CHAPTER III

REFLECTION OF INDIA IN OTHER HISTORY BOOKS OF

PERSIAN LANGUAGE WRITTEN DURING THE PERIOD
OF BABUR AND JAHANGIR
In the previous chapters, Babur and Jahangir's views about Indian society and
culture were discussed and analyzed in the light of their respective Memoirs. In
the process of examining the two valuable memoirs many interesting facts
came to light. Sometimes it was found that at some places both the Memoirs
are in agreement with each but on the large they provided divergent ideas about
the subject. The reason of these variations lays in the fact that Jahangir and his
great grandfather. Babur, were brought up in_ two different cultural
environments, which is explained in the very first chapter. Still both of the
Memoirs fail to give a complete insight in the society and culture of the period.
Many important aspects of society and culture, viz. education and learning,
literary development, position of women, condition of the lower class people,
dress style, etc. are either totally absent or insufficiently described. Apart form
this, though events in Babur' s Memoirs are chronologically recorded but there
are many gapsin it, of which two, from 1508 to 1519 and from 1520 to 1525
are very large. On the other hand Jahangir's memoirs, project him as an
unpredictable self-willed autocrat.

I 61

Therefore in these circumstances it

IS

incumbent to go through other

contemporary chronicles which could on the one hand be helpful in

establishing the veracity of the facts recorded in the two Memoirs and on the
other hand could provide information about other facets of Indian society and
culture, which are either missing or insufficiently described in these two texts.
In this context, four important Persian texts of the period viz. Tarikh-i-Rashidi
by Mirza Haider Dughlat, Akbar Nama by Abul Fazl Allami, Mhtakhab-utTawarikh by Abdul Qadir Badayuni and Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri by Mutamad
Khan are also being examined in the following pages.

Tarikh-i-Rashidi: The author of this valuable text, Mirza Haider was the
son of Muhammad Hussain Mirza who was married to the younger sister of
Babur's mother. His grandfather, Haider Mirza Dughlat was the Amir of
Kashgar. So our author was not only a great scholar, but also a descendent of
the great Mongol ruler Chengiz Khan, form mother side and a first cousin of
Babur. He seems to have inherited from his mother no small share of that
ability. and vigour which distinguished his more eminent relative. His father,
Muhamma!f Hussain was put to death at Herat in 1508 A.D.. , by the order of
Shaibani Khan. The nine year old Mirza Haider came to Kabul where he was
received by Babur with considerate and generous affection and was inducted in
the Royal household. He stayed with Babur's family for a brief period of five

162

years and in between accompanied him in many campaigns. In 1514 he joined

his uncle in Andijan.
Haider Mirza was bold and adventurous, was leader of campaigns to widely
distant places, like Kasgher, Badakhshan, Tibet, Baltistan etc. he finally
entered the services of emperor Humayun, with whom he fought the decisive
Battle of kannauj against Sher Khan and claims to have commanded the central
part of the imperial army. 1 Later when Humayun, ousted from Agra, was
looking for a proper base to mobilise troops, Mirza Haider took his permission
to invade Kashmir, which he successfully accomplished and ruled it as a virtual
ruler till his death is 15 51. During his stint in various parts of Central Asia,
India and finally in Kashmir, he had undergone many experiences. He recorded
these observations and experiences in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, which he started
writing after his victory over Kashmir. The book is in two parts, first part is
proper history and was written in 1544 and 1545. The second part, which has
more than twice the content of the first, and contains Mirza Haider's record of
his life and times, was written earlier than the first part, i.e. in 1541-42.
The objective of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, as the author tells his readers, is to
preserve the memory of the Mughals2 and their Khans, which at the time he
wrote, stood in danger of being altogether lost. In this book he also gives
sufficient information about his cousin Babur and second nephew Humayun.
1

Mirza Haider; Tarikh-i-Rashidi, Eng. tr. N: llias and E.D. Ross, Patna, 1973, p-476.
Not to be confused with Indian Mughals, in fact they were from the eastern branch of Chaghtay
Turks, to which the author himself belonged.

163

He also enriches the Tarikh-i-Rashidi with his experiences in India. But his
notices of India are fragmentary, and are confined to what passed under his
own observation; but yet give a vivid picture of the disorder and incapacity that
marked the eady reign of Humayun, and were the causes of his downfall. Apart
from this the author has also described in detail about some facets of society
and culture of Kashmir and its people. But it does not give any significant
information about society and culture of other parts of India. Since Babur has
not been to Kashmir, therefore he does not provide any information about its
culture and society and on the other hand Jahangir gives a detailed description
of Kashmir, therefore it becomes necessary to examine Mirza Haider's ideas
about Kashmiri society and culture. But first we will examine Mirza Haider's
general remarks about Indian society and culture, which are fragmentary in
nature.
About the location of India he writes, '"On the west and south of the range
mountain (Tibetan highland) lies Hindustan; while Bhira, Lahore and Bangala
(Bengal) are all on the skirts ofit". 3 Interestingly he also mentions the source of.
the major north Indian rivers. He writes, "all the rivers emerging from the
Tibetan mountains (Plateau) and flowing in the westerly or southerly directions
become rivers of lndia". 4 The author of this book rightly mentions Nilab
(Indus), Chenab, Jhelum and Sutlej as Indian rivers emerging fron1 Tibetan
highlands. But he makes one significant mistake i.e. he mentions Ganga and
3

Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p-406.
Ibid.

164

Jamuna rivers also to be originating from Tibet, there place of origin being the
Himalayas on Indo-Nepal border.
In very brief, he also mentions about trading relations between Indian towns
and nomads inhabiting the Tibetan highlands. Mirza Haider says that these
Tibetan nomads are called 'Champa' who during winters descend towards the
western and southern slopes of the Tibetan highlands and bring with them
Tibetan goods like wares of Khitai, salt, cloth of goats hair, zedoary (an
aromatic root, used in medicine), kutas (yaks), gold and shawls to Hindustan.
These nomads go back to Tibet in spring with Indian products like, cloths,
sweets, rice and grain. 5 Therefore, it seems that these nomads shuttled between
Tibet and India continuously. Such activity on their part suggests that they
were leading a tough and arduous life. Though Mirza Haider says that the
Champa nomads never feel fatig~e or troubled6 by their continous travel from
one region to the other. Interestingly he says that he never heard of a similar
practice among any other people. 7 It must be pointed out, that the movement of
merchandise on pack animals by the nomads or Banjaras was a very common.
feature during those days. The Banjaras were continuously on move and took
the commodities from one place to other. It is surprising to note that our author
writes that he never witnessed or heard of such practices among people other
than the Champa nomads. Apart form this single description of trading activity;

Ibid, p. 408.
Ibid, p. 409.
7
Ibid.

165

we don't come across any other similar narration, which could give us a picture
of trading activities during those days. In addition to the description of trade
practices undertaken by the Champa nomads, Mirza Haidar also writes about
the exchange rate of Indian currency with the Central Asian Shahrukhi. He says
that one lakh of the Hindustani currency is worth twenty thousand Shahrukhis. 8
It means that the ratio of India currency to the Shahrukhi was that of 5: 1, which
suggests that the Indian currency was either devalued or rate of inflation was
higher in India than in Central Asia. Apart from this the Tarikh-i-Rshidi does
not give any information. about economic activities of India in general.
About the social and religious set up and activities, there is very less
information in this text. The author does not give any detail about the religious
ideas of the Hindus, but he seems to have developed some sort aversion against
them, at one place he refers to them as 'senseless Hindus'. 9 It seems that due to
some political reasons, Mirza Haider developed aversion against Hindus. In
fact he was very loyal to the Indian line of Mughals, who were also his
kinsmen, he faught on Humayun's side against Sher Khan in the Battle of
Kannauj after which the former was driven out of India. Sher Khan had
mustered the support of many smaller Hindu chieftains also. Therefore, Mirza
Haider refers to them as senseless. Apart from these few informations we do
not come across any. other significant general depiction of Indian society and
culture.
8

Ibid, p. 469.
Ibid, p. 478.

166

The author of Tarikh-i-Rashidi writes in much detail about Kashmir, its

landscape climate, people, religion and customs, architecture and town
planning and flora and fauna, which are described in the following pages.
Describing Kashmir as one of the most famous countries of the world, Mirza
Haider says that it is celebrated both for its attractions and its wonders. But the
author does not give a complete picture of Kashmiri landscape, he only writes
about its plain area, i.e. Kashmir valley. He does not write about the mountains
and hilly tracts of this region. He correctly writes that the plain of Kashmir
extends from south east quarter to north west quarter. 10 The Gazetteer of India
also gives the same location of Kashmir valley. 11 Interestingly the author
categorizes the Kashmir plain land into four types viz. cultivated by irrigation,
cultivated without artificial irrigation, garden land and finally the river basin
area about which he writes, "level, ground, where the river banks abound in
violets and many coloured flowers". 12 He also praises the climate of Kashmir,
as pleasant in all seasons, even the winter snowfall was pleasant for him. He
writes, "The heat in summer is so agreeable, that there is at no time any need of
a fan. A soft and refreshing breeze is constantly blowing. The climate in winter
is also very temperate, not withstanding the heavy snowfalls, so that no fur
cloak is necessary. 13 Mirza Haider goes to the extent of describing Kashmir as

10
11

12

13

Ibid, p. 424.
Gazetteer of India, ed. P .N Chopra, N. Delhi, 1956, p. 17
Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 425.
Ibid.

167

having no equal in the entire world for the charm of climate during all four
seasons.
During ancient times the dominant religions of_Kashmir were Buddisim and
Saivism, ahd Sadur-ud-Din was the first muslim ruler of Kashmir. He
succeeded to the throne of Kashmir in 1320 A.D. At the time of accession, his
name was Rinchina and he professed Buddhist religion. The Brahmins of
Kashmir were not ready to accept a Buddhist ruler and therefore disgusted at
their narrow and conservative attitude, Rinchina soon embraced Islam
religion. 14 Later, Sultan Iskandar, father ofthe famous Zainul-Abedin, became
the ruler of Kashmir in 1389. Though he is credited with having abolished the
sectarian cess Jizya, but he is responsible for destroying many temples. Our
author lauds him for establishing Islam in the region, he writes, "Sultan
Iskandar, who established the Musalman faith and destroyed all the idol
temples". 15 But in any case Hinduism (Saivism) was a dominant religion in
Kashmir valley, at the time of its conquest by Mirza Haider. He writes in the
Tarikh-i-Rashidi, "In and around Kashmir, there are more than one hundred

and fifty temples". 16 The presence of large number of temples indicates that
Hinduism was followed by a good number of people. According to the author,
Kashmiri Hindus professed the faith ofBrahma. 17

14

15
16

17

F.M. Hasnain, Encyclopedia of India, Volume IX, part- II, New Delhi, 1992. P. 57.
Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 433.
.
Ibid . 426.
In Hindu belief system, Brahma is the supreme reality whc; has created the world.

168

Alongwith Hinduism, Islam was also in a flourishing state. Mirza Haider writes
that formerly all the Muslims followed the Hanifi school 18 of jurisprudence.

19

Side by side with the mainstream Islam, many other Islamic sects like
Nurbakshi essentially a Sufi silsilah, Shamsi, and other Sufi sects were also

gaining prominence in Kashmir. The author, who was a staunch Islamist was
repugnant to these heterodox sects, and gives some important information
about their ideology and religious belief About the Nurbakshis he writes that it
was a 'corrupt form of religion' introduced by a person named Shams, who
came form Talish in Irak. He alleges the Nurbakshis of practicing many
heresies and says that their religious text Fikh-i-Ahwat, does not conform to the
teaching of any of the sects, whether Sunni or Shia. Moreover they are also said
to have introduced many impious practices and infidel beliefs. 20 Mirza Haider
says that he sent their text Fikh-i-Ahwat to the Ulemas of Hindustan who
repudiated it and issued a decree that its author belonged to a false sect and was
an imposter who was inclined to schism and heresy. He also criticizes Sufis of
Kashmir for legitimizing 'heresies' and says, "they know nothing of what is
lawful or unlawful take and eat whatever they find. They give way to their lusts
and desires in a manner not consistent with the law."21 Mirza Haider even
mentions that these people detest science and men of leaming. 22 The other sect
mentioned by him is Shamsi sect. According to its philosophy, "our being

18
19

20
21
22

There are four major schools ofjurisprudence in Islam, Namely-Shafei, Haniji, Ma/eki and Hanbali.
Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 434.
Ibid, p. 435.
Ibid, p. 436.
Ibid.

169

(human existence) is derived form sun's luminosity".

23

Mirza Haider calls the

Shamsi followers as infields, who have corrupted Kashmiri people. Its chief
proponent in Kashmir was Shams-ud-din also called as Mir Shams. Our author
writes in the book that he awarded death sentence to these heretics and
therefore people were becoming aware of his severity towards these sects, no
one in Kashmir dares openly profess it and behave themselves as good
Sunnis. 24
The other chief facet of Kashmiri society and culture described in the Tarikh-iRashidi is architecture and town

pla~ing.

It is a well known fact that timber

wood is abundant in Kashmir, therefore most of the people use timber wood for
making houses and the buildings. Mirza Haidar rightly says, "there are many
lofty building constructed of fresh cut pine"25 About the residential and market
buildings he writes that most of them are at least five stories high and each
story contains apartments, halls, galleries and towers. He praises their exterior
beauties but says that interiors are not equal to the exteriors. Our author rightly
says that all who beheld them for the first time were astonished, because the
presence of five stories high beautiful wooden building were exceptional sight
for a new visitor, and such scenes were common in Kashmir. There were other
buildings built of stone also. Most of the idol temples were built of blocks of
hewn stone. Our author writes that the stone blocks of these temples were so
accurately
23

24

25

p~aced

upon the other that there is absolutely no cement used and

Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid, p. 425.

170

even a sheet of paper could not be passed between the joints.

26

He mentions

that the dimension of some of these stone blocks was as much as 20x 1x5 yards.
All the temples are said to be built on same plan. The interior and exterior of
these temples are richly decorated with pictures and paintings. Mirza Haider
expresses surprise and says, "In the rest of the world there is not to be seen, or
hard of, one building like this. How wonderful that there should be a hundred
and fifty of them!" 27 But Mirza Haider does not mention that which of the
ruined temples he is describing. The five most remarkable ruins now known are
those at Martand or Pandu Koru (Now called Anantnag), Bhaniyar (near Uri),
A vantipuram, Pandrettan and Payech. Significantly he also gives the
descriptibn of 'Zain Lanka,' an island cum palace complex developed by
former. Kashmiri ruler Zain-ul-Abedin in middle of the Wulur Lake. Presently
there appears to be no trace left of any palace. It should have disappeared, since
it is reported to have been constructed of wood. The accounts also give a little
information about town planning in Kashmir. The Tarikh-i-Rashidi. mentions
\

that passages in the markets and city streets are all paved with hewn stones and
the bazaars are not in fashion of bazaars of other towns.
Apart from the description of some comnwn facets of Kashmiri culture, Mirza
Haidar also writes about its flora. A known fact, which the author also
acknowledges is that Kashmir is abundant in fruits, but unlike his Mughal
kinsmen of India, Babur and Jahangir, Mirza Haidar does not enumerate these
26

27

Ibid, p. 426.
Ibid.

I 71

fruits by name. But like his cousin Babur, he also mentions that the gardens are
without walls. He also mentions about sericulture in Kashmir that indicates
that silk industry also flourished in Kashmir. In similar fashion he does not give
any detailed information about trade and commerce in Kashmir, only says, "In
streets of the market, only drapers and retail dealers are to be found. Tradesmen
do all their business in the seclusion of their own houses. Grocers, druggists,
beer-sellers, and that class of provision vendors who usually frequent markets,
do not do so here". 28
Mirza Haider's description of Indian society and culture in general and that of
Kashmir in particular are very limited but in terms of his opinion, it sounds
interesting. While describing the various religious and cult doctrines of that
period he seems to be more orthodox but when it comes to the depiction of
secular aspects of culture, he sounds to the more liberal. From his accounts it is
evident that he never intended to persecute Hindus and demolish their place of
worship but on other hand he was not ready to tolerate any type of schism in
the established Islamic ideology.

Muntakhab-Ut-Tawarikh: The author of this text Abdul Qadir Badayuni

was born at Todah and brought up at Bhusawar, a none-descript town in eastern

28

Ibid, p. 425.

172

Rajasthan?9 Badayun seems to be his permanent home early in life.

30

His

father, Muluk Shah also served emperor Akbar and was asked by the latter to
negotiate peace terms with Sangram Shah, an Amir of Adhil Shah Sur,
besieged in the fort of Ranthambhor. Badayuni received his education under
the guidance of some of the most illustrious scholars of the time like Mian
Hatim Sambhali and Sheikh Mubarak Nagori. He excelled in music31 , history,
astronomy and theology. Early in his life Jalal Khan Qurachi introduced him to
Akbar and on account of his beautiful voice he was appointed court Imam
where he continued his association \Vith

Sheik.~.~

Mubarak and his two sons

Faizi and Abul Fazl. To Sheikh Mubarak's learning Badayuni owed a

considerable debt, which he acknowledges ungrudgingly. 32 Although later on
he accuses the Sheikh and his sons, of heresy against Islam and of moulding
their opinion to the needs of different circumstance but he never challenges
their abilities as a scholar. In spite of his scathing criticism, Abul Fazl and Faizi
remained considerate to him and many a time made recommendation to the
emperor for favours to Badayuni.
The versatility ofBadayuni's talent is attested by the long list of his translation
works and composition of philosophical and religious treatises. He was
employed by the emperor to translate various Sanskrit, Hindi and Arabic texts
29

Abdul Qadir Badayuni, Muntakhab-ut-TAwarikh, ed. Maulavi Ahmad Ali, Vol. II, ASB, Calcutta,
.
Ibid, p. 86, where the author tells us that he moved from Badayun to Patiali; also , p. 126. he says
that he went to Badayun to get his brother married.
Faizi acknowledges his skills in music in a recommendation letter to emperor Akbar, copied by the
author, Ibid, Vol. III, Calcutta, 1969, p. 303-304.
Ibid, p. 176.

1865,p.23~:
30

31

32

into Persian. He translated Singhasan Battisi, Atharva Veda, Ramayana and

Mahabharata from Sanskrit to Persian; re translated the History of Kashmir

form Hindi to Persian qnd Majma-ul-Buldan and Jami-i-Rashidi were rendered

into Persian from Arabic. Among the works originally composed by him are, a
treatise on Hadis 33 called Bahr-ul-Asmar, a moral and religious treatise Najatur-Rashid and finally the monumental historical work Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh.

Badayuni tells us that he received stimulus in writing the Muntakhab from his
re translation ofthe History ofKashmir. 34 This work he completed in 999 A.H.
(1590 A.D.) 35 Therefore, it would have tak~n him nearly four years to complete
the Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, which he completed on Fridy, the 23rd of the
month Jamadi-us-Sani A.H. 1004 (March 5, A.D. 1595). 36 Moreover he also
acknowledges taking the help of previous texts like Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi
(Akbari) and the Nizam-ul-Tawarikh 37 (Tabakat-i-Akbari) of Nizamuddin

Akbar. The Muntakhab is in three volumes. The first volume deals with the
reigns of different rulers prior to Akbar. After the formal praise of God and the
Prophet, Badayuni opens the work with a brief account of Ghaznavid dynasty
and follows it up with that of Ghorid and Slave dynasty of Sultanate period of
India. He ends the first volume with the . description of Mughal ruler
Humayun's reign. Badayuni also appends at the end of each chapter, a list of
poets who lived ir. the reign of that particular ruler. The second volume starts
33

Prophet Muhammad's (peace be upon him) sayings and traditions.

Muntakhab-ut-Tmvarikh, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1868, p. 5
35
Ibid.
36
Ibid, Vol. III, p. 397.
37
Ibid, vol. I, P. 7.
34

174

with Akbar's accession to the royal throne and describes the events till the 40

111

year of his reign. Finally, the third volume deals with the life works and other
achievements of saints, scholars, physicians and poets associated with Akbar's
court. Therefore in true sense we can say that the third volume is in the form of
a Tazkira, even the first volume is also partially in Tazkira form.
Badayuni does not merely narrate the events of the lives of his subjects,
including Akbar, but passes his judgments on their piety, knowledge,
accomplishments and above all, or their religious learnings. In the course of the
narration of the historical events and ideological leavings of a particular person
he also gives us a blurred picture of Indian society and culture of his times, the
subject matter ofthis study. Our author gives some important information
about India in general and different facets of Indian society and culture in
particular.
Badayuni describes India as a vast country with open fields for all
licentiousness. 38 He further says that it has become the center of security and
peace, and land of justice and beneficence due to which learned men have.
immigrated and chose this country for their home. 39 Badayuni rightly describes
India as a land of peace and security, because before Akbar's accession to the
royal throne of India, the Afghan rulers especially Sher Shah Sur had
established efficient law and order system that was further strengthened by the
resumption of Mughal rule in India, which gave political stability to the empire.
38
39

Ibid, vol. II, P. 246.

Ibid, p. 271.

175

Due to the political stability a uniform and consistent administrative system

evolved by the extraordinary vision of Mughal rulers especially Akbar.
Political stability and consistent and efficient administrative mechanism
provided peace and security to the empire and now the rulers had sufficient
time and peace of mind to encourage and patronize intellectual and artistic
accomplishments.
About physical landscape of the country, our author does not provide any
significant information, he merely says that Humayun was impressed by the
fine climate of Bengal and terms Kashmir as a beautiful country, but fails to
give any detailed information about the scenic beauty of Kashmir.
The Muntakhab again fails to give a complete picture of economic condition of
the country and its people. With the help of some stray information recorded in
the text; we can surmise the economic situation of that period.
Agriculture formed the backbone of Indian economy and most of the people
depended on it for livelihood. Our author mentions about some measures
initiated by the emperor to improve agriculture. He writes that all parganas of
the country, whether dry or irrigated, whether in towns or hill, in deserts or
jungles, were measured and divided in piece of lands, each of which upon
cultivation could produce one crore tankas and each of the pieces was placed .
under the charge of an officer called Krori. These Kroris were also asked to

176

bring all the uncultivated land under cultivation, in a period of three years.

40

But according to Badayuni, the kroris proved inefficient and a great portion of
the lands were laid waste. Finally they were made accountable to Raja Todar
Mal.. But hence after our author does not mention, whether the situation
improved or remained same. During this period trade and commerce also
progressed considerably, since time immemorial India has always been a
important partner in the international trading system. Moreover with the
frequent arrival of European traders during medieval period,

41

India's share in

foreign trade increased considerably. The increasing demand of Indian

handicrafts, especially cotton cloths, in foreign markets, would have certainly
given boost to the domestic handicraft industry. But again Badayuni does not
give any significant information pertaining to these developments. At one place
he writes about the use of European curtains and tents in the royal house hold
on special occasions42 , which can suggest that mainly luxurious items were
imported to cater the needs of affluent and rich sections of society. The
Banjaras mostly carried on inland trade. They were generally grain merchants
and transported the produce of one region to the other where it was not
produced. They were also helpful in providing ration to armies campaigning in
far flung areas.

43

It seems that innumerable tolls and tithes were hindering trade

and commerce during those days; therefore in order to encourage trade Akbar
40
41

42
43

Ibid, p. 189.
The Portuguese navigator and merchant Vasco de Gama arrived on the coast ofCalicut in 1498
A.D.
Muntakhab-ut-Tmvarikh, p. 301 & 338.
Ibid, p. 234.

177

abolished all tolls and tithes (tamgha). But our author laments that due to
abolition of tamgha alongwith jizya, the royal treasury was deprived or large
amount of revenue.

44

As far as the economic condition of people is concerned, it does not seem to be

satisfactory. From some cursory descriptions it can be gauged that wide
economic disparity existed in the society. Badayuni mentions about the lavish
display of wealth by the richer class, especially the royalty. He writes about
costly gifts given by emperor Akbar to his mother, and aunt Gulbadan
Begum. 45

At another place he mentions about the-costly dowry gifts given to

Prince Salim and Prince Daniyal by Rajah Bhagvan and Mirza Khan-i-Khanan
respectively. 46 But on the other hand, the people from lower economic strata
had to struggle hard for two square meal. It was they who suffered most during
famines or fl<,>od. Badayuni mentions about the outbreak of famine during the
reign of Adil Shah Sur. Vlhile narrating the suffering of people during the
famine that plagued the region of Agra, Byana and Delhi

for two years, our

author does not differentiate between rich and poor and between Hindus and
Muslims. He mentions, that the price of half ser jawar (millet) reached two and
half tankas, which was in fact not available even on that price. Men of wealth
and position had to close their houses and died in numbers. The situation was
'

so grave that even place for burial and shroud to cover the corpse was not

44

Ibid, p. 276.
Ibid, p. 322.
46
Ibid, p. 3.41, 389

45

178

available, bulk of the people survived on the seeds of Mughailan thorn

(Accacia Arabica or Kikar in Hindi), wild herbs and skin of oxen. These things
had adverse effect on their health and their feet got swelled. He even claims to
have witnessed with his 'guilty eyes', man eating his fellow man. 47 Though our
author writes that every one irrespective of his economic status suffered during
the famine, but it is understandable that the situation of poorer section was
worst. This section had always been at the receiving end. The Muntakhab
mentions that poor people forced by hunger and extreme misery, sold their
chi!dren. 48 These poor people who were mostly landless labourers or raiyats
were often suppressed and severely dealt with by the revenue officials.
Badayuni mentions that if they failed to fulfill the demands or revenue
officials, they were often subjected to severe beatings and protracted
confinement in prison cells. 49 Apart from two distinct economic classes, the
society was composed of various religious groups and heterodox also sects.
The chief religious groups were Hindus and Muslims. The Hindu society was
further divided on caste lines ..~'fhe most respectable and high ranking were the
Brahmanas. Badayuni mentions that emperor Akbar had special predilection
and inclination towards Brahmanas. 50
Women, who are the integral part of human society, have always been
considered as subservient to male. Though in present days their situation seems
47

48
49

50

Ibid,
Ibid,
Ibid,
Ibid,

Vol. I, p. 428 & 429.

Vol. II, p. 189 & 391.
P. 189.
p. 161.

179

to have improved a little, but in ancient and medieval period they constantly
lived in an atmosphere of insecurity. After marriage the Hindu woman became
an inseparable partner of her husband. If her husband died, she was burnt with
her. husband and became Sati. Badayuni mentions that Akbar issued a
regulation, that widows of tender age, whose marriage was not consummated,
should not be burnt.

51

Later another regulation was issued that widows should

not be forced for Sati against their wish. 52 Such guarded measures against the
Sati System suggests that it was so entrenched in the society that an emperor
like Akbar had not the courage to completely ban it, apart from this polygamy
was also an accepted norm during those days. It seems that rich and affluent
people had more than one wife. The Muntakhab has recorded in detail a debate
among the Ulemas, on question of number of wives a man can marry according
to Islamic law. 53 It is sure that polygamy was not prevalent among poorer
people because they were unable to support larger family due to lack of
resources .. Possession of many wives was certainly considered to be matter of
honour and prestige during those days. Woman, be it wife, daughter, sister or
mother was also associated with the honour and dignity of the particular family
to which she belonged. It was this reason that in times of war, women of the
losing side from the fear of falling in enemy hands and consequently losing
their dignity often burnt themselves enmass on pyres which was termed as
jauhar (heroic deed). Badayuni mentions about the jauhar performed by the
51

52
53

Ibid, p. 356.
Ibid, p. 376.
Ibid, P. 211.213.

180

Raj put ladies in the fort of Raisen 54 and Chittor. 55 Therefore the so-called
honour and dignity extended to women made them sufferer at another level
also. The windows were not allowed to re-marry. The emperor Akbar had
. issued a regulation, which was intended to legalize widow re-marriage. 56
Therefore with all respect and regard extended to w_?men, they were not given
any liberty or right, which could have made them independent in taking
decisions in their own interest. In these circumstances she continued to live a
pathetic life. By the time of establishment of Mughal rule in Indian, religious
ideas like Christianity and Zoroastrianism, which were hitherto unknown in
larger part of India, started gaining recognition. Emperor Akbar often held
discussion with Christian and Zorastrian theologians, on various religious
matters. Badayuni mentions that the Christian monks were called Padre and
have an infallible head called Papa (Pope). He rightly mentions that the Pope
has authority to change religious ordinances, as he may deem advisable for the
moment. Moreover he out rightly says that the Pope is regarded to be infallible.
He also indirectly mentions that Christians believed in 'Trinity, ' 57 but does not
elaborate the concept of Trinity. About the Zoroastrians he writes that they are
fire worshippers and procla~m the religion of Zardusht as true one and practiced
the rites arid ceremonies ofKaianians (an ancient Persian dynasti 8
/

54
55
56
57
58

Ibid Vol I, P. 367

Ibid, Vol II, P. 104
Ibid, P. 356
Ibid, p. 260
Ibid, p. 261

181

Hinduism being the dominant religion of India, towards which emperor Akbar
showed considerable tolerance and liberalism, also drew the attention of our
author. Though Badayuni shows his utter contempt while mentioning about its
ten~ts and rituals, yet the description given by him is riche~ in terms of
information, than the texts consulted earlier. He mentions tpthat Hindus believe
in the theory of transmigration. 59 While mentioning about Birbal's preaching to
emperor Akbar about different natural objects and gods worshipped by Hindus,
he enumerates in the Muntakhab their names, like fire, sun, stars, Brahma,
Mahadev, Bishn (yishnu), Kishn (Krishna) and Rama. 60 Interestingly he also
mentioned the heroic battle of Rama against demon king Ravana, about which
he came to know from the Ramayana, which he read while translating it on the
orders of Akbar. The other creatures revered and worshipped in Hindusism and
mentioned by Badayuni are Varaha (Wild boar) and cow. Badayuni seems to
be disappointed on the prohibition of cow slaughter and says with contempt,
"He, (Akbar) prohibited the slaughter of cows ... because Hindus devoutly
worship them and esteem their dung as pure. Instead of cows they sacrifice fine
men".

61

Temple ofNagarkot, kamrup and Puri are also mentioned as important

centres of Hindus. Badayuni mentions about the bizarre tradition of sucidal

sacrifice by devoted Hindus in front of a deity in the temple of Kamrup. 62 The
traditional fair at kurukshetra to commemorate the battle of Mahabharata is

59
60
61

62

Ibid, p-305
Ibid , p 257
Ibid p. -261
Ibid, p. -190

182

also mentioned by him. He mentions puri by the name of Katak-u-Banaras,

since it is mentioned to be situated in Orissa and to be stronghold of Jagannath,
it is certain that Badayuni was referring to Puri. Sivratri and Rakshabandhan
are .the two Hindu festivals mentioned in the Muntakhab. Badayuni even
mentions about the eating habit of Hindus and says they did not eat garlic and
.

omon.

63

Islam was the other dominant religion practiced in India during these days.
Sunni and Shias were the two major sects of Islam followed in India and also at
the royal court. Though the Mughal rulers professed Sunni faith, yet Shiaism
also held considerable influence at the royal court. People professing Shia faith
were appointed to higher posts. Bairam Khan was a Shia, yet he was the regent
of emperor Akbar. But our author expresses his contempt against Shia doctrine
and terms them as 'absurd'. 64 Apart form these two mainstream sects other
heterodox Islamic sects and cults were also in fashion during those days, like
1/ahi, Roshniya and Mahdavis. Our author does not clearly mention about the

ideology of llahis, he only says that they used to utter all sorts of foul lies and
nonsense, due to which some of its followers were banished from the empire by
emperor Akbar himself. 65 From the Muntakhab, it is evident that Mahdawi
ideas were also in vogue during those days. Sheikh Mubarak himself claimed
to be Mahdi, due to which he invited the wrath of the ulemas, later he was

63
64

65

Ibid p-303
Ibid 317
Ibid p-299

183

absolved on account of the genius of his sons and timely mediation by Sheikha
'

Salim Chishti.

66

Another person Khwaja Moulana Shirazi is also mentioned to

have distributed pamphlets. The other Islamic sect, which had considerable
following and even challenged the Mughal authority, was Roshnai set. 67
Bayazid Ansari founded it, but Badayuni does not mention his name, he only
writes that the founder took the name of Roshni. The Roshni sect had
considerable number of followers from the Afghan tribe Yusufzai and was
active in north western part of the Mughal empire. The Roshnais under the
leadership of Bayazid's son Jalala fought tooth and nail against the Mughal
forces in Khyber pass but were crushed severely. Akbar's close friend Birbal
got killed during this campaign. Its founder Bayazid Ansari even wrote a book
titled Khair-al-bayan in which he explained the tenets of his sect.
The author of the Muntakhab was an orthodox Sunni Muslim; therefore any
innovation in traditional Sunni ideology was repugnant to him. It was this
reason that he branded all Islamic mainstream and heterodox sets except his
own faith as heresy and condemned it in strongest possible terms. It is already.
mentioned above that Hindus and Muslims were the two most dominant
religious ideas in medieval India, which were on course of mutual assimilation,
'

but such integration and assimilation was largely visible in areas of artistic and
cultural development. At social level differences still persisted among them,
inter-dining among them was probably completely absent. Badayuni mentions
66
67

Ibid p. 201
Ibid p-346, 349

184

and near Agra, the emperor built two separate places for feeding poor Hindus
and Muslims, named Dharmpura and Khairpura. 68 Earlier also during the reign
of Islam Shah Sur separate arrangements were made in the Sarais for Hindu
and_ Muslim travellers. 69 Therefore social intercourse was only taking place in
public arenas but at private and domestic level it was very limited.
Other social customs and traditions mentioned in the Muntakhab are child
marriage, polygamy and some superstitions practice, like ordeals to test the
truth of witnesses of the defendant. Badayuni mentions that Akbar had banned
polygamy and marriage among cousins and rose the age of marriage to 16
years and 14 years in case of boys and girls respectively.
Apart from these regular features of a mediaeval society, some social vices
prevalent since time immemorial are also mentioned to exist during those days.
Prostitution, adultery, liquor consumption, human sacrifice etc were prevalent
during those days also. Badayuni mentions that prostitution was legalized and
0

accordingto imperial orders a separate place was built outside Agra that was
named Shaitanpura. 70 An. incident of adulterous romance is also mentioned in
the text. A person

nam~d

Sayyid Musa was indulged in romantic affairs with

the Hindu wife of a goldsmith, named Mohini, their romance was resisted by
the girl's relatives and also the government authorities. Finally it ended with

68
69

70

Ibid, p-324
Ibid, Vol I, p-384
Ibid Vol III, o-302

185

their tragic death. 71 Though it is clear that adultery incidents did occur in the
society but it was certainly not acceptable to any body. According to
Muntakhab wine consumption was also widely prevalent and the drinkers often

created law and order problems. Thereforejn order to check excessive drinking
and keep the matters within bounds, a wine shop was set up near the fort and
the sale of wine was regulated. 72
Badayuni also mentions about some modes of entertainment, most of which
were enjoyed by the royalty. The text mentions that members of royal family
and nobles often organized qumurgha (hunting). Chaughan (Polo) was the
other sport preferred by the affluent classes. Apart from these two, chess and
dice playing were also common. Singing, dancing and music were other modes
of community entertainment. The Muntakhab mentions about a professional
singing girl who was indulged in romance with a Sheikh of Gwaliyor.
Badauni narrates Indian society and culture, largely in religious perspective.
All the religions and sects except the traditional Sunni Islam were repugnant to
him and he leaves no dearth in critiCizing them. His narrative suggests that he .
was a traditionalist and therefore was unable to accept certain reforms in the
Muslim

soci~ty.

On the other hand the description of secular aspects of culture

are more informative and without any bias.

71

72

Ibid Vol II, p-110 to 119

ibid p.306-302

186

Akbar Nama: The author of this valuable historical work, Abul Fazl was the
son of Sheikh Mubarak, son of Sheikh Khizr who emigrated from Sind to Agra.
Sheikh Mubarak became one of the most learned men of the time, and was
conspicuous during the reign of Akbar for his great erudition and his liberal
opinions on religious matters. Two of his sons Faizi and Abul Fazl rose to
prominence due to their literary and scholastic accomplishments. Abul Fazl
alongwith his elder brother Faizi received early education from his father and
imbibed his liberal opinions. They were reviled by the Ulemas as heterodox,
. apostates and heretics. In realization of their talents, Akbar awarded the elder
brother the title of poet-laureate; the younger Abul Fazl was initially assigned
the task of more or less persmtal nature. 73 But gradually Abul Fazl gained the
confidence of the emperor and was sent on important campaigns. Impressed by
his success in these campaigns Akbar exalted his position to the cmansab of
3000 and later to 5000.
As a great scholar he has rriany philosophical, historical and literary works to
his credit, like Ayar-i-Danish, commentary on Ayat-al-kursi, collection of his
letters called Muntakhab-i-Allami preface to the Persian translation of
Mahabharata and to the Tarikh-i-Alfi, Akbar Nama, Ain-i-Akbari etc.
The Akbar Nama is a monumental work and was originally written in three
volumes. The third one was titled Ain-i-Akbari. Later the first volume was split
into two one covering the history from Adam to Humayun's death and the
73

Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar, New Delhi, 1976, p-49

187

second from Akbar's enthronement to the first seventeen regnal years. The
second volume came to be regarded as the third. The Ain-i-Akbari was also
divided by Blochman into two, and by Munshi Nawal Kishore and the
Bibliotheque Indica translators into three volumes.
The Akbar Nama, apart from Ain-i-Akbari, contains extensive information on a
variety of subjects including some aspects of Indian society and culture, but
within the limitations of the narrative of political events. The Ain-i-Akbari is
altogether different in its character from the narrative part. It is specifically
meant to be some kind of gazetteer of information and its third volume is a
kind of encyclopedia of Hindu philosophy and ideology.
The Akbar Nama and the Ain-i-Akbari present a favourable picture of Indian
economic condition. It is a known fact that agriculture has been the backbone
of Indian economy. Therefore large part of Indian population preferred to take
on agriculture and live in rural areas. The villages of rural India during those
days were self governing and self-sufficient also. Thus the village world has its
blacksmith, its porter, its carpenter etc. These were all hereditary and were paid
at the harvest time with share in the produce. Trade in various commodities
was sustained with barter. Moreover, the rural community had unlimited scope
for the expansion of the holding because plenty of cultivable land was available
for development. The state gave all encouragement in the shape of reduction in
the state demand and taqawi loan to those desirous of possessing new holding

188

or expanding their old ones. 74 It does not mean that self-sufficiency rendered
the villages into isolation due to which they possibly became stranger to
industry and trade and commerce. In fact the well to do villager depended on
the neighbouring towns for all luxuries. Therefore the village did carry on some
trade with others, apart from exporting its surplus agriculture produce to near
by towns, it also took advantage of any easily procurable raw material and
processing it into article of use. Prosperous towns are the logical result of a
well to do rural society, particularly in a polity that depends for its well being
on agricultural produce. As export trade developed, large commercial houses
and even bigger unit of production for the manufacture of exportable items
came into existence. The establishment of Karkhanas or BuyutaP 5 is the
indicator of increase in the complexity of mode of production. They also
played an important role in developing techniques and providing employment
to master crafts men and training to their apprentices.
Increased industrial and commercial activities led to the development of cities
and towns. Ralph Fitch who visited Agra and Fatehpur Sikri

in 1"583 recorded.

that "Agra and Fatehpur are two great cities, either of them much greater then
London. Between Agra and Fatehpur are 12 miles and all the way there is a
market. .. as full as though a man were in a town and so many people as if a
man were in market." 76

74

Abut Fazl Ain-i-Akbari, Book III, edited by Blochman, Calcuta, 1977, p. 285-586
Ibid p. 59-62.
7
~ William Foster, Early Travels in h ;dia, London 1912, p. 17.
75

189

The Ain-i-Akbari provides sufficient information for sketcing the condition of

common city dwellers. Akbar's rupee was divided into 40 dams. An unskilled
worker received two dams per day wages. A skilled worker received seven
dams. Two dams would fetch 13lb 14oz of barley, 9lb 14oz of wheat, 5 lb 9oz

of ordinary rice, 2 lbs of brown sugar, llb 60oz of best oil, 15oz of salt and llb
6oz of milk and 2 dams would fetch about 6 yards of coarse cloth. 77 This gives
the impression that workers had plenty of good food, were properly clad and
well dressed.
But it does_not mean that the common masses always enjoyed a contended life.
Some times they had to face grim situations too. In rural areas peasants and
raiyats often rebelled due to heavy revenue demand and oppression of local

revenue officials and zamindars. Abul Fazl writes in other words, "such
misbehabviour (relebllion ofpreasnts) was punished with a heavy hand, but the
villages which acted loyally were rewarded in several ways, specially in the
form of lenient assessment of revenue". 78
Moreover, the condition of common masses was pathetic during famines. Abul
Fazl mentions about the plight of people when a famine occurred in Kashmir in
15 97. He writes "On account of the deficiency of rain and the dispersal of the
husbandmen, prices became somewhat high. Though by the coming of the

77

There figures are based on Vincent. A.Smith, Akbar and Great Mugal, Oxford, 1926, p. 480. He
utilized the figures from Abu! Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, Book I, Ains 27, 28.
78
Ain-i-Akbari, Book III, p. 285.

190

victorious army the scarcity was increased." 79 Due to lack of proper irrigation
system and inactivity of most of the rulers in this regard, famines were a
constant threat to the health and life of common people during the entire
medieval period. Such calamities also had adverse affect on the state treasury.
The medieval Indian society can be conveniently divided into two great groups
based upon religion and culture. There were Muslims arid Hindus. Some other
smaller groups like Zoroastrians, Christians, Jainas 80 and Buddists are also
mentioned in the Akbar Nama. Though culturally and traditionally, followers of
these religions were different from each other. However, living within the same
habitat and under common government does create the necessity of
communication that leads to religious and cultural integration. Therefore a
composite society was evolving gradually. In addition to the various religious
communities, Abul Fazl also mentions about some of the indigenous tribal
countries also, like Bhils and Gonds. About the Gonds he writes, "In the .
spacious territories of India there is a country called Gondwana, viz. the
country inhabited by Gonds. They are a numerous tribe and mostly live in the
wilds. Having chosen this as their abode, they devote themselves to eating and
drinking and to venery. They are a low-caste tribe and the people of India
despise them and regard them as outside the pale of their realm and religion." 81
The above sentence from the text suggests that hierarchal division was
79

Abul Fazl, Akbar Nama, Vol III, edited by Maulana Abdur Rahim, Calcutta, 1887, P. -727.
In the Akbar Nama, Jainas are mentioned by the name Siurha, Abul Fazl, Akbar Nama, Vol II, edited
by Maulan Abdur Rahin, Calcutta, 1877, P-50; also Akbar Nama, English translation. H. Beveridge,
Vol. I, N. Delhi, 1989, P. 147, fn-2.
81
Akbar Nama, Vol. II, 1887, p. 209

80

191

prevalent in the Hindu society and certain indigenous communities were

considered to be outcaste. Bhils are the other tribal community, portrayed in
bad light by our author. He refers to them as savage denizens. 82 Superstitious
beliefs and practices, which have been an integral part of all societies, were
also prevalent in medieval Indian society. Abul Fazl mentions about a Kashmiri
brahmana named Shiv Dat, who practiced sorcery with the intention of
controlling ghosts and holy spirits, through which he could know the truth
. 83
ab out every thmg.

There were other innumerable superstitious practices

prevalent in Indian society, some of which were bizarre in nature and the
women were its victim. Sati and Juhar were two such practices. Abul Fazl
mentions about widow burning in these words, "some protagonists of the path
of righteousness

yield up their lives merely on hearing the inevitable lot of

their husbands ... some deliberately and with open brow enter the flames
alongwith their husband's corpse" 84 in another incidence when the Mughal
forces besieged the fort of Chittor and Chaurgarh, women folk of the palace
committed jauhal5 and saved their honour and dignity. Prevalence of such
customs are suggestive of the weak position of women in Indian society.
Along\vith the description of some superstitions practices, the Akbar Nama also
mentions about some common social vices prevalent in the medieval Indian
society. Abul Fazl with utter disgust describes the lascivious and adulterous

82

Ibid P. 203
Akbar Nana, vol III, P-507.
84
Ibid, P-256
85
Akbar Nama, Vol II, P, 215,320
83

192

romance of Ali Quli Khan and Shaham Beg with a prostitute named Aram
Jan. 86 It certainly" suggests that such things were never acceptable to the
masses, as well as to the government establishment.
In the course of the political narrative, the Akbar Nama also mentions about
royal feasts and picnics various modes of entertainment, pass qumurgha (royal
hunting expedition) 87 and chughan (polo) 88 , which were the favourite outdoor
sports of the ruling elites. The indoor games preferred at the royal palace were
chaupar and chess. The later two along with cards were also popular among the

common people. Abul Fazl mentions about some servants of the royal
household playing these games in free times. 89
The Akbar Nama is written in panegyric style. In it the author has tried to raise
the emperor to the level of divinity. But when it comes to the cursory narration
of some socio-cultural aspects of Indian Abul Fazl adopts a straightforward
style. His writings show that followers of different religions were generally free
from bigotry and were living in cordial atmosphere. Though during his
youthful days, his family had to face the wrath of ulemas, yet he remained
tolerant towards one and all. Ain-i-Akbari, the last part of the Akbar Nama
depicts a favourable picture of the economic condition. In a nutshell we can say
that Abul Fazl's writings suggest that the politically stable, ideologically liberal

86

Ibid P-83 & 84

Ibid, p-281
88
Akbar Nama, Vol. I, p-146
89
Akbar Nama, Vol. III, p, 391
87

193

and economically sound reign of Emperor Akbar was helpful in the growth of
harmorious society and culture.

Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri: It is a valuable historical source by Nawab

Mutamad Khan. It comprises of three volumes, the first deals with the history
of the Timurid dynasty till the death of Humayun, the second deals with the
reign of Akbar and the third covers the entire reign of Jahangir and the
accession of Shah Jahan to the Mughal throne. The third volume also mentions
the names of the royal family members, learned men, physicians and poets of
Jahangir's reign. The first two part are scare but the third popularly known as
Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri is common enough.

The incidents of first nineteen years narrated in the Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri

niay be considered as abridgement of Jahangir's Memori's, which Mutamad
Khan was directed to continue and complete. Hence in the last section he also
mentions about Shah Jahan and adopts a tone of bitterness and hostility towards
Nur Jahan. Nevertheless his work is equally important for us because on many
occasions he writes with the authority of an eyewitness.
By going ,through the pages of Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangir, one gets sundry
information about Akbar's reign and also about Central Asian affairs.
Therefore this book is very important for the study- ..of Central Asian history
from Indian perspective. But along with all political and military events, the

194

book also describes the prevailing socio-cultural and economic conditions of

India.
Mutamad Khan gives a vivid description of agricultural produce of certain
regions especially Kashmir which is suggestive of immense fertility of this
region's land. He mentions that wheat, barley, pulses and moong are produced
in abundance in Kishtwar. Other products like Saffron, citron, orange, melons
and muskmelons produced there are better in taste and quality than those
produced in the main Kashmir valley. 90 Mutamad Khan also mentions about
the shawl industry of Kishtawar, but says that it is manufactured in less
quantity than in the main Kashmir valley. It means that shawl industry was
thriving in entire Kashmir region. In addition, our author also gives a hint
towards trade and commerce activities in the region. The mention about a
certain currency named Sanhasi, issued by local Kashmiri rulers. Interestingly
he also mentions about the exchange rate of Sanhasi with rupee, the currency
of Mughal dominions. He mentions that in trade and commerce 15 sanhasis is
exchanged for 10 rupees. 91 About the unit of weight measurement he writes
that 2 sers oflndia equals to 1 Kashmiri num.
From the Iqbal nama-i-Jahangiri and other sources; it appears that, during
Mughal period, people were leading a prosperous and contended life. But from
some other portions of the same texts, it appears that during natural calamities

90

Mutamad Khan, Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri; edited by Abdul Hai and Ahmad Ali, ASB, Calcuta, 1865,
P. 125
91
Ibid, P-126.

195

and outbreak of epidemics, the masses had to suffer great hardships. Some
calamities also claimed the life of lakhs of population and in some cases an
entire region was wiped out. The lqba Nama mentions about the outbreak of
~--

Bubonic Plague that started from PunjaB and rapidly spread over to Sirhind,
Delhi and doab region. It claimed the life of a huge chunk of population of
these regions, to lesser or greater extent it affected the entire Hindustan and
continued till eight years. 92 The ruling elites and other affluent classes were
probably in better position to avoid such calamities. With resources and means
they were in a position to take refuge in unaffected areas. Some of the rulers
did initiate some humanitarian measures during such calamities. Mutamad
Khan mentions that there was no tradition in Kashmir to claim revenue in times
of crop failure, which was usually in cash amounting to 6 Sanhasis or 4 rupees
per year. 93
Apart from society being composed of different economic groups, it also
comprised of various religious groups, predominantly Hindus and Muslims,
cults, sects and linguistic groups. All these groups seem to be in mutual .
interaction and communication with each other also. In this regard we can
mention an episode from the Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri that is also mentioned in
the Jahangir Nama. Mutamed Khan writes that Jahangir liked the company of
saints and ascetics and held discussion with them on various topics of Hindu
belief system. He had special regards for saint Jadrup Gosain, who sustained on
92
93

Ibid P- 89
Ibid p-126

196

alms only and lived in a cave, without sufficient cloths to protect himself from
climate vagaries. 94 He had impressed so much Jahangir by his frugal living
style and immense knowledge, that Jahangir could not deny his request to
release Khusraw, who was imprisoned on the charge of a 'monumental' crime.
In fact Khan-i-Azam had asked the saint to mediate in this matter. 95
/

The Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri mentions another religious sect prevalent m

Kashmir, which was known as Nurbakhashi. Our author mention that they
were a group of ascetics also called as Rishis. He says that they don't possess
much knowledge but are free from material desire and eat vegetarian food and
don't take wives. 96 The other religious group mentioned by our author is
probably Buddhist, because the description given in the text resembles to that
of Buddhists. It mentions that "in the suburb of Jalalabad there are heathens
whose religious rituals are similar to the Tibetan religions, make idols of gold
and stone, don't take more than one wife, except in case that his first wife was
unable to conceive child from him or has developed estranged relation with
him. They ate the flesh of all animals except that of birds, fish and swine. It .
was believed by them that fish eating would render them blind:"97

We can also surmise the condition of women, from this text. In ancient and
medieval societies women were supposed to be subservient to men and had to
face many restrictions. Though the women of lower classes, especially landless
94

95
96
97

Ibid , P-94-96.
Ibid, p, 129 & 130.
Ibid P-155
lbi I P-268.

197

labourers, peasants etc enjoyed some liberty because they had to work with
their men folk in the fields and earn a living but like their men folk they didn't
have the opportunity and resources to excel in fields of education and art.
Financially and status wise the women of middle class were in better position,
but they were not given any liberty. Their aspirations got suppressed within the
four walls of their houses and rarely any one of them were given the
opportunity to receive education. But from the text under review we have
instances of royal ladies excelling in the field of education, fine arts and some
even in statecraft. Mutumad Khan mentions about the literary talent of Salima
Sultana Begum. He says that the lady possessed all the qualities, which suits
the feminine beauty and modesty. She had exalted herself to the level of
scholarship. She composed fine hemistiches and couplets under the pen name
of 'Makhfi' .98 But the subjugation of women was not limited to the denial of
certain universal rights only, some times they had to fulfill certain horrendous
obligations also. The practice of sati, was one such task. Mutamad khan
describes that Hindu widows often burnt themselves. in the flames of their
husband's pyre. He writes, "people have seen ten or twenty wives and slaves of
a deceased Hindu noble throwing themselves in his burning pyre". 99

Our

author mentions about prevalence of Sati system even among Muslims of a

certain region. He mentions, "In Rajouri, Muslim women were buried alive

98
99

Ibid. P-68
lbid.P-8

198

along with their dead husband. 100 About the same region he writes that, people
of poor economic background used to kill their newly born girl child.

101

It is

certain that girls were considered to be a burden by the poorer folks because
they .could riot help their family members in earning livelihood and after all
fulfillment of dowry demands at the time of her marriage will make them
poorer.
Mutamad Khan writes about another strange custom practiced by some
inhabitants of Jalabad, which was a part oflndian empire during those days. He
writes that a community with a particular religi_9us following, 102 had the
tradition according to which, "a father could marry his son's wife if he liked
her and the son had no right to object" .103

But this custom cannot be

generalized for the entire India. It was certainly a tribal custom, that too typical
to a particular region which is not mentioned in any other, source of that
period, consulted so far.
It seems that in comparison to other regions, cultural integration was much

deeply rooted in Kashmir. The text mentions, "Brahmins of Kashmir spoke .

Kashmiri language and in their outlook they cannot be differentiated with
Muslims, but their religious texts are in Sanskrit and they practice idol
worship" . 104 It means that culturally people of Kashmir were mixed with each

100
101
102
103
104

Ibid p-170
Ibid
Refer to f.n. 96
Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri, P. 268 & 269
Ibid P-155

199

other but in the area of religious belief and practices they maintained their
exclusiveness.
The text also mentions about the dress style of Kashmiri women. They are said
to be wearing long jumpers, which goes below the knees, they continuously
.r.
. IS
. torn up. 105
wore It. up to three or 10ur
years t1"11 It

Our author mentions about a structure that could be termed as a technical

marvel of the period. He mentions that a person named Hakim Ali Naqi
invented a water-cooled chamber where one can go into retreat and escape
from summer heat. The chamber was built under the water surface of a tank. It
could accommodate about tern person and while entering it not a drop of water
could leak inside. It also had sufficient lighting inside. 106 Therefore it is
contrary that country to popular perception, innovative and technological ideas
were evolving during those days, but without proper researchers in the field of
scientific theory, such ideas could not undergo further innovations and were not
realized in practical fields.
The author has also shown considerable interest in the depiction of different
architectural styles and other areas of fine arts. He is appreciative of the fort
cum palace. complex ofMandu. The dome ofHushang Shah's tomb and miraret
of a lofty mosque drew his special attention. 107 He also writes about the
temples of Mathura built by Raj put nobles. But here he adopts a bit critical tone
105
106
107

Ibid p-154
Ibid p-35
Ibid P-96 & 77

200

while describing their features. He writes that though they are elaborately
carved from outside, but birds, spiders and other creatures have made their
abodes inside it and foul smell emanates from it that makes entry impossible. 108
According to the text distinctive inlay works were also done during those days
and one of the servants of the royal court drew elaborate pictures with inlay
works on animal hides. 109 During this period music was also making
considerable progress, from the text we get information about patronage to
music by the rulers of Kashmir. It mentions that Mirza Haider Daughlat
patronized music in Kashmir. It was due to his efforts that different musical
instruments like violin, qabar, harp, lute and tambourine gained popularity in
Kashmir. 110
In fact, it is found that most of the contents of the Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri,
especially those related to the description of Indian society and culture
resemble with that of Jahangir's Memoirs. The depictions ofMathura temples,
Mandu and prevalence of Sati among Muslims of Rajouri are seem to be
copied verbatim from the Jahangir Nama. Therfore at many places it seems to
be a poor copy ofJahangir's Memoirs.

108

Ibid p-129.
Ibid P-57 & 58
110
Ibid p-154
109

201