University of Chicago Press

Problems in Analyzing Elements of Mass Culture: Notes on the Popular Song and Other Artistic
Productions
Author(s): Norman K. Denzin
Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 75, No. 6 (May, 1970), pp. 1035-1038
Published by: University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2776159
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and Debate
Commentary
PROBLEMS IN ANALYZING ELEMENTS OF MASS CULTURE:
NOTES ON THE POPULAR SONG AND OTHER ARTISTIC
PRODUCTIONS
JamesT. Carey's recentanalysisof changingpatternsin the popularsong
("ChangingCourtshipPatternsin the Popular Song," AmericanJournalof
by students
Sociology74 [May]: 720-31) displaysa problemlongconfronted
of mass society:To what extentcan culturalexpressionsbe taken as valid
indicatorsof social behavioror of shiftingaspects of mood and national
character?His analysisis admirablein thatit replicatesthe earlierstudyof
Horton. It is provocativein that it suggestswhat many sociologistsnow
feel: that elementsof rapid change now characterizethe nation's youth.
His remarkson theshiftingcharacterof theintimaterelationshipbetween
1955 and 1966 suggestthat rules are beingrewrittenregardingthe nature
of the selfand its affiliations
withothers.
Notwithstandingthese features,I fear that Carey's analysis reveals a
numberof the problemsinherentin any investigationthat attemptsto relate attitudesto behaviorwhen no directobservationof the involvedsubjects is undertaken.In thisbriefnoteI shouldlike to indicatefourproblems
involved in analyzing aspects of popular culture,be this the study of
popular songs,novels,paintings,or poetry.In the main, my remarksare
directedto the traditionrepresentedby Carey's work,and not to his study
per se.
A fundamentalproblemin suchstudiesstemsfromthelongtraditionthat
has regardedartisticproductionsas socialfacts.By regardingsuch productionsas social facts,the analystis relievedof the burdenof demonstrating
what meaningstheseproductionshave forthe artistand his audience.It is
too frequentlyassumedthat such meaningscan be identifiedby a capable
broughtto such worksby the
analyst,independentof the interpretations
artistor his audience.In myjudgment,artisticproductionsmustbe seen as
interactional
creations,the meaningsof whicharise out of the interactions
directedto themby the artistand his audience.This is well seen in the long
traditionof religiouspaintingswhichattemptto recreatethe Crucifixion.
Each centuryhas producedits ownmeaningsofthisevent,and thesemeangestures,and different
ingsare couchedin different
stylesof dress,different
symbolsattached to the Christfigure.In no sense can the meaningof the
event or the paintingbe judged independentof the meaningsbroughtto
it by the artistand his time.
If artisticproductionsare seen as interactionalcreations,a secondproblem mustbe recognized.A workof art may not evoke the same responsein
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AmericanJournalof Sociology
the audience as in the artist.Camus realized this when he undertookhis
studyof Kafka's works.Commentingon the problemsofinterpreting
symbolicworks,he stated (1960, p. 92): "Nothingis harderto understandthan
a symbolicwork.A symbolalways transcendsthe one who makes use of it
and makes him say in realitymore than he is aware of expressing."The
meaningof a popular song, then,lies in the interactionsbroughtto it. Its
meaningresidesonlypartlyin the lyrics,the beat, or its mood.
This suggeststhat an art object, because it may not evoke the intended
responsein the audience,cannot be taken as an a priorivalid indicatorof
a group's perspective.This is quite evidentin popular music,wherefrequentlylistenersfocuson the beat and not the words.Indeed, listenersto
today's Top Ten songs are oftenunable to relatethe contentof the songs.
As a consequence,the popularityof an art object may occur forreasons
otherthanthosedirectlyextractedfromits substantivecontent.Theremay
be littlecorrespondencebetweenthe intendedand the imputedmeanings.
Objects of art oftenare collectedfor reasons of prestige,status, or selfenhancement.
An additionalproblemariseswhenit is realizedthat a greatdeal of what
is importantto a groupmay not be expressedin artisticform,or in aspects
of popular culture.Justas languagesoftenlag behindpatternsof behavior
(Polsky 1967,pp. 129-30), so too may aspects ofpopularculture.On other
occasions such productionsmay anticipateperspectiveswhich are as yet
unclearlyformed.The relevancein 1970 of the protestmusic of the early
1960s, best seen in Bob Dylan's lyrics,establishesthis case. Negro blues,
long the expressionsof the suppressionof blacks in America,have only
recentlybeen seen as indicatorsof the shiftingnature of Negro culture.
Similarly,the jazz musicianhas neverbeen accordedthe prestige,recognition, and wealth of the pop musician; yet his work embodies the same
principlesand activities.Art,then,cannot be taken,just as any symbolic
representationcannot be taken, as a complete or unequivocally valid
indicatorof a group's way of life. At best such works must be seen as
signals or cues to processeswhich must be examined in termsof other
kindsof data (see Polsky 1967, p. 130).
Last, art objects and even the productsof pop cultureare valued by
only a limitedportionof any population. This is acutely the case with
popular music. Youth fromthe lower classes may not have access to the
channelsof the airways,or theirchannelsmay be different-for
example,
countryand westernmusic as opposed to the modernurban lyric.On the
other hand, the continued appearance of radio stations and recording
companiescateringto specificethnicand nationalitygroupssuggeststhat
the popular song may portrayonly the white middle-classview of love
or the intimaterelationship.This is more evidentin the "soul" stations,
wherean artistictraditionunknownto whiteyouthis presented.
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Commentaryand Debate
Analystsof mass culturemusthave evidenceon the "attendance" rates
and the "preference"patternsof the listenersand audiencesto whomthey
wish to generalize.Such evidencehas seldom been presented.Until such
evidence is forthcoming,
any formulationsconcerningshiftsin national
mood or charactermust be doubted.
Art as Interaction
The studyofartisticproductionsmustbe returnedto thosesituationswhere
meaningis given those objects termed"art." This suggestsa numberof
problems.The worldof the artistmust be penetrated.His circlesof interaction and the meaningshe attaches to his workmust be identified.The
triadicrelationshipof artist,critic,and public (so long taken as the paradigm of analysis) must be resolvedinto its constituentelements.Upon
inspection,thisrelationshipwill be foundto includediversepublics,organIt is herein thestatusand politicalbattles
izations,groups,and friendships.
betweenindividualsthat art takes on meaning.
The popularityassigned artisticproductionsmightbest be studied as
fashion.Art,like social theoriesand popular stylesof dress,is fashion(see
Blumer 1969, pp. 275-91). The study of what becomesfashionablein the
world of popular culture permitsthe sociologistto identifythe special
featuresof mass society-constant tensionsbetweenchange and stability.
Like all instancesof fashion,elementsof popular cultureappear in those
sectorsof societycharacterizedby rapid change. These are areas open to
the continuouspresentationof new modes of expression.Although the
choice of selectionfromthese modes is relativelyfree,it is by no means
rational.Popularityand suitabilityare determinedafterthe fact and only
whenold standardshave been redefinedor discardedin favorof new interpretations.It is one ofthefunctionsofthe art criticto formalize,and hence
rationalize,these standards of evaluation and selection.In the realm of
popularmusicthisfunctionis unequallydividedamongdisk jockeys,radio
and televisionstations,public relationsmen, establishedartists,recording
studios, and ultimatelythe giant recordingindustries.This suggestsanotheraspect of popular culture:fashionis establishedby the declarations
of prestigefigureswho exercisetheirpowerin the determinationof what
is fashionable.An essentialaspect of popular musicis the competitionbetweenthesepersonsin powerpositions.It is theywho give the interpretationsand stamps of approval to the many new musicalgroups,filmdirectors,poets, novelists,and song writerswho are continuallybeing formed
and introducedthroughthe media.
The functionsof popular cultureforsocietycan be summarizedas follows. The legitimationof an art object (or artist)at any pointin timegives
individualsa pointaroundwhichsocial relationshipsand imagesofselfcan
be built.One's identityis, in part,establishedby his locationin the shifting
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AmericanJournalof Sociology
modalitiesof popular culture.One is "in" or "out" offashionaccordingto
the actions he takes toward the legitimatedfeaturesof his culture.Thus
membersof mass societymust be constantlyadding to theiracquisitions
ofpopularculture-an act whichmay go no furtherthan the purchasingof
everynew recordproducedby a popular artist.
Fashion is an interactionalproduction-it occurs only among and betweeninteractingindividuals.Study must be directedto those situations
wherefashionbecomeslegitimated.Such investigationscan no longerproceed under the assumptionthat artisticproductionsare social facts independentof interactingindividuals.
A last line of researchcan only be brieflyindicated. This is to treat
artisticproductionsas "sources of data" for the sociologicalanalysis of
human relationships.In this vein novels, poems, paintings,and popular
one person'sinterpretation
ofsome
songscan be takenas data representing
segmentofsocial life.Theoriesofpersonalitychangecould be testedagainst
Conrad's LordJimand Heartof Darkness,much as Merrill(1961, pp. 44653) treatedStendhal'sLe rougeet le noir as evidencefora symbolicinteractionistview of significant
others.
Conclusion
Every social group, Robert E. Park suggested,ritualizedcertain artistic
formsas expressionoftheirdominantpatternsofthoughtand action.These
remarkshave indicatedhow featuresof popular culturemay be employed
wereoffered.
as indicatorsofbehaviorin mass societies.Several restrictions
Art alone cannotestablishthe needed linksbetweenthoughtsand actions.
Othermodes of observationmust be adopted, as must a constantconcern
withthe interpretations
giventhose objects called art. If sociologyis ever
betweentheoryand social experience,the
to realize a close correspondence
realitiesof social groupsmustbe penetrated.This discussionhas suggested
how the study of art permitsthe entryinto these groups and ultimately
into the intricatefabricsof mass society.
University
of California,Berkeley

NORMANK. DENZIN

REFERENCES
to CollectiveSelection."SocioBlumer,Herbert.1969. "Fashion:Class Differentiation
10 (Summer):275-91.
logicalQuarterly
Camus,Albert.1960.TheMythofSisyphusand OtherEssays.New York: Vintage.
Carey,JamesT. "ChangingCourtshipPatternsin the PopularSong." AmericanJour74 (May):720-31.
nal ofSociology
Merrill,
FrancisR. 1961."Stendhaland theSelf:A Studyin theSociologyofLiterature."
66 (March):446-53.
AmericanJournalofSociology
Polsky,Ned. 1967.Hustlers,
Beats,and Others.
Chicago:Aldine.
1038

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