You are on page 1of 10

Transformations of a City Centre in the

Light of Ideologies: The Case of Banska


Bystrica, Slovakia
ALEXANDRA BITUSKOV
Introduction
The square is one of the most significant outward symbols of medieval European cities. It
is not only an architectural element, but also an important socio-cultural phenomenon.
The square is a symbol of urban life and it contributes to the integration of the urban
population. The historical development of any city finds its reflection in the city centre,
which becomes a seismograph of ideologies and historical events.
The aim of this article is to outline the role and the functions of the city centre in
Banska Bystrica, Slovakia, and its place in urban life and urban symbolism in the course
of historical development.
The square can be generally described as a public space that attracts heterogeneous
people and offers various possibilities of participating in city life. It is a place of
secondary group interaction. 'City spaces for secondary group interaction can be ordered
according to the degree of social heterogeneity characterizing the people who use them.
Those spaces attracting the most heterogeneous population on the one hand, epitomize
city life, and on the other, contribute to it by giving their visitors an opportunity to partake
of it' (Leeds Love, 1973: 162). The square performs various functions that can change
during historical development. In the past, central squares, especially in European
cultures, often performed the functions of a promenade and an arena for public
presentation and relaxing. They served as places for military parades, religious
processions, public celebrations as well as for the presentation of social status or fashion,
and for leisure activities like walking, reading, meeting friends etc. The market and trade
function of the square was always important, too. In the course of urban development,
with the growth of the urban population and traffic, the functions of a square can change.
Sociologists consider the city centre a special sociological category. 'The city
centre is a significant multifunctional social space, a specific urban environment with a
high concentration of various social institutions, social activities, intense social contacts
and social communication, a space where the urban social life concentrates' (Pasiak,
1983: 101). Social multifunctionality is a dominant feature of the city centre and the
square.
To make the square a much frequented and integrated part of the community, it is
important to find the right relationship between architecture, square design and square
use. If the square is to be a multifunctional city space, it should have various facilities
serving the people (pedestrian zones, sun and shade, lamps, greenery, fountains, benches
C JoitM Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ud 1998. Published by Blackwell Publishers,
108 Cowley Road, Oxftxd OX4 IJF, UK wd 350 Main Street, Maiden, MA 02148, USA.
Transformations of a city centre in the light of ideologies 615
etc.). The square attracts and integrates the diversified urban population. It is a symbol of
city life.
Using the example of the central square in Banska Bystrica, I aim to describe the
importance of the square in urban lifestyle and its influence on the identity and integrity
of the urban population. The material focuses on the period from 1918 (the establishment
of the first Czechoslovak Republic) up to the present. This period is divided into three
important eras of the political and socio-economic history of Slovakia.'
The Slovak Republic was established on 1 January 1993, as a result of agreements
negotiated by the parliaments and govemments of the Czech and Slovak Republics. It was
the first time in Slovak history that the Slovaks could lay claim to their own state, with the
exception of the short period of the puppet Nazi regime of Jozef Tiso in 1939-45. For
almost a thousand years Slovakia was part of the multi-ethnic Hungarian Monarchy. From
1918 to 1993 the Czechs and the Slovaks made up the state of the Czechoslovak
Republic. In 1993 both countries started to write a new chapter of their histories.
Demographically, Slovakia is a state of 5.3 million inhabitants. About 85% of the
inhabitants claim Slovak nationality, 11% Hungarian nationality, and other minority
groups include Czechs, Poles, Ruthenians-Ukrainians, Gypsies and Germans. As to
religion, around 60% of the inhabitants are Catholic and 20% are Protestant (evangelical
church and denominations). Other religions include Greek-Orthodox and Greek-Catholic.
Banska Bystrica is a small city situated in the mountainous region of Central
Slovakia on the Hron river.'^ In 1255 it was granted important municipal and mining
privileges and rights by the Hungarian ruler Belo IV and became a free royal city. Rich
ore deposits of precious metals attracted first mostly German settlers. Silver and copper
mining sustained the dynamic development of the city. In the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, Banska Bystrica flourished as a major Central European mining city and was
well-known as 'the copper Banska Bystrica'. The medieval city, like other European
cities, developed its economic strength through trade and commerce. The successful
development resulted in luxurious architecture palaces and residences of noble
families situated on the central square. Their Gothic and Renaissance facades are
adomed with simple mural paintings and sgraffito omaments. The bishop's cathedral
and the clock tower are two of the dominating features of the square. Together with the
parish church and the barbican, with a tower located in the city centre, they create a
special concentration of dominant architecture that have become the main iconographie
symbols of the city on all vistas, paintings and postcards. Because of the high cultural,
architectural and artistic values, the square has been given the status of an urban
reservation.
1918-48
The first Czechoslovak Republic was established on 28 October 1918. Banska Bystrica
became an administrative centre of the Central Slovakian Zvolen District. At the
beginning of the century, Banska Bystrica had ten thousand inhabitants. Although the city
was situated in a region comprising a dominant Slovak population, the ethnic structure of
the city inhabitants was heterogeneous and was influenced by the historical development
of the city during the Austro-Hungarian Empire. German settlers who had developed
mining and craft activities, assimilated in the course of time, and in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries the majority of the inhabitants were Slovaks. The strong
1 (1) 1918-48 = Czechoslovak Republic (1939-45 = Slovak Republic); (2) 1948-89 = Czechoslovak Socialist
Republic; (3) 1989-^92 = Czecho-Slovak Federative Republic and 1993 to date = Slovak Republic.
2 In 1910 Banska Bystrica counted 10,441 inhabitants. The population increased to 11,347 in 1930; 13,014 in
1940; 22,529 in 1960; 45,736 in 1970; and 85,000 in 1996.
O Joint Editixs and Biackwell Publishers Ud I99S
616 Alexandra Bitusikov
Slovak Republic
Figure 1 Slovak Republic
Magyarization (Hungarianization) at the tum of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
caused most of the Slovak inhabitants to claim Hungarian nationality for fear of
persecution. Ten percent of the urban population were Jews (BituSkov, 1996a), After the
establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918, the number of people claiming
Slovak nationality as a result of their free decision in the new democratic state grew to
90%, but trilinguism survived until 1948 when the communist state was founded. The
predominant religions were Roman-Catholicism (60%), Protestantism (25%) and Judaism
(10%),
The period of the first Czechoslovak Republic is very interesting from a socio-
cultural point of view. All social and cultural activities were concentrated on the square,
called Masaryk's Square^ at the time (Central Square before 1918), The square, lined with
the palaces and houses of the former 'Ringbrger' and 'Waldbrger' (wealthy burghers
and mine-owners), was a source of pride, noted for its high towers, the fountain built in
the Art Nouveau decorative style at the beginning of the twentieth century, ample
greenery and the Marian column dating from the beginning of the eighteenth century.
In the period 1918-48 the square was a multifunctional space visited by the
inhabitants of the city and the neighbouring villages as well as by irregular visitors like
tourists, attracted to Banska Bystrica by historical monuments, natural beauties and an old
proverb: 'To live at Bystrica, and after death in heaven, is best'. Although the urban
population was differentiated by social strata, and by professional, ethnic and religious
affiliations that were also reflected in the spatial structure of the city, the city centre
contributed greatly to urban life and the integration of the heterogeneous urban
population.
One of the occasions of regular contact between the city dwellers was the promenade.
The evening promenade was particulariy exceptional. The square and all the towers were
lit-up, a multicoloured fountain beamed in the middle and music played from the city-
radio. The Sunday promenade was a place for the display of city fashion and social status.
The symbol of the city dweller was a hat for women, a top hat and a stick for men. The
behaviour and forms of communication, especially greetings, were also different in the
city and came to represent the status of the town dweller (the German 'KUss die Hand',
the Hungarian 'Kezt cskolom' or the Latin 'Servus' were the most popular greetings
that were used in the city to show distinctness from villagers). The promenade was a place
3 Tomas Garrique Masaryk, president of the Czechoslovak Republic firom 1918-35.
O Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishtss Ud 1998
Transformations of a city centre in (he oj
617
Figure 2 r/i
upper part of the square and the castle area (photo: A. Bituskov. 995)
of regular meclings and visual contact with dilTcrenl groups of the urban population,
regardless of ihcir social, ethnic or religious affiliation. It contributed to breaking down
the characteristic anonymity of the city, and it was also a means of social control. It
performed an impoitant function in facilitating social integration.
The square oifered various possibilities for social interaction. Most of theeafes, pubs,
restaurants, wine bars and casinos were situated here (Bitusilov, 1996b). The Jewish
Casino and the Cily Casino were mostly visited by husinessnien. bankers, lawyers or
doctors, and weie used for playing cards, diinking wine and making business contacts.
Cafes and restaurants served various people, diffeientiated by piofessional and social
stiata. Regular visits to these places of entertainment, as a way of spending leisuie tinie
and as a means of interprotessional and social communication, belonged aiiiong the
specific symbols of urban life compared with the iural way of life.
The trade and commerce tunetion o the square was also very significant. Kvery
Monday a market took place on the square which was visited by the people froin the city
as well as trom the neighbouring villages and regions. Craftspeople and farmers IroiTi the
whole of Central Slovakia came to sell their products in the city. The atmosphere of the
market was described in memoirs and rendered in many paintings, among which the most
famous Is The Market in Banska Bystrica by Dominik Skutecky.
In the interwar period the square was a space tor various public meetings,
celebrations, religious processions, parades and political demonstrations (BitusiTov,
1995). The socio political tunetion of the city centre contributed also to the ideological
communication of the urban population. This communication started to become tense at
the end of the 1930s when the separatist movement calling for an independent Slovak
Republic was gaining strength and Nazi ideology was spreading thioughout Europe. On
14 March 1939, the Slovak Republic was established. The regime of the president Jo/ef
Tiso compromised itselt by collaborating with the Nazis. The political situation and the
second world war had an impact on the communication between city inhabitants. The
Joinl ridilors and rtlackwcl r.ul t'WS
618 Alexandra Bitustkov
former sociability was transformed into fear, uncertainty and suspiciousness. The life of
the Jewish community was violently interrupted by numerous restrictions and after May
1942 deportations. Several Christian families in the city and nearby villages offered
sanctuary to the Jews, but only a few of them survived.
On 29 August 1944, Banska Bystrica became the centre of the Slovak National
Uprising which was the biggest anti-fascist event in Central Europe during the second
world war. It was the square again which had an important function in the integration and
organization of all the anti-Nazi forces. Although the uprising was stifled by the Nazis in
October 1944, it is considered one of the most important events in modem Slovak history.
The short after-war period was an era of restoration of the Czechoslovak Republic,
during which the position of communists was strengthening. In February 1948 the
Communist Party took over the political power in the country which meant the end of
democracy in Czechoslovakia.
The years 1918-48, with the exception of the war period, were characterized by a
democratic regime with its freedom, plurality and heterogeneity. The functions of the city
centre revealed the multifunctionality of the space and its important place in the life of the
entire urban population. Generations of native inhabitants identified with the city through
the square which belonged to all and was a source of pride. In the words of one witness:
'The square was a part of our local pride. Everyone who was bom and lived in the city,
found the square 'ours". The significant role of the central square remains evident up to
the present day in the colloquial language in which the central square and the city are
taken as synonymous ('I am going to the city' means 'I am going to the central square').
1948-^9
The period 1948-89 can be simply described as an era of communism. After the political
and socio-economic communist takeover in 1948, the face of the city, including the
square, also changed. The first change was renaming the square from Masaryk's Square
which symbolized the former democratic regime, to the Slovak National Uprising Square.
Most of the private residential houses and palaces on the square were taken from their
original owners and distributed under state ownership during nationalization. Almost all
historical buildings served as shops and offices; the backs of the houses and yards were
settled by Gypsies and impoverished individuals. This method of urban development,
forced by communist ideology and intended to break the former social networks, was
similar in all East and Central European cities.
The exterior of the square also changed. Some of the old symbols disappeared, while
new ones arose. In the lower part of the square a high obelisk-memorial dedicated to the
Soviet Army was built that has changed the historical appearance and spirit of the space.
In August 1964 the Baroque Marian column supporting a bust of the Virgin Mary was
transferred from the centre of the square to the less visible castle area. The reason was
strictly ideological: the Soviet President Nikita Chrushchew was expected to visit the city
and it was not deemed appropriate to present religious symbols on the central square.
Ironically, the ideological motive served a good purpose. The column was transferred to a
quiet place that has aided in its protection, since the square was transformed into the main
arterial road of the city.
The increasingly dominant traffic function had a negative infiuence on the quality of
life and environment of the square. It became impossible to organize any social and
cultural events there because of the noise and pollution. People used to come to the square
just to do their shopping and then they would leave. After six p.m. the square was empty.
People sought social and cultural activities in other parts of the city or in their homes. The
only occasions when the square was full of people, but people who did not come of their
free will, were politically motivated public events (May Day, anniversaries of the October
o Joint EditcN^ and Btackwell Publishers Ud 1998
Transformations of a city centre in the light of ideologies 619
Revolution and the Slovak National Uprising). The anniversaries of the Slovak National
Uprising were the most pompous. Thanks to them the faades of all the houses on the
square were repainted and repaired every fifth year. This situation lasted until 1989 when
the communist regime in the country collapsed in the 'velvet revolution'.
The period after 1989
In November 1989 the central square in Banska Bystrica (like squares in other cities of
the former Czechoslovakia) was filled with thousands of people yeaming for a new
future. After long years the square had become a place of free protestation of democratic
ideas. Political and socio-economic changes soon began to be reflected by the square.
During restitution most of the buildings were given back to their former owners or sold to
private companies and banks. Many houses were transformed into luxurious private
shops, banks, restaurants and cafes. The backs and yards of the houses were reconstructed
and transformed into residential houses.
Following contemporary European approaches to urban development, the
municipality decided to revitalize the city centre and started to orchestrate the complete
reconstruction of the square. Within five months in 1994 the square was transformed from
a traffic junction to a pedestrian zone with new paving, a large mosaic coat of arms an
old symbol of the city on the pavement in front of the Town Hall, lamps, newly
planted trees, benches, drinking fountains and numerous garden cafes and restaurants.
The Marian column has been restored to its original site, an event which attracted strong
public and media interest.
For me, as an inhabitant of the city as well as an anthropologist, the change in
people's attitude towards the city is especially interesting. The inhabitants, so indifferent
to their city in the communist past, have welcomed the change with a feeling of euphoria.
Many of them used to come to the square regularly to follow the building progress. The
new outlook of the square and the general reconstruction of all public places streets,
pubs, cafes, public transport etc. remained the topic of the day throughout the building
work. It has integrated the city population regardless of age or social status. Life has
retumed to the square now that it has become a space for various social and cultural
activities. In the daytime it is full of tourists and people who have come to relax, meet
business partners or friends. The evening promenade has been revived; and people enjoy
coming to the square for a walk or having dinner in a restaurant. In summer, various
cultural programmes and festivities attract people to the square (concerts, theatres, craft
markets etc.). New festivals and rituals have arisen and become very popular
Eurofolklore, Cultural Summer or Czecho-Slovak Rendez-Vous.
The reconstmction of the square has contributed to the revitalization of urban life. It
has reinforced the local identity and integrity of the inhabitants. Elderly people welcome
the sociable atmosphere that reminds them of the 'good old times of the interwar period',
middle-aged people who were bom during communism enjoy the change and the
possibility of a new, fruitful social life, and the young generation consider the square
'theirs' and feel comfortable there because it is the same busy and active as any
other European square.
The new square has become a symbol of intemationalization, westemization and
Europeanism, especially for the middle-aged and young people who compare the city
with other cities in Europe: 'When I sit in the garden caf on the square, I feel like I'm in
Paris'. The dream of becoming closer to the 'West' and of living a 'westem' way of life,
however idealist it may be, is being realized. A recent survey of the city inhabitants,
media interviews with commentators, and my participant observation support this
statement. It is interesting to compare opinions of the city dwellers and Slovak visitors
with the views of tourists coming from abroad. The view from the 'inside' and 'outside'
o Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ud 1998
620
Alexunra Bituskov
Fij^ure 3 Tn
imher 1994 (photo: A- Bituskov. 1994)
may differ. Most of the lourisls admire the bcauly of the reconslrueted historical city
centre, but those who remember the 'old' square, have a different opinion. An American
tour-guide complains:
I am sure ihc people of Banska Bystrica must be very proud of the work done on the square, bul
I am not thrilled wiih il, I loved your medieval square though probably it couldn't stay ihat way;
and (he renovations and cleaning up of the old buildings and the details are lovely; but I am not
will bring my groups there anymore it is getting like home. Thai probably makes the
(own burgers very happy. And now
is the end!
hear that a McDonald's Restaurant is eoming there that
It is evident that this criticism is coming from a different cultura! background and a
society where consumerism and mcdonaldization are becoming unpopular. This
viewpoint does not correspond with the local peoples' opinions who arc only now
experiencing some of the rewards of 'western' models. For them the square is a place
where they come into contact with diverse social types, subcultures, values, and various
Joint Editors ;IK Bl;itkwi;ll riiblislier;, Ud 1998
Transformations of a city centre in the light of ideologies 621
modes of dress and behaviour, interaction that leads to acceptance of social, cultural and
ethnic heterogeneity.
Conclusion
The square as a central public city space with various functions can be considered one of
the symbols of uri)an life. The example of the transformation of the central square in
Banska Bystrica in the light of its historical development shows how significant the role
of the square in the city is, and how it contributes to the vitality of city life and to
remaking the identity of the urban population.
The material reveals the points of coherence between ideologies and socio-political
systems, and the possibilities for social communication, contact and activities afforded
city inhabitants in different historical periods. The period 1918-48 was the era of the
democratic Czechoslovak Republic, The democratic spirit of the state was reflected in the
diversity of social contact in various clubs, cultural and religious events, tavems, pubs,
restaurants etc, concentrated particularly in the city centre. The city inhabitants were
allowed to participate in any activities and openly express or proclaim their views,
convictions and professional, political, religious or ethnic affiliations. The democratic
political system gave people the option of freely expressing their opinions, and the square
attracted and helped to integrate the diversified urban population.
The communist period of the years 1948-89 disrupted the integrity of the population.
The communist ideology systematically suppressed opportunities for social
communication in public places for fear of mass protest against the communist regime.
It tried to break the social networks and social activities of the interwar period. Instead of
diversified social contacts, activities leading to isolation of the family or of the work team
were supported. The multifunctionality of the square was deliberately replaced with a
dominant traffic function, which condemned the square to become a public space of no
social importance.
The period after the collapse of communism has brought revolutionary political, econ-
omic, social and cultural changes in the society. The municipality in Banska Bystrica decided
to revitalize the city centre and reinforce the local identity of the inhabitants. The complete
reconstruction of the square attracted great public interest. The enthusiastic reception of
the city inhabitants to the transformation of the square stems from several reasons:
1 The necessity for local identification of residents with their city, through public spaces,
symbols and rituals;
2 The disappointment of citizens (mostly urban citizens) with political developments in
Slovakia and an aversion to national symbols as a result of nationalism being imposed
on the population local or regional symbols and identities as well as the tendency
towards European identity have become more important and stronger than national
identity;
3 The psychological effect of change from a stereotyped and grey life under communism
which promoted uniformity to a diversified way of life, a plurality which symbolizes
the 'westem' and democratic standard of living.
The reconstruction and revitalization of the central square in Banska Bystrica has
reinforced the local identity of the inhabitants. The process of change has not finished yet.
The square's reconstruction has been followed by the vast reconstruction of the castle
area and adjacent streets which is a source of heightened interest to the city inhabitants as
well as numerous tourists. The square and the whole city centre has become a heart and a
live symbol of the city.
The example of the city centre reconstruction in the Slovak city of Banska Bystrica is
just one of many similar transformations in numerous cities of the former 'Eastem Bloc'
o Joint Editors and Btackwell Publisters Ud 1998
622 Alexandra Bituskov
and does not differ in kind from city reconstructions in West-European cities. What may
be different, though, is the intensity of feeling and enthusiasm of city inhabitants in post-
communist countries whose uniform life during communism has been transformed,
giving them a chance to make social contacts in renovated and revitalizated public spaces.
As a young student puts it:
The square has become a pearl of the city. Walking on the square makes everyone happy and
even romantic. It is now a square without buses, and without people rushing home. There are the
same people here, yet different, in a different mood. I ant happy to live in this city.
Alexandra Bituskov (bitusikova@fhv.umb.sk). Institute of Social and Cultural Studies,
FHV Matej Bel University, Tajovskeho 40, 974 00 Banska Bystrica, Slovakia.
References
Bituskov, A. (1995) Premeny funkcii nmestia ako priestoru spolocenskej komunikcie [Changes
in functions of the square as a place of social communication]. Etnologick Rozpravy 2,95-105.
(1996a) A brief history of the Jewish community in Banska Bystrica. Slovensky Nrodopis
44.2,202-11.
(1996b) Pohostinsk zariadenia a podniky ako miesta spolodenskej komunikcie [Taverns as
places of social communication]. In J. Darulov (ed.), Banska Bystrica sociokultme obrazy
a portrty, Banska Bystrica.
Filov, B. (1974) Slovensko Lud [Slovakia Folk]. Bratislava.
Karvas, P. (1981) V hniezde [In the nest]. Bratislava.
Kovaeviova, S. (1989) Byval nemeck vidiecke sdla na Slovensku, ich historia a kultura
[Former German rural settings in Slovakia, history and culture]. Nrodopisn Informcie 2,
Bratislava.
Leeds Love, R. (1973) The fountains of urban life. Urban Life and Culture 2.2, 161-210.
Pasiak, J. (1983) K sociologii mestskho centra [To the city centre sociology]. Architektra a
Urbanizmus 17.2, 99-104.
Press, I. (1975) The city as context: cultural, historical, and bureaucratic determinants of behavior
in Seville. Urban Anthropology 4.1, 27-34.
Salner, P. a kol. (1991) Tak bola Bratislava [That was Bratislava]. Bratislava.
O Joint Editors and Biackweii Pubiisiiers Ud 998
Copyright of International Journal of Urban & Regional Research is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its
content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's
express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.

You might also like