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Sperber 1992; Wilson 2006; Colston 2000; Attardo 2000; Utsumi 2000; Colston
2000; Colston and OBrien 2000; Partington 2006, 2007; Dynel 2013a). Yet an
other form of irony rests on the reversal of the pragmatic or illocutionary force of
an utterance, as in Thank you very much said by a woman to her husband who
has failed to help her bring in a heavy bag from the car. This may be conceptualized as pragmatic meaning reversal, which encompasses irony based on utterances that do not coincide with propositions but rely on speech acts such as expressives, as well as imperatives, questions, interjections, which many scholars
recognize as problematic for the standard model (Brown 1980; Haverkate 1990;
Wilson and Sperber 1992; Kumon-Nakamura et al. 1995; Wilson 2006; Colston
2000; Camp 2012; Dynel 2013a).
Regardless of the type, or absence, of meaning negation/reversal, the literal
import of an ironic utterance differs from the implicit meaning the speaker intends to communicate. This can be seen in the ongoing discussion of the nature
of cognitive processes involved in irony comprehension, the bone of contention
being whether it is a one-stage process, in which the literal meaning is not acti
vated (Gibbs and OBrien 1991; Gibbs 1994) or a two-stage process, which centers
on computing the difference between the literal meaning and the intended meaning (e.g. Giora 1995, 2011; Giora et al. 1998).
Besides tacitly agreeing on the literal vs. implied meaning distinction, most
authors are unanimous that irony inherently expresses the speakers attitude,
and thus serves as a vehicle for an evaluative judgment/evaluation of an utterance, action, event, situation, etc1. Partington (2006, 2007) even defines irony in
terms of the reversal of evaluative meaning. However, not all ironic utterances
involve evaluation in the literal expression, and the evaluative content is only
implicitly communicated as a distinct layer of meaning, as in the utterance Shes
coming! said by a man about his wife who has started changing, while the whole
family are already in the car, whereby he communicates a message such as Shes
not coming yet, which is so annoying.
Another problem is whether the evaluation irony carries can be positive.
Many researchers claim that irony typically conveys negative evaluation, but
positively-evaluating irony is also possible, albeit rare2. Dubbed asymmetry of
1see Grice 1989b [1978]; Holdcroft 1983; Haverkate 1990; Dews and Winner 1995; Glucksberg
1995; Hartung 1998; Kumon-Nakamura et al. 1995; Hamamoto 1998; Attardo 2000; Utsumi 2000;
Kotthoff 2003; Partington 2006, 2007; Garmendia 2010, 2011; Kapogianni 2011; Gibbs 2012; Dynel
2013a, 2013b.
2see Brown 1980; Gibbs 1986; Haverkate 1990; Dews and Winner 1995; Kreuz 1996; Attardo
2000; Colston 2000; Hancock et al. 2000; Schwoebel et al. 2000; Harris and Pexman 2003; Dews
et al. 1995; Kreuz and Link 2002; Colston and Gibbs 2007.
541
affect (Clark and Gerrig 1984), this bias has been accounted for by a number ofresearchers (Giora 1995; Sperber and Wilson 1981; Wilson and Sperber 2012). Nonetheless, an alternative view holds that irony that carries positive evaluation
simultaneously expresses negative evaluation (Garmendia 2010, 2011, in this issue; Dynel 2013b). The speaker implicitly praises something, and (more) im
plicitly criticizes another referent. Hence, in the classic example Youve bungled it said to a student that has earned a very good mark, contrary to his
earlier claim that he would fail, the praise of the hearers achievement is conveyed in tandem with criticism of his undue or pretended self-deprecating attitude. Were the negative evaluation not to be communicated, irony would not be
used at all.
Ironys capacity to mitigate or exacerbate negative evaluation is another
bone of contention. Several research findings testify that irony mitigates the
harshness of a negative remark, diluting the condemnation it carries (Dews
and Winner 1995; Dews et al. 1995; Jorgensen 1996), making a situation less
face-threatening, and serving politeness (Kumon-Nakamura et al. 1995). By
contrast, other authors (e.g. Kreuz et al. 1991; Colston 1997, 2002; Toplak and
Katz2000; Colston and OBrien 2000) argue that irony renders criticism, or any
other form of negative evaluation, more virulent and hurtful in comparison to
itsnon-ironic counterpart. Moreover, positively evaluative irony is perceived as
more negative or less positive than non-ironically expressed compliments or
praise (Dews et al. 1995; Pexman and Olineck 2002). A question arises as to
how these divergent, if not contradictory, findings can be reconciled. The answer is to be sought in ironys heterogeneous nature, as well as researchers
different methodologies and research goals. Irony cannot be perceived as a homogenous notion exerting either positive or negative social effects, inasmuch as
its many forms can serve multiple communicative purposes, determined by conversationalists particular aims (Gibbs and Colston 2001). The attitude irony is
meant to foster, and does foster, depends on: the interlocutors relationship, the
topic of the ironic statement, theverbal means of the negative evaluation, or the
circumstances of its occurrence, as a result of which the strength of negative evaluation can be boosted orreduced from the perspective a given interlocutor or subject in an experiment. Arguably, the divergent research findings do show variety
in the context of thesecriteria, yet not always accounting for them explicitly (but
see Colston 2002; Pexman and Olineck 2002; Dews et al. 1995; Toplak and Katz
2000). Importantly, when irony carries exacerbated negative evaluation targeted
at a victim and is based on the speakers intention to give offence, it may be perceived as being sarcastic.
In this context, another thorny issue enters the picture: the relationship between sarcasm and irony. The two labels tend to be used synonymously both
Marta Dynel
542
3see Barbe 1995; Jorgensen 1996; Toplak and Katz 2000; Long and Graesser 1988; Gibbs and
OBrien 1991; Kreuz and Roberts 1993; Giora 1998; Attardo 2000; Schwoebel et al. 2000; Gibbs
2000, 2012; Attardo et al. 2003; Camp 2012.
4see Kaufer 1983; Kreuz and Glucksberg 1989; Littman and Mey 1991; Kreuz et al. 1991; Roberts
and Kreuz 1994; Norrick 1993, 2003; Hutcheon 1994; Dews et al. 1995; Kumon-Nakamura et al.
1995; Giora 1995, 2001; Barbe 1995; Jorgensen 1996; Giora 1998, 2011; Colston and OBrien
2000; Gibbs 2000, 2012; Attardo 2000; Gibbs and Colston 2001; Pexman and Olineck 2002;
Kotthoff 2003; Partington 2006, 2007; Kapogianni 2011; Simpson 2011; Hirsch 2011; Ruiz-Gurillo
and Alvarado-Ortega 2013; Mayerhofer 2013; Veale 2013; Dynel 2013b.
543
workon irony represents humor studies. Pragmatic and cognitive linguistic research on irony tends to involve both humorous and non-humorous examples
which are investigated collectively in the context of features characteristic of all
irony.
Although the notion of irony reverberates across humor research, relatively
little attention has been paid to the mechanics and nature of humorous irony
perse. Only a few attempts have been made at explaining the widely recognized
humorous potential of irony, adducing evidence that irony does display the
same range of features as other forms of humor and that it thus lends itself to
analysis using tools known in humor research (Hirsch 2011, Dynel 2013b, Gibbs
etal. in this issue, Piskorska in this issue). On the whole, the relation between
irony and humor is not a stable one and is determined by various contextual,
stylistic and intentional factors (Kapogianni 2011). Some types and manifes
tations of irony may then show greater humorous potential than others. Such
is the case of surrealistic irony (Kapogianni 2011), which coincides with absurdhumor (Dynel 2013b). Another type of irony which frequently produces hu
morous effects, at least for some hearers, is sarcastic irony (Dynel 2013b; Drucker
et al. in this issue). This is because it is creative and witty, whilst the humor
receivers mirthful pleasure is enhanced by the feeling of superiority over the
butt.
Whilst humorous irony does generally fit the diverse interpretative models
and postulates proposed for irony as a whole, it must evince a number of intrinsic
characteristics originating from its humorous potential. These are still in need of
linguistic investigation. This special issue of HUMOR brings together a selection
of papers that both contribute to many of the research strands on irony (as a
whole) succinctly presented above and shed new light on the specificity of humorous irony.
2This volume
This special issue is comprised of six articles by experienced researchers in the
field, who offer new insights into the linguistic characteristics of humorous irony.
Representing several realms of study, endorsing different (sometimes conflicting)
theoretical standpoints, and using diversified methodologies, the papers give a
spectrum of linguistic approaches to humorous irony.
In their experimental study On sarcastic irony, social awareness, and
gender, which represents sociolinguistic gendered language research, Ari
Drucker, Ofer Fein, Dafna Bergerbest and Rachel Giora investigate mens and
womens (non)humorous perception of sarcastic irony, defined as an intrinsically
Marta Dynel
544
ggressive form of humor. To this end, they revisit the relevant literature on hua
mor in gendered contexts, the effects of sarcasm, the disposition theory of humor,
a sexism scale, and the gender-related Point of View Theory, all of which offer a
number of bedrock hypotheses for their research project. The authors report on
an experiment testing ingroup members (womens) and outgroup members
(mens) affective attitudes towards women, based on an Internet questionnaire
presenting the use of sarcastic irony in four gender configurations, duly evalu
ated by the participants on a sexism scale. The findings indicate that the female
participants preferred sarcasm directed by women at men to sarcasm directed by
women at women. On the other hand, albeit scoring low on sexism scales, male
participants adopted a feminine point of view to a lesser extent than their female
counterparts, finding sarcasm directed at men more enjoyable than that directed
at women, irrespective of the speakers gender.
In Wheres the humor in verbal irony? Raymond W. Gibbs, Jr., Gregory A.
Bryant and Herbert L. Colston discuss the vexing issue of the affinity between
irony and humor in verbal interaction from a psycholinguistic perspective. They
view ironic utterances as staged communicative acts which language users produce and understand thanks to complex metarepresentational reasoning abilities. The authors argue that humor derived from irony cannot be reduced to the
resolution of incongruity between what is uttered and what is implied, which
gives rise to the release of tension momentarily experienced during the interpretation process. This is because of the dynamic complexities that come into play in
real-life ironic discourse. The pretence in which irony inheres manifests itself in
diverse levels of description. Also, the multifarious nature of laughter, the authors attest, casts doubt on the simple incongruity-resolution and release view.
The overarching conclusion is that humorous irony is more complex than canned
jokes and necessitates examining an array of contextual factors, which are frequently marginalized by linguistic theories of humor.
In Differences in use and function of verbal irony between real and fictional
discourse: (mis)interpretation and irony blindness, Eleni Kapogianni differentiates between two types of irony and examines their humorous effects. The study
revolves around a comparison between natural and fictional (scripted) discourse
corpora in English and Greek. Firstly, following the neo-Gricean tradition, distinctions between the two types of irony and their subtypes are made, depending
on the interface between the expressed and the intended meaning (Type 1: meaning reversal, and Type 2: meaning replacement). The irony types are elaborated
on with reference to their production as well as (mis)interpretation. Meaning reversal irony is claimed to be prevalent in natural discourse even though it carries
a greater risk of misinterpretation than meaning replacement irony. The latter, on
the other hand, is more frequent in fictional discourse than in natural discourse.
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Bionote
Marta Dynel is Associate Professor in the Department of Pragmatics at the University of d. Her research interests are primarily in pragmatic and cognitive
mechanisms of humor, neo-Gricean pragmatics, the pragmatics of interaction,
(im)politeness theory, as well as the methodology of research on film discourse.
She has published internationally in linguistic journals and volumes, contributing over 55 articles in the space of the past five years. She has also authored
Humorous Garden-Paths: A Pragmatic-Cognitive Study (Newcastle: Cambridge
Scholars Publishing 2009) and edited The Pragmatics of Humour across Discourse
Domains (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2011), as well as Developments in Linguistic Humour Theory (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2013).