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Similar Faces of Same-Sex Sexual

Behavior: A Comparative Ethnographical
Study in Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand
Fernando Luiz Cardoso

Santa Catarina State University, Florianpolis, Santa Carina, Brazil

Version of record first published: 05 May 2009.

To cite this article: Fernando Luiz Cardoso (2009): Similar Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior: A
Comparative Ethnographical Study in Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand, Journal of Homosexuality, 56:4,
457-484
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Journal of Homosexuality, 56:457484, 2009

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ISSN: 0091-8369 print/1540-3602 online
DOI: 10.1080/00918360902816866

Similar Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior:

A Comparative Ethnographical Study
in Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand

1540-3602
0091-8369
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Journal
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Similar
F.
L. Cardoso
Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior

FERNANDO LUIZ CARDOSO

Santa Catarina State University, Florianpolis, Santa Carina, Brazil

This is a cross-cultural ethnographical description of same-sex

sexual behavior of male sexuality among slums dwellers (working
class) and university students (middle class) in three cities:
Florianpolis (Brazil), Istanbul (Turkey), and Bangkok (Thailand).
The main goal of this study is to describe the similar aspects and
issues of homosexual ghettos in urban environments of developing
countries where two basic same-sex systems stand side by side: the
bugger system and the gay system. This survey compares the
same-sex sexual behavior and self-declared sexual-identity of those
who practice same-sex, opposite-sex, and both-sex behaviors. The
quantitative data from this study simply confirms other studies
showing commonalities in terms of gender orientation among people who consider themselves homosexuals and those who consider
themselves heterosexuals using the Kinsey Scale.
KEYWORDS sexuality, homosexuality, gay identity, same-sex
behavior, working class, professional class, Turkey, Brazil, Thailand

INTRODUCTION
Through the use of descriptive and comparative data this article describes
the social organization of same-sex sexual behavior in an urban setting in
three different cultures: Florianpolis (Brazil), Istanbul (Turkey), and
Bangkok (Thailand). Literature from the field usually defines sexual orientation, particularly homosexual orientation, in relation to the sex of ones partner

Address correspondence to Fernando Luiz Cardoso, Rua Benevenuta James, 69,

Florianpolis/Sta. Catarina/Brazil. E-mail: d2flc@udesc.br
457

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F. L. Cardoso

(e.g., Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard,
1953; Michael, Gagnon, Laumann, & Kolata, 1994; Money, 1986) to such an
extent that alternative views are practically ignored. Sophisticated analyses
on the phenomenon of homosexual orientation traditionally uses many different criteria such as life style, behavior, attitudes, fantasy, self-definition,
identity, etc. (Bell, Weinberg, & Hammersmith, 1981; R. Green, 1987; Stoller,
1993; Le Vay, 1996). Only few and less well-known references (e.g.,
Cardoso, 2002, 2005; Fry, 1982; Lancaster, 1988; Murray, 1997, 2000; Necef,
1992; Parker, 1986, 1991; Taylor, 1986) discuss heterosexuality/homosexuality orientation based on criteria such as sexual position (top or bottom) and
role (active inserter or passive insertee) and their relation to the masculine
identity. Werner (1999) suggests this criterion defines homosexuals in most
nonindustrialized societies, where the top partner can be an ordinary
straight guy. Werner calls this the bicha-bofe system (queer-bugger
system). Homosexuals in this cultural environment usually have sex with
non-homosexual men and generally have a sexual status similar to local
women.
The perception of homosexual and heterosexual categories is related to
culture and social position, and we have some evidence that the Mediterranean perception, determined by position during sex, is also very common
in nonindustrialized societies as well as developing countries (Cardoso,
2002, 2005; Coleman, Colgan, & Gooren, 1992; Necef, 1992; Nanda, 1986;
Whitam, 1986; Whitam & Mathy, 1986; Wikan, 1977). Industrialized societies
such as in the United States and northern Europe and the social middle
classes around the developing world have a completely different system:
the gay system, according to Werner (1998) where homosexuals only
have sex with other homosexuals.
Cross-cultural investigation makes it possible to better understand these
variations and further understand the obstacles of such an investigation due
to language and nuance, as well as varying social organization. In light of
these obstacles, cross-cultural research is one of the biggest challenges for
the social and human sciences because it jeopardizes our sense of perception. Cross-cultural analyses of fieldwork data can easily take us in two different directions: First, biased interpretations of similarities and variations
could show up by chance, and second, blindness to the presence of phenomenon could be hidden in different and unknown cultural contexts. In
spite of these difficulties, it was decided to undertake a same-sex sexual
comparison between Catholic, Islamic, and Buddhist cultures.
Human sexual behavior is purportedly very different from one individual to another (Bell & Weinberg, 1978; Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948;
Money, 1998; Stoller, 1993) and very different from one culture to another
(Endogan, 2001; Ford & Beach, 1951; Fry, 1982; Geertz, 1978; Knauft, 1986;
Parker, 1991; Reiss, 1986). However cultural globalization seems to blend
behavior across cultures, including religion and sex. Muscarella (2006)

Similar Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior

459

summarizes human sexual orientation in the literature as a trichotomy: heterosexual (attraction to other sex), homosexual (attraction to same sex), and
bisexual (attraction to both sexes). Randall (1997) points out that this trichotomy generally includes one or both of two components; that is, one
that isa psychological and one that is behavioral. Can sex research use
this traditional taxonomy to better understand same-sex sexual behavior
and identity cross-culturally?

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RESEARCH PROCEDURES
This nonrandom research was designed to provide sufficient numbers of
homosexual, bisexual, and heterosexual males to permit comparisons while
controlling for age, culture, and class. This data makes up a small part of a
Ph.D. dissertation which compares male sexual behavior, orientation, and
identities in three different cultures: Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand. The main
goal of this dissertation was to identify similarities and differences in male
sexuality cross-culturally and across social classes. Written questionnaires
and personal interviews both provided the necessary information. Field
research was carried out in 2002 and 2003.

Questionnaires and Interview Schedules

Identical questionnaires and interview schedules were translated from
English to Portuguese, Thai and Turkish, and than translated back to verify
accuracy. The questionnaire/interview schedule covered sexual practices
(behaviors), orientations (preferences), and identities (self-identification/
labeling), as well as other variables of theoretical interest. In all, there were
77 items, including objective as well as more open-ended questions. For the
clarification of meaning, some questions were accompanied with photographs.
A more complete description can be found in Cardoso (2004, 2008a, 2008b).

Fieldwork
The research required samples of young males (between 20 and 30 years
old) including heterosexuals, bisexuals, and homosexuals from the
middle and working classes of each culture. The middle-class samples consisted of university students. The decision was made to distribute questionnaires in classrooms and to collect them directly in a cardboard box placed
in an easily accessible place on campus. This procedure guaranteed the
anonymity of the responses. Because of problems with literacy, it was not
possible to use questionnaire data for the lower-class samples. Instead,
research assistants were recruited (social science university students) to go
to poorer neighborhoods and search out passersby to be interviewed

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F. L. Cardoso

directly. In the beginning stages assistants were accompanied to assure

adequate sampling and proper interview techniques.
The research began in Florianpolis, seeking out presumable heterosexual participants in classrooms and on the streets of the poorer neighborhoods.
Of course, some bisexuals and homosexuals appeared at this time. While
in the field, the men were roughly classified into three sexual categories
based on information reported in the questionnaires or interview schedules.
The field classifications were as follows: 1) homosexuals, men who
reported having sexual practices or fantasies basically with other males;
2) bisexuals, men who reported having sexual practices basically with
women but, in addition, reported having had at least one sexual experience
with another male or reported sexual fantasies about males in other parts of
the questionnaire/interview schedule; and 3) persistent heterosexuals, men
who reported never having had sex with other males or having had few or no
indications of sexual fantasies about males in other parts of the questionnaire.
This rough classification system mixed sexual practices (what men have actually done) with sexual orientations (what men found sexually appealing).
Although the differences between practices and orientations could later be
distinguished, it was important to classify men while in the field in order to
assure that there would be enough men in each category for the purpose of
statistical comparisons. A classification based solely on practices would fail to
account for those who had little or no sexual experience or for the forced
heterosexual behavior of homosexuals, and a classification based solely on
orientations would fail to account for the bisexual behaviors of men who,
culturally speaking, typically had a heterosexual orientation.
The Brazilian fieldwork made it clear that I would not be able to
include a sufficient number of bisexuals and homosexuals by haphazardly questioning presumed typical males. After receiving 184 questionnaires from students, the research turned up only 13 men with some
homosexual experience. By the same token, 56 interviews with presumed
typical males in a shantytown turned up only five with some homosexual
experience. Other techniques would be needed to assure a sufficient number of bisexuals and homosexuals. Thus, it was decided to actively seek
out bisexuals and homosexuals. For the student populations, this meant
using a snowball technique in which a few homosexuals indicated other
students or friends with some university education who might take part in
the research, giving them questionnaires to fill out. After completing his
questionnaire, each research subject placed it in a sealed envelope, which
was then either directly mailed or sealed in an envelope and given to
research assistants or fellow research subjects to deliver. This procedure
guaranteed anonymity of responses. Homosexual students were also able to
indicate bisexuals who could take part in the research.
In the shantytowns, data was gathered from homosexuals and bisexuals
by first going to meeting places of homosexualscruising areas, pornographic

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461

movie theaters, and popular bars where gays, transvestites, and prostitutes
gathered. Homosexuals were also searched for in places where they typically worked, like terreiros (Afro-Brazilian religious centers), beauty parlors,
seamstress shops, and street vendor stalls. Again, a snowball technique was
used in which homosexuals found in these places indicated other homosexuals and non-homosexually identified men who had had sex with them and
might consent to be interviewed by the research assistants. Interviews took
place in work places, on the street, in bars, or in homes.
This procedure could not be said to have resulted in representative
samples of the different groups, but neither could it be claimed that it
resulted in samples that would bias the research in the direction of the
hypotheses to be examined. The aim of the sampling procedure was to
guarantee enough variation to be able to evaluate different hypotheses. Its
major goal was to provide comparison groups controlled by class, culture,
and age.
In Brazil, data gathering was stopped on homosexuals and bisexuals
after acquiring completed questionnaires from 30 homosexual students,
30 bisexual students, 30 homosexual slum dwellers, and 30 bisexual slum
dwellers. Following the rough classifications made in the field, the final
sample from Brazil consisted of completed (acceptable) questionnaires from
160 heterosexual, 30 bisexual, and 30 homosexual students, as well as completed (acceptable) interview schedules from 50 heterosexual, 30 bisexual,
and 30 homosexual shantytown dwellers. The aim, when gathering data in
Turkey and Thailand, was to repeat these sample sizes.
Data collection in Thailand followed the same procedure as in Brazil.
Here, we found out of 67 interviews, 17 of the supposed heterosexuals in Thai
shantytowns turned out to have some homosexual experience, and 151 questionnaires from university students yielded 9 with some same-sex experience.
In Turkey, it was not possible to distribute questionnaires in university classrooms. Instead, research assistants sought out presumed heterosexual students
on campus, giving them questionnaires to complete and mail in. Of the
62 questionnaires received in this manner, 6 reported having had some homosexual experience, which resulted in a smaller sample of heterosexual students
in Turkey than in the other two countries. Of the 68 interviews with supposed
heterosexuals in Turkish shantytowns, 9 reported some homosexual experience. To complete the samples of bisexual and homosexual students and
shantytown dwellers in Thailand and Turkey, the same procedure was as in
Brazil. Almost all of those approached accepted taking part in the research
process. The fieldwork lasted approximately three months in each city.

Data Analysis
Although many questions can be raised about cultural or class differences
uncovered in this research, the present analysis concentrates on the differences

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F. L. Cardoso

TABLE 1 Social Characteristics of Sample

Brazil

Turkey

Thailand

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Working class
Homo Bisex
Parameters N = 30 N = 30

Hete
N = 50

Homo Bisex
Hete Homo Bisex
N = 30 N = 44 N = 50 N = 30 N = 30

Hete
N = 50

Age1
College
degree2
Singles3

24.7
sd 3.5
0

24.0
sd 3.6
0

22.1
sd 2,4
0

24.6
sd 3.7
0

25.4
sd 3.4
0

24.5
sd 3.4
0

24.9
sd 3.9
0

24.9
sd 4.1
0

26.6
sd 3.6
0

0%
25
83%

0%
15
50%

0%
27
54%

0%
25
83%

0%
26
%

0%
41
82%

0%
25
83%

0%
21
70%

0%
33
66%

Professional class
Homo Bisex
Hete
Homo Bisex
Hete Homo Bisex
Hete
N = 30 N = 30 N = 160 N = 30 N = 16 N = 50 N = 30 N = 30 N = 160
Age
College
degree
Singles

24.8
sd 3.3
30

23.0
sd 3.3
30

22.1
sd 2.3
160

25.4
sd 2.6
30

24.3
sd 3.7
16

22.8
sd 2.0
50

23.8
sd 3.6
30

22.9
sd 3.7
30

21.8
sd 2.1
160

100%
28
93%

100%
23
76%

100%
153
95%

100%
24
80%

100%
28
%

100%
44
88%

100%
26
86%

100%
27
90%

100%
151
94%

Note: 1. Question: Age: _____ years old. Mean of age stated by the subjects.
2. Question: Education: Percentage of participants with some college experience.
3. Question: Are you? Percentage of participants that are 1. single; 2. living with someone; 3. Married.

found among the men of the different sexual categories described above.
General demographic characteristics of the samples are found in Table 1.

Ethnographic Method
The field study involved observation and interviews and lasted approximately four months in each country. Observations involved a detailed
record of what happened during the field study and included: a description
of subjects, dialogue reconstruction, description of places, description of
special events, public opinion research on the male sex life, description of
the field observers activities and behavior, and observations of the citys
day-to-day activities, such as work, leisure, dates, religion, and family life.
Also visited were museums, civilian organizations, universities, and gay

463

Similar Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior

organizations. Christian, Muslim, and Buddhist societies were deliberately

chosen in order to maximize diversity.

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SAME-SEX BEHAVIOR IN BRAZIL

In Latin America, analysis of these sexual categories quickly shows that sex
between males in this part of the world does not necessarily result in both
partners being perceived as homosexual. A conceptual system in which
only the males who are penetrated are considered homosexual is clearly
very different from the modern heterosexual/homosexual dichotomy currently in place in countries such as the United States, where the popular
view generally maintains that a male who has sex with another male is gay,
independent of his behavior (penetrator) and his identity (male; Cardoso,
2002, 2005; Cardoso & Werner, 2004; Kulick, 1997; Schifter, 2000; Werner,
1998).
Lago (1999) produced a descriptive picture of how Brazilians construct
sexual identities. In a nonrandom research, she included 1,000 working class
male volunteers (mean age = 28 years old) who had already had sex with other
males, even while still having sex with women. This sample was interviewed
about their sexual practices and sexual identities. Table 2 shows how the sample volunteers who classified themselves in accordance with their assumed sexual practice did not have any correlation with the criterion sex of partner
usually used in middle classes around the world nor did it have any correlation
to position in the sexual act, as is usually done in the working class.
In Brazil, homosexuals who take on female mannerisms and the lower
status of ordinary women generally enjoy great notoriety and are tolerated in
social relations, including in the media. For example, the national media use
and abuse the homosexual characters in soap operas and comedy shows on
television. The script is usually the samethe traditional stereotyped hysterical feminine male homosexual as a blurred copy of the traditional picky
woman. Open homosexuals can maintain a higher status by becoming
housekeepers, beauticians, hairdressers, seamstresses, social columnists, etc.
TABLE 2 Frequency of Volunteers in the Sample by Their Self-Sexual
Definition and Their Sexual Behavior* (Lago, 1999, p. 164)
Group
Bisexualsex with women and men
Bisexualsex only with men
Non-bisexualsex with women and men
Non-bisexualsex only with men
Total

58
44
93
517
712

8
6
13
73
100

*This table considered only the volunteers in the sample who were sexually
active in the six months before the interview.

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F. L. Cardoso

Homosexuals with masculine gender usually are less openly discriminated against, socially, but face more social resistance in their acceptance. Masculine homosexuals usually prefer other masculine
homosexuals to arrive at a relation between equals. Not having any
defined social and sexual roles raises questions about effective gender
asymmetry. This type of homosexual is rare in the media because it
brings some kind of social discomfort. The cultural sense allows any kind
of joke about homosexuality, but becomes an issue when it is talked
about seriously. Just very recently, special programming by cable television, of which only the middle and upper classes have access, has started
to face the homosexual relationship beyond the traditional dual stereotypes: the faggot and the macho man.
In Brazil, the viado or bicha (homosexual who usually takes on the
female gender and favors passive sex with other men) is generally perceived as a caricature, as something comic and harmless, whereas the
entendido (savvy, masculine male homosexual) generally belongs to the
middle or upper class and is perceived as a dubious and camouflaged person, but inspires more respect and social caution, for he demonstrates that
homosexuality can be a seriously sexual and emotional option, rather than a
simple caricature or joke (Dynes, 1995; Whitam, 1995).
According to J. N. Green (1999) around the 1920s or even earlier, the
term viado joined older expressions in popular parlance. The term comes
from the word veado (male deer) or desviado (deviant), but it acquired
another pronunciation in street parlance, perhaps to distinguish the pejorative term from any reference to the animal. Widespread use of bicha
(worm) as a derogatory label seems to have occurred only in the early
1960s, when it began to compete with viado as a common way of inflicting verbal injury by outsiders.
Fry (1982) portrays the construction of homosexuality in Brazil making
clear that his aim is to address the local representation of sexuality, rather
than the behavior itself. For this purpose, he distinguished the following
four criteria to address the meanings of homosexuality for his subjects:
physiological sex (male and female), gender role (masculine and feminine),
sexual behavior (passivepenetrated or activepenetrator), and sexual orientation (preference for the same or opposite sex).
In this context, the author suggests three systems to better understand
Brazilian sexuality. System A comprises two identities: man (male, masculine and active) and gay (male, passive and generally feminine); system B
comprises three identities: man (male, active, masculine and prefers
women), the savvy [entendido] (male, passive, masculine or feminine who
prefers men), and the woman (female, passive, feminine who prefer men);
system C also comprises three identities: active homosexual (bofe, prostitutes), passive homosexual (gay) and gillette (bisexual; active and passive,
can also have sex with women; Fry,1982). As Fry illustrated above, gender

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465

in Latin societies is grounded not so much in sex (malefemale) as in modern

Europe and North American, but it is grounded in sexual behavior and its
gender and status representation (Cardoso, 2002, 2005; Kulick, 1997;
Whitam, 1986; Werner, 1998).
This kind of asymmetric relation between homosexual and supposed
straights in Brazil usually is not understandable for most North American
and North European gays who take this as a paradisiacal situation. In fact,
this asymmetric relation (faggot versus macho men) is basically confined to
sex where there is little room for any kind of symmetrical affection. Homosexuals who try to push the situation often end in tragic ways. Bofes (ordinary poor boys who have sex with homosexuals for their own pleasure or
for small favors) and miches (ordinary poor boys who have professional
sex with homosexuals for money) usually prefer women.
Florianpolis, as the tourist capital of MERCOSUL (Southern South
American Common Market), recently has been discovering its potential for
gay tourism too. Considering that it is a medium-sized city, there are plenty
of options in terms of gay nightlife: three bars and three big discos exclusively for gays. There are also more options in the nearby cities like
Balneario Camboriu (80 km), Blumenau (120), Curitiba (300 km), and Porto
Alegre (460 km).
In June 2002, the annual Gay Pride Day in So Paulo involved an
astounding number of more than 450,000 people on Paulista Avenuethe
economic heart of Brazil. Pictures 1 through 4 share details about the gay
environment in Florianpolis. The second biggest gay parade in the world
included important political participation from federal senators, deputies,

PICTURE 1 Concord
disco, one of the three
middle class gay discos
in the city.

PICTURE
2 The
Pub the most popular homosexual, transsexual and bugger bar
in the city for the
working class, where
the North American/
European gay system
is in conflictive.

PICTURE 3 Carnival
at the Bar do Deca on
Mole Beach, where
one of the biggest
Brazilian gay carnivals
takes place.

PICTURE
4 Mole
Beach the main gay
beach on the Island.
The next beach is
Galheta Beach a city
park where nudism is
allowed.

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F. L. Cardoso

and the famous Brazilian sexologist Marta Suplicy, who is the current city
mayor of So Paulo, the largest city in the southern hemisphere. She is also
the author of the federal law project that intends to recognize same-sex
union in the country.
It took until July 2006 for Florianpolis to organize its first Gay Pride
Day Sexual Diversity Parade, which included the realization of the first
Floripa Diversity Games one day before. The official organization stated
on the opening day of the Parade that Florianpolis was the last Brazilian
capital to organize its Gay Parade. The general consensus was that
Florianopolis didnt need anything alluding to a gay-friendly atmosphere on
the island. A turnover of more than 30,000 people followed the parade. For
more details about the gay parade in Florianpolis see pictures 5 through 8.
Gay relationships in Latin societies are very common as is well
described in Costa Rica by Schifter (2000, who explores the lives of people
who look for sex in public places, such as parks, bath houses, saunas, and
movie theaters. As in any big metropolis, Florianpolis also has an intense
gay cruising scene where homosexuals can meet other gays, oversexed
straight males, and street prostitutes in the heart of the commercial city center and driving around suburban areas. The most famous areas are under
the bridges of South Bay Park, during the evening at the main square XV of
November, and at the gay beaches Mole and Galheta during the day. See
pictures 9 through 12 for more detail about cruising areas in Florianpolis.

SAME-SEX BEHAVIOR IN TURKEY

Turkish society contributes greatly toward a better understanding of homoeroticism in preindustrialized Western Europe. Within the Turkish culture,

PICTURE 5 Gay Pride PICTURE 6 The Gay

Day Parade in Flori- Pride Parade in Brazil
anpolis.
has a different connotation from the USA.

PICTURE 7 The demonstration resembles

more like that of a
traditional street fair
with less political visibility and impact.

PICTURE 8 All kind

of people can take part,
but there is no formal
institution represented,
except gay bars, discos
and saunas.

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Similar Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior

PICTURE 9 The main

downtown
cruising
area in Florianpolis
is under the two
bridges which connects the Island to the
mainland.

PICTURE 10 In the
main square XV of
November gay people can approach bofes
or miches for casual
sex.

PICTURE 11 On the
Island Beaches the
main gay cruising
area is between Mole
Beach and Galheta
Beach.

467

PICTURE 12 Ocean
Sauna, one of the
two gay saunas in the
city where middle
class gay men can
have casual sex with
other gays. The other
sauna is more like the
Latin system where
homosexuals can meet
top male prostitutes.

there exists a double standard in relation to nonmasculine, passive homosexuals. On the one hand, they generally despise such behavior and on the
other, popular transsexual singers fascinate them.
Of 50 million people, 3 million work in the industrial sector; more than
half of the population lives in towns; one third of the population lives in cities of over a million. But many of Turkeys social, economic, and cultural
traits still resemble early nineteenth century Europe. A weak womens rights
movement and the total lack of any gay rights movement are but two of
their many similarities (Necef, 1992).
The Turkish language only recently acquired a comprehensive term for
homosexual (esinsel). Historically, men who engage in what in English
would be called homosexual activities have been classified, through the
names applied to them, according to whether they are the active or passive, with important implications for the social status of each role (Sunar &
Aral, 1999).
The existing roles for sexual relations between men were ibne and
kulampara. An ibne is an effeminate man who exclusively plays the
passive role in the sexual act; he does not marry, because he is thought to
be impotent. An ibne can be a transvestite, earning his living by dancing,
singing, or prostituting himself. To be an ibne is the worst thing a man can
be in this culture, simply because he accepts passive intercourse like a
woman and moves and speaks in an unmanly manner (Necef, 1992).
In the situation described above, Sunar and Aral (1999) suggest that
both power and manliness are on one side, weakness and effeminacy on

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F. L. Cardoso

the other. From this perspective of the malefemale relationship, both the
power and the masculinity of the active partner and the weakness and
devaluation of the passive partner are exaggerated.
The dictionary translation of transvestism into Turkish is alay, hiciv,
karikatur, and taklit, words that mean mockery, caricature, or imitation. The foreign word transseksuel is heard much less than koe denoting
a young dancer dressed like a woman, but today this term covers both
transvestites and transsexuals (Necef, 1992).
According to Janssen (1992), in Turkey it is difficult to make a separation
or division between transvestites (cross-dressers) and transsexuals since most
open cross-dressers express the desire for a sex-change operation and most of
them would have it, given better financial conditions. The cross-dressers studied by Janssen claimed that everybody in their social circles shared this wish.
So it may come as a surprise that the most popular (male) singers in
Turkey are transvestite ibneler or very feminine figures. One, Bulent Ersoy,
underwent an operation and is now a woman; another, Zeki Muren, is an
extremely flamboyant gay person. Turks explain their admiration for these
entertainers by pointing to their artistic talent and to the fact that nearly all
artists are crazy and strange. These completely transformed transsexual
singers mimic real women heterosexual love songs (although in some
cases the sex of the loved one is unclear) and even act in films as heterosexual lovers (Turkey Gay Guide, 2002).
The word ibne is derived from the arabic ubna meaning the sickness
of liking and passive intercourse. The other role is played by the kulampra
(from the Persian gulam-pare, sodomizer of boys) or oglanci, having to
do with boys. A kulampara is over 16 years of age and nearly always married. (All men are expected to marry after military service at the latest
(around 21 or 22), but because of the bride price still due in rural Turkey
some poor peasants marry later; Necef, 1992).
In contrast to ibne, kulampra does not constitute a special type of man.
Any married man too full of lust or separated too long from his wife looks
for prostitutes, mistresses, animals (dogs and donkeys), or ibneler. Nobody
would consider himself as abnormal, perverse, or sinful, let alone
homosexual having active sex with an ibne. He would not identify himself
with a (minority) group of men-fuckers or animal-fuckers. To bugger an
ibne is an enjoyment open to all: Any man could be lured in by one (Aydin &
Gulat, 2001; Necef, 1992).
Conversations with Turkish men show that sexual play with other men
occupies a rather important role in a young mans sex life, especially in
rural areas. While still young, playing the passive role apparently does not
disturb them unduly. After marriage most men are exclusively heterosexual
(Necef, 1992).
The following fieldwork description by Necef (1992) helps us to understand the issue behind the many social uses of the Ibne concept:

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Only men were at the football stadium where I once went with my new
Turkish friend. Violent shouting and war dances accompanied most of
the action on the field. After a while I noticed a certain slogan, which
nearly half the crowd shouts out each time one of the referees makes a
decision against one of the teams: Ibne hakem. I asked my friend what
it meant. He answered, a bit embarrassed; It means queer or fag referee. I got confused; the referee looks perfectly normal. I wondered,
Is he really homosexual? I inquired. My friend calmly explained: I
dont know, but that is not the point. If someone gets angry at someone
and wants to curse him, he calls him an ibne. He can even call a woman
ibne kari, meaning queer bitch. (p. 72)

Noticeably, the term ibne categorically can be defined as a put down, a

severe denunciation, a title reserved for those who make up part of societys
lowest class of people.
In spite of all this, the role of homosexual in society and the self-identity
that goes along with being gay existsonly in the big citieswhere the middle class is more common and noticeable. For an individual to develop the
role and identity of a homosexual and for society to recognize it, to accept it
in whatever manner, a certain social climate is required: the big cities with less
rigid control by family and neighbors (a certain anonymity), less personal
dependence, more reliance on an impersonal society (social security independent of family or patron), and more privacy offer this climate. Life in rural
areas does not leave room for the development of individuality: almost everything is predetermined (Necef, 1992).
One typical aspect of the Turkish popular scene is the importance of
role playing: Men acting or dressing up like a woman does not underlay
their masculinity. One of the interviewees (a 24-year-old effeminate homosexual) shared a huge concern about his boy friends desire:
He wants me to undergo a transsexual surgery. I dont want to do this. I
try my best keeping my body shaved; my hair long, but I cannot cut off
my dick. It is pleasurable for me to have it. He told me if I cut off my
dick he would marry me. Do I have to do that for him?

It is still ibne and kulampara rather than gay. Homosexual crossdressers play a much bigger role in Turkey (and southern Europe) than in
northern Europe or the United States. This seems to be the result of relations
between the sexes. Turkish men and women almost live in two different
worlds. The homosexuals are just aping the normal world (Necef, 1992).
One survey carried out in Turkey by Yuzgun (1986), with the contribution of 223 male homosexuals, provides us with a glimpse of the Turkish
homosexual profile. Although representative for only a limited area, it gives
some idea about homosexual life in this country. Of those surveyed, 13.9%
said they had sex with males before they were 10 years old, and 37.7% said

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F. L. Cardoso

they had sex between ages 11 and 15. A remarkably high 82.1% said they do
not regard their homosexuality as a problem. Although 56.5% have a problem
telling friends or family, 39.9% said their parents knew about their homosexuality; of these, 80.4% (32.1% of all parents) accepted the homosexuality of
their sons as an unchangeable fact, and 55.2% still live with their parents.
Studies on male homosexuals and transsexuals in their late adolescence
indicate that their first sexual experience occurs at an early age. Most transsexuals and about one third of homosexuals reported that they had their
first sexual experience before the age of 12. These studies also show that
sexual intercourse is mostly initiated by the youths, that is, without being
forced, particularly in the case of transsexuals (Aydin & Gulat, 2001).
According to Tapin (1992), there are three categories of men involved
in same-sex behavior in Turkey. First, the man who is socially identified as
heterosexual but may nevertheless pursues homosexual relations as a secondary sexual outlet and who is always in the active role or top position. Second, the man who takes the passive role or bottom position
who is usually condemned to ridicule and despised, clearly as the result of
being socially identified as a homosexual. The last category contains the
man who is exclusively homosexual but who takes the active role; his fate
is intermediately located between the other two categories, suffering a
severe loss of status because of his rejection of heterosexuality but salvaging
some status because of his nonetheless masculine role.
These sexual social roles among same-sex behavior practitioners also
imply different attitudes regarding military service. For instance, feminine
gays prefer the humiliating choice of declaring themselves homosexuals in
order to avoid military service. This process consists of trying to prove their
homosexuality by showing a recent picture of themselves in a passive anal
intercourse with another man or an anal medical examination. Masculine
gays do not object to the military service; so for them it is a kind of masculine job that they are able to do willingly.
I suggest that Turkish culture in some way could be a safe environment
for bisexual men who can preserve the higher status of a heterosexual male
(husband, father and head of family) and who can easily access homosexual acts once in a while in Hamams (traditional Turkish bath houses, see
pictures 13 through 16), cafes, or on the streets of big cities. However it also
could be considered a jail sentence for a supposed bisexual man who
would prefer to opt for a purely homosexual lifestylesince he is also able
to have sex with a woman, undoubtedly he will be pushed by social pressure to get married as soon as he reaches the appropriate age.
The new generation uses different denominations for the sexual roles
of same-sex behavior like lako for inserters and lubunya for the insertees (Tapin, 1992; Turkey Gay Guide, 2002). In small villages or in the
Kurdish area (southeast of Turkey), there are also ancient expressions for
young men from 15 to 20 years old who receive anal intercourse (oglan)

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PICTURE 13 Although
hamams
are
not
known for their gay
clientele in most of
them it is possible to
have discreet same-sex
relations. In large cities
like
Istanbul
gay
hamams have began
to be a profitable business. Above the gay
Cukurcuma Hamami
is one of most popular
in the city.

PICTURE 14 Above is
a traditional styled gay
Cukurcuma Hamami
entrance. This main
room serves as a front
desk, a small tearoom,
and a guardroom.

PICTURE 15 Hamans
are traditionally old,
marble bathhouses and
old bathhouses with
available hot and cold
water running from old
taps into small marble
sinks. The picture
above is from the
Harem hamam inside
of Topkapi Sarayi (Topkapi Palace Museum)
gives us some idea of
what the interior of a
hamam looks like.

PICTURE 16 Traditio
nal Turkish Water
closet from the Harem
hamam in Topkapi
Sarayi (Topkapi Palace
Museum). The modern version of the traditional Turkish water
closet is still very common in public places
like hamans, restaurants, bus station, etc.

and for older men who like active anal intercourse (oglanci). This is
believed to be related to some heritage from traditional same-sex behavior
among different generationsdesignated by Murray (1997) as the age-stratified system of same-sex behavior.
Istanbul, for a big metropolis, has a very poor gay nightlife when compared to other European or American cities. There are only four discos, three
bars, three cafs, one haman, and one sauna which are constantly opening and
closing. See pictures 17 through 20 for more detail about gay life in Istanbul.
As in any other big metropolis around the world, Istanbul has intense
gay cruising areas where homosexuals can meet horny straight males or
street prostitutes around the heart of the commercial city centerTaksim.
The most well known areas are the main pedestrian street, the Dilsazlar
porno movie theater, and the main Taksim Square. See pictures 21 through
24 for more detail about cruising areas in Istanbul.

SAME-SEX BEHAVIOR IN THAILAND

Attitudes toward homosexuality in Thailand are quite complex and Thailand
is far from the romantic North American and northern European vision of a

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472

F. L. Cardoso

PICTURE 17 One of PICTURE 18 A North PICTURE 19 A more PICTURE 20 The only

the citys gay discos. American style middle European style private middle class gay sauna
class gay caf.
gay caf.
in Istanbul.

PICTURE
21 The
pedestrian street in
Taksim has one of the
most popular cruising
points: on the corner
of Yenieriler caddesi.

PICTURE
22 The
Dilsazlar
cinema,
although smaller than
the others two, is a
well known gay spot
for cruising.

PICTURE 23 Taksim
sauna well known
by middle class gays
for the male hookers
which are in constant
supply.

PICTURE 24 Taksim
Gezi Yeri in the heart
of the commercial
and financial center,
where working class
gay people cruise.

gay paradise. Homosexuality is neither illegal under Thai law nor immoral
according to Buddhist teachings, and homophobic violence against masculine-identified homosexual men appears to be almost nonexistent. It must
be emphasized, however, that the cross-dressing kathoey, like Thai women,
are often subject to sexual harassment and even sexual violence by heterosexually identifying males (Jackson, 1999).
If on the one hand, the behavior is clearly stigmatized, on the other
hand, it is tolerated. The existing roles for sexual relations between men
were kathoey and man. A kathoey is an effeminate male who exclusively
plays the passive role in the sexual act. He does not marry because he is
(thought to be) a male in the form of a female who does not become a
woman; still he does not stop functioning as a man (Morris, 1994). There
are an estimated 10,000 to 300,000 kathoeys in Thailand. Indeed, in one university in Thailand there is a sorority for kathoeys that accounts for around 1

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473

in 80 of the male students; in another, 1 in 150 of the male students. Latest

estimates suggest that there are 17,000 kathoeys in Bangkok and 180,000 in
the country as a whole (Winter, 2002, 2003b).
The most respected kathoeys are those who most successfully abandon
signs of masculinity in becoming feminine beauties and who exhibit highclass behavior and manners. Indeed, newspaper reports of kathoeys from
the 1970s commonly distinguished between those who were high class
and those who were low class, expressions that linked them to notions of
wealth, fashion ability, and high status at one of the spectrum and to poverty, dirtiness, and low status at the other end (Jackson, 1999).
A few comedians and media personalities have been publicly known
for their kathoey sensibilities and camp humor, while other kathoey celebrities have caused public sensations by their flamboyance or eccentricities
(Taywaditep, Coleman, & Dumronggittigule, 1998).
Thai homosexual men from working-class backgrounds are much less
constrained by anti-homosexual attitudes than their middle-class and upperclass compatriots. Indeed, the Thais who are most accepting of same-sex
behavior are from the lower class, the section of Thai society which is the
least educated and the most strictly observant of the Buddhist rituals and
practices. The poorer a man is and the lower his social status in society, the
fewer stigmas attached to him, to his family, and to his friends from his sexual involvement with other men, especially if the man is wealthier or older
(Jackson, 1995). Allyn (1991) suggests that the widening gap between rich
and poor in modern Thailand, the highly stratified Thai status system, the
long history of patronage relations, and general Buddhist tolerance have
together created a loophole in the Thai working-class culture that appears
in some contexts to excuse male same-sex behavior.
A kathoey is man who sees himself more as a woman and often
dresses, to varying degrees, as a woman, and is likely to have sex with men.
Some take estrogen and progesterone to facilitate breast development and
other body transformations. A few will undergo surgical sex-reassignment
surgery. Despite their subtle yet nevertheless outcast status, the village
kathoeys are often given duties in local festivities and ceremonies, mostly in
typical female roles such as floral arrangement or food preparation. Some
even get married to straight males. According to Allyn (1991, 1993),
although there are plenty of kathoeys who hold other professions, stereotypically many are assumed to become street sex workers or small-time
criminals, and the rest beauticians, fashion designers, hair-dressers, florists,
artists, or entertainers.
In a recent study with a sample of 165 kathoeys (averaging age = 25 years),
71% reported having felt different from other boys, with 42% thought that they
had the mind either of a girl or a kathoey, and 35% already thought of themselves as belonging to one of those gender categories; 46% thought of themselves as being a woman, and 47% thought of themselves as kathoeys or one

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F. L. Cardoso

of its related terms. A significant minority seems entirely happy to think of

themselves in these terms. While around 70% would prefer to be a woman
and indeed be reborn as one, 19% said that they would prefer to be a kathoey,
with 12% saying that they would want to be reborn as such (Winter, 2003a).
Traditional Thai sexuality does not demarcate clear distinctions
between homosexuality, bisexuality, heterosexuality, transexuality, and
cross-dressing as is explicitly drawn by Western cultures. Until recently,
before Western contact, the only term used to discriminate those who were
not a man nor a woman was a kathoey, roughly equivalent to the English
term hermaphrodite (Jackson, 1995; McFarland, 1982). While academic
discourses recognize different types of kathoeys, with hermaphrodites being
called true kathoeys and transvestites and transsexual pseudo-kathoeys,
in popular discourses these various categories are indiscriminately labeled
kathoey, a term describing those who deviate from biological sex norms,
as well as behavioral gender norms (Jackson, 1999).
In 1961, a group of kathoeys were reportedly seized and then imprisoned in Bang Kwangs Central Prison. The doctor, Sood Saengwichien, an
expert on anatomy at Siriraj Hospital, made a thorough examination of this
group. Sood renamed them as lag-ga-phate (gaymen), not kathoey as recognized widely by the media and public (Romjampa, 2002).
In Thai society today, men who have sex with men are labeled either a
gay king or a gay queen. A gay king is a man who plays the insertive
role in sex, whereas a gay queen takes the passive and receptive role in sex
(Allyn, 1991, 1993). Gay queens are assumed to have feminine characteristics, and are therefore, true homosexuals. On the other hand, gay kings,
stereotypically male-acting and male-appearing, are seen as less likely to be
permanently homosexual. Thai people think that gay kings are simply heterosexual men going through a phase of sexual experimentation or sexual
training with other men who take the female sexual position. Gay kings are
also variously referred to as 100% percent male (phuu-chaai roi poe-sen)
and a complete man (phuu-chaai tem tua; Jackson, 1989).
Observed sexual behavior confirms a wide variety of sexual opportunities between men in Thailand as implied by the classifications above. For
example, military conscripts who report same-gender sexual behavior were
more likely to be married, have girl friends, and visit female sex-partners
more often than their counterparts who have had sex with women exclusively (Beyrer et al., 1995). This evidence supports the argument that bisexual males are more sexually active than heterosexuals and questions the
idea that heterosexual men have homosexual relations for lack of
women.
While kathoeys have an ambiguous but recognized place in Thai
society, the emergence of masculine gay men in the 1960s elicited a
severe, unprecedented, condemnation (Jackson, 1999). Regarding the
rare gay identity, the role and identity of gays existsat the very

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mostin Thailands big cities, where the middle class is more common
and noticeable. There, the gay middle class self-organizes at three different points in the city: Silom-Satorn a touristic area; Sukhumvit, an executive area; and Phaholyotin-Ramkhumheang, a more local middle-class
neighborhood.
A more solidified yet multifaceted gay identity has slowly evolved as
Thai men participate in the discourse over their sexuality through the
media. In the meantime, the Thai mainstream media, especially newspapers
and magazines, have increased accurate representations of gay life, as well
as progressive treatises on homosexuality, although sensationalistic coverage
is still common (Taywaditep et al., 1998).
Bangkok, as other big cities like Sao Paulo, New York, and London,
has a very lively gay life. In the city there are at least 8 gay or gay friendly
guesthouses/hotels, 12 discotheques/dance pubs, 3 cabaret show houses,
14 pubs/restaurants/karaokes, 20 go-go boy/cocktail lounges, 17 mens club
sex massage parlors, 11 gay saunas, 4 24-hour gay escort services, and 1
gay telephone line. It looks like a huge arena for gay life; however most of
these gay businesses cater to commercial sex for foreigners and high-class
local homosexuals. See pictures 25 through 28 for more detail about gay life in
Bangkok. The traditional middle-class gay ghetto system, well known in the
United States and northern Europe where sexual and social relations occur
between equals, is very restricted due to the small size of the middle class.

PICTURE
25 The
Caf Society, an elegant gay caf in the
middle of the gay
nightlife at Thanon
Silom in the Bang Rak
area of Bangkok.

PICTURE 26 Picture
from Silom 4. One of
the oldest gay scenes
at the Thanon Silom in
the Bang Rak neighborhood - Bangkok.
On this street sits the
famous Balcony and
the Telephone bars,
an icon of the gay
nightlife in the city.

PICTURE 27 Picture
from Soi Freeman one
of the gay streets
around Thanon Silom
in the Bang Rak neighborhood - Bangkok. In
this alley one finds a
big disco with a cabaret drag show, one
karaoke bar, a restaurant, and two massage
parlors.

PICTURE 28 This is a
typical gay cabaret
show house where one
can watch funny shows
with lipsyncers and
dancers around Thanon Silom in the Bang
Rak area of Bangkok.
The main stars used to
be pretty kathoey, who
basically interpret and
mimic American pop
music stars.

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F. L. Cardoso

Thai homosexual men are in general extremely reluctant to have their sexual preferences publicly known. To be publicly identified as homosexual or
gay remains a source of considerable shame involving loss of face and damage to ones image. This shame largely stems from the persistent stereotyping
of homosexual men as unmasculine. However, it also stems from the much
broader reluctance of Thai people to talk about ones life in public, except perhaps among same-sex friends in ones drinking circle (Jackson, 1995).
A survey of 155 men who have sex with men in a northeastern Thai
town, illustrates the typical gay community in Thailand. Only minor differences were found in reported rates of receptive and insertive anal sex and
oral sex, with the receptive role being slightly more common in both cases
(Sittitrai, Sakondhavat, & Brown, 1992).
Kathoeys may only be a small minority, but highly visible minority
among the Thai male homosexual population. By far the majority of Thai
homosexual males present and regard themselves as men. Thus, traditional Thai male sex/gender roles have provided two main avenues for
expression of male homoerotic fulfillment, namely, placing homoerotic relations as the main focus of a males sexual life, but thereby sacrificing masculinity and becoming a kathoey, or marginalizing erotic relations with males
and preserving masculinity. There are three main strategies by which nonkathoey homosexual men in Thailand organize their homoerotic relations:
1.) remaining unmarried but continuing to adhere to masculine behavioral
norms; 2. keeping a homosexual lover in a position equivalent to the marginalized status of a minor wife, and at least nominally, keeping a wife at the
center of his social life; 3. keeping homoerotic contact with men at a level
equivalent to heterosexual prostitution or casual flirting (Jackson, 1995).
A good measure of the notoriety of homosexuality in Thailand is the
annual Bangkok Gay Pride Day that grows every year. See pictures 29
through 32 for more detail about the gay parade in Bangkok.
Like any other large metropolis, Bangkok also has gay cruising areas
where homosexuals can meet other homosexuals, oversexed straight males or
street prostitutes around the heart of the Silom-Satorn area. The most well
known areas are: Robinsons Department Store at Thanon Silom, near the Rama
IV monument at Lumpini Park, the Babylon sauna, and the Lumpini Park. See
pictures 33 through 36 for more detail on gay cruising areas in Bangkok.

WHO IS WHO IN SAME-SEX SEXUAL BEHAVIOR IN BRAZIL,

TURKEY AND THAILAND?
According to postmodernist studies, we cannot use sexual categories like
homosexuality or heterosexuality to define same-sex and opposite-sex sexual behavior because there are many identity types that are usually invisible
to the foreign observer. Nevertheless, there is considerable research in this

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477

PICTURE
29 Gay
Pride Day Parade 2000
at Thanon Silom in
Bang Rak area Bangkok.

PICTURE
30 The
pictures illustrate the
importance of asymmetry between the
sexual roles, even
among the homosexual community.

PICTURE
31 After
visiting the famous
Kathoey cabarets in
the country it could
easily be said that the
Gay Parade in Bangkok
is more of a big apology to the Kathoey cultural tradition without
any political implications to gay rights.

PICTURE 32 One of
the few middle class
gay arenas perceived
in Bangkok - A small
gay public party at Soi
Freeman at Thanon
Silom in the Bang Rak
area - Bangkok.

PICTURE
33 The
corner of the most
famous
department
store at Thanon Silom
in Bangkok where
lots of gay cruising
takes place in and
around all of the
entrances and toilets.

PICTURE
34 The
corner of Lumpini
Park in Thanon Silom
where many hustlers
hang
around
the
Rama IV monument.

PICTURE
35 The
front door of Babylon 2000 in the Satorn
area - Bangkoks world
famous and most popular gay sauna and
bath.

PICTURE
36 The
Gardens of Lumpini
Park where a lot of
action takes place. In
this picture a gay man
is seducing a straight
man reading after his
work out.

field describing similar characteristics of homosexuals in widely different

societies (Cardoso, 2002, 2005; Fry, 1982; Lancaster, 1988; Murray, 1997,
2000; Nanda, 1986; Necef, 1992; Parker, 1986; Whitam & Mathy, 1986;
Wikan, 1977).

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F. L. Cardoso

Many societies do not have the same metaphors as those commonly

used in the academic world to specify different same-sex sexual behaviors
or identities, but the cultural influences of globalization may have affected
local perceptions of same-sex behavior. In Thailand, with its 10 million foreign tourists a year, there is a very strong international influence since many
of their current local categories are based on English expressions. Yet, even
Turkey and Brazil use similar native parameters of masculinity and femininity, as well as sexual position to categorize those involved in same-sex
behavior.
In Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand, as well as in many other complex societies around the world, there are similar social roles and denominations for
the supposed straight guy who penetrates homosexualsbugger or
bugarrn in Spanish. In Mexico, such men are known as mayates (Taylor,
1986), in the Dominican Republic as bugarrones, in Costa Rica as cacheros
(Schifter, 2000), in Ecuador as corchero (Murray, 1995), in Guatemala as
gancho (Murray, 1995), in Portugal between the sixteenth and eighteenth
centuries as fodicu (Mott, 1988), in Iran as kunke (Zarit, 1992), in Morocco
as hassses (De Martino, 1992), and in Argentina and Uruguay as chongos.
Table 3 summarizes some of the cultural definitions in Brazil, Turkey, and
Thailand relating to same-sex sexual behavior and identity.
It is important to emphasize that people who engage in same-sex
sexual practices do not necessarily have a homosexual orientation. The
same-sex sexual act may have different meanings and applications
depending on the cultural context in which it occurs. According to different scholars it serves for developing masculinity among the Melanesians
(Creed, 1989, Knauf, 1986), for improving the macho mans sexual image
in South America (Murray, 1995), for the transmission of knowledge
TABLE 3 Local Denominations for Same-Sex Identity and Behavior
Analytical parameters for
sexual identities defined
1. Academic
denomination for
homosexuals.
2. Popular denomination
for exclusive
homosexuals.
3. Popular denomination
for heterosexuals in
same-sex sexual
relation.
4. Academic
denomination for
cross-dresser.
5. Popular denomination
for cross-dresser.

Brazil

Turkey

Thailand

homosexual

esinsel

lag-ga-phate

bicha or viado

ibne or lubunya

gay queen or kathoey

bofe or macho

kulampara or lako

gay king or phuu-chaai

roi poe-sen

travest

transseksuel

pseudo-kathoey

travest

koek

Kathoey

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TABLE 4 Native Self-Evaluation on Gender and Sexual Orientation
Analytical parameters for sexual
identities defined

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1. *Mean of gender self-evaluation

of heterosexuals.
2. *Mean of gender self-evaluation
of bisexuals.
3. *Mean of gender self-evaluation
of homosexuals.
F (p<)

Brazil

Turkey

Thailand

F (p<)

.5a

.4a

.4a

1.0 n.s.

1.1ab

.6b

.8bb

3.4 (.036)

2.2bc

2.4c

3.0ac

3.8 (.023)

43.8 (.000)

76.6 (.000)

162.1 (.000)

.06ba
.02aa
8.4 (.000)
4. **Mean of sexual orientation
.07ba
self-evaluation of heterosexuals.
.9bb
1.1bb
5.8 (.004)
5. **Mean of sexual orientation
1.7ab
self-evaluation of bisexuals
5.2c
5.3c
1.1 n.s.
6. **Mean of sexual orientation
5.4c
self-evaluation of homosexuals.
F (p<)
1626.4 (.000) 711.4 (.000) 923.3 (.000)
Note: Means with different lettered superscripts are significantly different from each other according
to Duncans post hoc ANOVA test. Groups marked a are significantly different from groups marked
b and groups marked c. Groups marked with letters in bold are significantly different across sexual
categories and groups marked with underlined letters are significantly different across cultures, according to Duncans multiple range test.
*1. Question: Which of the figures below is most like you in terms of masculinity/femininity
(how you speak, walk, dress, etc)? Please grade your masculinity marking an X on the scale below:
Mean of 6 point scale.
0______1_____2______3______4______5_____6
masculine
androgen
feminine
**2. Question: How do you denominate your sexual orientation: heterosexual (likes women),
bisexual (likes both) or homosexual (likes men)? Please grade your sexual orientation marking an
X on the scale below: Mean of 6 point scale.
0______1_____2_____3_____4______5______6
heterosexual
bisexual
homosexual

among ancient Greeks (Foucault, 1990), for compensating for the lack of
available women among the Azande (Evans-Pritchard, 1970), for satisfying the adult male lust among the Moroccans (De Martino, 1992), for
demonstrating the capacity of deflowering a virgin in the Coast of Oman
(Wikan, 1977), for tension release among Pakistani males (Khan, 1992),
for making a living in the Coast of Oman and India (Nanda, 1986, Wikan,
1977), and so on.
In order to check the traditional relation between gender orientation
and sexual orientation the native self-evaluation of our participants are compared using the Kinsey Scale for gender identity and sexual preference. See
Table 4.
Homosexuals in this research assume a similar homosexual orientation
on Kinsey Scale in all three countries, however homosexuals in Thailand
self-evaluated as being more feminine than Turk or Brazilian homosexuals.
Most probably a factor related to the national kathoey culture. It is also

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important to emphasize, too that there are very significant differences

between each sexual category in terms of the self-evaluation of masculinity/
femininity on the Kinsey Scale for each country. Interesting aspect is that
more bisexuals in Brazil assumed their bisexual orientation and selfevaluated as being more intermediate with regards to femininity. It could be
related to the strong middle-class cultural background that is so affluent in
Brazil.

IMPLICATIONS OF THIS DATA ON SEXUAL

ORIENTATION LITERATURE
In the reviewed literature, there are few similar studies directly concerned
with the issues studied in this project. Whitam and Mathy (1986), the most
important reference in this area, researched and compared quantitatively
self-identified homosexuals in different societies (Brazil, Guatemala, Philippines, and United States); Collins (1989), carried out a similar but more
interpretive comparison and focused on religious and cultural diversity in
Thailand, Japan, and the United States; and Reiss (1986) made one of the
few attempts to find behavioral commonalities while not denying the importance of cultural differences.
Crapo (1995) and Murray (2000) coded societies for the presence of the
three principal homosexual systems. For male homosexuality Murray was
able to code 120 societies as gender stratified, 53 as age stratified, and 30 as
egalitarian. In this study the predominance of the gender-stratified system
for same-sex behavior was evident. Possibly, we may still find all the systems distinguished by Crapo and Murray in the three countries studied here
if we consider the cultural diversity in the Amazon, the Kapadokia region of
Southeastern Turkey, and the high mountains in the north of Thailand,
which were not covered in this fieldwork.
The rapid economic development affecting developing countries
changes rural societies toward predominantly urban societies. Urbanization
also brings a more professional middle-class life style that emphasizes individual merit rather than clientelistic relations based on personal loyalties.
Werner (1999) suggested that the change to a system in which personal
qualifications are valued more than personal ties in getting ahead may result
in the discouragement of same-sex sexual relations by heterosexual males
as a way to avoid personal loyalties in economies where favoritism and
nepotism are looked down upon.
Although many gay activists attempt to underplay differences between
homosexuals and heterosexuals in same-sex relations, the data findings put
forth here simply confirm other studies showing commonalities in terms of
gender orientation among people who consider themselves homosexuals
and those who consider themselves heterosexuals.

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