Professional Documents
Culture Documents
By
John Block Friedman
A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of English
1965
ABSTRACT
Chapter
One deals with the way in which the Orpheus legend was
used by Jewish and Christian apologetic writers.
Chapter
Chapter Three
In the work
Chapter Four
PREFACE
I learned
away."
Not long after this I had occasion to look at
a picture bock of late Antique art.
He was perched
Like Casaubon, he
First, he is amazed
He
In writing this
To trace
The
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE
..............
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
ii
...............
vii
INTRODUCTION..........
Chapter
I.
60
II.
115
III.
213
313
IV.
*
ABBREVIATIONS ...............................
396
S O U R C E S ................................... ..
398
S T U D I E S ..................... .. .............
415
vi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Introduction
Figure
Plate
1.
2.
Chapter Two
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Orpheus Mosaic.
Perugia.
2d century A.D.
II
II
II
7.
8.
9.
Ill
10.
11.
Ill
IV
IV
IV
15.
IV
16.
VI
21.
VI
22.
12.
13.
14.
17.
18.
19.
20.
VI
Figure
Plate
23.
24.
25.
VI
26.
Arch of Titus.
Rome.
27.
VII
Sarcophagus.
29.
VII
VII
31.
Roman period . . .
VII
28.
30.
Sidon.
VI
VIII
32.
Coptic Stele.
century.
33.
VIII
VIII
35.
Ivory Pyx.
IX.
36.
34.
37.
British Museum.
VII
Bobbio.
7th
IX
IX
Figure
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
Plate
Adam and the Animals.
Ivory Diptych.
Bargello Museum, Florence. Empire. .
XI
43.
Magic Amulet.
XI
44.
Obverse.................................
XI
45.
XI
46.
Ampulla.
XI
47.
XI
XI
49.
Gem. Rome.
XI
50.
Graffito.
Museum.
51.
XII
XII
48.
52.
British Museum.
Syria.
Empire .
Figure
Plate
53.
Satirical Gem.
Empire.................
XII
54.
Coin. Empire............................
XII
55.
XII
XII
57. Crucifixion.
Ivory Carving. British
Museum.
5th-6th century A.D. . . . .
XII
58.
XIII
XIII
60.
61.
XIII
Gallo-Roman Period........
XIII
XIV
XIV
XIV
66.
XIV
67.
XIV
XIV
62.
63.
64.
65.
68.
Crucifixion.
XIII
Tomb Stelae.
Stele.
xi
Empire.
Figure
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
Plate
Orpheus as a Good Shepherd. Fragment
of a Sarcophagus. Cacarens. GalloRoman Period.........................
XV
XV
XV
XV
XV
XVI
XVI
XVI
XVI
78.
Orpheus.
XVI
79.
XVI
XVII
XVII
75.
76.
77.
80.
81.
Byblos.
Figure
82.
83.
84.
Plate
Orpheus Tauroctonos.
Sarcophagus. Os
tia. Lateran Museum, Rome. 4th-5th
century A.D..........................
XVII
XVII
XVII
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
XVIII
XIX
XIX
Orpheus Fresco.
Marcellinus.
XIX
XIX
XX
XX
Figure
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
Plate
Good Shepherd Fresco. Christian Church.
Dura-Europos. 230 A.D. . . . . . . .
XX
XX
XX
6th
XXI
6th
XXI
XXI
XXII
Chapter Four
1.
2.
3.
x iv
Figure
4.
5.
Plate
David and Melodia. B.N. Gr. Coislin 139.
11th century.........................
II
II
7.
Vatican Museum. . . . . .
II
8.
II
II
6.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Eurydice.
xv
Ill
Ill
IV
Figure
Plate
18.
Eurydice.
IV
19.
IV
IV
20.
xvi
INTRODUCTION
his musical skill and for the beauty of his voice; his
song could make the lion lie down with the lamb and
draw "Iron tears down Pluto's cheek."
The story of Orpheus' descent to the underworld
in search of .Eurydice and of his unsuccessful attempt
to bring her back to the world of the living has engaged
as many modern minds as it has ancient.
Beginning
A great deal of
In this Intro
2) his parents,
4) his education,
wife,
1) when Or
6) his
Perhaps it would
This briefly is
Orpheus mourned
He sang his
Also, it is
his head and lyre were thrown into the Hebrus and still
made music as they floated towards Lesbos.
mourned for Orpheus.
All nature
The fourth
Virgil's
Aen. VI, 120: Eel. Ill, 46, IV, 55, 57, VI,
30. VIII, 55.
flees Aristeus.
Moreover,
Here, however,
Pausanias mentions
IX,
10
W. K. C.
11
Orphic theories
With the
12
A number of
Iamblichus
In his
4
Herodotus, II, 81, speaks of the Orphic practice
of not bringing wool into temples, he says this is really
a Pythagorean idea. In the Hippolytus of Euripides, The
seus says to his son, "Set out thy paltry wares/ Of life
less food: take Orpheus for thy king" (1.952). Apuleius,
Apol. in Works n.t. (London, 1886) said, "For wool . . .
has ever been held to be an impure covering in conformity
with the dicta of Orpheus and Pythagoras" (p. 304), as did
Plutarch, Conv. Sept. Sap. 10, "But to refrain entirely
from eating meat, as they record of Orpheus of old . . . "
and Plato, Leg. VI, 782, "For in those days men are said
to have lived a sort of Orphic life, having the use of all
lifeless things, but abstaining from all living things."
IS C '
13
p. 190) .
In presenting this sampling of legends connected
with Orpheus I have attempted to show the reader who is
familiar with only the Ovidian and Virgilian accounts a
few of the associations Orpheus had for the men of anti
quity.
Conjectures of Antiquity as to
When Orpheus Lived
In an emendation by Diehl,
14
Sappho says:
[Death tracketh everything living and] catcheth it in the end, [and even as he would not
give his] beloved wife [to Orpheus, so he
ever] thinks to [keep prisoner every] woman
that dies, . . . (118A).
If these emendations are correct, the story of Orpheus'
descent and dealings with Pluto and Persephone must have
been well enough known to -be used as literary allusions
by 650 B.C.
15
In keep
is that of
16
17
an example
...
"omnia
Clement
While Tatian ex
18
In another,
"Thra
or Oeagrus.
Asclepiades of Tragilus
20
Orpheus' Birthplace
The
So Damag-
21
To
Such a
Diogenes Laertes,
Remembering that
22
10
Conon tells us
that he was the king of the Macedonians and the Odrysians and that his musical abilities contributed to
his success as a ruler (PG. 103, 582-3).
Quintillian
The Odrysi,
This, therefore,
23
12
Often he is charac
Such epithets
Thrax or
12
24
Thus it is with
.is this:
Egypt, he
13
25
For they
(I, 23).
More
26
had borrowed.
(FGH
27
If we may
It should not be
28
The
29
In
Even before
It is
30
31
power over tide, wind, and rain (Anth. Pal. VII, 8);
for Statius, his voice drew the waves to the ship (Theb.
32
33
Only one treatment of his charming of the trees, a Euhemeristic account of the 4th century B.C., deviates
significantly enough from the version widespread in
antiquity to deserve special mention.
Palaephatus,
We will
34
Euhemerism
tality.1'^
In addition to his enchantment of the animals
and his descent to the underworld, Orpheus was a phil
osopher, a religious innovator, a poet and a musical
theorist.
Like his
Pseudo-Eratosthenes and Hyginus and alluded to by Nicander in his Therica, that Aeschlylus wrote a lost trilogy,
16
one play of which was called the Bassarides.
In this
by the Bacchantes.
36
ramifications.
Describing a certain
The comic
possibilities of this etymology are explored by Athenaeus in a discussion of writers associated with fish.
And Callimedon the Crayfish came along with Orpheus
Sea-Perch" (VIII, 340).
Whatever the nature of his association with
Apollo, there is no doubt that Orpheus gained mantic
powers from the God.
37
17
Conon remarks
The
Apollonius,
"also visited
Philostratus
38
(Prt. 316).
Demos
>
/*'* 7> f
39
Pau
40
Strabo
41
Pausanias speaks of an
p. 59).
While there was a general agreement in antiquity
that Orpheus had great ability with lyre and voice,
there were some who questioned the legend of Orpheus
the poet.
42
Other
Both
43
Usually
According to Diodorus,
44
Avienus,
45
Moreover, there
The reason,
As an Argonaut Orpheus
46
the loves, rather than the wars, of the gods and demi
gods.
47
..."
(p. 435).
Plato mentions
Hermesianax of
Colophon, a 4th century writer who survives in the Deipnosophists of Athenaeus, also gives credence to such a
version (Ath. XIII, 597), as does Moschus in his lament
for Bion (III, 122).
48
Though
there may have been others who held that this was her
name, the identification by Hermesianax is the only
49
And,
50
The story fa
There are,
in the Metamorphoses.
51
killed him.
19
52
So in an anonymous epitaph in
Plutarch
"in
Though
[was]
54
Pausanias lists a
Pausanius alludes to
55
Pausanius mentions
this view (IX, xxx), and is perhaps following Agatharchides of Cnidos, who lived about two hundred years
before him and who had said substantially the same
Generally
Martial speaks
56
In this enter
It is
Martial
20
57
First, a collec
21
It may be considered as
58
of Orpheus, but
says thatbecause
He
nu-
Gowers Or
59
'sesaraar
i r .
1 .
" - . 'r t
fr'~
"
V - .1 .
CHAPTER ONE
In
60
61
But as the
62
It is in these three
In
63
poems of Orpheus.
The reasons
present.
The
by L. Cerfaux
and H. A. Wolfson.^
holds that as
With
64
According to this view, the apologetic literature of
this period was chiefly proselytising in nature, try
ing to persuade Greeks by works written in that lan
guage, that Jehovah was the one true God and that
Israel would ultimately be triumphant.
The second
No one
65
66
In this,
To
to Christian uses.
67
In
He takes pains to re
68
Clement of Alexandria
He wrote three
Clement is important
69
He was
much concerned
the Greekscame
to have access
of
He
70
71
72
In his Exhortation
73
Theodoret dis
He does
74
Theo
75
He had
sufficient distance from the Hellenistic and GraecoRoman practice of mingling old deities and creating
new ones, to regard this practice with historical in
terest and Christian scorn.
76
After
(VI, ii,
1-9)
The apologists are very fond of pointing out
such deifications as this to the pagans in an effort
to show them that the gods they worshipped were or had
been mere men.
77
scale.
Apparently there
.i
78
Augustine's emphasis,
on volitional-
79
fashion.
older.
Only those theological poets, Orpheus,
Linus and Musaeus, and it may be, some
others among the Greeks, are found ear
lier in date than the Hebrew prophets
whose writings we hold as authoritative.
But not even those preceded in time our
true divine, Moses, who authentically
preached the one true God . . . (Civ.
Dei, XVIII, 37, tr. M. Dods).
Miscellaneous authors.
80
is said to be derived;
But at that
81
time the idea was not developed further, and was used
mainly to embellish Jewish history.
It is only in
).
82
83
84
can see this ruler unless it be the onlybegotten branch from the Chaldean tree,
for he [Abraham] knew the course of the
planets and how the spheres rotate around
the earth upon their axis. And this being
controls the winds in the air and the waters
of the stream. And he makes the flame of
his self-engendered fire shine out. More
over he dwells in the great heaven on a
golden throne, and his feet stride the earth
and he stretches his right hand to the bound
aries of Ocean. The base of the mountains
trembles at his wrath; nor is it possible
to withstand his mighty purpose. He is
everywhere and he brings to pass all things
on earth and in heaven and he commands the
beginning, the middle and the end: such is
the word of the ancients, such is the word
of the one born of water [Moses], the opin
ions of God having been given to him in the
double-folded Law. Nor is it lawful to
speak otherwise.
I tremble in my heart and
body [at the thought of this God]. From
the heights he brings all to pass and makes
all harmonius. O child, fix your thoughts
on these matters, keep a rein on your tongue
and keep my words in your heart.
(XIII, 12,
PG 21,1097-1100).
The other text of this poem, quoted in Justin, De M on.
2 and Coh. ad Gent. 15, though very much shorter, dif
fers in few particulars except that in Justin's version,
God
85
Though
86
7 -^ /
) by God, one is
often called
V / IV
Thunderer, and O C/^3
87
These
The essentially
88
all men, even those who deny its existence or who are
unaware of it.
Wolfson notes
to be
89
C r
and /[/J.
90
and
^ y 0
Clement of Alexan
91
Oracles
Bard
92
Among the early creators of spurious Sibyllina were Alexandrian Jews who shared the
general enthusiasm which arose at the begin
ning of the Maccabean revolt . . . [The Sib
yls were used] in a serious attempt to place
Jewish intellectual achievements clearly be
fore the world . . . to give expression to
the increasing influence of eschatological
thoughts . . . to convey threats of doom
against persecuting powers, especially As
syria and Rome, and . . . to propagate to
this wider, Sibylline audience the rudiments
of the Hebrew faith, especially her monothe
ism and moralism.
Several passages in the Palinode of Orpheus
show the dependence of the author upon the Sibylline
books, almost particularly upon their Proem, which ex
ists almost complete in the apologetic work of Theophilus of Antioch.
93
He is im
In an
94
It is very likely,
The Jews
95
The attempts
96
It is not unlikely
Since Eusebius
claims that he read the Palinode in the works of Aristobulus, known to be a Jewish controversial writer, it
is unlikely that his original would have described any
other than the Old Testament deity.
It seems clear
98
99
Sion . . . .
What my Eunomos sings is not
the measure of Terpander, nor that of Capito, nor the Phrygian, nor Lydian, nor Dor
ian, but the immortal measure of the new
harmony which bears God's name the new,
the Levitical song.
9
100
101
Ra
He concludes
102
Clement
First,
Then,
"Truth's
103
One is re
"he wist not that the skin of his face shone while he
talked with him" (34:29), and "when . . .
the children
Clement
the
104
In turn
105
He is attracted,
He speaks in the
p. 266.
'
106
Jubal,
12
107
It
Indeed, it can
108
109
God.
description of
110
Ill
In an
112
113
When the
"Orpheus having
114
with the mystery cults prevalent in the East under GraecoRoman civilization.
This trope be
CHAPTER TWO
Be
116
In these
"Orpheus Bacchus.
117
(4)
Mosaic
118
His presence
with the animals suggests that the legend had some sig
nificance for them which animals alone did not have.
But Levi is surely correct in assuming that people were
becoming increasingly fond of animal representations
about the time that Orpheus mosaics became popular.
Mosaics of gladiatorial, hunting, fishing, and pastoral
animal scenes were common throughout the Empire by the
end of the 2nd century A.D.^
The Roman colonies of Asia Minor and Africa
were the source of descriptions and pictures of a num
ber of wild animals as well as of the animals themselves
which were imported to Italy and to the western provinces
to be used as exotic housepets and, more notably, as
popular attractions at the public games and Spectacula.
Since only the wealthy could have owned and maintained
119
Scenes of
120
Just
121
In the
pave
122
Most of the
7
This creature was traditionally a figure for
the appetitive faculties. Cornelius a Lapide, Commentaria in Jeremiam (Leyden, 1622), p. 26 quotes Saint
Basil to this effect:
"Men are created like centaurs,
as they were made rational men in the upper parts, and
in their lower parts made like lustful and burning
horses." The statement is given at greater length in
the Anthologia of Stobaeus.
123
In a pavement
The Greek
124
An early example
125
%
Philostratus writes
Although Philostratus is
10
,
(Figs.
126
127
The
It should be
The positioning of
128
In
129
He speaks of
130
.12
4th or
probably
from a
131
The nimbed
Christ's maj
A number of
132
The Pom-
"And
in antiquity. In the
magical amulet
133
information^(Fig. 24).
Franz
14
illu-
134
From earli
135
Synesius used the word
the soul (PG 6 6 , 1293) .
t~r r / f
to describe
Such
136
137
Moreover,
Pyxides
138
35/ 36)-
centuries A. D.
The most important point of contact between
these pyxides and the Orpheus mosaics, and one which
bears out 0. M. Dalton's contention that "some of the
. . . Syro-Egyptian pyxides and diptychs of the fifth
and sixth centuries may copy mosaic originals,
is
p. 182.
139
About
An
140
One, however,
This piece of
O P 0 E O C B A K K
18
See Campbell Bonner, Studies in Magic Amulets
(Ann Arbor, 1950) for this distinction between seals
and amulets.
141
19
on the
20
One pos
21
142
Such seems
143
"internationalism" (p. 6 ).
A phylactery of
144
In
inine plural, were common in the inscriptions of magical gems and were thought to be terminations of power.
24
25
24
See F. C. Burkitt, Church and Gnosis (Cam
bridge, 1932), pp. 36 ff. on Sabaoth and other such
beings.
25 _ . .
Cited in Bonner, p. 102.
whole
26
A Graeco-
146
R.
27
147
28
'
Rather, the cross was '
29
^
See L. Brehier, Les Oriqines du Crucifix
dans l 1Art Reliqieux (Paris, 1908).
148
...
at this time
149
"Alexamenos
/f//f/J^C F I D E -
This
It was,
The
150
31
32
Evidence
Epiphanius
151
34
152
This story is
35
also found in the apocryphal Birth of Mary.
Curi
As a result
36
153
37
god, and the god of the Jews were also linked etymologically in magical documents, as in the great papy
rus at Paris where I0EG/X0CE9 is joined with IAW
and CABA06 (PGM I, 3261).
154
Tertullian men
The adver
The
155
Unfor
156
39
157
40
ff
seum is the only surviving example of a class of rela
tively popular intagli.
More traditional crucifixion scenes also shed
light on the Berlin gem.
158
In these rep
159
its power.
160
The
A Latin stele
42
The
43
, a child of
161
Sometimes
/</. f
/O j
44
As H. Seyrig has
178 ff.
45
-
Henri Seyrig, "Heliopolitana," Bull, du Musee
de Beyrouth I (1937), p. 93, my trans. See also F. Cumont, "Theologie Solaire du Paganisme, Acad, des In
scriptions II, 2 (1913) .
162
said that the space between the earth and the moon was
filled with souls (Diog. Laert., Vit. Pvthag. VIII, 32).
Pliny explained the souls affinity for the heavens
thus:
26, 95).
"when
and fall
163
Other
The
164
165
Hermes Trismagis-
In the
166
of the planets.
0 archon
47
48
167
As we may
The chart
The archons,;in
Such a con
49
A. Delatte
168
52
169
This
and his
170
The owner
of the St. Christopher medal, using the pagan wishmagic of antiquity together with the name and image
of a Christian saint, is employing the same kind of
device, for much the same purpose, as the owner of
the Christ-Orpheus amulet.
171
Orpheus in Sculpture
Out of twenty-four
The intention
Other such
173
56
174
As was
In general
Although
Further, in
175
It is
In addition, the
176
177
The first,
178
58
(Carm. X V ) .
This doctrine of
59
179
The lyre
180
that
those who honor the pure regions and
aether reject all wind instruments as
soiling the soul and dragging it,down
ward towards material things and apply
themselves only to the lyre and cithera
because they are the purest instruments
and with them they accomplished their
religious songs and hymns. (De Mus.,
II, xix, p. 92)
A curious tessera from Palmyra (Fig. 73) con
nects the lyre with the stars.
181
Aristides
182
He goes on,
183
63
A picture
62
184
64
(fig. 78),
Tibicini piece were made in the same workshop or imitated from a common pattern book.
65
*
Published by J. Lauffray, Bull, du Musee
de Beyrouth IV (1940).
^ O n this question see G. Mendel, Catalogue
ces Sculptures des Musees Ottoman (Constantinople,
1914) II, 420-423 and W. Lowrie AJA V (1901) pp.
52-3.
186
C. Picard believes
Because
The ques
187
The arbor
188
They
Of
67
He
189
68
In a bas-relief of Mithras
Mithras' knee
190
Cer
,69
In the so
191
So
Also, in the
Sometimes Or
192
an anathema
against
"I
curse those
who say
70
The Mithraists,
193
is proposed by Tertullian.
If my memory still serves me, Mithra
there [in the kingdom of Satan] sets
his marks on the foreheads of his sol
diers, celebrates also thecblation of
bread and introduces an image of a res
urrection, and before a sword wreathes ^
a crown. (De Praescript. xl, ANF, p. 48)
These similarities which so disturbed the
Fathers did not, apparently, disturb the early Chris
tian artisans as much, for a very practical reason.
194
And, on the
72
Look
195
This
196
The
197
Moreover, when
74
such books I think particularly of De Rossi and his
English revisers, Northcote and Brownlow say anything
about the survival of the antique in early Christian
art, they usually point out that the first Christians
accepted pagan Orpheus into the catacombs because he
seemed to them to be a type of Christ.
198
199
200
201
Visual representations of
202
Luke is
The compo
Indeed, the
203
Of the
204
80
Among
savior figure.
or "chief shepherd."
X /
A somewhat similar
D E I
L I B E R I
or chief herdsman
For an excellent discussion of the KrioPhoros type see the monograph by M. A. Veyries, Les
iqures Criophores dans l'Art . . . Greco-Romain et
iJArt Chretien (Paris, 1884) .
205
(B a c c h u s )
in several incantations
81
His position,
207
83
150 A.D., so that "he must have been alive when the
Fourth Gospel was written, even if its publication
is put at the earliest possible date" (p. 29). But
the fact that the Good Shepherd is mentioned in an
epitaph as early as 150 A.D. does not prove that the
83
208
The earliest
84
of the
of the
As we have seen, by
209
{ t <rC/f
The
210
A more pastoral
Villa of Jenah, Beirut, and has been dated about 475500 A.D.85
Apparently the Good Shepherd of the catacomb
frescoes in Rome shows the Christian what he may look
forward to in the afterlife.
Kriophoros thus:
If the sacrificial view was retained, the
lamb could represent the Lamb of God, the
divine victim. If it was to be the symbol
of salvation, then the bearer of the lamb
Oj
212
iu:s i
%
\ \
"\
\
>i
L o a - F I r a a , rrs r.c ,
2 e n t u r y A. 2 .
2.
..= s :
T . ' !> : :,
: ir -'ila ,
*
i-o^n r e s a l e ,
Aisar lna, S i c i l y , c .
ury A.D.
iM
H azia
cent
'K~
& / w _ .
flSfti/''
.X
- V :> i > .
a-'
.
i .- . '
. r . ; : : o : .
r.
CE23
II
CHAPTER THREE
ORPHEUS EXPOUNDED:
MEDIEVAL COMMENTATORS
ON THE LEGEND
Any writer is
213
214
authors.
I have
Orpheus, and how they say it, we can learn much about
the workings of the medieval mind as it tried to fit
classical mythology into medieval life.
215
It would be hard to
216
It is hard to say
"O
217
Boethius' style and use of meter (e.g. Lupus of Ferrieres) as a model to be emulated.
A large number
Moreover, to these
But
218
Boethius may
219
220
them 'doth lose and kill/ Her and himself with foolish
love, while Green says "Orpheus looked back at Eurydice, lost her and died." The question here is whether
or not to take "occidit as a transitive verb, which the
metrical pattern of the line suggests that it is. The
weight of tradition argues for a. transitive rendering:
Orpheus saw his Eurydice, lost her and killed her.
While there are many versions of the story of Orpheus'
death, in none does he die upon seeing Eurydice fall
back to Hades. Ovid and Virgil, whom Boethius seems
to follow, place the death of Orpheus some time after
the death of Eurydice.
^All quotations from the Consolation are drawn
from the translation by Richard H. Green (Indianapolis,
1962). This translation is generally clearer than that
of "I. T." used by the editors of the Loeb Classical
Library edition.
4
3, 1 2 0.
221
Courcelle
Whether or not
222
The
As
. 223
If we compare Boethius'
The a
Thus
224
Boethius'
The story
225
. . . vincula").
At the
This theme is
His mind,
It is
The
227
228
Boethius be
If,
229
soul fleeing the body and the earth but dragged back
by his inability to reject temporalia his love for
Eurydice.
230
of this effort.
It culmin
231
The com
Remigius of
Remigius was
at Auxerre.
10
The
. .
233
as such by E. T. S i l k in 1935.
12
234
235
Remigius does
Although
On the powers of
236
237
be helpfultothe
The main
"Orpheus from
"Lamentations
239
His
240
Occa
.
Notker follows the commentary of Remigius
He speaks of those
241
Notker
"A man
His words:
"Quia libido
The evangelist
says that "No man, having put his hand to the plough.
242
243
This distance
Between the
244
One of
245
He sounds
246
"First it is
i.
247
248
value in them before he can free himself
from human desire. But one ought not,
as Orpheus did, return to those things
because "No man, having put his hand to
the plough, and looking back, is fit for
the kingdom of God."
(Fol. 69v, p. 46)
It will be seen that this passage owes little
to the commentary of Remigius.
The
249
validity.
Fulgentius had
Fulgentius
And
250
In William's commentary on
18
William
18
19
First,
The accessus
252
studied.
20
The teacher
253
(sententia) .
254
22
He is less interested in
23
Apparently he was
23
255
256
25
258
This work
26
There are
259
27
One of the
translators says that Orpheus is la parte intelletiva dell'uomo amaestrata dala sapientia et dala
eloquentia," while Eurydice is "parte effectiva [sic]"
(Cod. Ricc. 1540, Fol. 69r/v).
260
261
(B. N. Fr.
29
Peter is of importance to us
262
263
By
264
Commenta
265
Thus Vulcan
Some
32
266
There,
267
268
33
Orleans (c. 1125) .
It is conventional in structure,
Arnulphus'
269
John of Garland.
out of
for him
of the
of the
John of Gar
270
His coup
271
We know that
Giovanni's commentary,
272
Moreover, this in
Giovanni del Virgilio, Expositio Metamorphoijs, in Fausto Ghisalberti "Giovanni del Virgilio Espositore delle Metamorphosi," II Giornale Dantesco,
XXXIV (1931), p. 89.
273
274
*
C. de Boer, e d ., Ovide Moralise en Prose
(Amsterdam, 1954), p. 264. A somewhat similar version
of the work in verse has also been edited by de Boer,
Ovide Moralized (Amsterdam, 1915-1938). The versified
version gives a fairly conventional Boethian moralitas:
"don't look back or you lose everything" (iy, 23). For
a discussion of these works see J. Engles, .Etudes sur
L'Ovide Moralise (Groningen, 1943) and Born, op. cit.
Pierre Bersuire.
276
Ovidiana.
277
Metamorphosis Ovidiana . . . Moral iter Explanata (Paris, 1509), Fol. LXXVIII, Sig. K.
"Child
of the sun" is my conjecture. The text reads folis,
leaf, or poetically, a Sibyl, but the compositer must
have taken f for long s .
278
By this
approach he makes of the Orpheus myth a moral exemplum rather than an allegory.
Bersuire evidently
As he continues
279
280
The Ovid
281
282
Ful
His manner
He saw in the
283
Not surprisingly,
284
Though they
They are
285
These
The
Dunchad (Martin of Laon) Glossae in Martianum, ed. Cora E. Lutz (n.p., 1944), p. 12.
286
287
Most important,
Christian men in
288
fables following St. Paul, "Tout est pour nostre enseignement" (I, 4099} .
A mythographic tradition, then, with its roots
as far back as the work of Fulgentius in the 6 th cen
tury, is traceable down through the Middle Ages in
a number of dissimilar works; what may be called a
mythographic manner of dealing with the Orpheus Leg
end is also identifiable and indeed, remains remark
ably constant from early writers on music or other
subjects, who were not specifically mythographers,
to the humanistic writers of the 14th century, en
gaged in compiling handbooks of classical material.
The mythographic approach may be characterized first
of all by its secularity its tendency to regard Or
pheus as an archetype of the eloquent man or perfect
musician, rather than as a prefiguration of Christ;
its explications were most frequently aimed at a
lay readership or intended to aid in the reading of
secular literature.
Orpheus,
290
An anonymous
His list of co
prophane," he says:
Tubal; Ptholomeus; Albinus; Nichomachus;
Mercurius; Corebus; rex Lydorum, filius
Attis; Libius; Terpandrix; Phrix; Phebus;
Arabs; Savius Licaon; Profacius Perithos;
Coloponnus;Zemon et Amphion;Pictagoras;
Aristotiles; Nichita; Boetius; Orpheus;
Thebeus; Teulex; E g y p t i u s ( m y emphasis)
A somewhat similar passage from another anon
ymous writer on music reminds us of the references
to Orpheus as a musician who learned his art from
291
He wishes to ex
292
Reginus
He sup
293
Johannes Scotus.
294
One faculty is
and
for theoretika
295
296
Eudes le Picard,
In another
"Eurydice is
"was
297
46
47
Bernardus Silvestris.
298
Bernard,
48
49
48
299
Bernard
300
Then he
John Ridvall.
302
Like
He then in
303
The Ful-
They are
In
Boccaccio,
One is amazed, in
305
Epicurus, Virgil, Thales, Aristoxenus, Cicero, Hyginus, Ovid, Lactantius, Claudian, Nicomachus of Gerasa,
Germanicus Caesar, Colophonius Estieus, Plato, Hip
pocrates, Eratosthenes, Servius and Alexander.
It
306
It is included, however, by
For Boccaccio,
307
Boccaccio
The
point
of view.
Conches*
Of Eurydice he adds.
Boccaccio,
He sees in
309
And-he Snows
But,
310
(p. 495).
311
So Pangaeus
Nothing over
Roman
312
philosophical sect rather than heretics of the Church
are now the enemies of virtue to be chastized in the
Orpheus legend.
Truly we have
CHAPTER FOUR
But it is in secular
313
314
The way he
315
David
In the account of
The story of
316
Likewise Or
, consonance. 2
string in a single
Moreover, both David and Orpheus were the
authors of certain songs, the Psalms and the Orphica
for which they received inspiration from God.
To an
317
318
These transmutations
and David somewhat as Clement of Alexandria had compared them to Orpheus' disadvantage.
parisons the two figures
4
In such com
319
We
320
He has
shown that
Epic poems, dramas, mythological handbooks
and other products of classical literature
were still appreciated in the Middle and
Late Byzantine periods . . . where they
had survived with illustrations, these,
too, appealed to the Byzantine public and
the artist who desired to copy them (p. 45).
Weitzmann believes, for example, that onepossible
source for a peculiarly Greco-Roman scene in a 10th
century codex of Nicander may have been a mosaic from
the Piazza Amerina (p. 49) the site, also, of a floor
mosaic of Orpheus.
321
322
usually called aristocratic, for they are rather selfconscious works of art with full-page, beautifully done
pictures, arid could only have been commissioned by ex-r
tremely wealthy persons.
The portraits of
323
It is indebted to
324
He
the little niche where David sits may have been added
by a later hand, but they particularly the peacocks
remind one of the peacocks of the resurrection found
in catacomb portraits of Orpheus as for example in
the cemetery of Domitilla.
His body is
The feeling
325
These are
g
For discussion of this psalter see Kurt Weitzmann,"The Psalter Vatopedi 761," Journal of the Walters
Art Gallery X (1947).
326
Because the
The nimbed
327
David.
328
H. Buchthal, on
Buchthal dis
329
330
The
Mount
331
It is interesting to note
332
shepherd.
333
12
Greek or
334
335
pious hero.
It
336
337
We
Alfred supplies
338
The dwellers of
This poem
339
340
Thus it came
As a result of this
demonstrates.
14
14
A ballade by Jean le Mote is an interesting
example of this sort of classicizing school exercise.
The poem is about a love-sick lady, modeled on one of
the heroines of Ovid's Heroides. She says that she is
so unhappy that she can hear nothing, not even "Dyodonas
a ses cleres buisines,/Ne Orpheus le dieux de melodie,/
Ne Musicans a ses chancons divines,/Ne r>'-dalus od sa
gaye maisterie." She concludes "Je suis avec Dido a
341
or rhetorical elaboration
In essence,
they are new poems which use the legend of Orpheus and
Eurydice for a base but which have little to do with
the version of the story given by Ovid and Virgil,
to whose works they are nominally indebted.
Several such works are extant.
They include
342
These
All of
343
atus. such
Thierry is
344
345
18
Al
"Forma
346
These
347
Love by reputation
So, in "Forma
Only in one re
348
349
If the fighter is
Ill
350
In the text,
The
But
351
Another min
352
20
Here Christine
Ristoro is discussing
man as a microcosm.
The great Artephius miraculous philoso
pher, of whom it is stated that he under
stood the voices of birds and of the other
animate creatures, who being in the woods
at times in the great mountains playing
353
22
Ristoro apparently
21
354
23
Constantine Africanus
355
24
The
26
^
Les Oeuvres Poetiques de Baudri de Bourgueil.
ed. Phyllis Abrahams (Paris, 1926) CCXLIV, 24.
356
28
Sir Orfeo
This ro
Ill, MGH.
28
See "Sy Dolce no Sono Choi' Lir' Orfeo" in
Willi Apel and Archibald Davison, Historical Anthology
of Music (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), pp. 57-59.
357
29
358
taken off.
There he
sees people whom men thought dead but who had been
brought to the land of the fairies some of them
mutilated, burned or mad.
359
Al
Then Orfeo re
360
But when we
For example.
361
though the poem has often been connected with the kind
of Celtic otherworld reached by crossing over water,
the only water in the poem is a stream that the fairy
women ride near and a moat around the castle in the
fairy world.
But curiously,
^The
?ms of William Dunbar, ed. W. M. Mackenzie
(London, r
, p. 116. In the 13th century poem Le
Turnoiment d'Antecrist by Hugo de Berti, printed in
Thomas Wright's edition of St. Patrick's Purgatory (Lon
don, 1844), p. Ill, Pluto and Proserpine are the king
362
He
363
When Heuro-
is come,/ & Orfeo ha> his armes y-nome,/ & wele ten
hundred kni3tes wij> him" (11.181-3) , but to no avail.
When Orfeo is living as a wild man in the woods he
frequently sees supernatural beings.
364
32
I suggest that we
OED 2. gives a number of citations for undern as midday, though assigning the "vnder-tide" of
Sir Orfeo to 1. morning. Trevisa, it is mentioned in
2. translates Higden's L. nona meridiana as noon and
Bartholomaeus Anglicus 1 De Nat. Prop. VIII, xxviii L.
meridie as ME "undornetide."
365
of particular interest.
He
34
But
366
Augustine's view be
I suggest,
A number of
35
Trac
sive Homiliae in Psalmos, e d . G .
Morin, Anecdota Maredsolana, (Maredsous, 1897), pp.
115-117. See also Bernard of Clairvaux and Hugh of
St. Cher, PL 183, 199 and Opera Omnia (Venice, 1703)
II, 241v.
36
367
first sees the king of the fairies with his host out
in the woods, they are hunting at noon ("hot vndertides"); the emphasis on the heat in the description
links the king with the noon-day demon in several
ways.
37
He ex
The idea
368
Moreover, the
fact that the fairy king and his men hunt at noon-day
would have reinforced the identification.
But Heurodis was innocent of wrong doing and
was not, so far as we learn, tempted, but rather taken
off, quite inexplicably, at the will of the fairy king.
Two possible explanations can be offered for her raptus.
on.
38
.
.
.
Mortimer J. Donovan m an interesting article,
"Herodis in the Auchinleck Sir Orfeo" Medium Aevum XXVII
(1958) argues that Heurodis is to be associated with the
evil Herodias who helped to bring about St. John the
Baptists death. He points out that in the Winchester
Chronicle there is a reference to Edwy the unpopular son
of Edmund who is described as a man with a "most ardent
love of women and a man who followed Orpheus." Mr. Dono
van refers to Edwy's queen as being thought a possible
Herodias and connects this with Orpheus' looking back in
369
But no snake
the author's mind the devil who walks abroad at noonday the story becomes clearer.
First, as we recall
370
An Ovide
371
39
A shepherdess' crook
One possible
372
Aside from
373
40
But Heurodis is
41
the fallen angels were not only giants but all super-
374
But
There
375
In the
376
The description of Or
377
The otherworld in
43
42
The illustration for the Letter of Othea
(Fig. 12) bears a closer resemblance to these fea
tures of the Sir Orfeo story than it does to the
text it nominally portrays.
In it we see Orpheus
entering through a hole in a rock a mysterious land
filled with curious animals, while Eurydice lies in
a trance before a castle. But the illustration is
for a version of the story which comes mostly from
Ovid and Virgil. See Christine de Pisan, the Epistle
of Othea to Hector or the Boke of Knyghthode, t r .
Stephen Scrope and ed. George F. Warner (London,
1904) LXX, p. 78.
43
378
In
Here an ampler
The Thracian
379
The 8 th
Tundale seemingly
380
dies and his soul leaves his body for three days,
going first to a dark and frightening valley where
it sees souls suffering various Dantescan torments;
it then, with the help of an angel, leaves this
valley by crossing a bridge and comes to a locus
amoenus where there were many souls and it was per
petual day.
44
45
381
157-172.
382
Aeneas sees
383
The king
If she
forunexplained reasons
with her.
When Orfeo
comes into the castle he sees the king with his own
fairy queen "fair & swete" and there is no sign of
384
Robert Henryson's
"Orpheus and Eurydice"
In Robert Henryson's poem of Orpheus and
Eurydice are brought together the two strands of
385
He
Robert Henry
Since
386
48
After giving
Hearing of
387
388
So too,
389
He describes
he fleeth
Eurydice goes out walking, she is described as "erudices the quene,/ quhilk walkit furth in to a may
morn-
(11.92-4).
The "grene
390
Orpheus 1
391
Af
Unless there
392
Celestial
393
49
394
He explains that
395
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ABBREVIATIONS
AJA
ANF
CIG
CIL
CR
Classical Review.
CSE L
FGH
HTR
JTR
JTS
JWCI
MGH
MLR
PCD
OED
PG
396
397
PGM
PL
PM LA
PNF
RA
= Revue Archeologigue.
REL
RHR
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ward and Harold Mattingly (Loeb Library).
PG 94.
404
405
407
408
409
.j. Aristotelis
411
412
413
414
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(Loeb Library).
________ ,Saturae. in F. Buecheler ed., Petronii
Saturae, Berlin, 1912.
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