Case

Narrative: Ill admit it, my family is anti-black. In fact, a
growing problem in latinx communities is that we refuse to
engage the problem of antiblackness, refuse to acknowledge
its existence. Id come home from a long days work with my
father, sitting at the dinner table asking them if they heard
about the stories of lives being taken on the news. “Were they
black?” “Yes”, “then they deserved it” I couldn’t fathom such
hatred and racism from a family of immigrants. “That’s really
racist dad” “well I guess im a racist” my father would say, in
the broken English he acquired while living in the states. “do
you think youre martin luther king or something?”, it felt like
my family was coopted by civil society. Although it isn’t
apparent to us that where we live was a military occupation
zone, I understood it as what fanon called “occupied
breathing”, our thoughts were occupied to sustain the
narrative to justify violence against other oppressed
communities. That’s how they get us, we fight eachother so
the white man can pillage what we got while were focused on
our neighbors. That’s military presence. That’s what it means
to live thinking our violent thoughts came from us alone.
We are in a militarized space, the 1AC was a pedagogical
performance advocating for the ending of militaristic presence
while also redefining military presence to be psychoanalytic as
well. Otherwise we as educators cannot evaluate the cultural
hegemony that is engrained in cultures. We think its
specifically important to highlight the 1AC as a methodological
praxis of attacking the psychoanalytical space of military
presence.
1. Asnwering Tuck and Yang NO link, merely acknowledging
that there is suffering in other parts of the world if not
the damage centered research that Tuck and Yang is
criticizing.
2. Performative contradiction, if merely saying that there is
suffering in other parts of the world is the link, they
magnify the link by talking about everyone who is
affected by eurocentrism is destined for destruction
3. Answering wilderson evidence: We don’t believe that
white people are key to solving for the affirmative.

no evidence that the heliport will be built. Assuming so wipes away the cultural impact that military presence has led on the psyche. 5.4. Answering Heliport evidence. Along with that no-link. merely that it is being proposed. No link on the Crenshaw evidence. No link on the Wilderson evidence. you vote on the pedagogy produced in the 1AC not the end game. we call into question of race and how psychic military presence changes their culture to be on the side of civil society 7. If the 1AC pedagogy was benefical you vote on it . extend our Ginoza evidence that says that military presence is NOT just foot soliders on the ground. we aren’t white fem make them prove it 6. Answering troops leaving already.

they must be able to understand that the maps are not true. 3. . Before individuals can attempt to fight against maps. Answering Harley: No-Link Make them prove a specific link to the 1AC.Offcase Nothing about the performance of the 1AC presumes that maps are “neutral”. Frame the debate under this pretense: does understanding maps differently change the way the colonizer functions? Or does rethinking our orientation to the colonizer solve. 2. If we aren’t able to reference certain areas where colonization occurs we aren’t able to access the vast amount of critical knowledge to combat colonization within the context of the topic areas 4. the affirmatives understanding that military occupation is everywhere and in every mind. while colonizers used maps as a tool for domination taking away those are just one tool in the colonizers arsenal. they self-link into the criticism. Frame the entirety of the debate of a question of reverse causality. Answering Fedman: No link-If merely uttering the words Okinawa is the link threshold that we will hold. 1. The 1ACs performance of breaking down the main narrative of military presence as being solely done in physical instances and singular events and not the psychoanalytic approach solves for the criticism much better than the alternative. merely uttering the words Okinawa is not sufficient.

in practical and¶ political terms. a political-economic¶ approach is very rarely taken in studies of contemporary mapping. notwithstanding the current fashion¶ and fascination with ‘open’ maps made with volunteer effort . they find justification in their cartographic mappings of cultures throughout their daily lives.National Institute for Regional and Spatial Analysis and Department of Geography. but mapping. 2009. or text ‘locate’ on your phone? ¶ . So tracing the¶ monetary and political structures underlying the production of maps used in¶ everyday practice is worthwhile. underpinned by advertising revenue) to detailed mapping than¶ ever before. Perkins. University of Manchester. measured in terms of volume.e. Ireland . despite¶ the fact that the vast bulk of mapping. Harvey 1989. Similarly. Decisions on where capital is being invested to produce¶ updated and new maps.g. or type a postcode¶ destination into the find menu on your satnav. UK. Rethinking of the cultural mapping of military presence was always a part of the 1AC. 7. how the world is going to be envisioned cartographically in ¶ the future. Lee and¶ Shumakov 2003). scale¶ and spatial coverage. UK. Monmonier 1996a). National University of Ireland. Perkins. Chris Perkins . A new methodology from the subject position of the oppressed is the only way to solve Dogde. Not understanding that cultural hegemony is also a form of mapping to construct the physical military bases as the center of their cultural mapping only allows for individuals to justify that leaving the country is enough and allows whites to wipe their lands clean from the impacts that modernity has left behind.School of Environment and Development. Kitchin. Rethinking Map. is still produced and owned by government institutions¶ and large corporations.5.Current efforts to redefine mapping practices and subsequent epistemology reifies the white imperialism that perverted it in the first place. is opaque to scrutiny. White Cleaning DA . data and delivery systems affects. the classic¶ studies by Harley 1989. However. Rob Kitchin . via Internet portals masks continuing limits to availability of¶ large-scale data that stem from official and corporate secrecy (cf. 6. Martin Dodge . BM] A major methodological element of map studies should be to explore the ¶ political economy of contemporary In the late 1980s social constructivist¶ research began to interrogate the power of mapping and its historical¶ implication in capitalist modes of production (see for example. The fact that we seem to have more ‘free’¶ access (i.Explaining colonization through a purely cartographic lens gives whites the ability to claim that once we embark on the alternative and “rethink” maps. University of Manchester. This concentration of spatial power is likely to¶ remain the case into the future as well.School of Environment and Development. Who controls what gets mapped when ¶ you enter a mundane geographical search query on the Web. St Martin 1995). there were¶ a number of studies on the use of cartography in the propaganda of nation ¶ states and others (e. Maynooth. Kitchins 2009 [Dodge.

its about how the colonizers USE those maps Kitchen. regarding that world from nowhere. Accessed 6/30/14. Such a shift. but ‘the bad things people did with maps’ (Wood 1993: 50. although opening a new view onto cartography.11. 10. Harley’s application of Foucault to cartography is limited. Instead. there is a core foundational knowledge – a taken for granted ontology – that unquestioningly underpins ontic knowledge. as with Foucault’s observations. through maps can ¶ reveal the wider power structures in which everyday mapping practice is ¶ situated. Crampton (2003: 7) outlines a ‘non-confessional understanding of spatial representation’ wherein maps instead of ‘being interpreted as objects at a distance from the world. which for them has too long been straitjacketed by representational thinking. Crampton argues. Maynooth.Its not about the maps. As Denis Wood (1993) and Jeremy Crampton (2003) outline. original emphasis). that there is no escaping the entangling of power/knowledge. Geography Professor at National University of Ireland. Rethinking Maps: New Frontiers in Cartographic Theory. Ontic knowledge consists of the examination of how a topic should proceed from within its own framework where the ontological assumptions about how the world can be known and measured are implicitly secure and beyond doubt (Crampton 2003). stopped short of following Foucault’s line of inquiry to its logical conclusion.Tracing out patterns of capital investment. as open to the disclosure of things’. Crampton’s solution to the limitations of Harley’s social constructivist thinking is to extend the use of Foucault and to draw on the ideas of Heidegger and other critical cartographers such as Edney (1993). not fully appreciating. In other words. In other words. The problem was not the map per se. with ideology bound to the subject of the map and not the map itself. Chris and Martin. 11 (Rob. government subsidies. . the map conveys an inherent truth as the map remains ideologically neutral. Harley believed that the truth of the landscape could still be revealed if one took account of the ideology inherent in the representation. Perkins Senior Lecturer of Geography at University of Manchester and Dodge Senior Lecturer of Human Geography at University of Manchester. June 2nd 2001. more recent work has sought to further refine cartographic thought and to construct post-representational theories of mapping. Harley’s strategy was then to identify the politics of representation in order to circumnavigate them (to reveal the truth lurking underneath). Crampton (2003: 7) argues that Harley’s writings ‘remained mired in the modernist conception of maps as documents charged with “confessing” the truth of the landscape’. scholars are concerned that the critique developed by Harley and others did not go far enough in rethinking the ontological bases for cartography. but unseen. many of which are several steps removed from moments of use. licencing ¶ fees and profits that circulate continuously. Here. that they be understood as being in the world. necessitates a move from understanding cartography as a set of ontic knowledges to examining its ontological terms. 8. Harley’s observations. In short. p. ESB) Despite the obvious advances of the various social constructivist approaches in rethinking maps.

My understanding of this is that these measures deepen and reinforce Japan's dependence and therefore its irresponsibility. meritus Professor and Visiting Fellow. samurai. mainland elites have tended to look on Okinawa as backward. transforming the long-term dependent . so to speak. Historical context makes Okinawa the key site of contestation . and with strong elements of shamanism and sense of affinity with Asia and the Pacific. imperialist/militarist. Aff is a pre-requisite to a alternative. and relatively recent. the US has called for Japan to play a greatly stepped up military role (from the 1996 "Guidelines" to the 2005-6 "Beigun Saihen" or US military realignment). and only half restored to it in 1972.questioning cultural mapping is key McCormack 8 [Gavan. Division of Pacific and Asian History @ Australian National University. It was posted at Japan Focus on October 13. Aff is a criticism of the colonizers cultural cartographing of what it means to be Okinawan. It is peripheral for obvious geographical reasons. 10. 2008. and governments in Tokyo have done their best to comply. In the post-Cold War world. Okinawa is also "central" in that it constitutes the fulcrum on which the key security relationship between the US and Japan rests. modern." Because of its difference. and eventually with the modern Japanese state. and a level of hope. With only relatively faint traces of Yamato. Only belatedly incorporated as a prefecture in the Japanese state in the late 19th century. but the same qualities may rather signify Okinawa's strength. with this "half in and half out" quality and the blend of the premodern. Without such qualities. cartographic mapping within the context of the criticism is solely on the physical sense. http://www. Okinawa. Okinawa is simultaneously Japan's periphery and its centre . The contradictory forces that surround Okinawa are burdensome. since the US bases remained intact. and salaryman cultures. Okinawa appears as both "Japan" and "non-Japan. fraught. reflects this ambiguity. Tenno. have been thin. offering the mainland a glimpse of what its multicultural future and bonds to Asia Pacific nations might look like. Though thus peripheral. but it is also peripheral in the historical sense that its links with the main Japanese islands.britannica. civic responsibility and energy unequalled elsewhere in Japan. "THE ALTERNATIVE TO JAPAN'S DEPENDENT MILITARISM. but they generate a tension and openness. half-in and half-out of the country.9. it was then excised from it between 1945 and 1972.com/bps/additionalcontent/18/35010252/The-OkinawanAlternative-to-Japans-Dependent-Militarism-Japanese-translation-available/fulltext] This is a slightly abridged English version of a talk delivered in Japanese (see attached text) at the offices of the Ryukyu Shimpo in Naha. An abridged version of the Japanese text was published in Ryukyu shimpo on 22 September 2008. and post-modern. October 20. being much closer to the China coast and Taiwan than to Tokyo. Okinawa could never have become the byword for grassroots democratic struggle that it has become. Okinawa's culture. on the occasion of the award of the Ikemiyagi Shui Prize to Japan Focus on 18 September 2008. It has continued since then to be governed as if the US-Japan Security Treaty mattered more than the Japanese peace constitution. the drawing of borders and such.

and civil society attempts to articulate Senmin." a center for the cultivation of "war potential. and jobs .500 meters. still unresolved. and fourth in 1996. "Keystone of the Pacific. and a chain of helipads scattered through the forest . The state's design was disguised first as a "Futenma return. first in 1879." then as a removable. to send the MSDF to the Indian Ocean (and keep it there). land and sea base. the replacement facilities would also have to be located in Okinawa. when the Ryukyu kingdom was abolished and the islands incorporated.800m runways stretching out from Cape Henoko into Oura Bay. initially 1. pulling. when the islands were returned to Japan.pensions. struggle of Japanese democracy. torn between their desire to serve Washington and their need to seem to be serving their own people. second in 1952. and Japan would have to foot the bill. The people of Nago rejected the designs in their plebiscite of 1997. its land and population having been devastated in the Battle of Okinawa. and practices. In the post Cold War decades. to "show the flag" and "put boots on the ground" in Iraq.and so governments. and the present political confusion stems at root from this identity crisis. only to be . and priority to the interests of the Japanese state over those of the Okinawan people. Yet few ordinary Japanese people share these priorities. the priority to citizen values and lives and to peace. and manipulating it in the desired direction. plus a deep sea naval port and other facilities. The cycle of shobun (disposition)and teiko (resistance) has been almost endless. US Officials such as Richard Armitage (former Deputy Secretary of State). but is the analogy not apt. offshore pontoon with a runway. It is as much these days as most can manage to cope with livelihood problems . The contest that has evolved especially since 1995 seems to me to be the defining. but with bases and the island's military mission in the service of American power intact.500 meters but gradually stretching to 2.and semi-sovereign Japanese state of the Cold War into a full "Client State. the priority to Sengun is plain. priority to military over civil or democratic principle. when sovereignty was restored to the rest of Japan but Okinawa." and preparation for "the threat or use of force" such as was forbidden under Article 9 of the Japanese constitution. welfare. Thomas Schieffer (ambassador) and Defense Robert Gates (Defense Secretary) offer Japan a steady stream of advice . third in 1972. Okinawa's modern history is commonly seen as a series of acts of shobun. as Okinawa. the contest in Japan between civil society and state power has nowhere been sharper than in Okinawa. at least in this respect? The state demands Sengun. always incline to attach priority to the former. Priority to military over civil is what is known in neighboring North Korea by the term Sengun. to revise Ampo de facto and the Constitution explicitly." that turned out to require the construction of a major new base. before eventually assuming the current form of dual 1. was turned into a US military colony. when the return of Futenma base was promised "within five to seven years" but with the catch that it would have to be replaced. traditions.a comprehensive air. compares Okinawa with North Korea. so far as I know. Nobody. For the US and Japanese government. or disposal. in the Japanese state. The Japanese state has struggled since 1996 to secure the compliance of the Okinawan people to an agenda whose core is priority to the US alliance over the constitution. in which Okinawan people had no say and their interests were disregarded. The base was disguised first as a "helipad." [1] Far from pursuing its own "values.pushing. " (as other scholars have argued) 21st century Japan scraps them in order to follow American prescriptions.

of which details have only recently come to light. The Okinawan experience also raises . both tied symbiotically within the US's Pacific and Asian Cold War system. a 15 year limit. so civil society is compelled to respond. In July.and so the construction at Cape Henoko should go ahead. age. backed by the resources of tbe state. as it did 63 years ago. and assurance of no harm to the environment) and those which he himself had demanded (a shifting of the base site offshore into Oura Bay).a kind of "reluctant realist" pose . [4] Outside the state bureaucracy. tire. has blossomed into a nationwide movement with over 7. For Okinawa. the politicians who represent the Japanese state treated it as a kind of joke. the Prefectural Assembly took an unequivocal stance of opposition to the new base. but it is an attitude that has permeated the higher echelons of state ever since the landmark US intervention of 1959. In 2007.000 branches. on the other hand. the "peace" and "war" functions merge. Yet. The helipad of 1996. for this struggle to be able to stall implementation of a project prioritized by the governments of the world's two most powerful countries for a decade indicates its profound historical significance . the northern reaches of the main island. The people. From 1945 to 1972. not to increased but to diminished security. and sometimes surrender. however. the state drew up the current design. has now evolved into a design for the comprehensive militarization of Yambaru. when the revision-intent Prime Minister suffered a humiliating electoral rebuff.betrayed by their mayor. Ampo trumping Kempo. "Japan" was divided into the mainland "peace state" under the Constitution and its Article 9 on the one hand and the Okinawan "war state" on the other. The "Article 9 Society. [2] Yet Governor Nakaima Hirokazu now quietly abandons both the conditions on which his predecessor had insisted (joint civil-military use. however. The Foreign Minister said he would read the judgment if he had time and the head of the Air SDF dismissed it with a vulgar comic expression as something that had "nothing to do with us. civil society strongly mobilizes at the grass-roots) to protect and demand adherence to Article 9. stepped up militarization is likely to lead. Okinawa is a litmus test of Japan's constitutionalism. often seem omnipotent. under the subterfuge that what was to be constructed would not be really a "new" base because it would in part be constructed on the site of an existing one. and it is certain to increase conflicts between the US military and Okinawan people. As Article 9 is steadily emptied out. Since the "reversion" of 1972. Governments and bureaucrats continually renew their strength and. The outcome remains uncertain. despite everything." Such contempt for the constitution is plainly in breach of Article 99. Although the Nagoya High Court held in April 2008 that the Japanese intervention in the Indian Ocean in the form of dispatch of MSDF to refuel US and allied ships was unconstitutional. and argues that "realism" demands viewing the project as a fait accompli . the reinforced Okinawan "war state" has begun to erode the fabric of the "peace state" mainland. even the MSDF was mobilized to take part in an almost certainly illegal survey and to intimidate local protesters." whereupon. The power of such grassroots mobilization was evident in the Upper House election of 2007. [3] Mainland civil democracy is so enfeebled that the Beigun Saihen process of incorporation of Japan's Self Defense Forces under American command in the global "war on terror" passes with little debate or protest." founded in 2004. They persisted in rejecting the offshore Henoko design until in 2005 Prime Minister Koizumi announced that the state had given up because of "a lot of opposition.

It seems to me as a historian that the roots of the present "Okinawan problem" are embedded in a past that goes back long before the US-Japan Security Treaty. It is just 400 years since the Okinawan (Ryukyuan) king enunciated the principle of Nuchi du takara or non-resistance. the US. can follow either "Sengun" or Nuchi du takara. If it were indeed the case that Nuchi du Takara principle encapsulates some Okinawan essence. culture and peace. since Okinawan self-government has repeatedly been subordinated to the requirements of the US alliance. yuimaru values) can hope to save it. then it is up to present-day Okinawans to spell out ways. the noguchigera. The employment of fiscal pressures to break popular will and buy consent encourages cynicism and corruption. finding a way beyond both war and rampant developmentalism with its environmental destruction . Recently. as shown during 2008 by the defeat of Mayor Ihara Katsusuke in Iwakuni and the surrender of Mayor Hoshino Katsushi in Zama to plans for expanded US military presence in their cities. In the public works-centred economy that has prevailed in Okinawa for the three and a half decades since reversion. the modern Japanese state. notably those on Local Self-Government. governments have sought instead to gain formal consent. and to the centuries when the culture of these islands was a byword for sophistication. is under siege. nature has come to be seen as something to be "fixed" (by seibi) in a process that has virtually no limit. especially A93 and A94). That procedure." The "Nago model" has proved singularly effective. instead of seeking the informed consent that a democratic society demands. non-market. Since Nago opposition to the new Henoko Base was plain. but for Okinawa it was a reversion to an ancient ideal. . money was poured in to secure it under the 10 year. even if within the letter of democracy (cf. and now the joint US-Japan regime. in the face of the Satsuma samurai's Sengun. a reassertion of cooperative. and the formal consent of local self-governing bodies was necessary. the Okinawan prefectural assembly adopted its historic resolution. initiating the process of forceful incorporation by Japan. the natural environment. the dugong. presumably. 10 billion yen per year. by fiscal manipulation that combines incentives and threats. not both. showing that that was far from being guaranteed. not just for Okinawa but for humanity. the regional self-government clauses. "Northern Districts Development" policy adopted in 1999. Article 9 was in 1946 a new and astounding reversal for mainland Japan.under Satsuma. blocks true development rooted in local needs. Only a recovery of Nuchi du takara values (and within them. Plainly the Yambaru can be either militarized or protected.large questions about other clauses. to come to terms with nature. especially A 93 and A 94. so that in that additional sense mainland Japan experienced "Okinawa-ization. codified in May 2007 under the Special Measures Law on the Reorganization of US Forces in Japan (Beigun saihen tokubetsu sochiho) was then applied nationally. [5] As a result. Sengun militarism has been the bane of Okinawa ever since . It is a stratagem developed over the past decade by the bureaucrats at the helm of the nation state to impose their base project on Nago City. and is plainly contrary to the spirit. But even as the state seemed to triumph by using the new law to eliminate opposition to the Beigun Saihen at the local government level. notably in the form of the coral. I have said enough about war.

11.Colonized communities have known this for generations. aff is a prior question because otherwise people will believe those maps are capital T true -Perm do the aff and interrogate the borders constructed through psychoanalytic military presence. .