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Oratory
and
Rhetoric
Renaissance
in
Medicine
Nancy G. Siraisi
In Renaissancemedicalpracticerhetorichadanambiguousreputation.Many
authorswarnedphysicians againstuse of persuasionor repeatedsome version
of the truismthatpatientsare curednot by eloquence but by medicines. On the
other hand, physicians were also remindedthat by speaking well they helped
patientsto have confidence in theiradvice and to understanddirections,which
in turnfacilitatedcure.' Yet some aspects of medical cultureof the period between 1450 and 1600 seem profoundlyattentiveto rhetoric,at least as regards
the use of language,performativeelements, and the influence of these features
in ancient models (most notably Galen himself).2 One area in which rhetoric
had an unambiguous,acknowledged, and essential place was in the medical
orationspronouncedat universityceremonies.A sample follows:
Pursuitof all these differentthings by study,investigationof obscurities with ingenuity,conquest of difficulties with industry,and--after
penetratinginto the very fibers of the earthand searchingeverywhere
into the arcanaof the whole of natureand from all herbs, fruits,trees,
animals,gems, andeven
inquiryafterremediesandthe proper
poisons-to
use
for
all
them
the
ills of humanlife from so many authors,so
way
and
even
from the very stars: these things, I say,
many disciplines,
I am very gratefulto Anthony Grafton,Sachiko Kusukawa,and Thomas Riittenfor comments on earlierversions of this essay.
1Ian Maclean,Logic, Signs and Naturein the Renaissance: The Case of LearnedMedicine
(Cambridge,2002), 96, 104; and see Pietro d'Abano (d. 1303), Conciliator: Ristampafotomecanica dell'edizione Venetiisapud luntas 1565, ed. Ezio Riondatoand Luigi Olivieri (Padua,
1985), differentia1, f. 3'.
2 See Heinrich Von Staden,
"Gattungund Gedaichtnis:Galen tiber Wahrheitund Lehrdichtung,"in GattungenwissenschaftlicherLiteraturin der Antike (Tiibingen, 1998), 65-94,
andidem, "Galenandthe 'Second Sophistic' " in Aristotleand After,ed. RichardSorabji,Bulletin of the Instituteof Classical Studies, Supplement68 (1997), 33-54.
191
2004by Journalof theHistoryof Ideas,Inc.
Copyright
192
Nancy G. Siraisi
have uncoveredso many hidden cures, been attainedwith such arduous powers of the mind, completed with so much effort of memory,
offer so many things necessaryfor the healthof the entirehumanrace
in common, that does not indeed [the entire enterpriseof medicine]
seem to have been superhumanand really in a certainway divine?3
This nicely exuberantexample of Renaissancemedical rhetoricexemplifies the genre in several respects. The oration to which it belongs was originally deliveredto an academicfaculty of medicine by a physician;it shows the
impact in medical settings of the revival of epideictic rhetoric,and its author
drew on learnedsourcesandcommonplacesaboutmedicine thatbelonged to a
store of broadlyhumanisticerudition,sharedboth in and outside the medical
profession. In fact the only trulydistinctivefeatureof this passage is its author.
It comes from Erasmus'sEncomiummedicinae, which he wrote in 1499 for a
friend- a physiciannamedGysbertus-to deliver to the medicalfaculty of the
Universityof Paris.4
If Gysbertuswas exceptionally fortunatein his ghost, many other surviving medical orations are internalproducts of medical faculties, the work of
universitymastersor studentsof medicine. But whoever theirauthors,orations
deliveredin or writtenfor an academicmedical settingoffer some telling illustrations both of the way in which certain kinds of humanistic interests and
requirementscame to penetratemedical learningandof the reactionof humanistic rhetoricto medicine. "Medical humanism"is usually understoodto encompass both the core enterpriseof intensive philological study, editing, and
translationof Greekmedical texts-never the occupationof more thana handful of hellenist scholars- and also the receptionand scientific influence of the
fruitsof their labors among a wider medical audience.But Renaissancemedicine was also a humanisticdiscipline in a much broaderand more inclusive
sense; that is, it both fostered and providedample scope for the development
among learnedphysicians of interests characteristicof humanisticculture in
general:rhetoric,history,biography,fascinationwithremotepeoplesandplaces,
and antiquarianism.At the same time, as the passage from Erasmusquoted
3 Desiderius Erasmus,Encomiummedicinae, in his Opera omnia, ordo 1, vol. IV, ed. M.
Cytowska, J. Domanski, C. L. Heesakkers,and J. H. Waszink (Amsterdam,1973), 147-86. At
166: "Sed ut dicere coeperam,has omnes rerumvarietatesstudiopersequi,obscuritatesingenio
assequi,difficultatesindustriapervincere,ac penetratisterraefibris,excussisundiquetotiusnaturae
arcanis,ex omnibusherbis,fruticibus,arboribus,animantibus,gemmis, ex ipsis deniquevenenis,
cunctis humanaevitae malis efficacia quaerereremedia atque horum oportunumusum ex tot
autoribus,tot disciplinis, imo et ab istis syderibuspetere:haec, inquam,tam abditarimaricura,
tamarduaviribusanimiadipisci,tammultamemoriacomplecti,tamnecessariaad salutemuniversi
mortaliumgenerisin communeproferre,nonneprorsushomine maiusac planedivinumquiddam
fuisse videtur?"
4 Ibid., Introduction,147-49.
193
above demonstrates,humanistsoutside the medicalprofessioninterestedthemselves in medicine and controlleda stock of rhetoricalcommonplaceson the
subject.To be sure,the penetrationof terminologyandconcepts frommedicine
into the general culture long antedatedthe Renaissance.' But the revival of
rhetorictogetherwith attentionto ancientsourcesandcommonplacesprovided
humanistobservers with new tools for commenting, sometimes in quite specific and detailed terms, on the contemporarymedical scene, a phenomenon
parallelto thatnoted by recentscholarshipin the case of variousotherforms of
Renaissancespecializedknowledge andpractice,for example, painting,architecture,and music.6
Orationsandsimilarrhetoricalproductionsprovideone usefulpointof entry
into this broadermedical humanism.In the first place, even the most conventional of them exemplify the rhetoricalcompetence, awareness of changing
fashions in oratory,and wide rangeof classical referenceexpected of academically trainedphysicians.Secondly, some sixteenth-centuryphysiciansused the
form of the oration(whetheror not actuallydeliveredorally) to presentdiversified content shapedby contemporaryinterests,tastes, or polemics. Finally, as
the passage just quoted suggests, in some instances medical orations constituted a very specific kind of convergence of humanismin and and outside of
medicine, with authors,texts, and the commonplaces on which they drew all
crossing disciplinaryboundaries.Space permitsme to offer only a few highly,
and somewhat arbitrarily,selective examples and brief comments to illustrate
each of these points.
I. The Development of Medical Orationsas a Branchof SecularRhetoric
Like other academic orations, medical orations were not a Renaissance
innovation.Almost fromthe originsof the medievaluniversities,orations-the
earlyones betterdescribedas secularsermons-punctuated the rhythmsof academic life. Typical occasions included graduationceremonies, the opening of
the academic year, the beginning of a course of lectures, or funerals of colleagues. Audiences on such occasions would be unlikely to be confined to one
faculty and might constitute a large part of the academic community.In the
medical faculties of northernItaly and Montpellierthe practiceof giving such
orations was fully developed by the mid-fourteenthcentury.Among the few
early examples that have been studiedin detail are the graduationspeeches of
Gentile da Foligno (d. 1348), some of which have been edited and analyzed.
These reflect the influence of the ars predicandi,with the differencethatGen5 See JosephZiegler, Medicine and Religion c. 1300 (Oxford, 1998).
See Michael Baxandall, Giotto and the Orators (Oxford, 1971); Ann E. Moyer, Musica
Scientia:MusicalScholarshipin theItalianRenaissance(Ithaca,N.Y., 1992) andChristineSmith,
Architecturein the Cultureof Early Humanism(New York, 1992).
6
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Nancy G. Siraisi
195
196
Nancy G. Siraisi
16
197
A2r-A5v.
24 ThomasErastus,De medicinaelaudibusoratio. In his Varia
opuscula medica (Frankfurt,
1590), 1-14.
25 GabrielNaud6,De antiquitateet dignitate scholae medicae Parisiensis panegyris. Cum
orationibus encomiasticis ad IX iatroganistaslaurea medica donandos (Paris, 1628); cf. Gian
Giacomo Bartolotti,On theAntiquityof Medicine,in GiovanniTortelli,On Medicineand Physi-
198
Nancy G. Siraisi
cians; Gian Giacomo Bartolotti,On the Antiquityof Medicine: TwoHistories of Medicineof the
XVthCentury,ed. and tr.DorothyM. Schullianand Luigi Belloni (Milan, 1954).
26 Jean le Vieil [JohannesVetus], Orationes in medicinae commendationemet in gratiam
octodecimmedicae laureae candidatoruminstitutae (Paris, 1560).
27 Thomas Elyot, The Boke Named the Governor,ed. Donald W. Rude (New York, 1992),
75-84. GirolamoMercuriale,Artisgymnasticaeapud antiquosceleberrimae,nostris temporibus
ignoratae, libri sex (Venice, 1569); Vivian Nutton, "Les exercices et la sant6: Hieronymus
Mercurialiset la gymnastiquem6dicale,"in Le corps a la Renaissance.Actes du XXXeColloque
de Tours1987, ed. Jean C6ard,Marie-MadeleineFontaine, and Jean-ClaudeMargolin (Paris,
1990), 295-308.
28 Le Vieil, Orationes:Nestor, 83-87; Liebald, 134-39. The only one of the graduatesto
achieve any particularsubsequentdistinction was Maurice de la Corde, later the authorof a
commentaryon the Hippocratictreatises on disease of women (Hippocratis Coi, Medicorum
principis, liberprior de morbismulierum... MaurciioCordaeoRhemointerpreteet explicatore
[Paris, 1585]).
199
the heavenlybodies down to plants,Le Vieil led his audiencethroughthe Spartan practice of hardeningboth boys and girls by exposure to harsh climatic
conditions and scanty food (noting with apparentapprovalthat Spartangirls
were not allowed soft upbringingindoors like girls in other cities), and the
educationof young Persiansin hunting.He moved on to Solon's laws regarding the physical educationof Athenianyouth,Plato'srecommendationof gymnastic for both sexes and all ages ("pueroset puellas, viros et matronas"),and
the Olympic games. Finally this traditionof ancient athleticsdeterioratedinto
the cruelRomangames, rightlyabolishedby Christianity.Le Vieil opined,however, that the trainingof young Frenchnobles in arms and horsemanshipand
the practiceof tournamentswas more or less equivalentto the valuableancient
Greek insistence on physical training(this less than a year afterthe disastrous
deathof HenriII from an injuryreceived in a tournament).He managedto find
his way back to university medical educationby declaringthat philosophical
debateservedthe equally importantpurposeof providingexercise for the soul.
In the second of these orationshe comparedthe young medici with victors in
the Olympic games and recipientsof a Romantriumph;in the thirdhe equated
Parisiangraduationinsignia and scholarlyprivileges with the prizes and privileges accordedto victors in the ancientgames.29
In several different versions the theme of travel or of wisdom gathered
from afarprovidedthe authorsof orationsand relateddocumentswith the opportunityto relate ancient practice, precept, or doxographyto the contemporaryworld of medical learning,interestin all kinds of naturaland humanparticulars, and esteem for learned travel. In 1579 ChristophSchilling a young
Germanphysician, arrivedat Montpellieron the last stage of a medical and
philosophicalgrandtourof Italy andFrance.Withthe aid of lettersof introduction from his mentorsCratovon Crafftheimand Erastusand, it would appear,
financial aid from AndreasDudith, he had visited an impressive rosterof famous professors of medicine and other intellectuals throughoutItaly, from
Aldrovandito Telesio andmanymorebesides.At Montpellier,LaurentJoubert,
then chancellorof the University,awardedhim the doctorateof philosophyand
medicine. Schilling's trip to Italy and Franceremindedhim, he remarkedin a
gratefulletter to his mentorsand patron,of the journeys in searchof the wisdom of Egypt supposedlyundertakenby "Orpheus,Pythagoras,Solon, Thales,
Socrates,andPlato."30But in the orationJouberthimself gave on this occasion,
entitled"Onthe qualificationsof a futureexcellentphysician,"Schilling'stravels
become the pretextfor an encomium to a contemporaryinternationalprofes29 Le Vieil,
200
Nancy G. Siraisi
201
202
Nancy G. Siraisi
of the most eminenthumanistsof the sixteenthcenturytook the task of presenting uplifting aspects of the discipline with great seriousness.The medical orations of both Erasmusand Melanchthon,far from being routineproductions,
reflect an authenticinterestin medicine both as a humanisticdiscipline and a
humanscience. Erasmusoriginallywrote his Encomiummedicinae at an early
stage of his career,when he still showed sympathyfor many aspects of traditionalreligious anduniversitypracticefromwhich he latermoved away.4 Nevertheless, as the moderneditor of the orationpoints out, Erasmusintroduced
themes in it that he would later develop in other betterknown works. Moreover, he valued it sufficiently to publish it underhis own name in 1518, nineteen years after its original composition, and to revise it carefully for a later
edition.41Melanchthon'smore thantwenty orations,or declamations,on medical topics may be the largestbody of materialof this type survivingfrom any
one Renaissanceauthor.42
Like the rest of his very numerousorations,they are
the productof his belief that practicein declamatio should play a regularand
centralrole in the Wittenbergcurriculum(preferablyreplacingdisputation)and
of his habit of writing orations for delivery by Wittenbergcolleagues or students.43In content they range from the broadly humanistic and historical
40 See Eugene F. Rice, "Erasmusand the Religious Tradition,1495-1499," in Renaissance
Essaysfrom the Journal of the History of Ideas, ed. Paul OskarKristellerand Philip P. Wiener
(New York, 1968), 162-86.
41 Erasmus,Encomium,introduction,149-60.
42 PhilippMelanchthon,(23) Laus artis medicinae,(24) Encomiummedicinae,(25) Contra
empiricosmedicos;(63) De vita Galeni, (64) De Hippocrate;(69) De physica; (101) De dignitate
artis medicae; (104) De vita Avicennae;(118) De sympathiaet antipathia, (119) De doctrina
physica, (120) De doctrina anatomiae, (121) De partibus et motibuscordis, CorpusReformatorum,11 (Halle, 1843): 191-210;495-509; 555-40; 806-11; 826-32; 924-54. (135) De anatomia;
(146) De arte medica; (158) De pulmone et de discrimine arteriae; (165) De aphorismo VIto
partis II; (170) De considerationecorporis humaniseu de anatomicadoctrina;(176) Explicatio
AphorismiXLII,CorpusReformatorum,12 (Halle, 1844), 28-33; 113-19; 207-13; 271-77; 31724; 360-65. See Thomas and Ulrich Riitten,"Melanchthon'sRede 'De Hippocrate,'" Medizin
historisches Journal, 33 (1998), 19-55; Wolfgang U. Eckhart,"PhilippMelanchthonund die
Medizin,"in Melanchthonunddie Naturwissenchaftenseiner Zeit,ed. GiintherFrankandStefan
Rhein(Sigmaringen,1998), 183-202;Hans-TheodorKoch,"Melanchthonunddie Vesal-Rezeption
in Wittenberg,"ibid., 203-18; Heinz Scheible, "MelanchthonsbiographischeReden:Literarische
Form und akademischerUnterricht,"in his Melanchthonund die Reformation(Mainz, 1996),
115-38. See also Vivian Nutton, "WittenbergAnatomy,"and Sachiko Kusukawa,"Aspectio
divinorumoperum:MelanchthonandAstrology for LutheranMedics,"both in Medicineand the
Reformation,ed. Ole Peter Grell and Andrew Cunningham(London, 1993), 11-32 and 33-56,
and Kusukawa, The Transformationof Natural Philosophy: The Case of Philip Melanchthon
(Cambridge,1995);also PhilippMelanchthon,Orationson Philosophyand Education,ed. Sachiko
Kusukawa(Cambridge,1999). I am also gratefulto Dr. Heinz Scheible for advice in a personal
communication.
43 See Joachim Camerarius,De vita Philippi Melanchthonisnarratio (Halle, 1777), 63:
"Quaevero in doctrinapublica dicebantur,qua recitandaforte erantsolennibusin conventibus,
quae proponendaealiquarumsignificationes,ab hoc uno scribebantur.Atque visae sunt chartae
cum humidis adhuc literis reliquae afferri iis, qui iam pronunciarecomposita ab eo priora
203
(accountsof Hippocrates,Galen, andAvicenna,praise of medicine, denunciation of empirics) to the relatively specialized (exposition of particularHippocraticaphorisms).A numberof them were writtenfor delivery by professorsin
the medical faculty and a few subsequentlypublishedin separateeditions under those professors'names as well as in Melanchthon'sworks." Yet there is
no reasonto doubtthatthese orationsreflect Melanchthon'sown scientific interests, which extended to mathematics,astrology, naturalphilosophy--and
medicine. Recent scholarshiphas drawnattentionto the abundantdocumentation in his correspondenceand his De anima for his scientific contacts with
leading physicians, for his close personalrelationswith medical colleagues at
Wittenberg,for his enthusiasmfor anatomyand for Vesalius, and for his considerableknowledge of ancient medical literature.45But Melanchthon'smedical orations surely also, and more profoundly,embody his conviction of the
importanceof presentingthe intellectually,morally, socially, and religiously
uplifting aspects of medicine to medical colleagues, to students of arts who
might contemplatea medical career,and to young medical graduatesembarking on one.
Moreover,the rhetoricalefforts of Erasmusand Melanchthonon behalf of
medicine were incorporatedinto medicine's own literature.In an edition of
1528 Melanchthon'sEncomiummedicinae was printedtogetherwith Celsus's
Medicina, which was one of the ancient medical works most highly prized by
humanistphysicians.46Erasmus'sEncomiumkept less elevated medical company. Clumsily versified by Eobanusof Hesse, it was many times reprintedin
a collection of simple little Latin poems and treatises on the conservationof
health.47And in 1644 JanBeverwyck, Leiden professorof medicine and correspondentof HarveyandDescarteson the subjectof the circulationof the blood,
chose to publishhis own encomiumof medicine in the companyof encomia by
coepissent";also K. Meerhoff, "The Significance of Philip Melanchthon'sRhetoricin the Renaissance,"in P. Mack (ed.), Renaissance Rhetoric (New York, 1994), 46-62; and Marc Gerard
Marievan der Poel, De Declamatio bij de humanisten:Bijdragetot de studie van defuncties van
de rhetorica in de Renaissance (Nijmegen, 1987), 343-51.
44For example, Jacob Milich, Oratio de considerandasympathiaet antipathiawith idem,
Oratio ... de Avicennavita (Wittenberg,1550).
45 See note 43 above and Camerarius,Vita, 15, 76-77, 158-59, 210-11, 242-43.
4 Encomiummedicinaedocto quaedamauthore[Melanchthon],282-88 in Aulus Cornelius
Celsus, De re medica, libri octo eruditissimi. Q. Sereni Samonici Precepta medica, versibus
hexametris.Q. RhemniiFannii Palaemonis,De ponderibus& mensuris,liberraruset utilissimus.
Hos libros D. Joan. Caesarius ... castigavit, adjecto perdocto commentario....Haganau, 1528.
47 Eobanus of Hesse, Medicinae encomion ex Desiderio Erasmo Roterodamo ... versu
redditum.InDe tuendabona valetudine,libellusEobaniHessi, commentariisdoctissimisa loanne
Placotomo,professormedicoquondamin AcademiaRegiomontanaillustratus(Frankfurt,1564),
f. 138'-145v.
204
Nancy G. Siraisi
three eminent sixteenth-centuryauthors,only the last of whom was a physician: Erasmus,Melanchthon,and GirolamoCardano.48
For all the specializedlearningandprofessionalself-consciousnessof academically trainedGalenic physicians and the real and highly specific achievements of sixteenth- and early seventeenth-centuryanatomy,physiology, and
botany, a substantialpart of Renaissance medicine involved knowledge and
attitudessharedwith and highly dependenton the broadersociety. This is true
in the case of ideas, terminology,and practicesconcerningthe humanbody as
an object of knowledge and therapeuticintervention-whether these concern
broadculturalassumptionssuch as ideas about genderor practicalknowledge
of remedies sharednot only across a wide spectrumof healers at all levels of
social statusand educationbut also in and outside the medical profession.It is
equallytrueof the entireshiftfromscholasticismto humanism,in which learned
physicians followed the lead of the largerintellectualcommunity. The extent
to which medicine was partof a broaderhumanisticand still largely rhetorical
cultureis furtherreflected in the frequencyand facility with which physicians
embarkedon such projectsas writing general histories and the apparentcomplacency with which their doing so was regarded.GirolamoCardanoreported
that his medical colleagues reproved him for spending more time on mathematics (no doubt including astrology) than medicine, but nothing but praise
seems to have accruedto Dr.HartmanSchedel for spendinghis time writing,or
compiling, the NurembergChronicleor to Dr. TommasoMinadoifor composing his History of the WarBetween the Turksand the Persians, to name only
two of many possible examples.49
Consequentlythe place of oratoryand epideictic rhetoricin Renaissance
academicmedicinecannotbe simply dismissed as peripheralto its "real"enterprise, whetherthatenterpriseis conceived as primarilyprofessional,scientific,
philosophical, or healing. This is not only because some surviving orations
express a scientific conviction or intellectualcommitmentor recounta biography thatmakes them well worthstudying.Many othersare essentially conventional or insignificant in content. But the characterof medical orations and
encomia is one more sign amongmany thatthe self-image of the learnedmedical professionthen incorporatedattributescharacteristicof a Renaissancehumanistdiscipline as well as those of a technicalor scientific profession.
HunterCollege.
48Jan Beverwyck, Epistolicae quaestionescum doctorumresponsionibus.Accedit ejusdem
nec non Erasmi, Cardani Melanchthonis,Medicinae encomium(Rotterdam,1644), including
the letter from Descartes; and see Roger French, WilliamHarvey'sNatural Philosophy (Cambridge, 1994), 169, 193-94.
49See AdrianWilson,TheMakingof theNurembergChronicle(Amsterdam,1976);Giovanni
TommasoMinadoi,Historia della gverrafra Tvrchi,et ... Persiani (Venice, 1587).
205
Appendix
1. Orationsconsultedfor this paper
Argenterio,Giovanni.Oratioloannis ArgenteriiNeapoli habitain initiosuarum
lectionum anno 1555, unnumberedfolio at the beginning of his Opera,
pars prior.Venice, 1606.
Beverwyck,Jan.Epistolicaequaestionescumdoctorumresponsionibus.Accedit
ejusdemnec non Erasmi, CardaniMelanchthonis,Medicinae encomium.
Rotterdam,1644.
Bartolotti,Gian Giacomo. On the Antiquityof Medicine. In GiovanniTortelli,
On Medicine and Physicians. Gian Giacomo Bartolotti,On the Antiquity
of Medicine. Two Histories of Medicine of the XVth Century,ed. and tr.
DorothyM. Schullianand Luigi Belloni. Milan, 1954.
Cardano,Girolamo.Medicinae encomium.In his Quaedamopuscula. Basel,
1559. Also in his Opera, ed. C. Spon, vol. VI. Lyon, 1664.
Carnarius,Johannes[Vleeschouwer,Jande]. De podagra laudibusoratio habita
in celeberrimogymnasioPatavino ... in initio lectionum.Padua, 1552.
Cornarius,Janus.Hippocrates, sive doctor verus, Oratio habita Marpurgi ...
itemDe rectismedicinaestudiisamplectendis,Oratio... habitaGronibergae
Hessorum. In Hippocratis Coi libelli aliquot, tr. Janus Cornarius.Basel,
1543.
Dryander,Johann.InpraelectionemmedicamoratioquaAnatomiaenecessarium
studium commendatur, Marpurgi ... habita ... anno MDXXVI. With his
Anatomiae.Marpurg,1537.
Du Chastel, Honor6. Oratio Lutetiae habita, quaefuturo medico necessaria
explicantur.Paris, 1555.
Eobanusof Hesse. Medicinae encomion ex Desiderio Erasmo Roterodamo...
versu redditum.In De tuenda bona valetudine, libellus Eobani Hessi,
commentariisdoctissimisa loanne Placotomo,professor medicoquondam
in AcademiaRegiomontanaillustratus.Frankfurt,1564. Fols. 138r-145v.
Erasmus,Desiderius. Encomiummedicinae, ed. in his Opera omnia, ordo 1,
vol. IV, 147-86. Amsterdam,1973.
Erastus,Thomas.De medicinaelaudibusoratio. In his Variaopusculamedica.
Frankfurt,1590. 1-14.
Fabritius, Gerard. Encomiasta medicinae et adversus eiusdem calumniatores
recriminatoris oratio habita in Dolana florentissima Burgundiorum.
Academia. Venice, 1548.
Gentile da Foligno. Sermo 1. ed. in Jole Agrimi and Chiara Crisciani. Edocere
medicos. Naples, 1988, 258-61.
ad conventum magistri Martini di Senis. ed. in Carl C. Schlam.
. Sermo
"Graduation Speeches of Gentile da Foligno." Medieval Studies, 40 (1978),
96-119, at 113-19.
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206
207
208
Nancy G. Siraisi
209
Nancy G. Siraisi
210
France
Fabritius,Gerard.Encomiasta medicinae et adversus eiusdem calumniatores
recriminatoris oratio habita in Dolana florentissima Burgundiorum
Academia. D1le.
Du Chastel, Honor6. Oratio Lutetiae habita, quaefuturo medico necessaria
explicantur.Paris.
Vieil, Jeanle. Orationesin medicinaecommendationemet in gratiamoctodecim
medicae laureae candidatoruminstitutae.Paris.
Joubert,Laurent.Declamatio in loannis SapportaeAntoniiF. inauguratione,
seu promotionead doctoralemdignitatem.Montpellier.
. Declamatio, quae illud paradoxe interpraetatur,Nutritionemvincere
naturam,ex Platone. Montpellier.
. Oratiode praesidiisfuturi excellentis medici. In his Operumlatinorum
tomussecundus.Montpellier.
Naud6, Gabriel. De antiquitate et dignitate scholae medicae Parisiensis
panegyris.Cumorationibusencomiasticisad IX iatroganistaslaureamedica
donandos. Paris.
Occasion
Graduation
Gentile da Foligno. Sermo 1.
. Sermoad conventummagistriMartinidi Senis.
Melanchthon,Philipp.Occasion not determinedfor all; some explicitly designatedfor graduations.(23) Lausartis medicinae,(24) Encomiummedicinae,
(25) Contraempiricosmedicos; (63) De vita Galeni, (64) De Hippocrate;
(69) De physica; (101) De dignitateartis medicae;(104) De vitaAvicennae;
(118) De sympathia et antipathia, (119) De doctrina physica, (120) De
doctrina anatomiae, (121) De partibus et motibus cordis, Corpus
(135) De anatomia;(146) De artemedica;(158) Depulmone
Reformatorum,
et de discrimine arteriae; (165) De aphorismo VItopartis II; (170) De
considerationecorporishumaniseu de anatomicadoctrina;(176) Explicatio
XLII.
Aphorismi
Du Chastel, Honor6. Oratio Lutetiae habita, que futuro medico necessaria
explicantur.
Vieil, Jeanle. Orationesin medicinaecommendationemet in gratiamoctodecim
medicae laureae candidatoruminstitutae.
Joubert,Laurent.Declamatio, quae illudparadoxe interpraetatur,Nutritionem
vincere naturam, ex Platone. "... est quam D. Joubertus ante aliquod annos
211
Werner,Abraham.Oratio de vita Galeni ... cum doctores in medicinae renunciarenturviri doctissimiD. GeorgiusAgricolaAmbergensis,et D. Fabianus
Summer.
Naud6, Gabriel. De antiquitate et dignitate scholae medicae Parisiensis
panegyris.Cumorationibusencomiasticisad IXiatroganistaslaureamedica
donandos.
Funeraryoration
Hizler, Georg. Oratio de vita et morte clarissimi viri, medici et philosophi
praestantissimi, D. Leonharti Fuchsii. English translationin The great
herbalofLeonhartFuchs: De historiastirpiumcommentariiinsignes, 1542
(notable commentarieson the history of plants), ed. FrederickG. Meyer,
Emily EmmartTrueblood,and John L. Heller (Stanford,Calif., 1999), I,
260-80.
Vorst,Edward.Oratiofunebris in obitumV.N. et clarissimi Caroli Clusii.
Undeterminedacademicoccasion
Erasmus,Desiderius.Encomiummedicinae.
Cornarius,Janus.Hippocrates,sive doctorverus,OratiohabitaMarpurgi...item
De rectis medicinae studiis amplectendis, Oratio ... habita Gronibergae
Hessorum.
Fabritius,Gerard.Encomiasta medicinae et adversus eiusdem calumniatores
recriminatorisoratio habita in DolanaflorentissimaBurgundiorumAccademia.
Cardano,Girolamo.Medicinae encomium.
Erastus,Thomas.De medicinae laudibusoratio.
Mercuriale,Girolamo.Oratioprima.
Undetermined
Junius,Hadrianus.Oratio de artiumliberaliumdignitate.
Beverwyck,Jan.Epistolicaequaestionescumdoctorumresponsi.Acceditejusdem nec non Erasmi, CardaniMelanchthonis,Medicinae encomium.