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447625
2012
i s w
Article
Reflections on
research:Families
affected by counterterrorism in the UK
Surinder Guru
University of Birmingham, UK
Abstract
Following the terrorist attacks on New York and London, the counterterrorism
legislation in the UK strengthened surveillance and national security and led to
the incarceration of many Muslim men. Whilst the treatment of prisoners and
detainees received considerable attention in public debate, the families that
are left behind have been neglected by politicians, academics, the media and
service providers alike. This article reflects on the experiences of conducting
a small exploratory study amongst such families in the West Midlands and
highlights some of the ways in which the heightened concerns about national
security impinged upon the research process.
Keywords
counter-terrorism, methodology, personal and political, political conflict,
subjectivity
The political conflict engendered by the terrorist attacks on the Twin Towers
in New York (2001) and London (2005) culminated in the strengthening of
national and international security as well as the demonization of Muslim
communities who tended to be equated with terrorism and extremism.
Some of the draconian responses of the government to terrorism included
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Guru
stance, to advocate for women who had become targets of their own
and host communities and who were made vulnerable by subjection to
counter-terrorism laws and the incarceration of their husbands (Deacon and
Sullivan, 2009) was an important aspect of this research. However, as a
belated emerging researcher, since I had no contact with the families
themselves this would be a difficult task: the moral panics and the furor surrounding the war-on-terror, extremism and the enemy within meant
that the population under study feared being labelled guilty by association
(Brittain, 2009). It was unlikely that families would willingly subject themselves to being researched by a stranger. Hence methods detached from
respondents, such as structured interviews, questionnaires and observations
would be untenable. This required a more personal approach and insider
knowledge. As I was not an insider, this was difficult.
Methodology
The study was to proceed against the backdrop of the securitization agenda
which the counter-terrorism legislation sought to strengthen and which academic institutions had to heed, in addition to ensuring compliance with ethical standards of research.
An opportunity to gain access to participants arose after a co-incidental
(rather than designed) re-establishment of contact with friends who happened to be community/political activists involved in this area of work,
helping families to readjust to their new circumstances. I tentatively
explored the possibility of making contact with these families through the
friends, who in turn confirmed arrangements with the organization (Helping
Households Under Great Stress (HHUGS)) for whom they volunteered. It
emerged that contact was possible. This improved the possibility of gaining
rich data. Access to a purposeful, opportunistic sample (Coyne, 1997) was
secured through HHUGS. The research aimed to engage in a deeper level of
relationship, in varied settings and contexts and to show some sort of reciprocity in order to build trust and rapport (Emmel et al., 2007) to acquire a
first hand feel and to help gain different perspectives on respondents lives
(Agar, 1996; Williams, 1993). The methodology would not preclude interviews but these would be supplemented by other types of richer engagements and interactions, building stronger, more meaningful relationships
through reciprocity, which might include practical assistance, for example,
to help gain access to support services, legal advice and so on. In pursuit of
rich qualitative data, at first non-structured interviews would both permit
more informal conversational types of environment and capture the breadth
of issues that respondents considered important. Once patterns and issues
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department would help guide and assess if any action was required and if so, the
participants would be notified that reporting to the relevant authorities was necessary. Wanting to safeguard the anonymity of records, a numerical system
would be used to store data electronically, accessible only to the researcher.
Another important consideration related to interpreters, who would be
required in some cases. Again, I anticipated that given the suspicion of
strangers and fears about confidentiality, some respondents may resist
external interpreters and may be more comfortable choosing their own from
their family/friends.
The social context therefore shaped the approach of the research; its
topic, conceptualization, construction and investigation were all formulated
through the subjectivity and positionality of the researcher, and influenced
by the interaction of the social and political/legal environment as well as the
demands made upon researchers on ethical grounds. As a researcher who
knew the sensitivities of the field, it was important to protect participants,
but these demands were likely to conflict with those of research ethics committees, often operating from a biomedical ethical stance and requiring
strict procedural adherence to acquisitions of written or other forms of consent and of confirmation that respondents would be warned about breaches
of confidentiality under specific circumstances. These pressures were further compounded by counter-terrorism laws that created an atmosphere of
fear where research activities could be criminalized as glorification of terrorism. These processes had the potential to silence research (Boden et al.,
2009; Renold et al., 2008).
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Guru
mostly confirming the statements already made in the application, but the
Chair emphasized the need to record consent in audio format if not in written form and further clarification was requested about the circumstances
upon which confidentiality may be breached in the eventuality of criminal
activity coming to attention. The Chair proved to be sensitive to peculiarities of social science research and was also helpful in recommending a
reduction in the size of the information sheet and, to ease matters about
confidentiality, suggested a script that would be verbally communicated
when interviewing participants.
The Legal Services adopted a more traditional, procedural approach.
They were more persistent about securing written consent and emphasized
the need to secure electronic data in line with university requirements.
However, the outcome of the UREC was generally supportive, but it was
clear that given the seriousness of counter-terrorism legislation, it was compelled to demonstrate its explicit scrutinization of the application in order to
safeguard institutional interests (Coomber, 2002; Truman, 2003). The process took five months to gain ethical clearance and in the meantime the
initial enthusiasm and support of the gatekeepers had waned and some of
the contacts that they initially envisaged were no longer available, due to
illnesses and relocations to other areas. The ethics committee, in this sense,
had become officious gate-keepers (Redwood and Todres, 2006) and
risked the commencement of the research.
The insistence of the Legal Services upon securing written consent is
controversial and presents ethical dilemmas for social scientists. In terms of
this research, surprisingly, written consent was secured for all participants,
but had it failed, the research process would have encountered obstacles and
further delay, if not termination. The notion that the social processes underpinning research-ethic reviews . . . are similar to those associated with moral
panic (Van Den Hoonaard, 2001: 1920, cited in Truman, 2003) is certainly
true as far as the Legal Services were concerned in this case. It seemed that
they were more concerned with the protection of institutional interest, rather
than that of participants.
In some areas of social science research (e.g. crime, disability) it is not
always feasible to acquire informed consent, and insistence upon it can discourage participation or lead researchers to adopt superficial strategies of compliance without being sincere in practising them in the field (Coomber, 2002;
Hammersley, 2009; Wiles et al., 2007). Consent is contingent upon the relationship built between the researcher and researched and so a greater autonomy
is called for in enabling researchers to be responsible decision makers in the
context of the field (Boden et al., 2009; Renold et al., 2008; Truman, 2003).
696
Alderson (1999) and Hammersley (2009) implore research ethics committees to understand the contextual and contingent nature of consent and
confidentiality and not to insist upon requiring formal consent. Instead, it
should be ensured that research is respectful to participants and that it
encourages their well-being, rather than be against their interests. These are
also values that run parallel to social work values and ethics (Butler, 2002).
Coomber (2002) warns Research Ethics Committees (RECs) that for
researchers in crime related work, even asking for signatures can alienate
and lose credibility with respondents. Concerns about confidentiality have
witnessed competing arguments, particularly since signed, informed consent gives way to breaches of confidentiality and anonymity (Coomber,
2002). On the one hand, there is widespread agreement that confidentiality
should always be ensured with respondents, except where there is actual or
potential risk of harm to respondents. On the other hand, the situational and
contingent nature of confidentiality must be considered, particularly in
areas where a breach of confidentiality results in the breach of respect for
individual privacy, security and well-being. In certain areas such as crime,
breaching confidentiality would compromise the confidentiality and security of participants and signed consents may not be in the interest of researchers as they may be complicit in the incrimination and prosecution of
research participants, which conflicts with the professional responsibilities
of social scientists who must protect their research participants (Coomber,
2002: 1.2). Coomber (2002) and others (Boden et al., 2009; Renold et al.,
2008) call for RECs to recognize the distinct nature of social science
research which requires different sensitivities. They recommend that standardized procedures requiring signed consent be avoided in favour of assessing harm accruing to participants from the results of the research.
Hence, competing ethical values form important considerations in the
context of counter-terrorism, where insistence upon signed consent may be
detrimental to participants and erode trust, as well as place participants in
precarious situations. This acts against the grain of social work and social
work research based in fundamental human rights and social justice
approaches.
The next section explores issues of trust and reciprocity in relation to
gatekeepers, participants and other stakeholders and leads onto an outline of
some unexpected outcomes of the research.
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The integrity and credibility of the researcher rests on effective rapport and
reciprocity with participants and it is through this mechanism that greater
trust can ensue between them. In this case, the organization which was
another gatekeeper to the women first needed to establish trust and confidence in me.
HHUGS looked after the welfare of the families of incarcerated men
(and women), helping them with prison visits, finance and social activities
to reduce isolation. The organization was not previously known to me and
gaining access to it was another venture in negotiating contact and demonstrating commitment. Having gained access to it through the friends/gatekeepers and requesting contact with participants, it transpired that contact
was conditional on the presence of a bona fide representative of HHUGS
in all interviews to ensure that the women were not subjected to a stranger,
and that a female interpreter, who knew all the women and was trusted by
the women, was to be designated by the organization. I feared that the presence of the representatives was irregular and would intrude upon the
researcherparticipant relationship and, more importantly, prevent
respondents from voicing their opinions, particularly about the services
that HHUGS provided. Moreover, the organization of the interviews would
become a complex task with having to negotiate dates and times between
three to four different parties. It was not a situation I felt I could challenge,
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Guru
however. Having been given the rare and valuable privilege of accessing
the families, any questioning of the decision may begin the onset of distrust
and destroy the relationship that had been build to date. In addition, I did
understand the anxieties of the respondents and was sensitive to their
needs; I considered that if it did not work I would be able to re-negotiate.
However, the reality was that the presence of the agency worker made a
positive contribution: it meant that the respondents trusted the researcher,
vis-a-vis the agency representative, and felt confident enough to give their
written consent without hesitation (which would have been very difficult to
obtain otherwise) and to talk openly about their experiences, without fear of
breach of confidentiality or the misuse of the information. Furthermore,
there were many instances when the interjections of the agency representative clarified points (e.g. dates or chronology of particular events) which
were useful in making sense of the information the participant provided.
I was mindful that the HHUGS representative did not talk for the
respondents and that information they gave was only for clarification purposes rather than their own opinions. However, although their presence was
useful, it must have influenced how respondents formulated their responses
to questions about the nature of the service HHUGS offered, as confirmed
perhaps by the absence of any negative responses towards the agencys
work.
In terms of my relationship with respondents, a total reliance upon the
interviews would have obstructed my relationship with them, but my
engagement with them in other scenarios, where I was freer to build a oneto-one relationship (e.g. at social events), meant that a more engaging
encounter was possible. There were instances where reciprocity was used
to strengthen the researcherresearched relationship deliberately in terms
of offering respondents services such as transport to social events organized by HHUGS. Other activities challenged the traditional researcher role
when I was asked by women to help them set up appointments with and
accompany them to see their MPs; I encountered a family whose children
had been absent from school for four months due to the failure of the local
authority to allocate schools after re-housing the family to another area,
and advised her to go and see her MP. These activities may have been
deemed by the ethics committee as providing advice, as being outside the
purview of the researcher and perhaps glorifying terrorism under the
counter-terrorism legislation; but refraining from them would have meant
that my role, otherwise, would have been a clinical one where the research
merely enters and exits the research site. They helped me gain a better
insight into the problems the women faced and to build trust through deeper
engagement.
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Conclusions
Against the backdrop of counter-terrorism legislation, the researcher had to
negotiate trusts at different levels with different stakeholders, always cautious of not glorifying terrorism. The researchers own biography and her
commitment to highlight and improve the lives of the families were instrumental in securing trust. However, the activities that helped develop trust
could easily be (mis)construed as glorification of terrorism under the
counter-terrorism legislation, and as such presented a perpetual risk to the
researcher and possibly her employer, as well as the participants. Activities
of building trust through notions of reciprocity had to be carefully negotiated, whilst guarding relationships with gatekeepers and respondents.
Reciprocity and research based upon the commitment to improve the position of the respondents did, however, have immediate and positive impact
on participants.
Social work research must be embedded in principles of social justice
and human rights (Butler, 2002) and researchers have to be morally
responsible whilst engaged in emancipatory research amongst disempowered groups. There are insurmountable difficulties facing families of
incarcerated people who are stigmatized, shunned and marginalized by
their own communities and by the dominant society. Any exposition of
their plight promotes social justice. Morality, however, is an ambiguous
and shifting notion and the competing moralities of research, meeting
procedural ethical demands versus the rights and responsibilities of social
scientists to safeguard their participants, are ongoing conflicting issues.
The draconian counter-terrorism laws intensify these tensions by the
threat of criminalization and make research potentially more dangerous
for researchers. If researchers are discouraged by this in social work
research, they risk doing a disservice to groups whose needs and rights
will remain suppressed.
Funding
The research was funded by a small grant from the Institute of Applied Social
Studies Research Fund, University of Birmingham.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their comments on this article.
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Author biography
Surinder Guru is a Lecturer in Social Work at the Institute of Applied Social Studies,
University of Birmingham, UK.