philostratus, 192. Philoxenus, 201.
Metiochus Fragment, the, 237 sqq. Mica, 7. Milesian Tales, 211.

Mitylene, 15.
Phittacus, 5, 14, 15, 16. Photius, 211.
Phrynichus, 165.
Phrynon, 163.
Pindar,
i, 2, 3,
Myron ides,
162.
21, 23, 29, 31, 34,
Myrsilus, 14-15. Mysteries, the, 162-3.
Naucydes, 1840. Naxos, 61, 62. Nebuchadnezzar, 18 Neobule, 62. Neophron, 152.
n.
I26n. 36-55,57, metres, 51 sqq. Dithyrambs, 37, 48-51. Epinician Odes, Paeans, 37-48, 51, 138 67. Partheneia, 37, ^l.
36,
52,
'YTTopxrjfMiTa,
2, '>i^-^, 55. n.
Plataea, 24. Plato, 65, 77, 259.
Niceratus, 161. Nicomachus, 75 n. Ninus, 221, 223. Niniis Romance, the,

220, 221, 242, 253.
the Gorgias of, 106-7. Plato Comicus, 166.
211 sqq.,
Nonnus,
42.
Poenulus,
Aulularia, 176-7, Bacchides, 174.

169.
Plautus, 177.
INDEX
Pliny, 252. Plutarch, 5811., 67, iiSn.,
170.
267
102, 165.
160,
Pollux, 90. Polycrates, 31, 33, 34Porphyrius, 131.
Posidippus, 186-7. Prexo, 188.

Priene, 60.
Procession of
199. Proclus, 53.
the
Basket, the,
Proverbs, Book of, 120. Pseudo-Callisthenes, 219, 221.
Pseudo-Lucian, 238.
Ptoion, 39. Ptolemy Phiiadelphus, 199. Ptolemy Philopator, 198. Publilius Syrus, i$6.
Pytho, 42.
Quintilian, 13
'Petrel),
192, 194.
Rhegium, 35. Rhodes, 64, 183.

Rhodopis,
6.
Rome,
St.
192.
Sabina, 27 n.
Elmo's Fires,
19, 236.
Salamis, 23.
Samoa, 31, 34. Safty 49.

Sappho,
I,
2-13, 26, 27, 28, 29,

20, 35-6.
184. metre, 4-5,

dialect, 9.
Tvpavvos, 94. Thamyras, Trachiniae, 99, 135. Qvfo-rqs, CO Tyro, 103, 104-5. 100.
TijXecpoy
Priamus, 137 n. 84 sqq. Tantalus, yz, y^, 76-8.

T.7Xc(êa/,
TrjXe(f)os 2(f)dXTrjS,
75 Alcmaeon, 'AXedSai, Alexandras^ 137". 92. Amycus^ Antigone, 93, AthamaSj 'Arpevs 99. *Axaia>v 2vX\oyos, lOO-I. 79 sqq. 75 Eriphyle^ 82. Eurypylus^ 'HpaxX^y eVt 92. Ichneiitae, 69, 87 107. Inachus, 69. lobateSy 132. 121. yy, 9S~7' Nzode, 84 UvpKaevSj sqq. Oedipus Coloneus^ Oedipus Tyrannies, 166. 99, 205. Oeneus, 102. TLavbudpa Philoctetes, 94, 96. 92. Phoenix, 102. Phrixus, 99.
jy.
Sophocles, 69 sqq., 94, n.
99.
^ MvKrjvaiai,
n.
y8,
Tatrnpo),
sq.,
Ar}fj,viai,
Mi'o-ot,
79.
NayTrXtoff
?)
2(f)vpoK67roi,
93,
yy
yy.
1.
QvcrTr]s "SiKvoiPios,
Sophron, 157.
Sardis, 7. Satyrus, i2on., 158, 176.
Scrantigung, 89. Scythia, Scythian Romance, 242 sq., 245-6. Seleucia (in Susiana), 202.
Sellius (Sillius), 171. Semele, cult of, at Sparta, 64.
Sostheus, 60. Sparta, 40, 63-4, 161, 164. tribal organization, 63-5. Statius, 22, 127 n.
Stephanus of Byzantium, 183.

Stobaeus, 75, 142, 147, 180. Strabo, 6, 15, 39. Suidas, 31, 34, 75, 183, 184.
Swift,
Dean, 228.
Septimius, 224-6. Sesostris (Sesonchosis), 223. Sicyon, theatre at, 90. Simonides, 3, 35, 36, 41, 51, 67. Sinope, 24.
Tanagra, 24.
Tatian, 184 n.
Tefnut Romance,
Telesilla, 204.
the,
226 sqq.
Sirmium, 192.
Solinus, 57. Solon, 65, 162. Sophilus, 167, 177.
Telos, 183, 185.
Tenerus, 39, 40. Tenos, 183. Teos, 46, 47.
268
Terence, 170, 177. Thasos, 61, 62. Thebe, 23. Thebes, 38, 40, 42, 53. Thebes (in Egypt), 27 n. Themistocles, 81.
INDEX
Tpoi(rjvin,
Twins, Stories
the (anon.), 173. of, 102-29. Tyrtaeus, 62-6.

'EvvofiLUf 65.
Tzetzes, 139.
Theocritus, 27, 156, 183-4, 185, 209. Theodectes, 75 n.
Unlawful Love, Stories of, 129-37.

Vali, 89. Virgil, 59.
Theoxenia, the, 42. Theoxenus, 31. Thesmophoria, 120.

Thespia, 24. Thracians, the, 45-7, 59, 61-2. Thrasybulus of Acragas, 34.
Vzâ Etiripidis, the, 120, 148.
Wedding of Hector and Andormache, the, 10. Xenocrates, 51. Xenophon of Ephesus, 239, 240,
247, 254.
Thrasybulus of Aexone, 71. Thrasybulus of Athens, 259.

Thria, 194.
Xerxes, 51.
Zagreus, 131.
Thucydides, 200. Timander, 187.

Timocles, 166, 177.
Zephyrium, 187.
Zcvff BatriXeyy,
Timocreon,
29.
Timon
the Sinograph, 201. Timotheus, 29, 74-6. Timotheus (tragedian), 72 sqq.
cult of, at ParOS, 60. Zevs *E\v6cpio9, title of Augustus, 190.
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1983
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History of Greek Literature

OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW LEIPZIG NEWYORK TORONTO MELBOURNE CAPETOWN BOMBAY

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

literary discoveries should

has treated his subject in his

subject to revision and

former pupil, Mr.

BA., Senior Scholar

exhibited in their revision.

John's college, oxford.

and Elegiac Poetry

the Greek Novel

Hesiod, Lysias Greek Music: the Cairo Musical Frag-

Telephus and the infant Orestes.

Pelike in the British

Awakening of the Earth-Goddess by dancing Satyrs

Meeting of Tyro with Pelias and Neleus. in the Louvre

Facing page 104

Bellerophon with Pegasus.

Bellerophon throwing Stheneboea into the

14 and 15. Paris

and Deiphobus and Deiphobus

Facing page 134

16 and 17. Heracles, Pirithous, and Theseus in Hades.

des Fanainos^ 1905 (Verlag

Facing page 148

M. BOWRA, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Wadham

University of Liverpool, and formerly Fereday Fellow of

M. Platnauer, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Brasenose

U. Powell, M. A., Fellow and Tutor of

St. John's College.

R. M. Rattenbury, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of Trinity College, Cambridge.

EARLY LYRIC AND ELEGIAC POETRY

has an inestimable appeal.

have been made.

Fortunately, little by little addinineteenth century witnessed two

EARLY LYRIC AND ELEGIAC POETRY

Odes was dictated not by

this state of affairs the chief task of scholarship is to

gaps, of the best scholars in

particularly difficult in the case of

history begins at last

refugit tendere barbiton.

EARLY LYRIC AND ELEGIAC POETRY

the other hand there

much can be learned. First, we can now make a rough

have comprised some nine thousand

this point the

papyrus fully confirms

the ancient tradition.*

EARLY LYRIC AND ELEGIAC POETRY

clear that a different principle

says that here

Sappho used the Hendecasyllabus Phalaecius

the other books

Book IV has been known always Sappho

poems begin with begin with k?

26 restored from Athen. xv. 687 b

Sappho und Simonides,

p. 62. KokflTai be AIoXikov, otl