Ritual Dirt and Purification Rites among the Igbo

Author(s): Emefie Ikenga-Metuh

Source: Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 15, Fasc. 1 (1985), pp. 3-24
Published by: BRILL
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Journal of
Religion
in
Africa XV,
1
(1985)
RITUAL DIRT AND PURIFICATION RITES AMONG
THE IGBO
BY
EMEFIE IKENGA-METUH
(University
of
Jos, Nigeria)
If one were to tell the
Igbo
that a certain writer
says
that alu
(pollution)
is
"Dirt",
and that "Reflection on dirt involves reflec-
tion on the relation of order to
disorder,
being
and
non-being,
form
to
formlessness,
life to
death",' they
would
probably say
that she
must be
speaking metaphorically.
An
Igbo2 may ignore
some dirt
(inyI)
but close his ears and run at the mere mention of alu. In this
essay,
I want to
argue
in
support
of Kristensen's assertion that:
"Purification as well as
pollution
is of both
spiritual
and material
nature."3
They
have a sacramental nature. Thus "Dirt" is both
'like and unlike'
ordinary
dirt. It were better described as "Ritual
dirt",
or
"Religious
dirt",
which means far more than mere filth.4
I will show that
Igbo
ideas about "Ritual dirt" and
purification
see
them as
essentially religious phenomena.
Their ideas about
pollu-
tion and
prohibition
have wide
ranging psychological
and socio-
structural
functions,
but
they
are not to be reduced to mere
psycho-
sociological
or cultural
phenomena.
THE CONCEPT OF
NSO
(SACRED PROHIBITIONS)
My
first
acquaintance
with
Igbo
notions of nsp was about
thirty
years ago
as a
child,
when
my parents
took me to
my
home town
Nnewi,
in the north-central
part
of
Igboland
in southeastern
Nigeria.
On one
occasion,
I walked across the outstretched
legs
of
one of
my playmates.
Some of
my
close relatives who noticed this
drew me aside and told me that
my
action was
ns9 (sacred prohibi-
tion)
because the
boy
was an osu
(ritual slave). They
told me to
go
back and reverse
my
action
by walking
across his
legs again,
but
from the
opposite
direction,
otherwise I as well as
any
member of
my family
who crossed
my
own
legs
would become an osu.5
Later,
I
learnt
many
other activities of
daily
life which are nsa.
Emefie Ikenga-Metuh
The word nsp in
Igbo may
mean two different but related
things-one negative,
and one
positive. Ns9
means
literally,
'avoidance' or
'prohibition',
i.e. what one must
avoid,
or what one
is
prohibited
from
doing.
This is the
negative
sense. In some other
contexts
however,
the same word
nsp,
means
'holy'.
The two senses
of the word
appear
to be related because
every holy thing-spirits,
priests,
shrines and so on-is surrounded
by
a set of
prohibitions.
Ordinary people may
on the advice of a
priest
or diviner
adopt
and
practise
certain
prohibitions
and thus achieve a limited level of
holiness. It would
appear
therefore,
that
prohibitions
create or
preserve
the status of holiness
(nso),
while the breach of
prohibitions
(nsg)
result in
pollution
or unholiness.
Nsp are therefore 'sacred
pro-
hibitions.'
There are different kinds of
nsg:
personal
nsp,
nsp of the different
deities,
and of
spirits (alszi).
Material
objects
as such do not have
nsp. Personal
prohibitions
are those observed
by
an
ordinary
in-
dividual. Some of these
may
be
natural,
others are
acquired.
Cer-
tain foods or activities
persistently
avoided
by
a
person
since birth
are his natural nsp.
Explanations
for this
phenomenon
are
spiritual,
not
biological-either
that the ancestor who reincarnated in him
had observed these
prohibitions,
or
simply
that his
personal
chi
(destiny spirit)
had included these in his
destiny package.
Other
prohibitions may
be
acquired
on the advice of a
priest
or diviner.
People
who hold sacred offices have more
prohibitions
than or-
dinary people, e.g. priests, diviners,
kings.
These are
usually
believed to be established
by
the
deity
or
spirit
associated with the
office.
Besides,
every deity
or
spirit
has a list of
prohibitions
associated with its cult. So in
Igbo
belief,
nso are
essentially
religious
rules associated with
spiritual beings. Hence,
writes
Talbot,
Among
Ibo
generally
...
every
man has to
keep
the Nsaw
(nsg)
which were
observed
by
his 'Chi'-i.e. his
twin-soul, Oversoul,
or himself in his last in-
carnation,
and sometimes new
personal
ones of his own are ordered
by
the
ju-
jus through
the mouth of a diviner.6
NOTIONS OF
NSQ
ALA
(EARTH-MOTHER)
AND POLLUTIONS
By
far the most
important
and the most serious
group
of
prohibi-
tions are the nsp ala
(prohibitions
of the
Earth-Mother).
Thomas
comments as follows on the nso ala:
4
Ritual Dirt and
Purification
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
A characteristic of the life of these Ibo is the existence of numbers of forbid-
den
acts,
known as nso
ani,
which
may conveniently
be termed
bans, as,
strictly speaking, they
are not
tabus,
though
that term would be
applied
to
them
by many
authorities.7
Nsp ala are
always
linked with the term
alp.
Igbo
writers differ
about the
relationship
between the two
concepts.
Arinze thinks that
the two
concepts
are
synonymous.8 Onwuejeogwu says
that 'Nso
and
alyt
may
be called taboo and abomination
respectively'
.9
Nsp
ala
are the rules or
prohibitions
of
Ala,
the Earth Mother. Their breach
is aly
(pollution).
The breach of the
nsp
of other deities is not alp as
the
quotation
from
Onwuejeogwu
seems to
imply.
Of a
person
who breaks
any
nso
ala,
it is
said, "omerw
al4"
(he
committed
pollution)
or
"orryw
ala"
(he
defiled the
land).10
The
Ig-
bo term aljs means
pollution
or defilement. There are
major pollu-
tions or
abominations,
and minor
pollutions.
The
Igbo
use the
same
term, alt,
for the two. Breach of the more serious
prohibitions
are
abominations,
while breach of the lesser
prohibitions
are not
regarded
as abominations. The
consequences
are also
different,
as
we shall see.
Generally,
abominations are serious offences which
are believed to threaten the cosmic and social order. All sorts of rare
events come under this
category
of
offence,
whether
they
be moral
faults like
incest,
or
involuntary
actions like birth of twins. The
Ig-
bo
say
"afube
by;
aly"--abnormality
is an abomination. It threatens
the natural order. The breach of nsp alz
generally
incurs for the of-
fender a state of
pollution
and the threat of
supernatural
sanctions.
The state of
pollutions
and the threat of
supernatural
sanctions can
only
be removed
by
the
purification
rites called
Ikp;
aly
(dragging
pollution).
The term
ikpi (drag)
derives from the main rite in this
ceremony,
which involves
dragging
or
rubbing
the sacrificial victim
over the
place
or
persons
who
may
have come in contact with the
pollution.
This is a
peculiar
feature of
purification
rites which is ab-
sent in the rites of atonement for breaches of the
prohibitions
of
other deities which are called imeria
nsp
(repairing nso)-i.e.
rites of
atonement,
as distinct from
purification
rites.
Hence,
writes Talbot
Certainly
tabus are almost
invariably thought
to
apply
to acts which are
displeasing
to the
gods, jujus
or ancestors and
particularly
to the Earth God-
dess. In fact
among
the
Ibo, they
are
usually
called Nsaw
Ani,
the tabus of the
Earth,
and
througout
the
country,
the sacrifices of
purification
are
generally
offered to the
Goddess,
if these
prohibitions
are not
observed,
the earth will be
unable to
give
forth her increase and the women to
bring
forth children.11
5
Emefi Ikenga-Metuh
POLLUTIONS AND THE COSMIC ORDER
So
Igbo
beliefs about
pollutions
are
closely
bound
up
with the
cosmic order. Here I will
present
a brief
description
of this order as
the
Igbo
see
it,
and show the link of its different structures with
pollution.
The world-view described here is the model shared
by Ig-
bo communities found
mainly
in the northern and western
parts
of
Igboland
which are under the ritual
authority
of Eze Nri
(king
of
Nri),
whose
authority
rests
solely
on his
ability
to
institute,
abrogate,
and cleanse
pollutions.
The total world of
Igbo experience,
consists of two
closely
linked
sections-ubwa
(visible world)
and ani
mmpg
(spirit-world).
The
visible world is a manifestation and as it were a carbon
copy
of the
invisible world.
Everything
in the visible world has an invisible
counterpart
in the
spirit-world.
Chukwu is the creator of the whole
world. He is transcendent and relates with man
through
his dif-
ferent manifestations-direct and indirect. Direct manifestations
are
three-Anyanwv
na
Agbara (Sun
and
power),
Chi
(destiny)
and Okike
(creator).
These are identified with God in some con-
texts.17
Generally, they
are
thought
to be
aspects
of God himself.
AnyanwV
na
Agbara
manifests God's
power
and
majesty.
Its
sym-
bol is the sun
(anyanwy).
Chi is God as determiner of man's
destiny,
while Okike is God as creator.
Indirect manifestations are different
powers
of God shown forth
through
different
physical phenomena.
These have become
autonomous
deities,
but the
Igbo
still refer to them as sons and
daughters
of God. The
greatest
of these is Ala
(Earth-Mother),
symbolized by
the
physical
earth. She is said to be the
daughter
of
Chukwu. Her cult
occupies
a central
position
in
Igbo religion
and
morality.
Other
important
manifestations of God are
Amadi9ha,
(thunder deity), Agwi (medicine deity), IfejiQkt (yam deity)
and
Ekwensu
(deity
of
violence).
Besides his
manifestations,
God created vast numbers of other
spiritual beings
called
alysi
(spirit-forces).
These have
supernatural
powers
which can mean
good
or evil for
men,
depending
on how
they
are handled. The
al?si
are
metaphysical
forces in the universe
which can be
manipulated
to
bring good fortunes,
but if
abused,
even
inadvertently,
can
spell
disaster.
So,
understandably, they
are
hedged
around with
many prohibitions."2
The inhabitants of the invisible world closest to men are the
spirits
of dead human
beings. They
include the ancestors and evil
6
Ritual Dirt and
Purification
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
spirits
of the dead. The
former,
called the
ndichie,
bring
fortunes
and
blessings
on the
living
if venerated. The latter
(akalogelt) bring
only
misfortunes,
and must
constantly
be driven
away
with exorcist
rites. From time to time the dead visit the
living
in form of mas-
querades (mmanws).
The visible world is the world of human
beings
and the material
objects
which surround him. A
big
source of
power
in the material
world is
ogwt (charms).
The
efficacy
of most charms is
protected by
a number of
prohibitions.
Breaches of these weaken the
charm,
but
they
do not make the
person
or his
surroundings impure.
This is the broad outline of the
cosmological
order within which
the
Igbo system
of
pollution
and
purification
is conceived and
prac-
tised. Before I discuss the different
groups
of
pollution
and the rites
of
purification,
it is
necessary
to examine the claims of the Eze Nri
whose control of
large
sections of
Igboland
was based on his
power
to
establish,
cleanse and
abrogate prohibitions
and
pollutions.
THE EZE NRI AND HIS POWERS OVER POLLUTION
The Eze Nri
(priest-kings
of
Nri)
claim for themselves a status
equivalent
to that of the
spirits. Every reigning
Eze Nri is embued
with the
spirit
of
Eri,
his first
ancestor,
who was sent down
by
Chukwu from heaven to
organize
the world. Eri dried
up
the water
which covered the earth and thus
organized
the
physical
world.
By
sacrificing
his son and
daughter,
he obtained
yams
and
cocoyams,
the main food and cash
crop
of the
Igbo,
thus
introducing
agriculture
and
agricultural
rituals. He introduced ichi scarifica-
tion,
and the
pzp
chiefly-title system,
thus
reorganizing
social life.
Finally,
he
organized
economic life
by introducing
the four
Igbo
market
days.13
The
powers
received
by
Eri from Chukwu include the ritual
powers
to control the
worship
of Ala who controls
agriculture,
Ife-
jioku
the
yam deity,
and
Eke,
Oye, Afpr,
and
NkwQ,
deities of the four
Igbo
market
days
of the same name. He has the ritual
powers
to
establish, cleanse,
and
abrogate prohibitions
connected with their
cult. As
symbols
of his
authority,
Eri received from Chukwu the
gf9
(ritual staff)
and the ptonsi
(ritual spear)
used for the rites of
establishing
or
cleansing
al4
(pollutions). Qfo-carrying
Nri
priests
still visit or settle
among
different
Igbo
communities to
provide
pollution cleansing
services. In Nri town
itself,
the
cleansing
rites
7
Emefic Ikenga-Metuh
are
performed by
the
Ezeana,
in the
presence
of Eze Nri who as a
spirit
never offers sacrifices.14
PROHIBITIONS AND POLLUTIONS OF THE EARTH-MOTHER
I first discuss the
prohibitions
and
pollutions
which the
Igbo
would call abominations. We
may
refer to these as
majorprohibitions.
The others we
may
call minor
prohibitions
or
pollutions.
The
Igbo
use
the same
term, alp,
for both. The
great
difference between the two
will be seen in the different
consequences
of their breach. The
breach of abominations
inspires
a
greater
sense of
horror,
and car-
ries heavier
punishments,
a more severe state of
pollution,
and
more elaborate
purification
rites.
Abominations are of three kinds. The first
group
embraces
serious
personal
and moral crimes
according
to
Igbo morality.
Although
there are
variations,
the
following generally
feature: in-
cest
among
close
relatives, murder,
suicide
by hanging, fighting
with a
masquerade, bestiality, stealing
of
yams
from the
farm,
stealing
of
sheep,
wilful
abortion,
pregnancy
within a
year
of a hus-
band's
death,
and the
killing
of sacred
animals,
especially
the
python (eke).
The second
group
includes abnormal and unnatural behaviour
by
human
beings,
like:
giving
birth to
twins,
a
person dying
without
anybody attending
to
him,
a child born when no one is
present
to assist the
mother,
a child conceived before a
girl's
first
menstruation,
confessing
one's crimes
during
illness,
death
resulting
from
leprosy, dropsy
or
small-pox,
a child which cuts the
upper
teeth first.
The third
group
of abominations includes abnormal and un-
natural acts of animals: a
dog
or a fowl
crossing
a
corpse
is
aln,
so it
is if a
dog brings
forth
only
one
whelp,
a fowl
lays only
one
egg,
or if
a tethered
goat brings
forth its
young
unattended."5
The
Consequences of
Abominations
Breach of
any
of these is
all, abomination,
whether the breach is
by
a human
being
or
by
an
animal,
whether it is
voluntary
or in-
voluntary. However,
the
Igbo clearly distinguish
between
abominations due to human
responsibility
and those that are not:
8
Ritual Dirt and
Purification
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
Thus if a
man,
Okafor steals
yams,
the Ibos
say:
"Okafo melu
alu"
(Okafo
committed an
abomination).
But if
Okafg's goat brings
forth its
young
unat-
tended,
the Ibos
say:
"AIu
mely
be
Okafg"
(abomination happened
in the
house of
Okafo).16
In either
case, however,
a state of
pollution
results,
and a
cleansing
rite is
necessary.
Other
consequences vary according
to the nature
of the act which caused the breach. These
range
from the
punish-
ment for the crime
(if
it is a
crime)
to restrictions
arising
from the
state of
pollution.
Punishment for animals involved in the breaches of abomina-
tions,
for
example,
is instant death when
caught.
Babies,
for exam-
ple twins,
are not
killed,
because
killing
itself is
alp.
They
are
put
in
an earthen
pot
and left to die in the bush.17 The
meaning
and
severity
of the
punishment
can
only
be seen in the context of the
Ig-
bo
conception
of the cosmic order. Abnormal and unnatural ac-
tivities are
signs
of the
disruption
of the cosmic order.
Something
has
gone wrong,
and
danger
is
lurking.
The Earth-Mother could be
sending warning signals.
The land has been
defiled,
perhaps by
uncleansed
pollutions.
The
response
is to remove the cause of the
pollution-the
animal or the child.
The
punishments
for adults
vary,
but the
pattern
is the same.
The cause is removed and the
pollution
cleansed. In the case of
murder,
the murderer is
required
to
hang
himself,
and his
property
is burnt as a holocaust. If he
flees,
his entire kindred would have to
flee with him and their entire
property
be burnt.
They may
return
after 28
days
if the
family
of the victim of the murder
accepts
a com-
pensation
offer,
usually
a
young girl
who will raise children in the
victim's name. Then follow the
purification
rites. In the case of
suicide
by hanging,
an Nri
priest
is called to remove the
body
of the
suicide from the tree on which he
hanged
himself. His relatives
would be defiled if
they
touched his
body.
The
body
is buried in the
"bad bush" and a diviner is consulted to ascertain the cause of his
death. Until
purification
rites are
made,
the suicide's
compound
and the area where he
hanged
himself remain in a state of defile-
ment. Incest is a
very
rare occurence. Should it
happen,
the
culprits
were sold
(in
olden
days).
Until
purified,
the
surroundings
where it
took
place
remain in a state of
pollution.18
The effects of
being
in a state of defilement are the most feared
aspect
of
pollution. Socially,
if the crime is
known,
"he
[(the
culprit)]
is cut off from social
communication,
he is ostracised from
9
Emefie Ikenga-Metuh
the
market,
and if he
dies,
he is not
given
full burial rites'.19
Spiritually,
he has
antagonized
the Earth-Mother on whose
ground
he
stands,
whose
product
he eats and in whose bosom he will be
buried. He has alienated the ancestors who then withdraw their
protection.
He is thus
exposed
and is an
easy prey
of evil
spirits.
If
he dies in a state of
defilement,
he cannot become an ancestor. He
ends
up
an evil
wandering spirit
who can
only
be chased
away by
the rites of ichu
aja
and not venerated.20
This is not all. Defilements are
very
infectious. An offender can
spread
his
pollution
to other
people,
animals or
things
which come
in contact with him. Even his closest relations could be the most
concerned because
they
are the closest victims. To hide
any
breach
of
alu
is to harbour and disseminate evil. For a time "one
may get
away
with
it,
but future misfortunes
may
occur to unearth the un-
treated case."21
MINOR PROHIBITIONS AND POLLUTIONS OF THE EARTH-MOTHER
The vast
majority
of
nsp
ala
prohibitions
are not
abominations,
but "minor
prohibitions". They
include some minor
sex,
mar-
riage, theft,
and food
prohibitions.
The states of
pollution
and
punishments resulting
from their breach are less severe. Here I list
the
prohibitions
and the
punishments
that
go
with
them,
and then
comment on the
consequences
of the defilement incurred.
Sex Prohibitions
Having
sexual relations with certain
categories
of kin
(distant
kin) Adultery
with non- relatives.
Having
sex in the
bush,
even with one's
wife,
or on the bare
ground.
Having
sex with a
menstruating
woman.
No woman should have intercourse while
cooking,
even with her
husband.
Adultery
with a woman in her husband's
house,
which
may
cause
the death of the husband and her children if not confessed and
purified.
Food Prohibitions
To eat horses-certain
parts
of the internal chest
organs may
cause
madness.
10
Ritual Dirt and
Purification Rites
Among
the
Igbo
To eat edi
(civet-cat)
at
Nri,
ewi
(bush rat)
at Nnewi. Other towns
have their own animal
prohibitions.
To eat food
prepared
or touched
by
a menstruous woman.
To eat new
yams
until sacrifices are made to ancestors and
Ala;
breach of this was
punished by
one
year
of exile and sacrifice of a
ram to Ala and the ancestors.
Death Prohibitions
To
bury
a woman with an unborn child in her womb.
To
bury
those who died
during
the month sacred to Ala
('bury'
here means traditional funeral
rites).
To mourn those who died of infectious
disease,
especially
small-
pox, leprosy,
or
elephantiasis
of the scrotum.
Violent death
by
accident
(Onwuike).
For a woman to
go
outside the
compound during
the
mourning
period.
For a woman to visit the shrine of Ala before the
completion
of
funeral rites for her husband.22
The state of defilement which results from the
infringement
of these
and other minor
prohibitions
is less severe than those of abomina-
tions. This is
probably
because
they
are not believed to
pose
a
grave
threat to the cosmic and social order. The social horror and terror
the breach of abominations evoke are less felt.
Culprits
in most
cases are not ostracized. Infections of defilement are in some cases
limited to those who have intimate contact with the
culprit,
for ex-
ample
the husband of an adulterous woman. The
mystical
sanc-
tions
may
be
delayed,
and
may
even affect the
culprit's
relatives
after his death. The costs of the items for the
purification
rites are
less
expensive.
MINOR PROHIBITIONS AND POLLUTIONS OF THE ALUSI CULT
Every
alysi
has a list of
prohibitions
observed
by
its
priest
and wor-
shipper.
In addition to
these,
some al4si have a list of
nsp-ala
pro-
hibitions linked with their
cult,
supposedly
made
by
Ala,
who is
custodian of traditional laws and customs. Since al4si are
many,
I
give
here
examples
of the nsp-ala
prohibitions
of
IfejigQk (yam spirit)
and Ekwensu
(war spirit).
To have sex in the
farm,
as distinct from the
bush,
is a breach of
prohibition
of the
Ifejioku
cult. To steal
yams
from the farm is
11
Emefi Ikenga-Metuh
against
Ala,
but to steal
yams
from the barn is
against IfejigkV, pro-
bably
because the shrine of
Ifeji9kV
is in the barn. Even failure to
report yam
theft is a breach of its
prohibition.
Breach of
any
of these
automatically puts
an offender in a state of
pollution.
Besides,
he
has offended the
spirit (IfejiQkV),
who
may
exact his
vengeance any
moment. He dares not
approach
his
altar,
or take
part
in rituals at
its shrine until he
performs
a
purificatory
sacrifice to cleanse the
state of
pollution.23
Ekwensu is the
spirit
of violence. It
may
incite
people
to murder
in
peace-time
and acts of valour in war-time.
However,
since the
Earth-Mother
prohibits
the
taking
of human
life,
killing
in war
though
celebrated as an act of
bravery,
is also a
pollution
which
must be
purified by
rites.
Owing
to the
dangerous
nature of this
spirit,
it is also
pollution
to eat
any
meat sacrificed to him.24
MINOR PROHIBITIONS AND POLLUTIONS AGAINST ANCESTORS
The ancestors are ndichie
(elders)
of the
family.
Their role is to
protect
and
promote
the welfare of their families.
Many prohibi-
tions are believed to strain the relations between the
living
and their
ancestors. Breach of
any
of these
puts
the offender in a state of
pollution.
The effects of this
pollution
are still less than those
against
the
spirits,
since
they regulate
the
relationships
between
family
members.
Besides,
the ancestors would not
normally
deal
harshly
with their
offspring.
The
following
are some of the
prohibi-
tions
against
the ancestors:
Matrimonial Prohibitions
For a woman to declare herself a widow while her husband is
alive,
or to do
things
which amount to this.
If a woman
pushes
her husband down.
To have sex with a
girl
before her first menstruation.
For a member of the
family
to sell
any part
of the
family
land
without the consent of the
living
members and the ancestors.
Adultory
of the
wife,
not
involving
incest
(this
threatens the life of
the husband and the child born after
it).
Place and Time Prohibitions:
A house is deemed unclean if the
following
take
place
in it: Birth of
a
child; menstruation;
if a woman cries in it.
12
Ritual Dirt and Purifcation Rites
Among
the
Igbo
A
compound
is considered unclean before a festival and must be
ritually
cleansed.
A bed is unclean if a woman
passes
urine on it.25
As breaches of sexual offences
affecting
women are believed to
cause
difficulty
at
childbirth,
or serious illness and
frequent
deaths
in the
family,
confessions are
encouraged
and sometimes demand-
ed. A woman must confess all sexual offences on arrival at her
husband's
home,
before
childbirth,
and sometimes
during
her
husband's illness.
Any
of the time and
place prohibitions
must be cleansed
by
purification
rites. There is no
prohibition
to
menstruate,
or to
cry
in
a
house,
but there is an
obligation
to avoid
persons
and
places
af-
fected
by
these activities. There is also an
obligation
to
purify
persons
and
things
affected
by
the
pollution,
the failure of which is
believed to herald misfortunes attributed to the
anger
of the Earth-
Mother and the ancestors who are
protectors
of the home and
family.
PURIFICATION RITES OF ABOMINATIONS
Purification rites for abominations will be discussed in two
parts.
I will first discuss
purification
rites for the
cleansing
of the whole
community
of abominations. This often takes the form of a
scapegoat
sacrifice.
Then,
I will describe the
purification
rites for
different
types
of abomination. Both kinds of
purification
rites are
called
Ikpy alt (dragging pollution).
In some
places,
the ritual
purification
of the
community
takes
place annually,
and at other times recommended
by
the diviner.
Before the colonial
era,
in some
places,
these
periodic purification
rites
required
a human victim.26 In other
places,
cows or rams were
used. This has now become the common
practice.
The
priest
on
this occasion is an Nri
priest.
The victim is called
"Onye
Uma"
(One
on whom it has
fallen),
the sin bearer. The
priest solemnly
transfers first his own
sins,
then the sins of his
family
and
finally
the
sins of the entire
community
to the head of the victim.
Then,
a
rope
is tied to its
legs
and it is
dragged
alive
through every
nook and cor-
ner of the
village.
The
scope
is to make the victim cean
up
all the
defilements
spread
in the
village.
The
people
follow behind and
shout
"Al4!",
jeering
and
mocking
at the
abomination,
which the
victim has now become. The dead
body
is
finally
thrown
away
in
the "bad bush" or into a river if there is one close
by.27
13
Emefie
Ikenga-Metuh
Purification
ritesfor different
abominations
Incest
involving very
close relatives is an
abomination,
an
outrage
to
Ala,
and therefore a matter of
public
concern. If the ac-
cused admit the
crime,
the
priest
of Ala takes a kola-nut and
prays:
"Ala and
ancestors,
if such a
thing
occurred in the
past
it was not
concealed ...
Ala,
be not
angry
with us. These two have committed
abomination,
and we will rid the land of their
presence".
He then
splits
the kola-nut and throws it on the
ground.
The offenders are
exiled,
while a
purificatory
sacrifice is
arranged by
the elders.
The
purificatory
sacrifice in some
places may
involve a
calf,
a
chicken,
and some
yams.
The
priest,
an Nri man or an
Ezeana,
ties
a
rope
around the neck of the
calf,
and on the
legs
of the chicken
and
drags
the chicken on his left hand and
leading
the calf on his
right
followed
by
his sons with the
yams,
he
parades
round the com-
pounds
of the
kindred,
saying:
"I am
removing pollution
from the
land." He then
goes
to the 'bad bush' and leaves the animals and
yams
there.28
Murder or even homicide is an abomination
against
Ala. The
murderer is
required
to
hang
himself for
killing
one of Ala's
children. His
property
is
immediately
burnt. His brothers are re-
quired
to offer a sacrifice to Ala before
burying
his
body.
This in-
volves an
offering
of
eight yams
and one chicken. The
Ezeana,
in
the
presence
of an Nri
man,
sacrifices these at the shrine of Ala with
the
following prayers:
"Ala,
this chicken and those
yams
have been
given
to
you by
the brother of the man who killed
your
child and
hanged
himself. He beseeches
you
to
accept
these
gifts
and to
refrain from
pursuing
the brothers and children of the murderer.
He who killed a fellow-man has also killed himself. Let his crime
therefore follow him to the next world."29
If the murderer
flees,
his kindred must flee with him and their
properties
are burnt.
They may
return after the bereaved
family
ac-
cepts
an settlement.
A ritual
cleansing
of their
compound
called
Izafu
nty
p9chy (the
sweeping
out of the ashes of
murder)
is
necessary
before its reoc-
cupation.
The ada
(senior daughters)
of both kindreds tie a cock and
a hen
together
and walk with them around the
compound saying
'Ala,
do not
permit
such a
thing
to
happen again.
Ala,
do not be
angry
with us'.
They
then collect the
sweepings
of the
compound
and throw them and the two fowls into the 'bad bush'.30
14
Ritual Dirt and
Purification
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
PURIFICATION RITES FOR MINOR POLLUTIONS
The
cleansing
rites for breaches of minor
prohibitions
also in-
volve sacrifices called
ikpy
ali
(dragging pollution),
even
though
in
some cases the victim is not
dragged
around the
things
or
places
polluted.
This seems to
imply
that the
pollution
affects
persons
more than
things.
Besides sometimes the
purification
involves im-
molation of the
victim,
followed
by
a confession of sins and a com-
munal meal. It is thus a
joyful
sacrifice
usually
characterized
by
a
communion
meal,
which
symbolises
restored communion with the
deity
and the
worshipping community. Offerings
in
purification
sacrifices for abomination as in other
joyless
sacrifices,
are never
eaten.
By being dragged
around
polluted places, they
absorb the
pollutions
and become themselves the abomination which must be
got
rid of.
Purification rites for breaches of minor incest
(e.g.
incest
prohibi-
tions between distant
relatives),
take
place
at the shrine of Ala. The
priest
in this case is an Nri
priest,
or the
priest
of Ala in the
locality
where one is found. The
victim, usually
a
ram,
is sacrificed at the
shrine
by being
slashed into two halves while the names of the of-
fenders are
pronounced. They
then confess their sins before the
shrine,
after which their bodies are smeared with ashes. This con-
stitutes the outward
sign
of
repentance.
The absolution is
pro-
nounced
by
the
priest
and the assembled folk declare to the
spirit
that
they
are satisfied. The
culprits
then are
pure
and
may
resume
association with friends and relatives from
whom,
because of the
abomination
committed,
they
had been
estranged.31
PURIFICATION RITES AGAINST THE ALUSI
(SPIRITS)
Breaches of
prohibitions
of the
spirits
not
only bring
about a state
of
pollution,
but also
anger
the
spirits.
The
purification
rites
try
to
reverse these two situations-to cleanse the
pollution,
and to
placate
the offended
spirit.
In some
cases,
these two
objectives
are
achieved in one
group
of rituals as in the
purification
rites offered to
Ifeji9Qk
described below. In other
cases,
it involves two different
sets of rituals-one to cleanse the
pollution,
and the other to
placate
the
spirit.
I illustrate this with the
purification
rites of
pollution
in-
volving IfejiQkV
and Ekwensu
spirits.
The crime of
yam
theft from the barn
brings
a state of
pollution
on the
culprit,
the
cleansing
of which
requires
a
purification
15
Emefic Ikenga-Metuh
sacrifice. This involves the sacrifice of a chicken at the shrine of Ife-
jioku, by
the owner of the
barn,
who is also its
priest,
with the
following prayer:
"This fowl is
given
to
you Ajoku,
to
purify you
from the
pollution
of defiled hands".32 Then the fowl's neck is
deeply
cut and blood is allowed to
drip
on the altar of the
spirit.
The
meat is eaten in a communal meal
by
the
priest
and his assistants.
Purification rites so offered to Ekwensu demonstrate both the
character of the
deity
and
symbols
used in the
purification
rites. To
kill an
enemy
in a war is an act of
bravery
and an achievement.
However,
it also
brings
a state of
pollution
on the killer.
So,
as soon
as a warrior comes back with the head of the
enemy,
he must take it
to the
priest
of
Ekwensu,
(together
with a
chicken),
who
lays
it in
front of the carved
image
of the
spirit.
The
priest
then
pours
some
medicine extracted from the
Akprp
leaves
(a creeping plant)
over the
warrior's hands
saying:
"You are
washing
off the evil." He then
pours
a libation over the
skull,
saying,
"Let not
your ghost worry
this man who killed
you.
He is not the first man to
begin
the
thing
he did." He then addresses
Ekwensu,
as follows: "This man went
somewhere and returned with a head. He is not the first or second
to do so. He followed the ancient
practice permitted by
Chukwu
and Ala. Do not kill him therefore and do not
permit
the
ghost
of
the man to
pursue
him". The
priest finally
shaves the
head-getter's
hair. A
public
dance follows in which the new
head-getter joins
with
other
head-getters.
PURIFICATION OF POLLUTION AGAINST ANCESTORS
The breaches of the more serious
pollution against
the ancestors
often
require purificatory
sacrifices. Less serious
pollutions
are
purified by very simple
rites which do not involve sacrifices.
Many
cases of
adultery
of a
wife,
or sexual offences
involving
a
woman,
require open
confession before the
pollution
rites can take effect. In
some
Igbo
communities,
the state of
pollution resulting
from the
adultery
of a wife could cause the death of her husband. If not con-
fessed,
it could also
bring
about her own death when
giving
birth.
The
pollution
is cleansed
by
a
purification
sacrifice
preceded by
a
rite of confession which has also features of a
purificatory
rite.
The rite of confession called isa
ifi
(confessing transgressions),
is
presided
over
by
the ada
(senior
sister of the
family).
The
accused,
standing
before the
family gpf (ancestral symbol),
takes a chicken in
16
Ritual Dirt and
Purification
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
her
hands,
and waves it before the QfQ whilst
making
her confes-
sion. The fowl is forthwith killed and the blood
sprinkled upon
the
pfp by
the
pkpala (senior male)
as a token of
expiation
and to seal the
acceptance
of her confession.33
Then follow what
appear
to be rites of absolution and
purifica-
tion of the
pollution.
The ada takes a fowl and
passes
it round the
legs
of the adulteress
saying:
"Let the
spirit
which seduced
you
to
do this evil
depart
from
you
so that
you may
never
again
commit a
similar offence."
The fowl is then
killed,
cooked and eaten
by
women who have
passed child-bearing age.
In other
places,
before marital relations
resume between a husband and his adulterous
wife,
a
fowl,
eggs,
yams
and kola-nuts are offered to the ancestors
by
the
gkpala
and
the
couple
eat these
together.34
The
cleansing
rites of a
polluted
house or
compound
after birth
or before a
festival,
is
performed by
the ada.
Everything
is removed
from the house. The
victim,
usually
a
fowl,
is
killed,
and the ada
sprinkles
the blood on
every
article
supposed
to be
defiled,
saying
as
she does
so, "Aly
pua" (pollution, depart).
Next,
she
ceremonially
touches
every person
with the victim
and,
after
bathing, they
are
clean once more. The articles are washed and returned to the
house. The victim is thrown
away,
not eaten.35
PROHIBITIONS,
POLLUTIONS AND PURIFICATION RITES AS
RELIGIOUS PHENOMENA
In the above
analysis,
three different but
very closely
linked
phenomena
are
discussed-prohibitions, pollutions
and rites of
purification.
In a
sense,
the
meaning
of one cannot be determined
without a
good knowledge
of the other two. For
pollutions
result
from breach of
prohibitions
and
purification
rites are
essentially
means of
getting
rid of
pollution. Therefore,
anybody
who is in-
terested in
studying
the
significance
of
pollution
in all its dimen-
sions should not
ignore
the
prohibitions
which
may
cause
them,
or
the
purification
rites which cleanse them.
The
religious
dimension of
prohibition
can be seen from various
perspectives.
The
Igbo
terms
used-nsp,
and nsp
ala,
suggest
that
they
are
religious
rules. I have translated
nsp as "sacred
prohibi-
tions" and nsp ala as "sacred
prohibitions
of the Earth-Mother".
Besides,
sacred
prohibitions
are differentiated with reference to the
17
Emefie Ikenga-Metuh
deity by
whom
they
are established. Some
prohibitions
are
established
by
Ala the
Earth-Mother,
others are sacred
prohibitions
of the ancestors. Other deities and
spirits
have their own
prohibi-
tions. Even
supernatural explanations
are
given
for avoidance-
habits which a child has from birth or
early
childhood.
These,
the
Igbo
think,
are
given by
his
Chi,
or
explained
in terms of reincarna-
tion-they
are those observed
by
the ancestor who is reincarnated
in him.
The
supernatural origin
of sacred
prohibitions
is not contradicted
by
the fact that most of them are
actually
rules enacted
by
the Nri
priestly
clan or the
priests
of the different deities. The
Igbo
know
this. In
fact,
some communities from time to time
request
the Eze
Nri to establish or
abrogate
some sacred
prohibitions
for their
benefit. In other
words,
they
want certain laws to be invested with
religio-ritual
sanctions to ensure their strict observance. This
may
well be because
they
realize that
they
do not have effective coercive
force to
implement
them.
They
therefore
appeal
to
supernatural
powers.
These
supernatural beings
for the
Igbo
are
deities,
spirits,
and ancestors. Thus the
Igbo
would not doubt the socio-structural
and moral functions of sacred
prohibitions,
but
they
would still
say
that sacred
prohibitions
are
essentially religio-ritual rules;
other-
wise
they
would be
meaningless
and useless.
Questions
are often raised about the
relationship
between
pro-
hibitions and
morality,
and between
pollutions
and sin. Some
pro-
hibitions,
like those of
incest, murder, theft,
cover some areas of
morality,
but their
primary purpose
is not
morality.
Prohibitions
binding
on animals and babies
obviously
do not have
morality
as
their
primary objective.
The
Igbo
know
this;
hence the
phrases
"Okafor committed abomination" and "abomination occurred in
Okafor's house" mean
completely
different
things.
Some sins
may
be
abominations,
but not all abominations are sins.
They
are rather
religious
offences.
They
are breaches of divine rules about life and
death and admit of no
exceptions.
Their breach is "sin"-
understood in the
religious,
not in the ethical sense:
For to "sin" is the same as to
transgress
the divine
law,
the law of
abiding
and
eternal life. Sin is death."36
Only purification
can remove the state of
pollution
and restore the
communication with the divine which is the source of life.
In view of this it is incorrect to translate nsp ala as 'taboos.' The
18
Ritual Dirt and
Purfication
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
term taboo has been used in moder Western
writings
to refer to
such a wide
range
of
things
that it is no
longer
useful for com-
parative analysis.
Moreover,
to the extent that a taboo "is more ac-
curately
defined
by
its lack of
any
external
sanction,
religious,
or
temporal",37
nsp
ala are not taboos. Most
nsp
ala attract both tem-
poral
and
religio-ritual
sanctions. Their breach makes the offender
liable to social
sanctions,
as well as a state of
pollution
and a threat
of
supernatural
sanctions if the
pollution
is not cleansed with
ap-
propriate purification
rites.
Pollution or dirt
The
Igbo
ideas about
pollution
are both similar and dissimilar to
their ideas about dirt. This is evident even in the
Igbo
word for
pollution,
and the
symbolisms employed
in the
purification
rites.
The
Igbo
term ali
(pollution)
in its verbal form il4
may
mean 'to
defile',
but it also means 'to desecrate' and weaken. These two
senses,
I
think,
are related if seen in the context of the
Holy.
A
thing
or
person
is
holy,
if he is
protected by
sacred
prohibitions.
He
is full of life and
power.
Breach of sacred
prohibitions defiles,
and
consequently
desecrates and renders the
holy object
ineffective. It
weakens and
eventually brings
about its death. This outlook has a
spiritual
dimension which the
ordinary concept
of dirt does not
have.
The
symbolism
used in rites for the
cleansing
of
pollution sug-
gests
that what is
being
cleansed is in fact 'dirt' or
something
similar to it.
Rubbing
or
scrubbing
features
prominently
in the rites
of
cleansing
defiled
persons
and
places. Burning
and
throwing
away
the ashes feature in the
purification
rites after murder.
Washing
with water or
sprinkling
with medicine all indicate dif-
ferent
ways
of
dealing
with dirt.
However,
when these
symbolic
ac-
tions are
accompanied by prayers
and sacrifices which sometimes
end with a communion
meal,
one should at least
suspect
that a
more serious issue than the
disposal
of filth is involved. In
fact,
the
prayers
if examined show that an
essentially religious activity
is in
course.
Hence,
writes Kristensen:
Ritual
purification
is an outward material
act,
which at the same time is
spiritually
active,
it is thus an act whose effects
range
farther than is evident
from the observable results.38
19
Emefie Ikenga-Metuh
Purification
Rites
It will be
labouring
the obvious to
begin
to
argue
that most of the
rites of
purification
described above are
religious
rites. The rites
generally
are addressed to
specific divinities-Earth-Mother,
the
ancestors,
or one or other of the
spirits. Special priests,
or a
priest
of
the
deity involved,
officiate at the rituals which often take
place
at
its shrines. The rites
themselves,
which include
prayers, symbolic
activities of
cleansing,
ritual
killing
and
offering
of the blood of the
victim,
all
speak
of
essentially religious
activities. I comment here
briefly only
on the
notion,
character and
meaning
of
Igbo purifica-
tion rites.
The notion of
Igbo purificatory
rites becomes clear when com-
pared
with other sets of rites for
removing
evil. There are three dif-
ferent
types
of rituals for
dealing
with
evil,
and the
Igbo
have dif-
ferent names for them:
icht aja-sacrifices
to drive
away
evil
spirits;
imeria
mmrp-sacrifices
of
propitiation;
and
ikpy aly--sacrifices
of
purification.
These sacrifices assume different
dispositions
in the
divine,
and seek to come to terms with these
dispositions
in dif-
ferent
ways.
The
first,
ichy
aja,
assumes the
presence
of evil
spirits,
and seeks to drive
(ichtk)
them
away.
The
second,
imeria
mmyp,
assumes that the
deity
is somehow offended
by
an act of omission or
commission. The aim is to atone for the
guilt (expiate)
and thus
ap-
pease (propitiate)
the
deity.
The
third,
ikpy
aly,
takes
place
in a
situation of a different kind in that it
perhaps
affects the
worship-
pers
more than the
deity.
The state of
pollution
renders him
impure
and alienates him not
only
from the
deity,
but also from the entire
world of the sacred.
Thus the
purificatory
rite
properly
so called centres around the
defiled
worshipper,
or the human
surroundings,
not the
deity. Only
secondarily
does it include the idea of
propitiation.
So,
characteristically,
in the
purification
rites described
above,
the
sym-
bolism of
cleansing
the
object
defiled
predominates.
In the rites of
the
purification
of the
community,
for
example,
there is
hardly any
reference to the
deity-the
Earth-Mother. The
pollution resulting
from the sins of the
community
is so
great
that a
substitutionary
of-
fering
of a
scapegoat
kind is made. A human or animal victim is
substituted for the
community.
The
offering
is
dragged through
the
polluted places
in the
community
to
ritually sweep
clean or absorb
the dirt. The victim thus loaded with dirt is thrown
away.
The idea
of communion is abhorrent in this sort of sacrifice.
20
Ritual Dirt and
Purification
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
In the
purification
rites for
incest,
the rites of
expiation appear
together
with the
purification
rites. The
offering
of kola-nuts with
prayers
for
forgiveness
is a rite of
propitiation
and
expiation.
The
expulsion
of the
culprits
and the
substitutionary
sacrifice in which a
calf and a
hen,
substitutes for the
culprits,
are
dragged through
the
defiled
places
and then thrown
away,
are rites of
purification.
Also
in the case of
murder,
expiation
and
purification
rites feature side
by
side. The
purification
rites include the death of the murderer
who is
required
to
hang
himself,
the
burning
of all his
property,
and
the ritual
sweeping away
of "the ashes of murder".
In the
purification
sacrifices for minor
pollutions,
the
expiatory
rites receive more
emphasis
to the
point
that communion is
permit-
ted after the
sacrifice,
but still the
purificatory aspects predominate.
In sexual
offences,
the
purificatory
rites include
confessions,
pro-
nouncing
of
absolutions,
rubbing penitents
with ashes or with the
sacrificial
victim,
and
slashing
the victim into two to
symbolise
the
bond which has arisen between the
accomplices
because of the in-
cest. Ablutions
appear only
in the case of defilement caused
by
menstruation
(with water), killing
in war
(with medicine),
and after
birth
(with blood).
CONCLUSION
In the
study
of African
religions,
as indeed the
study
of
any
religion,
there is need to make a clear distinction between the
study
of
religion
as a dimension of human life 'sui
generis'
and the
study
of
other human
phenomena
which are interwoven with
religion.39
An-
thropological, sociological
and
psychological
studies of
religion
have made invaluable contributions to the
study
of African
religions
and will continue to do so.
However,
one must realize that these
studies focus on the milieu or functions of
religion,
not on the
study
of
religion
as such. It is
wrong
to
explain religion
as a mere
sociological
or
psychological phenomenon.
This would be
explain-
ing
it
away
or
reducing
it to what it is not. It is true that traditional
world views are holistic.
However,
this must not be
exaggerated
to
the
point
of
saying
that there is
absolutely
no distinction made be-
tween its
component parts. Perhaps
it
may
be more correct to
say
that nature in these world-views is seen to have a sacramental
character. The visible is
symbol
of the
invisible,
not identical with
it. Certain human activities have a sacramental character.
They
21
Emefic
Ikenga-Metuh
have
spiritual efficacy
in that
they
evoke divine intervention in
human affairs.
The
Igbo
world-view shows a close bond as well as a
degree
of
differentiation between the visible and the
invisible,
the divine and
human
beings.
The
Igbo clearly distinguish
between human laws
and sacred
prohibitions.
Even in some cases some
request
that
human laws be declared sacred
prohibitions,
thus
investing
them
with the status and sanctions of
religious
laws. Here one sees
religious
belief as an
independent
variable,
empowering
a socio-
cultural institution. The
religious
is thus
put
to a socio-cultural
use,
and is not a mere socio-cultural
phenomenon.
The ambivalent character of
purification
rites as both
apotropaeic (driving away evil)
and
conferring
divine
life,
as
sug-
gested by
Kristensen and van der
Leeuw,
is not
immediately
in
evidence in
Igbo purification.
However,
it can be inferred. In the
substitutionary
annual human sacrifice to cleanse the
community,
the
community
dies
(in
the
victim)
at the end of each
year
in order
to have a more wholesome life in the new
year.
In the
purification
for
incest,
the
accomplices
are
expelled,
which is a sort of
death,
and a calf and a hen which are substituted for them are
ritually
dragged through
the streets of the
village
and then thrown
away.
They carry away death,
so that a secure and wholesome life
may
thrive. Thus evil
brings
death,
and the
purification
rites which
removes
death,
restores
life,
by re-establishing
links with the divine
which is the source and fullness of life.
Al4
may
in fact be
"Dirt",
but in the
religious
sense,
which
means far more than mere filth.
According
to van der Leeuw:
Dirt means all the hindrances and
annoyances
that
prevent
the
perpetuation
and renewal of
life,
so that some celebration must set the arrested current in
motion
again.40
It is thus understandable how "Dirt" could be caused
by
incest,
murder,
having
sex while
cooking,
and that its
purification
could be
effected
by dragging
cows,
goats
and chickens
through
the
streets,
or
by slaughtering
them at the shrines.
22
Ritual Dirt and
Purification
Rites
Among
the
Igbo
NOTES
1.
Douglas, Mary,
Purity
and
danger.
New York:
Praeger
1966,
5.
2. The name is
pronounced 'Igbo'
and I use this
form,
rather than
'Ibo',
except
in
quotations.
3.
Kristensen,
W.
B.,
The
meaning of religion.
The
Hague: Nijhoff
1960,
445.
4.
Leeuw,
G. van der,
Religion
in essence and
manifestation:
a
study
in
phenomenology.
London: Alien and Unwin
1938,
343.
5. On the osu
institution,
see
Basden,
G.
T., Niger
Ibos,
London:
Seeley
Service
1938,
243-258.
6.
Talbot,
P.
A.,
The
peoples
of
Southern
Nigeria,
III,
London: O.U.P.
1926,
739.
7.
Thomas,
N.
W.,
Anthropological reports
on the
Ibo-speaking peoples of Nigeria, part
I. London: Morison
n.d.,
59.
8.
Arinze,
P.
A., Sacrifice
in Ibo
religion.
Ibadan: Ibadan
University
Press
1970,
34.
9.
Onwuejeogwu,
M.
A.,
An
Igbo
civilization: Nri
kingdom
and
hegemony.
London:
Ethnographia
1981,
43.
10. Ibid.
11.
Talbot,
708.
12.
Thomas, 48;
cf. Talbot 596.
13.
Onwuejeogwu,
34. Eri the founder of Nri is said to have established the
alusi associated with the four
Igbo
market
days, Eke, Oye,
Afor and Nkwd. Nri is
the name of the
kingly
title as well as that of the
Agukwu
town,
which is known as
Agukwu-Nri.
14.
Thomas,
48. In addition to this ritual
prohibition,
he
may
also not see a cor-
pse,
even of one of his
children,
or an
alusi,
i.e. the statue of a
god;
he does not eat
kola-nuts offered in sacrifice. No
one,
male or
female,
who has
passed
the
age
of
puberty may
cook for him.
15.
Arinze,
35.
16. Ibid.
17.
Thomas,
52.
18.
Meek,
C.
K.,
Law and
authority
in a
Nigerian
tribe. London: O.U.P. 1937,
209.
19.
Arinze,
35.
20. Ibid.
21.
Onwuejeogwu
44.
22.
Compare
the lists in Talbot
740ff;
Thomas
60ff,
Onwuejeogwu,
52-54.
23.
Meek,
215.
24. Meek 39. Ekwensu has now been
wrongly
identified with the Devil of Chris-
tian and Muslim traditions.
25.
Basden,
62.
26.
Basden,
73.
27,
Meek,
219.
28. Meek, 210.
29. Ibid.
30.
Basden,
61.
31. Ibid.
32.
Meek,
215.
Ajoku, Njoki,
are dialectal variations of
Ifejioku.
It is a
household
god,
and the householder is the
priest.
33.
Basden,
62.
34. Ibid.
35. Ibid.
36.
Kristensen,
445.
23
24
Emefie Ikenga-Metuh
37.
Field,
M.
J.,
'Tabu',
in E. R. A.
Seligman (ed.), Encyclopedia of
the social
sciences
13,
New York: Macmillan
1937,
503.
38.
Kristensen,
445.
39.
Turner,
H.
W.,
'The
way
forward in the
study
of African
primal religions',
Journal of Religion
in
Africa
12
(1)
1981,
1.
40. Van der
Leeuw,
343.