BANKING IN THE ABBASID PERIOD A SPECIAL STUDY OF THE TENTH CENTURY A. D.

Author(s): Zafarul Islam

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 1984, Vol. 45 (1984), pp. 780-789
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44140275

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 BANKING IN THE ABBASID PERIOD A SPECIAL
STUDY OF THE TENTH CENTURY A. D,

Zafarul Isíam (Aligar h )

1.1 The Abbasid period is generally known for the developmen

various political, economic and cultural institutions of Islam. The r
of banking activity was one of many developments that related to
economy of the period. Although there weie no banks or ban
houses in the modern sense of the word, there did exist individual
ers who discharged similar functions. The government did not estab
its own banks, yet it encouraged banking activities and gave full p
ronge to the individual bankers. The banking system of the Ab
period had evolved after long experiments made in the early caliph
particularly in the Umayyad rule.

1.2 To begin with, the banking activity was initially confined to fix
and exchange silver and gold coins. The diversity of the coins in c
lation during the Abbasid period and their fluctuating rates as we
the easy methods of minting led to the acquisition of experties on
part of the government and the people at large. Among the lat
new class of experts arose who came to be known as naqid , sarraf
Jihbadh} As time passed, these bankers whose primary busines
money changing also expanded their financial net over other spher
such as supply of funds, transfer of money and encashment of lette
credit. In spite of their expanding activities, original terms contin
to be applied to them. Although there are no synonyms for banki
or bankers in Arabic, modern terms can be easily used for these mer
tile classes and their activity.

1-3 The fuctions of the bankers of the Abbasid period may be dev
under three broad categoris (a) deposit of money, (b) supply
funds, and (c) transfer of ammounts. As regards the first func
there is enough evidence to show that huge amounts were depo
with the bankers who either invested them in their own business or

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 781

advanced loans to others. Nobility in general and wazirs and other

high officials in particular deposited large sums of money with them for
fear of musadarah .* The craze for depositing money with bankers grew
so much among the wazirs that by the time of Caliph Al-Muqtadir
(908-32) every wazir started selecting his own money-keeper or banker
naqid .8 Our sources inform us about the huge deposits made with
these bankers, Ibn-ul-Furat is said to have deposited as huge amount
as 1,60 000 dinars with his bankers, which was, however, dedected after
his fall.4 The deposits or Hammad bin Abbas, another wazir of the
period, amounted to about 100,000 dinars.5 Al-Khasibi the wazir of
Al-Muqtadir in 926 AD is reported to have deposited a part of his accu-
mulated wealth with his bankers while keeping another part in streng
boxes.6 Interestingly, sometimes the illegal income ( mali- muro fiq ) of
an official was directly remitted, of course, on his instruction to his
banker who credited it to the account of his client.7 Though the wazirs
and other high officials took pains in keeping their dealings with their
bankers a secret8, the government sometimes succeeded in detecting their
concealed accounts, and forced their bankers to remit them to the public
treasury.9

1.4 On the other hand, the bankers of the Abbasid period aho supplied
funds to the nobility and mercantile class in time of their need. They
presumably utilized the deposit money for this purpose. The biggest
client of the bankers on this count was the government, in addition to
its bureaucracy and nobility. References to the government acquisition
of loans from the bankers are mostly available from the tenth century
A. D- Its apparent reason was the frequent occurrence of finai ciai
crises faced by the Abbasid government on account of decline in revenue
and high rate of expenditure.10 With the other means like creating new
departments and selling it to the highest bidder, and disposing off the
crown lands adopted to overcome the crises, the government also teck
recourse to taking loans from the bankers, For this purpose official
bankers were generally appointed from among the Jews and Christians.
They were given special privileges at the court and addressed with tie
honourable title of Jahabadhat-ul Hazrat.11 Their services became so
imperative for the government that when the Caliph Muqtadir issued an
edict in 908 AD, prohibiting the induction of Jews and Christians in
government posts, he had to permit their employment as physicians and
bankers.11

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 782

1.5 Under the Abbasids, wazir as the head of administration was

mainly responsible for the finances and one of his prime concerns was to
maintain a balance between income and expenditure. In order to over-
eo ne frequent financial crises and to keep a clear balance-sheet, Abbasid
wazirs used to seek the aid of the court bankers. In emergency they
were generally required to supply cash money for a short period, but
sometimes arrangements were made for long term loans. This govern-
ment practice, however, gave great impetus to the banking activities,
raising the bankers as money-suppliers or money-lenders to the state. A
few examples would bring home the government, s indebtedness to the
official bankers. During his first wizarat (about 923) Ibn-ul Furat is said
to have asked Joseph bin Phineas to supply him money in advance so as
to enable him to pay the salaries of two months to the officials of
Ahwaz.13 This seems to be a temporary arrangement, but the case of
another famous wazlr Ali bin Isa shows a long term arrangement for he
had demanded from the royal bankers to provide on the first of every
month 150,000 dirhams enabling him to pay the salaries of the infantry.
It is interesting to note that after some resistance his demand was conec-
ded by the bankers14 Though it is was a long-term arrangement, it is not
clear from the sources what was the stipulated period. However, in
another ca^e the span is clearly specified. The same wazir is reported
to have succeeded in making a dealing with the Jewish bankers of the
court, Joseph and Harun or their representatives, by which they would
supply a loan of 10,000 dinars each month for sixteen years.15 These
advances were made, as our sources clearly state, on the basis of sureties
furnished by tie government and its officials. In the first two instances
it was the forihccming revenue of the province of Ahwaz that was pre-
sented as a guarantee 16 While in the third instance, significantly
enough, it was the letters of credit ( safatij ) sent from the provinces which
stood the surety for the required loans.17

1.6 The banking under the Abbaside was not confined only to the
deposit and supply of money, but it also undertook transfer of money to
distant places. In order to avoid the risk as well as burden of transpor-
ting heavy bags of cash money bills of exchange or letters of credit were
introduced. Though this system came in vogue in the Muslim world
from an early period,18 but it reached its highest water-mark under the
Abbasids whin it came to be commonly used for private, official and
commercial tiamactions alike. It was in this period that this mode of

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 783

transfer Of money known as suftajah19 became more systematized. In

the earlier period remittance of funds through the suftajah was emplo>ed
by merchants and traders alone. They had their partners and agents in
various cities and towns They issued bills of exchange or letters of
credit ( safatij ) to their agents and partners who provided money to the
bearers of the safatij. Under the Abbasids it was conducted by pro-
fessional money-changers and bankers in accordance with certain norms
and rules.

1.7 Several references are found in the Arabic sources which give us an
idea of the use of suf ta jah¡ safatij by the common people in different
ways. A tenth century chronicler informs that a man took a long
journey from the East to Spain carrying with him a suftajah of the value
of 5,000 dinars.20 The same source also narrates an incident of receiving
the amount of 200 dinars through a suftajah by a house-wife from her
husband.81 He also gives an interesting account of a traveller tv ho had
come to Basrah with a suftajah and deposited it with a local commercial
centre known as Dar-uz Zubair (most probably ascribed Zubair bin
(Awwam). The traveller used to come daily to the centre and draw the
amount according to his needs.82 Nasir Khusrau, the well-known Iranian
traveller, tells us about his own experience that he received a blank letter
of credit from one of his friends in Asuan to his agent in Aidhab instruc-
ting him to pay him whatever he (Nasir) demanded and obtain from him
a receipt to that effect.28 We are informed by the author of Kiitbul
Wuzara about purchasing by a person (living in Kufa) a house in Basiah
through suftajah letter as early as in the reign of the Caliph Mansur
(754-775). 24 The use of suftajah had become so popular and safe in this
period that even presents and gifts sometimes were sent to far off places
through this mode of remittance.25

1.8 Frequent use of the suftajah by the Abbasid government in fcet

provided much needed opportunity for the development of this bankirg
activity of the period. It was mainly utilized by the government for the
transfer of revenue from the provinces to the capital-city of Baghdad,
while the commercial classes used it for their commercial transactions
with different centres of business. It has already been mentioned that in
913 AD famous wazir Ali bin Isa presented the suftajah that had come
from certain provinces as security for the loans advanced by the
bankers.26 There was a general complaint against his predecessor

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 78 1

Mu'iammad bin Ubaidullah Khaqani that he used to leave the suftajah

documents sent from the provinces unattended for several days.27
Miskawaih says that the central government of Baghdad received in 925
AD a suftajah of the value of 147,000 dinars sent by the governor of
the provinces of Egypt and Syria.*8 We are further informed by the
same historian that large amounts of money were credited to the public
exchequer of Baghdad through the suftajah , which had come from Faras,
Isfahan, Ahwaz and other eastern provinces.29 Besides, it is stated in a
later source, the Kitab-ul Maghrib that whenever the governor of Egypt
wanted to send money to the wazir at Baghdad he despatched letters of
credit to his agent of the capital city and the latter accordingly credited
the amount to the wazir and entered it into the account of the
governor.30

1.9 Though our sources generally do not refer to the use of suftajah by
the merchants and traders, it is an established fact that its greatest us*
was made by them, for they often required to transfer money from place
to place for their commercial transactions. Jn fact, it was their quest
for safe mode of remittance of money to distant places which had origi-
nally led to introduction of the system of bills of exchange or letters of
credit.18 In view of these factors it is unbelievable that merchants of
the Abbasid period did not utilize it. Instead, it may be concluded that
the widespread use of this safe and easy method of payment proved to
be one of the most important factors for the progress of trade and
commerce of the periodš Actually, the Suftajah had become so much
popular in the Abbasid period that the author of Mafatih-uI-UIum
(a dictionary of the technical terms compiled in the tenth century) did
not deem it necessary to explain the term simply saying that it is maruf
(well-known).52 This is also substantiated to some extent by an obser-
vation of Nasir Khusrau about merchants of the Suq-ul Qudduhin an
important market of Basra, who did not make commercial transactions
except through the letters of credit drawn on local bankers.38

1.10 While giving details about the transfer of money through the
suftajah , our sources also supplies some useful information about its
operation. The payment against suftajah became due after a stipulated
period and it was generally forty days.34 When it became due it might
be cashed in full or in instalments.35 It was subject to deduction of
some charge if the payment was demanded before the stipulated period.36

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 785

Resides, the government generally appointed special carriers, called faij,

to bring safatlj letters from provinces to the capital.87 The individual
bankers undoubtedly facilitated the operation of the suftajah system, for
it was they who issued the suftajah letters and their agents or partners in
cities and towns encashed them. As for the official safatij , the court-
bankers were obviously responsible for their settlement.

1.11 In addition to all these banking activities, contemporary bankers

also contributed to facilitate the payment through cheques even for
common purposes. They used to honour the cheques called sakk which
were issued by their clients in favour of persons indicated by them. Wazir
Ibn ul Furat is stated to have sent an amount of money to the fallen
wazir Ali bin Isa through a cheque order to his banker.88 Making his
observation, the tenth century Arab geographer Ibn Hauqal states that
he saw in Sijilmasah (East Morocco) a cheque of 42,000 dinars drawn by
a person on another person of the same city.8® The use of cheque had
become very frequent in the tenth century as it was usually utilized by
the wealthy and patrons of learing to reward poets and fingers.40 Its
widespread use is further confirmed by Nasir Khusrau who makes a
special reference to the writers of cheques ( Katiban-i Chack) in his
account of Egypt.41

1.12 At the end of our discussion an important question is to be

answered. Whether the bankers charged interest on the loans and
commission on cashing the safatij and cheques or not as it was customary
in medieval India with regard to the Hundi.4* As for interest on the
loans, our sources are silent on this issue. Presumably, either they
charged interest or some monetary privileges and rewards were given by
the indebted parties. However, we possess clear evidence which shows
that commission or discount was charged on the encashment of the
safatij and cheques. Its usual rate in Baghdad in the tenth century was
one dirham per dinar or 10%.4a In this connection an interesting
incident is narrated by the author of Irsahd-ul Arib. In 936 A.D., a
patron of a poet-singer drew a cheque of 500 dirhams in his favour on a
banker (sairafì). When the poet went to encash it the banker told him
about the customary discount of one dirham per dinar, but offered him
exemption provided he agreed to spend that evening with him.44 The
rule of charging commission by the bankers is also indicated by another
story of a military official and a banker belonging to the reign of al*

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 786

Mutazid (892-902). The story tells us of the division of 10,000 dirhams

between them. In addition to other items, the amount included profit
on exchange or charge of banking services.45 In a tenth century account
of the Abbasids sources of income we come across of an item mal-i
Jihbadhah. It seems to have been a charge paid by the state to the court
bankers in return of their services.46

1.13 It may now be concluded with a degree of certainty that under the
Abbasids in general and in the 10th century in particular there was great
rise in the banking activities. The banking had developed to a great
extent and it contained many elements of modern banking like deposit
and credit system, transfer of money to distant places and payment
through bills of exchange and letters of credit (safiJij) and cheques
(sakkś). Though the banking was conducted by various classes of
money-changers and sarrafs who were mainly Jews,47 there were certain
bankers who had organised themselves a limited private company like
two brothers Harun bin Imran and Joseph bin Phineas with their
centre at Baghdad48 and Sahl Brothers of Egypt.49 What is more
important is the fact that they were treated by the government as the
banking firm.60 In addition to a large number of bankers and the
existence of some banking firms, there were certain places in each big
city where the guarters of money changers and bankers were located. In
Baghdad it was Darb-ul Aun (Aun Street) which was known as their
centre.51 The bankers' activity achieved so much importance that the
government had to establish a special department ( Diwan-i Jihbadha) to
regulate their activities.51 It is interestingly significant to note that the
banking system under the Abbasids developed more rapidly during the
period of their decay and disintegration than that of heyday.63 The
reasons are not far to seek. Shortage of cash money, non-availability of
revenues, arrears of government functionaries, development of the iqta
system particularly the ijarah practice (revenue farming) and finally
unprecedented progress of trade and commerce are the most important
factors which gave the most needed filiip to the banking system of the
period.

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 787

NOTES & REFERENCES

1 Jihbadh (pl. Jahabidhah) derived from the Persian word <KohbadW literary means
"well-versed in identification of coins and fixation of their value". As a techni-
cal term it denotes money-changer, tax collector and banker (M. M. Zubadi,
Taj-ul'Urus , Beirut, ' 962, Vol. II, p. 558; Majduddin Shirazi, al-Qanus-ul-Muhit,
Demascus, 1953, Vol. I, p. 369; Said ash-Shartuli, Agrab-ul Mawarid , Beirut, 1889,
Vol. I, p. 144). In its original form the use of the term goes back to the time of
the Sasanids. In the Islamic History it (after being Arabicised) is known from
the time of the first Umayyad Caliph Amir Muawiyah (661-680 AD) (al-Juhshi-
yari, Kitab-ul wuzara wa'l Kuttab ), Cairo, 1938, p. 17.
2 It was the order of the day that the government imposed fine on wazirs and high
officials as punishment for certain faults or dereliction of dut>' This was usually
done in case of dismissed officials and fallen wazirs (Hilal al-Sabi, Tuh fatui
U mar a fi Kitab.il Wuzara , Damascus, 1958, pp. 90, 140-41, 236-37. See for more
details on the subject, E. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East
in Middle Ages , London, 1976, pp. 114, 134-35, 141-42.

3 Fop example, Ibn-ul Furat had Harun bin Imran and Joseph bin Phineas as his
bankers (Sabi, 90, 322, Tanukhi, Vol. VIII, pp. 22-23). Ibrahim bin Yubanna
was the banker of Hmid bin abbas (Sabi, p. 248)ē Ibn Abi Isa is said to have
been banker of Ali bin Isa (Sabi, pp. 245, 316) Abu Abdullah al-Baridi had
engaged interestingly enough, three bankers : two Jews and a Christian, Ahmad
bin Miskawaih, Tajarib-ul Umam , Oxford, 1920, p. 158 ; E. Ashtor, op. cit.,
p. 145.
4 Sabi , pp. 140-141 ; Mikawaih, p. 128.
5 Sabi , p. 248 ; Miskawaih , Ï, p. 95.
6 Miskawaih, p. 158. However, in 927 A, D. all his wealth was confiscated by
the state.

7 Sabi, p. 38.
8 Tanukhi , pp. 23-24 ; Sabi, pp. 90-91.
9 In this connection the c ise of Ibn-ul Furat may be cited. During the course of
interrogation after his fall, he pointed out to his huge deposit with his bankers
who confirmed him (Sabi, pp. 140-41; Miskawaih, p. 128 ; Yaqut al-Hamwi,
lrshad-ul Arib , London, 1907, pp. 13, 74.
10 For details see H. Bowen, The Life and Times of Ali bin Isa, Cambridge, 1926*
pp. J6, 122-23, and Ashtor, op. cit., pp. 134-36.
11 Sabi, p. i77.
12 Ibn Taghribirdi, An Nujum-uz Zahirah, Leiden, 1852, Vol. II, p. 174*
13 Sabi, p. IPS.

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 788

14 Sabi, p. 92 ; Tattukhi , Vol. VIII, pp. 23-24.

15 Sabi, p. 93 ; Tattukhi, Vol. VIII, pp. 25-26.
16 Sabi, pp.92, 198.
17 SöW, p. 93.
18 We are informed about Abdullah bin Abbas (d. 689 AD) and Abdullah bill
Zubair (d. 692 AD), the well-known companions of the Prophet, that they used
to collect money from traders in Mecca and used to write letter to their represen-
tatives in Kufa and Basra for its payment there (Muhammad bin Ahmad as-Sar-
khasi, al-mabsut , Matbat-us Saadah, Cairo, pt. XIV, pp. 36.37.

19 Suftajah (pl. Safatij ), ad Arabicised form of the Persian word <saftaK (literally
meaning firm or strong thing) technically denotes bills of exchange issued by a
money changer or banker ( sarraf ) addressing his agent in another place to pay a
specified sum to the bearer of the bill or his nominee. In another words it sign-
fies a pay order from one person to another for a fixed sum to be paid in a
stipulated place to the bearer of the order by certain date. In modern termino-
logy we may equate it with money or postal order, travelling cheque and bank
draft. For definition and explanation of the term see Abdur Rashid, Farhang-i
Rashidi , Calcutta, 1875, II, 24; Majduddin Shirazi, al-Qamus-ul Muhit , Cairo,
1935, pt. I p. 194; Said al-Shartuti, Agrab-ul Mawarid, Beirut 1889, Vol. I» p. 519;
Abdur Rahim Safipuri, Munt aha- al Arab , Lahore, 1897, p. 842; Muhammad Ala
Thanwi, Kashshaf-o Ist ilahaî il Futturt, Calcutta, Litho Press, pp. 636- 37.
20 Tanukhis al-Farj bad al Shiddat , Cair®, 1902, Vol. I, pp. 104-5.
21 Ibid., II, p. 33.
22 Tattukhi , Nishwar-ul Muhazarah , op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 131.
23 Nasir Khusrau, op . cit., p. 64.
24 al-Juhshiyari , pp. 75-76.
25 al-Farj, p. 105.
26 Sabi , p. 93.
27 Ibid., p. 286.
28 Miskwaih, Vol. I, p. 146. See also Sabi , pp. 313 15.
29 Miskawaih , I, p. 187. See also p. 150 and Vol. V. p. 30$.
30 Ibn-ul Said al-Maghribi, Kitab-ul Mughrib an Huly il Maghrib, Leiden, Í 89*7 ^
p. 32.
31 This is quite evident from the origin and definitions of the term suftajah given by
several lexicographers and Muslim jurists of the medieval period. See my article
«Suftajah Ki Shari Haisiyať in Tahqiqat i Islami (a Quarterly Journal-Aligarh),
Vol. Ill, No. 2 (April-June, 1984), pp. 14-19.
32 Muhammad al-Khwarizmi, Maftih-ul Ulum, E J. BrilV. 1968, p. 6$ā
13 Nasir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 114*

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 789

34 Sabi, p. 95; Tanukhi, Vol. VIII, p. 131; A. Aziz Duri, Tarikh-ul Iraq il Iqtisadíyah »
p. 176 as quoted by Imamuddin, Economic History of Spain, Decca, 1963, p. 144,
n. 9.

35 Tanukhi. p. 131.
36 Sabi, p. 93.
37 Miskawaih , I, p. 150.
38 Miskawaih , I, 112, al-Sabi, p. 332.
39 Iba Hauqal, Kitab-ul Masalik w al Mnmalik , Leiden, 1873, p. 70, See also p. 42.
40 Yaqut, Irshad -ul Arib , I, pp. 385, 399.
41 Nasir Khusrau , p. 65. For more references to the use of cheques, see Sabi, p. 68,
84,89; Miskawaih, I, p. 158; IT, p. 80; Tanukhi, I, p. 109; Saliti Ahmad Ali,
al-Tanzimat'Ul Ijtimaiah wal Iqtisadiah fil Basrah, Baghdad, 1053-68 and Adam
Mez, Renaissance of Islam , (Eng. tr. Khuda Bakhsh), Patna, 1937, pp. 476-77.

42 For a thorough discussion on the banking system in Mughal India with special
reference to the working of bills of exchange, see Irfan Habib. «Banking in
Mughal India', in Contribution to Indian Economic History (ed. T. Chaudhary).
Calcutta, 1960, pp. 1-21, and 'Bill of Exchange (Handi) in the Mughal Empire',
Proceedings IHC , Muzaffarpur Session, 1*>72, pp. 290-3C4.

43 Yaqut, I, p. 199; Tanukhi, I, p. 204. For a controversy among the jurists about
legel nature of the Suftajah in view of the discount, see mv article cited above.

44 Yaqut, p. 199»
45 H. F. Amedroz, «Tales of Official life from Tazkirahibn Hamadun', Journal of
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain , 1908, p. 432.

46 Sabi, p. 277; Maqrezi, Kitab-ul Khitat , Bulaq, 1 270 A. H , I, p 272; Ht Bjweń,

op. cit ., p. 48.

47 Maqaddasi, Ahsan-ul Taqas'im fi mar i fat il Aqalim, Beirut, 1906, p. 183; Abu
Yusuf, Kitab-ul Kharaj. Cairo, 1352 AH,, p. 123. There were however some
Muslim money-changers or bankers as referred to by Arabic historians» See,
Yaqut, p. 135; Tanukhi , I, p. 272.

48 Sabi, pp. 90 91,177.

49 Maqrezi, op. cit., I, pp. 355, 4Ž4.

50 Sabi, p. 91; Tanukhi. Vol. Ill, pp. 25-26.

51 Miskawaih, I, pp. 147-48; Tanukhi , I, p. 204; Yaqut , t, p. 399.

52 Yaqut, p. 135; Mez, op. oit., p. 72.

53 Nasir Khusrau visited Isfahan in 1050 A. D., where he found about 20Ö bankéř«
who were engaged in the banking. See Nasir Khusrau, Safar Namah, op. cit.*
p. 123.

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