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2015 TomNairncontinueshisexaminationofrecentattemptstofindinGramsciswritingsabasisforleftwingoppositiontoCommunismLRB17July

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TomNairncontinueshisexaminationof
recentattemptstofindinGramsciswritingsa
basisforleftwingoppositiontoCommunism
ThevalueandinterestofthethreeexaminationsofGramsciwhichIbegantodiscusslast
weekinthefirstpartofthisarticleisthattheyconcentrateuponhisviewofpolitics:nobody
concernedwithsuchproblemscanavoidfindingalmosteverypageofGramsciandMarxist
Theory[1]andGramscisPolitics[2]absorbingasforGramsciandtheState,[3]whileitis
undeniablyarepositoryofsomeoftheobscurestparagraphseverwrittenabouttheman,the
readerwillalsodiscoverthemostmonumentalandexhaustiveanalysisofhislifeandideasin
relationtoThirdInternationalLeninism.Itisprobablythemostimportantbookyettoappear
inthedissidentCommunistperspective.FortunatelyDavidFernbachstranslationmakesit
accessible(apartfromafewVolapklapseslikegenialforgnial)andcopesruggedlywith
thesteeperphilosophicalfaces.
Theperspectiveitselfisquestionable,however.Withoutobjectingforamomenttothenew
conceptionofsocialismwhichistheoverridingaimofthesestudies,onecanstillhavelarge
doubtsabouttheirmethodandassumptionsandconsequently(tosomeextent)abouttheir
finalpresentationofthatconception.BytheendofthiscenturyGramscimaywellhave
replacedMachiavelliinthepoliticalPantheon.ButGramscismwillprobablybeasdubiousa
phenomenonasMachiavellianismhasalwaysbeen.Machiavellisideaswere,afterall,keptin
asortofirrepressiblelifebythediabolicallegendwovenbygenerationsofbienpensant
enemies.Gramscihasnotbeensolucky.Hehastoomanyfriends,fallingoveroneanotherto
exalthim.Euromummificationmightbeasdeadlyasthepeninsularvarietypractisedforso
longbythePCI.
Thenewvisionofsocialismdependsuponanequallynewideaofthepartyormovementthat
willtakeusthere.Somuchiscommongroundtoallthreeauthors.ButAnneSassoons
analysisfocusesmuchmoreexclusivelyonthisaspectthantheothers.Herdifficultieswith
theelusivefigureofilPrincipemodernomayreasonablybetakenastypicalofthewhole
approach.
Machiavellisoriginalprincewasaprincipledfantasy.Heentertainednoillusionsabout
Borgiahimself.OnalegationtoRomehehadwitnessedthegreatmansdeclineandfall,and
ventedhisdisappointmentinnouncertainterms.Cesaresfather,PopeAlexanderVI,had
died.ThatandthewithdrawalofFrenchsupportlefthimaprickedbladderofindecisionand
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conceit.Everytraceofvirtudrainedoutofit,thecelebratedhandsomecountenancewhich
haddazzledsomanycourtswasnowpermanentlycontortedwithselfdoubtanddrink,and
abletocontemplatelittlemorethanflight(whichbeforelongheresortedto,desertingthe
stageofItalianpoliticsforgood).
MachiavellichosetoextolhiminIlPrincipe,nonetheless,becausesomefacetsofhiscareerof
conquestremainedexemplaryforanyonetryingtoestablishaseriousdynasticstate.With
betterluck,amoreperfectandunflinchingembodimentofvirtumightdothetrick.He
retainedageneralfaithinwhatinmodernterminologywouldbecalledthesubjective
factor,theabilityofconsciouswillpowertoshapethecourseofhistoricaleventsinamore
thansmallscaleway.Optimismofthewillwasnotdisqualifiedbypessimismofthe
intelligence.HowoftenthismottoofGramscisisquotednowadays!ButitsspecificItalianate
resonanceisrarelygrasped:aworldofobjectivedifficultiessohugethatonlysuperhuman
amplificationofthesubjectiveforcescanpushthingsforward.Politicsistheconcentration
atfeverpitchofboththeleonineandthevulpinetraitsofhumannature,andtheirknowing
manipulationtogetthemaximumleverageineachhistoricalsituation.Marxist
Machiavellianismtranslatesthisintothecollectivemode.TheaimofallGramscisreflection,
claimsMsSassoon,istoenablethepracticeofthepartytofulfilitspotentialateverymoment
inthestruggle.
ThePartysheargues,isthedecisiveelementinallrespects.WiththeperfectParty(thanksto
Gramsci)democraticcentralismcanbemadetoprevailovertheothersort,andarealsocial
majoritycanbewonovertothecause:hegemonyratherthantheballotboxarithmetic
socialdemocratsdealin.Thatvictoryinturnwithitsimplicationofhavingbroughtthe
publicmindtoreasonwillenableanewformofsocialiststatetobemade,freefromthe
bigotedrepressionofmostactuallyexistingsocialism.TheactuallyexistingCommunistand
SocialistPartiescorrespondinthisscenario(onemustsuppose)totheconcrete,raddled,
nailbitingpresenceofBorgia,whichMachiavellicontemplatedwithsuchdistaste.Though
somethingcanbelearnedfromtheirdisastersaboveallfromthestillcommandingPCI
theywouldbeeclipsedbytheriseoftheauthenticmodernPrinceGramscistrovetoconstruct
andthen,whenexiledfromactivepolitics,toplaninthePrisonNotebooks.
Sassooninsiststhisisnoidealiststance,andcitesGramscisanalysisoftheFrenchJacobinsin
hersupport.HesawJacobinismastheprototypeofmodernrevolutionarymovements,and
theembodimentofthatpopular,activerevolutionismabsentfromItalysRisorgimento.But,
shegoeson,GramscialsoshowedhowtheJacobinswererealistsoftheMachiavellistamp
andnotabstractdreamers,becausetheyunderstoodsolucidlyjusthowthecollectivewill
shouldbewielded,thereandthen,toobtainthemostvigorousassertionoftheintervention
ofthesubjectiveforcesinanorganiccrisis(assheputsit).
Couldanythingunderlinemorecruellythesnareinthiskindoftheorising?Machiavelliwas
splendidlyrealisticinhisexposureofthemotivesanddoingsofrulers,tothepointofnever
beingforgivenforit.ButhisvisionofthePrinceSaviourwasadoomedcryforhelp.There
wasregrettablynochanceofsuchasupermanemergingfromamongtheItaliantyrants,with
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orwithouttheassistanceofapeasantmilitia(theFlorentinesequivalenttothesovietsor
factorycouncilswhicharealwaysinvokedinthecontemporaryversion).Theorganiccrisis
underwaywasnotsuchastofavourorevenpermitthatsolution,howeverassertivethe
subjectiveforceschosetomakethemselves.Why?Alas,fordrearilyeconomiccausesofthe
sortonceassociatedwithMarxistthought:thedryrotoffeudalismprovokedbythevery
ascendancyandwealthofthetradingcitystates,andthatkindofthing.
IsthereanygreaterpossibilityofpresentdayconditionsinWesternEuropeandNorth
AmericafosteringtheriseofaModernPrince?Perhapsthereis.However,thereadercan
comeawayfromallthreeoftheseEurocommunisttreatiseswithouttheslightestnotionof
why,orhow,inanyconcretesense.Theyremainencampeduponthatplateauoftheory
whichthestructuralistmoderenderedbothinvulnerableandfutile.There,hardfought
scientifictriumphsareobtainedwhichbyproudselfdefinitionhavenocashable
relationshiptosuchaccumulationsofcontingencyastheBasqueCountry,M.Marchais
betrayaloftheProgrammecommun,ortheplaceofEuropebetweenthesuperpowers.
Thus,AnneSassoondefendsherownandGramscisviewofJacobinismagainsttheobvious
objection:theJacobinsareknownforhavingwipedouttheoppositionaswellasfor
healthfulsoundingthingslikethecreationofwidespreadpopularconsent,asaresultboth
ofanideologicalstruggleandaconcreteprogrammeofreforms.Thenewcollectivewill
employedtheguillotine,andattemptedtoterrorisetheremainsoftheoldstateformationout
ofexistence.Whyshouldanyfuturehegemonicallybasedpowerbedifferent,orbetter?
Because,fortunately,inWesterncircumstancestheproletariathasanobjectwhichis
historicallynovel:totransformpoliticsandtoovercomethedivisionbetweenleadersandled.
GuidedbythePrinceParty,itwillexpandtheareaofhegemonyuntiltheareaofcoercion
eventuallydisappears.ThatParty(ascomparedtotheobjectsbeforeus)willbesubjectto
continuousreorganisationanddevelopmenttothepointwhereitsauthoritywill,somehow,
bequitecompatiblewiththepluralistsystemofoppositionandcriticism.ChantalMouffe
makesthesamepointintheintroductiontoGramsciandMarxistTheory:TheGramscian
conceptionofhegemonyisnotonlycompatiblewithpluralism,itimpliesitbutsheadds,
forfearofbeingconsideredamereliberalthisisapluralismwhichisalwayslocatedwithin
thehegemonyoftheworkingclass.
Totheclassenemy,allthisgoodnewswilllooklikeevasion.Whatabouttheopposition
desirousoflocatingitselfoutsidethehegemonyoftheworkingclass?Howlongis
eventually?Justhowisthesocialistmoyensensuel(nevermindthemaninthestreet)meant
toimagineLeninismasawayoflife,ratherthanasanassaultcourseforachosenfew?If
therearegoodanswerstosuchquestions,theyinvolvesomereferencetopimply
particularitiessuchasthehistoryofYugoslavia,theCzechreformmovement,Cambodia,
RudolfBahrosanalysisofEasternsocialism,andsoforth.And(ofcourse)togrimyWestern
hometruthslikeSirHaroldWilsonandSantiagoCarrillo.Butallthatliesfarunderthealto
cumulusoftheoryuponwhichtheseargumentsproceed.
ChristineBuciGluckmannsGramsciandtheStateunfoldsonthehigheststratumofthis
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theoreticrealm.Inspiteofitsvastrangeofreference,itsvitalityofobservationand
commentary(bothofwhicheasilysupporttheauthorserudition),aconclusionisalways
soughtontheplaneofpuretheory.Sheseekstoconvincethereaderthatagnoseologyof
politicswastherealkerneloftheQuadernidelCarcere,andthatthisveinoftruescience
leadsGramscitoaTheoryoftheApparatusofPhilosophicalHegemony.Armedwithproper
understandingoftheAPH(therequiredalgebraicformoftheconcept),theModernPrince
willbeabletotakecultureawayfromhisenemy,thenation,andinstilit,suitably
transformed,intotheworkingclass.WhatchangeswithGramsciistheveryformofMarxist
theory,itsconnectionwithpoliticsandculture,sheends,visualisingthesamedramatic
expansionofpoliticalpracticeasSassoon.Itisthisomniscientgrowthwhichwilltake
chargeofthespecificconditionsofthewarofposition,thoseoftheroadtosocialisminthe
West.
Ashertitleindicates,thethesisisthataconceptofthestateistheunifying,ifoftenimplicit,
elementinGramsciswritings.AswellastherebornPrince,theydepictmorethanisgenerally
understoodofhisessentialtasktobe,buildingacommuniststate.Whatwasthistask?
Unfortunatelyitisnoteasytofollowthethread,since(naturally)theinquirerissternly
discouragedfromtheideaofasingleandlinearorderofexposition.Rather,Gramscis
thoughtshouldbeseenasatabularspacewithinfinitewaysin:astructureofnetworks,
aroundwhichoneissupposedtorotatewithduecircumspection.Anacutesenseofgiddiness
isquicklyinducedbythis,whichsomereaderswillbeonlytoolikelytoidentifywith
revelation.
Incrasslylinearrsum,theargumentisthatGramscirejectedthethenprevalenteconomic
determinism,andformulatedinstagesamuchsubtlerandmorecomplextheoryofthestate.
EconomicMarxismhadviewedthestateasinstrumental:apuppetofcertainclassinterests
andeconomicforces.Itupheldtheseinterestsbythinlyveiledforceandideological
imposture.Whiledifficultinpractice,theobjectofrevolutionarysocialismremained
theoreticallysimple:tobreakthisapparatusofcoercion,andreplaceitwithanother
representingthetrueinterestsoftheworkingclass,orpopularmajority.Bycontrast,Gramsci
cametoperceiveandinsistthatthestructureofpowerwasfarmorerobustand
differentiated,atleastinWestern,bourgeoissocieties.Thesedependeduponakindof
hegemony,orauthorityindepth,throughwhichagreatmanyorgansandsectorsofthe
socialfabric(civilsociety)apparentlylentthemselvestothestatesdesign.Suchconsentwas
deeplyrooted,andmultifaceted:itcouldnotpossiblybeexplainedawayintermsof
gendarmesandschoolroombrainwashing(phenomenaGramsciwasonlytoofamiliar
with).Henceanyrealisticstrategyofsocialrevolutionwasmuchmorecomplexandlong
termthantheoldmodelhadallowedfor.Aboveall,socialistshadtocreatewhattheycould
oftheirownalternativetothereigninghegemony,bycontestingitsinfluenceoneverylevelof
cultureandincivilinstitutions.Theyhadtohaveagenuinelydifferentworldview,
articulatedandcombativelypressedhomeonallsocialfronts.Withoutthat,therecouldbe
norealmutationofsocietyonlyfartherpassiverevolutions,direcompromiseslikethe
Risorgimento,orworse,likeFascism.
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Gramsciworkedoutthisseductiveconceptionbeforehisimprisonmentin1926,claimsBuci
Glucksmann,andthenelaborateditinanumberofdirectionsinhisprisonwritings.Thegist
ofitwaswhatsheseesasadeepeningoftheconceptofthestate.Thestatemeansmore,not
less,whenegemoniaiscorrectlygraspedandfreedfromhumanistinterpretations.Forthe
factisthatauthorityindepthexpressesthestatescohesivegripofthewholesocial
formation,evenwhilenotseemingto.Consensusisnotreallyspontaneous,orcivillywilled.
Thingshangtogether,andthestateisthedominantelementintheactualfunctioningofthe
socialentity,withincertainlimitssetbyeconomicdevelopment.
Gramscisnotionofthedenseundergrowthofhegemonyledhimtoplacepreviously
unheardofemphasisuponintellectuals.Hethoughtthemmuchmoreimportantinthesocial
constellationthanearlierMarxistsdid,andawardedthemacorrespondinglygreaterrolein
therevolutionaryprocess.Culturalrevolutionisthetermforthismassconversion.Butinthe
purifiedperspectivesofGramscismtheconceptreceivesaspecificallyWesternmeaningany
relationshipwithfairlyrecenthappeningsinChinahasbecomeinscrutable,onthewayto
beingforgottenaltogether.Thesebroadredefinitionshangtogether.TheGramscian
expansionoftheconceptofintellectualrelatestotheexpansionoftheconceptofthestate,
commentsBuciGlucksmanninhermethodologicalchapter:therecanbenotheoryofthe
intellectualswithoutatheoryofthehegemonicapparatusesandatheoryofthestate,without
aspecificallyphilosophicalworkonthesuperstructuresandonphilosophyitselfasaclass
issueinthehegemonicapparatus.
Theremainderofthevolumeattemptstoexecutethisprogramme,inaspiralascentfinally
depositingthereaderonthepeaksofAPH.Thearkoftherevolutionisupthere.Philosophy,
too,hasawider,allpervasivesensestretchingfromthedroningsinRuedUlmtocommon
senseandthemosttacitofpresuppositions.Assuch,itinformsthehegemonicapparatuses
weallinhabit,mouldingthemtothestatesrequirements.Thisiswhytheyare,asAlthusser
likedtolabelthem,ISAs(IdeologicalStateApparatuses,orunderpinningsofthestate).The
culturalrevolutionwhichLeninismentailsintheWestmustunderstandanddisplacesuch
mentalmountains,inordertosucceed:theModernPrincehastobeamovementof
intellectualsinthenonrestrictivesense,diffusingevermorelightandconvictionaroundit.
Onlythuscanitavoidturningintoacryptobureaucraticsect,anddistortingtherevolution
itselfalongthesesinisterlyfamiliarlines.Bycontinuousselftranscendence,infact,theparty
movementcouldbecomethecatalystofauthentic,activerevolutionfrombelowresistantto
tyrannicalorinhumanedegenerations.AndthisisEurocommunismsroadforward,beyond
Stannismandsocialdemocracy.
HavingglimpsedthepurportofMsBuciGlucksmannsargument,thereaderduringhis
upwardvoyagewillbeonthelookoutforthestate.Annoyingly,thewretchedobjectseems
alwaysjustoutofreach.Thereisatypicalbourgeoisstate,lurkinglikeametaphysicalFifth
RepublicbehinditsseaweedofISAsandAPHs.Butalltooplainlythisowesitswan
existencetoafamousfountainheadof1970saberration,AlthussersessayonIdeologyand
IdeologicalStateApparatuses(translatedinthevolumeLeninandPhilosophy,1971).Asfor
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itssuccessor,thenewsocialiststate,allwereallylearnisthatitwillwitheraway.Frombeing
everythingthestatewillbecomenothing,displacedbyaselfregulatingcivilsociety.This
longtermperspective,statestheauthor,ispresentthroughoutGramsciswritings:the
integralstateestablisheshegemonicapparatusessoasbettertoprepareitsownwithering
awayasaseparatestate(ratherthanpreparingitsreinforcement).Ninepagesaredevotedto
thisparadoxwhichisofcourseexplainedasdialecticandtopersuadingonethatitisnot
merelytheoldlibertarianviewindisguise.
Alltheresourcesofrigorismwillnotcanonisesuchaplatitude.Norwilltheritual
excommunicationofHegelfoundinallworksofthisschoolhidethetotallyidealist
tendencyoftheargument.Politicism,asoneistemptedtodescribeit,isawellmeaning
mystiqueofMarxism.AlthoughonlypartlyresidentinGramsciswork,itssubstanceis
certainlyItalianwithaGallictheoreticalform,ithasacquiredEuropeanpretensions.Its
endorsementsofitselfasthenewscrollofLeninism,orthecorrectclasspositionofthe
1980s,simplyunderscoreitsessentialimplausibility.Becauseofherthoroughness,her
magisterialscholarshipanddeepdevotiontoLeninism,theexpressionofthiscontradiction
attainsitsacmeinBuciGlucksmannsstudy.Afterconstantimprecationsagainst
reductionismherperspectiveuponthemosthopelesslyhumanof20thcentury
revolutionariesreduceshimtoalgebrahistoricalmaterialismissublatedintophilosophy,
menandwomenintointellectuals,andsocietyintoanectoplasmicstate.
GramsciwasarrestedinNovember1926,andfreedonlyonhisdeathbed,tenandahalf
yearslater.AcolleaguewentthroughhisbelongingsintheflatinRome,anddiscoveredan
essay,alreadyfinished,writtenonsmallparliamentarynotepaper(hehadbeenadeputyin
thetokenparliamentpermittedbytheFascistsfortheprevioustwoyears).ItstitlewasLa
QuestioneMeridionale.Itwasnotinfactcompleted,asCamillaRaverathought,anddidnot
appearinprintuntilfouryearslater,inanobscureexilejournalpublishedinParis.Yetinthe
longrunthisfragmentwastobecomepossiblythemostinfluentialItalianwritingofmodern
times.
ItscardinalsignificancewasquicklyunderstoodafterWorldWarTwo,andisreflectedinthe
judgmentmadeinGiuseppeFiorisLifeofGramsci(publishedintranslationin1971).
GramscisNotebooksinprison,Fiorisayssimply,areessentiallythecontinuationand
developmentoftheessayonTheSouthernQuestion.Thisviewhasofcoursebecomethe
obverseofthenewEuropeanone.Forthelatter,theessayappearsasjustonephase
(admittedlyanimportantone)intheelaborationofapoliticalphilosophywhichoriginatedin
191920,inthepagesofLOrdineNuovo,thendeepenedintheNotebooks.Itlosesitsfocal
position,tobecomeonemoreexampleofhowpromisingtheearlierwritingswere.AsAnne
Sassoonputsit,thetextdemonstrateshissensitivitytothemanifoldpoliticalnuancesofthe
largevarietyofsocialandeconomicstratainanextremelydifferentiatedsocialreality.
WhatwasthisSouthernQuestion?Itwasthecrucialfailureofpeninsularhistorical
developmentwhichhadruinedthenewItalianstate,andmadeFascismpossible.Andat
thesametimeitwasGramscihimself.TheoldSouthernintelligentsiaweresingledoutand
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bitterlyarraignedinhisanalysis,asastratumwhichhadsoldouttothePiedmonteseItalian
stateapparatus.TheyhadbetrayedtheSouthernmassesintoapermanentinternal
colonialism,andmadeallItalianunitypossibleonlyatthecostoffesteringinternal
corruptionandchronicallyunevendevelopment.Politicking,corruptandfaithless,theyhad
notbeencontentwithbleedingthepeasantsdryandturningVittorioEmmanuelesnew
KingdomintoaMafia:throughCrocesflatulentNeapolitanphilosophy,theyhadalsowona
kindofspiritualstrangleholdoverthenewera.LaFilosofiadelloSpiritocastacloakofpolite
Europeanliberalismoverwhatwas,intruth,amonstrousagrarianblocfunctioningasthe
overseerforNortherncapitalism,andwithinwhichthereexistednointellectuallight,no
programme,nodrivetowardsimprovementorprogress.
Gramscihimself,ofcourse,wasadeviantbyproductofthisgroup.HisfatherFrancescowas
aminorstatefunctionary,caughtwithhishandinthetillbyarivalcliqueofintellettuali.
ThatandhisaccidenthadobscuredAntonusowncareerprospects.Yethaditnotbeenfor
thewarandpostwarupheavalsinTurin,hewouldalmostcertainlyhavefoundanewniche
somewhereintheacademicbranchofthisdeplorablemachineryofhegemony.Savedfromit
byhiscommunism,GramsciretainedanintensehatredforMezzogiornodecadenceandits
effects.SouthernItalywhichinthisusemeansbackwardItaly,andincludesareasofthe
unredeemedCentreandNorthrepresentsagreatsocialdisintegration,thedecayand
resubjectionoftheold,preunificationsocietiesbyanotheralienstate.Onlysurfaceremedies
hadbeenprovidedforMachiavellischronicailment.Ithadsurvivedthecenturiestobecome
themainproblemforItalianCommunism.Anditsvirusesconstitutedtheveryintellectual
personality,theinnermostdramaofthefoundingfatherofthenewrevolutionarymovement.
TheSouthernQuestionnotesarereadintheleftwingpoliticalperspectiveasapleafor
socialrevolution.Thistheycertainlywere:Gramscisstrategicpointwasthatonlyanewkind
ofalliancebetweentheNorthernworkingclassandtheSouthernpeasantrywouldever
furnishabasisforagenuinerevolution.However,theSouthernQuestionwasalsothe
NationalQuestion.Itwasineffectthetaskofthisnovelhegemonicbloctoconstitutean
Italiannationandstate.Theproletariathadtoaccomplish,byrevolution,whatthe
bourgeoisieoftheRisorgimentohadashisessayshowedsopowerfullyfailedtodo.Onits
homeground,thespiritofMazziniannationalismhadbeenutterlybetrayedbyCavourand
theModerati.Everythinghadbeendonefromabove.Arigid,centralisedFrenchstatemodel
hadbeenimposeduponpeopleswho,becauseofthefailureofpeninsularabsolutism,had
neverenjoyedanyperiodofslowmaturationtowardscivilhomogeneity.
Atthe1977CongressofGramsciStudiesinFlorence,EricHobsbawmarguedthatGramscis
strategyderivedfromhisconceptwhollyoriginalinMarxisttermsoftheworkingclassas
partoftheNation.Asamatteroffact,Iamconvinced,hesaid,thatuptothepresentheis
theonlyMarxistthinkertogiveusabasisforintegratingthenation,asasocialandhistorical
reality,intotheframeworkofMarxisttheory.Heputsanendtotheusualhabitofseeingthe
nationalquestionassomethingexternaltotheworkingclassmovement,somethingtowards
whichweareobligedtodefineourposition.ChantalMouffedoesnotethisprescient
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observationinherintroduction,andconcedesthatinthepastMarxistshavebeenabysmally
neglectfulofnationalism.Butneithershenorherfellowcontributorsattemptseriouslyto
developthepoint,whichisalsoignoredinGramscisPoliticsandGramsciandtheState.
Whengiventheimportanceitdeserves,Hobsbawmsinsightsuggeststhefollowing
interpretivecriteria.SecularItalianproblemsarecrucialforunderstandingGramscithe
SardinianItalianman,andGramscithetheorist.NeitherthepostwarPCItotemisationnor
themorerecenttheoreticistandEuropeanreadingshavereallycopedwiththis,and
sometimestheyhavepositivelyfledfromtheissue.Closerhistoricalappreciationis,however,
aprerequisiteforanyendeavourtoextractatheoreticalkernelfromthePrisonNotebooks.
Thereasonsforthisareplainenough,andabundantly,ifunwittingly,demonstratedbythe
studiesconsideredhere.
AllGramsciskeynotions,likehegemony,passiverevolution,theintellectualsandsoon,
werevalianteffortstowrestItaliandilemmasintosomekindoftheoreticalsense.Though
brilliantlyinventive(andindeedshamingtomostofwhatpassesforMarxism),these
struggleswereonlypartiallysuccessful.Methodologically,theirexploratoryanduncertain
characterledtopersistentconceptualslippage,oroverextension,wherebytoomuchwas
crammedunderoneortheotherheading.Commentatorshavealwaysunderlinedtheobvious
causesofthegnomicaspectsoftheNotebooks:arduousprisonconditions,censorship,and
Gramscisdesperatephysicalstateandpersonalproblems.However,thesefactorsmayalso
haveservedtoamplifycertaininherentdifficultiesoftheGramscianintellectualproject.The
nationalrealitiessketchedinTheSouthernQuestionwereimperfectlyunderstood:the
Marxisttheorybroughttotheserealitieswasstillprimitiveanddefective:itisnotsurprising
thatevenatheoreticalgenius,strivingtoremakeboththingsatonce,occasionallytied
himselfinknots.
Theorymust,ofcourse,proceedthroughsuchmomentsofindeterminacyinorderto
advance.ButGramscisownprogresswashaltedbyhisdeath.Theresultantlegacyofa
decadeofnotesinevitablyposesexcruciatingproblemsforanybodyanxioustodisengagea
morefinishedmessageortheory.Thesearenotdiminishedbysuchmoonbeamsas
antihumanistinterpretationsintermsofultrapurifiedproblematics.JudgedbyBuci
Glucksmannsexample,problematicsmaybeeverybitasshiftyaspeople.ThoseGramscian
expansionsoftheconceptsofintellectualandstate,whichlieattheheartofherargument,
werealsotentative,searchingequivocationsuponwhichitisprobablyfataltotryandbuild
theoreticstructures.Inone(Italian)sensetheydenotetoomuch:inanother(theoretical)
sensefartoolittle.Thisistrueabovealloftheconceptchosenasfoundationstoneforthese
exercises:egemonia.
Here,BuciGlucksmannandtheothershavelessexcuse,fromastraightforwardscholarly
pointofview,sinceoneofthemostmasterlycritiquesoftheGramscianinheritanceyet
writtenwasconcernedwithpreciselythisidea.Ithastheadditionalpeculiarityofhaving
beenwritteninEnglish,andpublishedinLondon.ThoseweaknessesinthestudyofGramsci
intheAngloSaxonworldmentionedbyMouffeandSassoonarelesspervasivethanthey
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indicatenoristheirownapproachfreeofnaivetyandunconsciousprovincialism.Perry
Anderson,inhisessayTheAntinomiesofAntonioGramsci,providedanextensiveetymology
oftheconceptofhegemony,aswellasananalysisofthevariousmeaningshiftsinGramscis
adaptationofit.ThedebtthateverycontemporaryMarxistowestoGramscicanonlybe
acquittedifhiswritingsaretakenwiththeseriousnessofrealcriticism.heconcluded,and
thetruthisthatinthelabyrinthoftheNotebooks,Gramscilosthisway.
AndersonsessayappearedinNo100oftheNewLeftReview(January1977)andis,most
unfortunately,notavailableinbookform.InherPrefacetotheEnglishversionofherbook,
dated1979.BuciGlucksmanndevotesonlyonelineofreprooftoAndersonsthesis.Thisis
aimedatasecondarypoint,andisinanycasemisplaced.ChantalMouffeandAnneSassoon
resorttoaseriesofsmoulderingfootnotes,whereheisrepeatedlytoldtostandinthecorner
forreductionismandotherlapsesfromtheproblematic.Thereare(itmaybemorerelevant
tonote)politicalundercurrentsinoperationhere,asmuchasamongthevariousitemsin
GramsciandMarxistTheory.Onemightsay,inthiscase,betweenalatitudinarian
TrotskyismandleftwingEurocommunism.
DoestherefusalofGramscispropheticstatuscondemnhimtoamerelyhistoricaland
nationalimportance?Isitreducinghimfinally,likeawinesauce,intoanultramontane
oddity?ThosevexedbythethoughtshouldturntoJohnDavisscollectionofhistoricalessays,
GramsciandItalysPassiveRevolution.[4]ItisconcernedwithaspectsofItalysfailed
revolution,inboththe19thandthe20thcenturies.MrDavisslucidintroductionemphasises
howessentialthiscontextremainsforreadingGramsci.ApropostheSouthernQuestion,
aboveall,Gramscithehistoriancannotbeseparatedfrom,orcontrastedto,Gramscithe
politicaltheoristorGramscitherevolutionary.Herelaytheprimarynexusofhegemony,in
thenewdomesticcolonialismofaweak,belatedstateanxioustoestablishitsplaceinthe
Europeansun.Laynationalismandforcedanticlericalismwereideologicalcompensationsfor
weakindustrialdevelopment.Itwas,asDavispointsout,thesonsoftheSoutherngentry
whofilledthelawcourts,theschools,theuniversitiesandthepoliticalinstitutionsofthe
liberalstate,anditwastheywhoprovidedthemosteffectiveevangelistsoftheideologyofthe
state,underCrocesgrandisonantguidance.Throughthisbourgeoisculturalresolutionthe
realonewascontained,andtheCitiesofSilence(orprecapitalistcities)obtaineda
historicalrevengeontheforcesdisturbingthem.
Inhisowncontributiontothevolume,Daviscarriesthisanalysisfurtherbycriticising
Gramscisfamousessay.ItisnotreallyaccuratetostatethattheSouthNorthpolaritywas
comparabletotherelationshipbetweencountrysideandcity,heargues.Thiswasapost
unificationretrospectwhichevenGramscihadbecomethevictimofInreality,therehadbeen
twodifferentanddivergenteconomies,theSouthernonemuchlesscloselyrelatedtothe
Norththanisnowremembered.GreatBritainhadbeenitsmaintradingpartner,not
PiedmontandLombardy.Duringthefirsthalfofthe19thcenturytheBourbonstatepursued
itsownfitfulprogrammeofmodernisation,liketheHapsburgsandRomanoffsbutwithless
success.Theresultantcrisisdiscreditedthatstatewithdevastatingcompleteness,andmade
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theSoutherngentrywillingtocontemplateunion.However,thismeantthattheeconomic
unificationofthetworegionswastheproductofapoliticalratherthananeconomicprocess.
TherewasnocomplementaritybetweenSouthandNorth,asapologistsofpost1860Italy
pretended.
Onceagain,politicoculturalwillprevailedoversocioeconomicrealities.TheSouthernruling
groupsabandonedtheirownsocietyenmasse,andattachedthemselvesgreedilytothenew
stateapparatus.Hence(concludesMrDavis)theproblemsoftheSouthweretransposedinto
aneconomicandpoliticalcontextinwhichtheneedtofindsolutionswasoutweighedbythe
advantagesofpreservingandexploitingthoseveryweaknesses.Withoutautonomy,deserted
byitsrulingclass,theSouthwashelplessbeforethepredatorycapitalismoftheNorth.It
becamebackward,inshort,whileatthesametimethetoxinsproducedbythedisintegration
ofitsancientregimepermeatedtheneworder,intheformoftheintellettualiaboveall.
AmoregeneralcontextforthisfatalpassiverevolutionisfurnishedbyPaulGinsborg,inan
essayonGramsciandTheEraofBourgeoisRevolutions.HelooksatGramsciscategoriesof
activeandpassiverevolutioncriticallyandcomparatively,beforetryingtoreassesstheir
significanceforItalianhistory.Whilelamenting(justifiably)theabsenceofasatisfactory
typologyofbourgeoisrevolution,Ginsborghimselfsuggestssomeelementsforit.Itis
impossibletosaythatanysubstantialMarxistcritiqueofGramscishistoricalwritinghas
emerged.heobserves,attributingthedeficiencytoamixtureoffideismandpolemicalneed
toanswerpungentbourgeoiscriticssuchasRosarioRomeo.Forthisreasonhisownessayis
allthemoreimportant.ItsupportsGramscisgeneralpicturebyindependentcritical
scholarship,andsuggestsnewwaysofsettingItalyinEuropeanhistoricalperspective.
ItishardtorecommendthisandMrDavisstwocontributionstoohighly.Therestof
GramsciandItalysPassiveRevolutiondoesnotmeasureuptothem.Althoughthestandard
isimpressive,theotherpieceswanderawayfromGramsciintoveryspecialisedandlimited
topics.Theeditorapologisesforthelapseintoacademicism,admittingthattheviewofferedis
toonarrowtoprovidethebasisforanythoroughrevisionofGramscisarguments.Theyare
infactinvestigationsofsomeaspectsofthebackgroundtotheriseofFascism,incertain
zonesoftheCentreandNorth.Evenherethereisaconsolation,however,fortheconcluding
essaybyPaulCorneronFascisteconomicpolicyisbrilliantandiconoclastic.Hequestionsthe
stagnationistinterpretationoftheregimeseconomics,andtracesthedevelopmentand
motivesofstateinterventionaftertherhetoricoflaissezfairewasleftbehind.Although
Gramsciisscarcelyreferredto,thethemeisrelevant.Itisinstructive,forinstance,tocompare
thispicture,tentativeasitis,withthetheoreticaldogmaticsontheintegralstateinBuci
GlucksmannandsomechaptersofChantalMouffesbook.
WhatalternativevisionofGramscissignificanceissuggestedbyDavissapproach,andother
workofasimilarkind?Onlytheoreticalpulpiteerswillsniffreductionismorhistoricism.In
fact,anothertheoryispresent,onewhichlocatesbothGramsciandpoliticsdifferentlyin
relationtothemainstreamofhistoricalmaterialism.Accordingtothelatter,whilecertain
economicfactorsortrendsareindeedcommonandgeneralisableincapitalisthistory,their
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politicalcorrelatesremainfarmorediverseandsuigeneris.Thisisnottobeascribedto
anythingmysteriousaboutpoliticsimaginedasanautonomousrealm.Itisthecrassly
uneveneruptionofmoderncapitalistsocietieswhichistoblame.Modernisationhasattacked
societiesastheywere,withutterlydivergentpasts,customsandlanguageshenceithas
precipitatedstateformswhichcanonlybeirrationalfusionsofoldandnew.Thenational
particularelement,asHobsbawmsays,hasremainedinternaltoallsubsequentgeneralsocial
development,andcrucialtopolitics.Nineteenthcenturyliberalsand20thcenturysocialists
pretendedthatitwassomesortofexcrescence,alwaysonthewayout.Intruthasthelast
fewyearshavedemonstratedconclusivelyitwillremainintrinsictoallforeseeablesocialist
development,aswellastothebetterknowncapitalistsort.
Inthisperspective,GramscislocationwithintheItaliandilemmaishisuniversalsignificance.
Itishismarvellousexplorationofthatparticularantagonisticrealitywhichprovidesthe
modelforsocialistselsewherenotwhatcanbedistilledoutofitasabstractpoliticaltheory
orrevolutionarystrategy.Heisthegreatestexampleofunyielding,allembracingstruggle
withinonespecificfieldofforces.Butweareallinsuchparticularfields.Thoseplaguedwith
cosmopolitandelusionsarenoexception,andwoulddowelltoturntoGramscisanalysisof
theVaticanandphoneyuniversalisminItalysculturalpast.
Gramsciwasamanoftheabyss.Hispersonality,andtheessenceofhismarathonfightwith
destiny,weremadefromtheclashbetweenSardiniaandPiedmont,betweenthemost
unredeemed,alienSouthandtheferalnewcapitalismoftheNorth.Onecouldsay,
rhetorically,thatthiswasatypicalplightofmoderndevelopment,evenontheworldscale.
Butitmeansverylittleinpoliticalpracticeortheory.Inpracticalterms,theabyssisbridged
differentlyeverywhere,byacontingentstateformandpoliticalsystem:andtherecanbeno
easilyabstractabletheoryofthese,noranyphilosophicalstrategyfortransformingthem.
Whatcounts,therefore,isfollowingGramscisexamplewithinonesownsociety,employing
theinnumerablecluesandinspirationofthePrisonNotebookstodoso.Thoughnota
counselofdespair,thisis(obviously)oneofcautionandpatientbuilding.IfthereisanAgeof
Gramsci,itwillbeachievedbytransfusinghispessimismoftheintelligenceintootherplaces
andmovements.Optimismofthewill,liketheModernPrince,shouldbelefttotakecareof
itself.
[1]GramsciandMarxistTheoryeditedbyChantalMouffe.Routledge,288p.,9.50,22
November1979,0710003587.
[2]GramsciandtheStatebyChristineBuciGlucksmann.LawrenceandWishart,470pp.,
14,7February,085315483X.
[3]GramscisPoliticsbyAnneShowstackSassoon.CroomHelm.261pp.,12.95,24April,0
70990326X.
[4]GramsciandItalyspassiveRevolutioneditedbyJohnDavisCroomHelm.278pp.,
12.50,22November1979,0856647047.Anotherrecentworkdeservingseriousattentionis
H.EntwistlesdiscussionofGramscisantiRousseauism,AntonioGramsci:Conservative
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SchoolingforRadicalPolitics,Routledge,207pp.,3.95,October1979,071000354X.
Vol.2No.1417July1980TomNairnTomNairncontinueshisexaminationofrecent
attemptstofindinGramsciswritingsabasisforleftwingoppositiontoCommunism
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