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the museum, these infamous cases, from the rice-pledge scheme to the infamous film
festival scandal, cost the country over $16 billion. While the law doesnt allow the
museum to directly name the involved individuals, the museum launched an eloquent
YouTube video that encourages people to public-shame the wrongdoers.
Object 1
But besides the questionable role of the museum, we should also ask if it can make
any difference? The problem with Thai corruption is not the lack of awareness; Thais
are well aware of the existing corruption problem in the country. According to a survey
by Maejo University earlier this year, 49.48 percent of the 1,155 respondents are very
worried about corruption problems while another 30.26 percent are worried but believe
it will soon be resolved.
Object 2
The real worry is not that people will forget about these cases, but why the legal action
has yet to bring the culprits to justice, and why it takes so long to detect and prosecute
these cases. The infamous Klong Darn water treatment scheme fraud, for example,
started back in 1995 and took two years before locals found out about the project.
After many protests, they had to wait until 2003 for the project to be suspended and
investigated. In 2008, the court eventually arrived at a verdict just enough time for
one of the culprits to escape and live abroad. To no surprise, an ABAC poll in 2013
found that 93 percent of 1,561 respondents agree that anti-corruption organizations
should also be investigated.
If we are to take a less emotional approach to anti-corruption measures, there is a
simple formula proposed by Robert Klitgaard, an expert in economic strategy and
institutional reform, which formulates that: Corruption = Monopoly + Discretion
Accountability. In another study titled The Impact of Democracy and Press Freedom
on Corruption, Christine Kalenborn and Christian Lessmann studied such
conditionality from 170 countries and found that democratic elections only work in