British Food Journal

Women, men and food: the significance of gender for nutritional attitudes and choices
Alan Beardsworth Alan Bryman Teresa Keil Jackie Goode Cheryl Haslam Emma Lancashire

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Alan Beardsworth Alan Bryman Teresa Keil Jackie Goode Cheryl Haslam Emma Lancashire,
(2002),"Women, men and food: the significance of gender for nutritional attitudes and choices", British Food
Journal, Vol. 104 Iss 7 pp. 470 - 491
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Anne Keane, Anna Willetts, (1994),"Factors that Affect Food Choice", Nutrition & Food Science, Vol. 94
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Findings", British Food Journal, Vol. 93 Iss 4 pp. 19-24
C.H. Tilston, K. Gregson, R.J. Neale, C. Tyne, (1994),"The Meals on Wheels Service: A Consumer Survey",
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Women, men and food:

the significance of gender for
nutritional attitudes and choices
Alan Beardsworth, Alan Bryman and Teresa Keil
Loughborough University, Loughborough, UK

Jackie Goode

King's College London, London, UK

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Cheryl Haslam

Brunel University, Uxbridge, UK, and

Emma Lancashire

University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK

Keywords Food, Gender, Health, Ethics
Abstract This article reports the results of the re-analysis of a substantial set of survey based
quantitative data relating to food beliefs, practices and preferences. The particular focus of
attention was upon gender contrasts. Several statistically significant differences between men and
women were identified. These differences occurred in such areas as views on food and health, the
ethical dimensions of food production and food selection, nutritional attitudes and choices, dietary
change, food work and body image. Two distinctive patterns emerged, which the authors termed
``virtuous'' and ``robust'', the former exhibiting attitudes more typical of women, and the latter
attitudes more typical of men.

British Food Journal,

Vol. 104 No. 7, 2002, pp. 470-491.
# MCB UP Limited, 0007-070X
DOI 10.1108/00070700210418767

Introduction
The idea that men and women have differing perspectives and priorities in
relation to such issues as diet and health, and even the ethical dimensions of
food choice, seems an eminently plausible one, requiring little more than an
appeal to ``common sense'' to confirm it. Indeed, gender based differences in
attitudes, beliefs, practices, aspirations and life choices have become the focus
of an enormous amount of research and speculation in most branches of the
social sciences. Yet, asserting that there are gender differences in food
preferences and practices, for example, is only the first step. The next step must
involve the detailed empirical analysis of such differences, and such an
analysis can only proceed on the basis of the availability of suitable data. In
fact, some relevant data do exist, and the sources of such material are reviewed
briefly below. However, many of these data are wholly, or largely, qualitative in
nature. While such qualitative evidence is valuable in itself, and provides
crucial insights, there is also a need for complementary quantitative data if we
are to refine and extend our descriptions and explanations. Unfortunately, at
least in the context of explicitly sociological investigations of food and eating
issues, quantitative analyses founded upon substantial data sets are somewhat
unusual.

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This relative dearth of relevant quantitative evidence, and the very

considerable expense involved in generating new primary data, led the authors
to consider an alternative approach: the re-analysis of the results of an existing
study. In the mid 1990s, an interdisciplinary team drawn from two UK
universities carried out a wide-ranging examination of contemporary food
related preferences, beliefs and practices. The project generated large amounts
of both quantitative and qualitative data, and it was to the quantitative
material that the authors returned, with the intention of drawing out detailed
information on gender differences. While such differences had figured
incidentally in previous analyses, the intention was to make them the primary
focus of attention. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to provide an account of
the findings yielded by this exercise.
Gender and food
The rise in the salience of gender as a topic for the social sciences in the
previous two decades owes much to the powerful influence exerted by feminist
arguments and perspectives. Thus, the gendered nature of everyday
experience, life chances, aspirations and health issues, for example, previously
largely invisible or marginalised, became the object of detailed analysis and
debate. What is more, the cultural foundations of gender roles came under
increasing scrutiny (Lorber and Farrell, 1991) as did the very practices through
which femininity and masculinity are constructed (Harding, 1998). Indeed,
although feminist analyses placed their primary emphasis on the experiences
and predicaments of women, the approach also led to the emergence of an
explicit focus on masculinity as an object of analysis (Connell, 1995; Smith,
1997; Mort, 1996; Seidler, 1997). Treating masculinity as a topic in this way was
part of a radical shift away from the implicit and previously largely
unchallenged position that male experiences and priorities were coterminous
with those of humanity as a whole.
One important aspect of this seismic shift in the social sciences was an
increased interest in the links between gender and health (Digby and Stewart,
1996; Pollard and Hyatt, 1999). While much of this interest has focused on
women (Wilkinson and Kitzinger, 1994; Dreifus, 1977) social scientists have
also paid some attention to men's health issues (Sabo and Gordon, 1995).
However, from the point of view of the findings presented below, of greatest
interest is the expanding literature on the links between gender and a whole
range of food and eating related issues. For example, the work of Rappoport et
al. (1993), carried out in the USA, was based on subjects' evaluations of specific
meals and snacks, and uncovered wide-ranging male/female differences. One of
the most striking findings was that women tended to favour ``healthier'' meals,
in that they rated such meals higher on dimensions of pleasure, convenience
and health than did men. Interestingly, findings from two large-scale surveys
of the Norwegian population, carried out in 1994, suggested that women had
made dietary changes in line with official recommendations, and that they had
higher levels of health knowledge than men. Also, women were more likely

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472

than men to report a decrease in meat consumption, and less likely to see meat
as important for healthy eating (Fagerli and Wandel, 1999).
On the other hand, many studies have taken a more ethnographic or
qualitative approach, such as Delphy's (1979) study of gender and age based
nutritional inequalities in traditional French rural households, and the study by
Cline (1990) of women's often problematic relationships to food and eating.
Many of these problematical features are related to issues of body image, which
is itself a complex cultural construct (Fallon, 1990; Cusumano and Thompson,
1997). What is more, men and women tend to hold rather different views on
what is the ideal body shape for each sex (Fallon and Rozin, 1985). Indeed,
although men and women tend to exhibit similar rates of obesity, women
appear to be more likely to be engaged in attempts to lose weight though food
intake restriction, and to be more dissatisfied with their body shape than is the
case with comparable men (Pingitore et al., 1997). However, the degree of
dissatisfaction among males with their bodies should not be ignored. Research
evidence reviewed by Grogan (1999) shows that samples of men demonstrate
significant levels of dissatisfaction but that the pattern of dissatisfaction tends
to be different from that of women. Whereas women's dissatisfaction tends to
lead them to want to be thinner, men, depending of their perceived body shape,
almost equally want to be thinner or heavier. Men's responses are clearly
conditioned by the premium that is placed on having a toned and muscular
body. Moreover, whereas women's dissatisfaction most commonly relates to
lower body concerns, with men upper body features, with their implications for
strength, were a frequently cited source of dissatisfaction.
In recent years, a good deal of research into body image issues has focused
on adolescents, on the assumption that body image concerns and anxieties
emerge relatively early in life (see e.g. Nowak, 1998; Lunner et al., 2000;
Middleman et al., 1998). Indeed, the concerns and anxieties of girls and boys are
very similar to those of women and men (Grogan, 1999), implying that adults'
notions of desirable body shape are transmitted to often very young
adolescents. The method of transmission is likely to be through a variety of
socialization mechanisms, including the family, school and the mass media. It
is not surprising in view of these factors that women are more likely than men
to report being or having been on diets designed to alter the amount or type of
food intake in order to reduce body weight.
In extreme instances such concerns may manifest themselves as fully
developed eating disorders which may pose significant threats to the sufferer's
health and wellbeing. While such disorders remain relatively rare, their
dramatic and even life threatening nature has stimulated a good deal of work in
this area, including Bruch (1973) and Hsu (1990). Anorexia nervosa has been an
important focus of interest, particularly in terms of its relatively recent
emergence as a medically recognized syndrome (Brumberg, 1988; Malson,
2000). Indeed, it is the ``discovery'' of anorexia nervosa by medical science in the
latter part of the nineteenth century which set the context for contemporary
views of the causes and treatments of severely disordered relationships to food

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and eating (Hepworth, 1999). In all these studies the crucial significance of
gender in relation to eating disorders stands out emphatically, with women and
girls being far more at risk than men and boys. Estimates suggest that among
those suffering from eating disorders, between 5 and 10 per cent are males.
This finding probably reflects the fact that whereas being thin is a desirable
body ideal for women, it is less so among men, who, as previously noted,
typically value a well-toned, muscular body. Equally, it may be that the
cultural force of the template of the thin female body is far more coercive on
females than comparable male body images are for males (Malson, 2000).
At a more mundane level, a good deal of attention has also been paid by
social scientists to the gendered dimensions of food work, particularly in
domestic settings. For example Murcott (1982) has argued that, in the British
context, a married woman's obligation to produce elaborately prepared
traditional meals for her husband provides an expression of her domesticity
and subordination. In similar vein, Charles and Kerr (1988) document what
they saw as the gender and age related nutritional inequalities present in
British nuclear family based households, arguing that husbands' preferences
and needs take precedence. Similarly, the gendered nature of food work in US
culture is explored by DeVault (1991). Also in the US context, McIntosh and
Zey (1990) are critical of the idea that the ``gatekeeper'' role of married women in
relation to food purchasing implies women exercise power over the family's
food intake; once again, male preferences are seen as dominant.
Indeed, on a more sinister note, Ellis (1983) has argued that in some
households disputes over a woman's obligation to cater to her husband's
culinary preferences and demands may lead to outbreaks of domestic violence.
In fact, such arguments concerning the links between gender, food and violence
have been taken much further by feminist writers such as Adams (1990). She
argues the consumption of meat, and particularly red meat, is strongly
associated with male power in patriarchal societies, and hence men maintain a
privileged access to meat. What is more, she draws a disturbing and
controversial analogy between male violence directed towards animals (i.e.
slaughter) and male violence directed towards women. Adams' work also raises
a range of moral issues concerning the broader ethical aspects of meat
consumption and vegetarianism, and links with studies which have suggested
clear connections between gender and patterns of meat avoidance (Realeat
Survey Office, 1995; Vegetarian Society, 1991, 2001; Beardsworth and Bryman,
1999).
From this brief and inevitably selective overview of the literature on gender
and food, we can note the presence of a number of key themes. Issues related to
conceptualisations of femininity and masculinity provide a starting point, and
lead on to such topics as men's health and women's health. In turn these topics
lead to a consideration of question of body image, food intake and dieting in
relation to gender, and then on to eating disorders, including extreme
manifestations like anorexia nervosa. The literature on gender and food in the
domestic setting contains themes related to the gendered division of labour in

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474

food work, and to differences in male and female patterns of food selection and
preference, for example in connection with meat and meat avoidance. The
findings presented below, therefore, seek to cast further light on these and other
related areas through the analysis of a range of survey based empirical data.
Before these findings can be put forward, however, a brief description of the
study's aims and methodology is required.
The design of the study
The findings reported here are drawn from a study of dietary choices, attitudes
and practices carried out in Leicestershire, in the UK, funded by a grant from
the Leverhulme Trust. The study was made up of a survey based component,
and a more intensive, qualitative component based on in-depth interviews of a
subsample of the main study's respondents. The main survey employed a
structured questionnaire with closed response categories, many of which used
a version of Likert Scaling. All questionnaires were administered by skilled
interviewers at the respondents' home, in order to ensure effective and accurate
data collection. The questionnaire itself was designed by a multidisciplinary
team drawn from the two institutions which collaborated to carry out the
project: the Department of Social Sciences, Loughborough University, and the
Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, Leicester University. The
disciplines involved included nutrition, dietetics, biology, psychology and
sociology.
In order to obtain a sample of the Leicestershire population, Leicestershire
Health produced a random computer-generated list of approximately 2,000
names and addresses from its Family Health Services Register, a register
consisting of over one million individuals. Further randomised selection of
individuals between 18 and 74 from this list was begun, and the selected
individuals invited by letter to take part in the study. Reminders were sent
three weeks after initial contact, and people who declined to participate were
replaced with further random selections. In fact, no reply was received from 646
of those contacted, and a further 230 explicitly refused to participate. In total,
471 individuals did agree to participate, giving a response rate of
approximately 35 per cent. However, due to time and resource constraints, 421
of the 471 volunteers were actually interviewed, this 421 being made up of 177
men and 244 women. The male and female subsamples were compared on the
basic demographic variables of age, social class and education. The
distribution of men and women across the age groups used in the study, and
their distribution across educational levels, were broadly similar. The only
really noticeable difference was observed on the social class variable. Here,
women were more likely to be difficult to categorise, and 10.7 per cent of the
female respondents were unallocated, as opposed to only 1.7 per cent of males.
Furthermore, fewer women were located in the highest category (class I), i.e.
only 1.6 per cent of the females, as opposed to 10.2 per cent of the men.
In order to assess its broader representativeness, the sample as a whole was
compared with the large scale sample of the UK population created for the

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General Household Survey (GHS) carried out in 1994/1995 (Bennett et al., 1996).
The main differences between the study sample and the GHS sample were an
over-representation of the 45-64 age group in the study, and an underrepresentation of the 65-74 group. Women were also somewhat overrepresented, as was the ``managerial'' category in the social class variable.
However, overall an acceptable fit was obtained, suggesting that the study
sample is broadly in line with the wider population (see Table I).
The quantitative data produced by the survey were analysed using SPSS 7.5
and SPSS 10 for Windows, in order to generate the relevant tabulations,
descriptive statistics and statistical tests (e.g. Mann-Whitney U and chisquare). It is these quantitative analyses which form the basis of the results
reported in the following section, specifically as they relate to gender
differences. Other aspects of the quantitative survey data have been discussed
elsewhere (Haslam et al., 2000; Beardsworth et al., 1999), as have the results
derived from the qualitative data (Goode et al., 1996; Haslam et al., 2000).
In order to assess the significance of gender in relation to food and eating, a
range of issues was selected from those investigated by the study: the
relationship between food and health; the moral aspects of food choice and
nutritional practices; nutritional attitudes; nutritional choices; changes in

Agea
16-44
45-64
65-74
Total
Gender
Male
Female
Total
Ethnic origin
White
Black
Asian
Other
Total
Social class
I (Professional)
II (Managerial)
III (Intermediate)
IV (Semi-skilled)
V (Unskilled)
Total

Sample
(%)

GHS
(%)

47
48
5
100

56
30
13
99

42
58
100

48
52
100

95
1
5
0
101

93
1
3
2
99

6
30
47
14
3
100

6
20
51
16
6
99

Notes: a The GHS age band starts at 16, whereas the study's age band starts at 18. The
GHS percentages are calculated in terms of all those aged 16-74

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475

Table I.
The study sample
compared with GHS
sample 1994/1995 (all
percentages rounded to
nearest whole number)

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eating patterns; decision making and food work; knowledge about food and
healthy eating; food intake restriction and body image; health and lifestyle.
Findings
Food and health
A range of questions was included in the study whose purpose was to analyse
respondents' views on the links between food intake and health. For example, a
number of questions concerning hazardous features or contents of food
produced mixed results. Quite high levels of concern relating to food
contamination and spoilage were discovered, with 47.7 per cent describing
themselves, as ``very concerned'' or ``extremely concerned''. Similar levels of
anxiety were found in relation to chemical residues in food (e.g. pesticides and
fertilizers) with 50.3 per cent ``very'' or ``extremely'' concerned. On the other
hand, food additives and colourings elicited much less anxiety (23.5 per cent
``very'' or ``extremely'' concerned), as did highly refined foods (only 10.0 per cent
``very'' or ``extremely'' concerned). Strikingly, none of these variables exhibited a
statistically significant male/female difference, suggesting men and women are
largely in agreement as to the nature and intensity of food-related risks.
When questioned in general terms about the nature of health and illness,
male and female respondents again exhibited similar views. For example, 63.4
per cent ``disagreed'' or ``strongly disagreed'' with the idea that health is
influenced mainly by factors over which the individual has no control, with no
significant male/female difference. The obverse was that only a minority (39.7
per cent) ``agreed'' or ``strongly agreed'' with the essentially fatalistic
proposition that ``a strong constitution is just something you are born with'',
with no significant gender difference in the responses. However, when asked to
assess the proposition ``most illnesses can be avoided if you take the right
steps'', although 47.7 per cent overall ``agreed'' or ``strongly agreed'', there was a
statistically significant male/female difference here (chi-square = 11.577, 4 df,
sig. = 0.021). If anything, men appeared somewhat more likely than women to
accept this idea of deliberate illness prevention.
Furthermore, questions more closely related to actual food intake practices
and their links to health also produced gender differences. Perhaps the most
interesting differentiation emerged when respondents were asked to assess the
statement ``a healthy diet should always include meat''. In fact, the overall
majority ``disagreed'' or ``strongly disagreed'' (65.8 per cent), but men were
significantly more likely to agree and less likely to disagree than women (see
Table II).
A question concerning the regulation of food intake to maintain a healthy
balance also produced a significant gender difference. The majority responded
that they ``always'' or ``often'' regulated intake in this way (51.8 per cent), but
women more so than men (59.4 per cent versus 41.2 per cent). In fact the overall
gender differences on this issue were highly significant in statistical terms (chisquare = 29.341, 4 df, sig. = 0.000). What is more, although most respondents
did not include ``health care'' products and supplements in their diet (70.1 per

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cent ``never'', or ``rarely'' used these), women were more likely to do so than men
(36.4 per cent did so ``sometimes'', ``often'', or ``always'', as opposed to 20.9 per
cent of men). The overall gender difference on this question was statistically
significant (chi-square = 16.280, 4 df, sig. = 0.003).
The moral dimension
The moral and ethical dimensions of food production and selection were
explored through a number of questions, and in each case statistically
significant gender differentiation did emerge. For example, when asked for
reactions to the statement ``using animals for food cannot be morally justified'',
the majority (61.9 per cent) ``disagreed'' or ``strongly disagreed''. However,
women were less likely than men to express such disagreement (54.3 per cent
versus 72.3 per cent), and the overall male/female differences on this issue were
clearly statistically significant (see Table III).
Women, then, appear to exhibit distinctively more misgivings about the use
of animals for food. This is consistent with the results produced when
respondents were asked to assess the proposition that food should be produced
in ways which minimize animal suffering. In this instance, the vast majority
(90.7 per cent) were prepared to agree with this rather generalized moral
precept. However, there was a statistically significant gender difference (chisquare = 14.969, 4 df, sig. = 0.012) here, in that women were rather more likely
to ``agree'' or ``strongly agree'' than men (95.1 per cent versus 84.8 per cent).
n
Strongly agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Strongly disagree
Total

Male

4
59
19
84
11
177

(%)

2.3
33.3
10.7
47.5
6.2
100.0

1
36
25
162
20
244

Female

(%)

0.4
14.8
10.2
66.4
8.2
100.0

5
95
44
246
31
421

Total

Strongly agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Strongly disagree
Total

5
11
33
108
20
177

Male

Female

(%)

2.8
6.2
18.6
61.0
11.3
100.0

13
25
73
123
9
243a

(%)

1.2
22.6
10.5
58.4
7.4
100.0

5.3
10.3
30.0
50.6
3.7
100.0

18
36
106
231
29
420

Total

Notes: a The data for one female respondent are missing (chi-square = 19.347, 4 df,
sig. = 0.001

477

(%)

Notes: (chi-square = 25.515, 4 df, sig. = 0.000)

Women, men
and food

Table II.
``A healthy diet should
always include meat''

(%)
4.3
8.6
25.2
55.0
6.9
100.0

Table III.
``Using animals for
food cannot be morally
justified''

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When respondents were asked about their practices concerning the actual
choice of foods produced in ways minimizing animal suffering, the answers
were rather more mixed. In fact, about one-third (32.8 per cent) replied that they
``rarely'' or ``never'' selected such items, with a similar proportion (37.8 per cent)
replying ``sometimes''. Such responses presumably reflect the practical
difficulties inherent in finding and identifying such products, as well as any
price differentials with ``conventionally'' produced food items. Nevertheless,
once again a gender difference did emerge (chi-square = 36.912, 4 df, sig. =
0.000) with, e.g. women more likely than men to respond ``always'' or ``often''
(37.8 per cent) versus 18.6 per cent). Indeed, a similar picture emerged when
respondents were asked about their inclination to purchase ``ecologicallyfriendly'' food products that minimize environmental damage. Only 26.6 per
cent said ``always'' or ``often'', but women were clearly more inclined to respond
in this way than men (32.4 per cent versus 18.7 per cent). The overall difference
between male and female responses was statistically very significant (chisquare = 29.004, 4 df, sig. = 0.000), suggesting that women, in this sense, are
markedly more environmentally orientated than men.
The male/female differences also appear to carry over into dietary change
(which will be discussed in more detail in its own section below). When asked
whether they had ever altered their eating patterns for ethical or animal welfare
reasons, the great majority (86.9 per cent) replied in the negative. Women,
however, were twice as likely as men to reply in the affirmative (16.8 per cent
versus 7.9 per cent, chi-square = 7.144, 1 df, sig. = 0.008). On the other hand,
when issues of human welfare were raised, most respondents (69.6 per cent)
``agreed'' or ``strongly agreed'' with the principle that affluent Western nations
had a responsibility to relieve Third World hunger. However, the male/female
differences on this issue, although statistically significant, did not show any
internally consistent pattern.
Nutritional attitudes
For this sample of respondents, food is very much a source of enjoyment and
gratification, with 73.4 per cent ``agreeing'' or ``strongly agreeing'' with the
statement ``I get a lot of pleasure out of eating''. What is more, the cost of food
did not seem to be of concern to the great majority, with only 17.1 per cent
``agreeing'' or ``strongly agreeing'' with the idea that the cost of food was a
source of worry for them. However, when asked to respond to the statement ``I
don't worry about food I just eat what I like'', a somewhat less positive picture
emerged. Over half ``disagreed'' or ``strongly disagreed'' with this notion (54.4
per cent). What is more, women were significantly less likely than men to
accept such an ``unworried'' stance (chi-square = 16.490, 4 df, sig. = 0.002).
Whereas 46.3 per cent of men ``agreed'' or ``strongly agreed'' with this confident
view, only 27.5 per cent of women took these positions (overall chi-square
16.490, 4 df, sig. = 0.002).
Respondents were also asked to express an opinion on the view that
traditional foods are the basis of a nourishing diet. In fact, most were not in

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favour of this idea, with only 26.7 per cent ``agreeing'' or ``strongly agreeing''.
There was, however, a distinct male/female split on this issue. Men were clearly
more inclined than women to adopt a ``traditionalist'' model of good nutrition,
with 32.7 per cent ``agreeing'' or ``strongly agreeing'', as opposed to only 22.1 per
cent of women. (The overall male/female difference was statistically
significant; chi-square = 22.165, 4 df, sig. = 0.000). This male/female division
was also apparent when respondents' views were sought on the role of the
traditional British ``cooked dinner'' (consisting of meat, potatoes and
vegetables). In fact, most ``agreed'' of ``strongly agreed'' such a meal was the
basis of a good diet (54.8 per cent), but men were somewhat more in favour than
women (see Table IV).
The possibility of a social class factor at work here was investigated. In fact,
when social class of respondent was controlled for, it became apparent that
male/female differences were only statistically significant for class categories II
and III (``managerial'' and ``intermediate''). No significant differences were found
for the lower socio-economic groups IV and V (``semi-skilled'' and ``unskilled''),
suggesting that in a blue collar context men and women may hold similar
views on this traditional type of meal. However, the apparently less
``conservative'' stance of many women in the sample as a whole was confirmed
by responses to the statement ``I am interested in trying new foods or
combinations of ingredients.'' In the case of female respondents, 54.5 per cent
replied ``always'' or ``often'', as opposed to only 38.4 per cent of men (overall chisquare = 13.491, 4df, sig. = 0.009).

Women, men
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479

Nutritional choices
Respondents were questioned about their frequency of consumption of a wide
range of food items, in terms of a scale consisting of ``never'', ``less than once a
week'', ``one to three times per week'', ``four to six times per week'', ``once a day'' and
``more than once a day''. For several major food categories, no significant male/
female differences were found. These included pulses (eaten by most people once
to three time per week), starchy foods (bread, rice, pasta, potatoes), and chocolate
(the modal category for which was ``less than once a week'', chosen by 42.3 per
cent respondents). Similarly, white meat (poultry) was eaten by 71.3 per cent ``one
to three times per week'', but with no male/female divergence.
n
Strongly agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Strongly disagree
Total

11
107
24
32
3
177

Male

(%)

6.2
60.5
13.6
18.1
1.7
100.0

6
107
36
92
3
244

Note: (chi-square = 22.818, 4 df, sig. = 0.000)

Female

(%)

2.5
43.9
14.8
37.7
1.2
100.0

17
214
60
124
6
421

Total

(%)
4.0
50.8
14.3
29.5
1.4
100.0

Table IV.
``A cooked dinner
consisting of meat,
potatoes, and
vegetables is the basis
for a good diet''

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480

On the other hand, several food categories showed significantly higher

frequencies of consumption being reported by women. These include fresh
fruit, where 55.7 per cent of women answered ``once a day'' or ``more than once a
day'', in contrast with only 38.9 per cent of men (overall, chi-square = 25.011, 5
df, sig. = 0.000). A similar picture emerged in relation to fresh vegetables, with
71.8 per cent of women answering ``once a day'' or ``more than once a day'', as
against 51.4 per cent of men (see Table V).
The modal category for red meat consumption (at 58.0 per cent) was ``one to
three times per week'', but women were significantly more likely than men to
report lower frequencies of consumption than this. In fact, although
comparatively few people avoid red meat (58 per cent eat it one to three times per
week), women were much more likely to be avoiders than men (18.0 per cent
versus 5.6 per cent), and overall ate it less frequently (chi-square = 23.786, 5 df,
sig. = 0.001).
Like red meat, a whole series of foods was eaten significantly more often by
men. These include crisps and fried foods, and perhaps most strikingly,
processed meats (such as sausages, pies, pork pies, hamburgers and corned
beef). While 53.7 per cent of men eat such products one to three times a week,
only 30.7 per cent of women do so, and no less than 23.4 per cent of women
report never eating them (see Table VI).

Table V.
Frequency of
consumption of salad,
fresh vegetables and
frozen vegetables

Never
Less than once a week
1-3 times a week
4-6 times a week
Once a day
More than once a day
Total

1
3
30
52
77
14
177

(%)

0.6
1.7
16.9
29.4
43.5
7.9
100.0

0
1
23
45
139
36
244

Female

(%)

0.0
0.4
9.4
18.4
57.0
14.8
100.0

1
4
53
97
216
50
421

Total

(%)
0.2
1.0
12.6
23.0
51.3
11.9
100.0

Note: (chi-square = 20.769, 5 df, sig. = 0.001)

Table VI.
Frequency of
consumption of
processed meats

Male

Never
Less than once a week
1-3 times a week
4-6 times a week
Once a day
More than once a day
Total

14
53
95
13
2
0
177

Male

(%)

7.9
29.9
53.7
7.3
1.1
0.0
100.0

57
106
75
5
1
0
244

Note: (chi-square = 40.309, 4 df, sig. = 0.001)

Female

(%)

23.4
43.4
30.7
2.0
0.4
0.0
100.0

71
159
170
18
3
0
421

Total

(%)
16.9
37.8
40.4
4.3
0.7
0.0
100.0

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Finally, more women than men indicated that they were vegetarian (5.3 per
cent versus 1.7 per cent of men). However, this difference was just outside the
conventional 0.05 significance level (chi-square = 3.703, 1 df, sig. = 0.054).
Nutritional changes
The nature of changes in diet and in patterns of nutritional selection was also
investigated in some detail in the course of the study. For example, a majority
of respondents confirmed they had at some time or other deliberately altered
their diet in order to lose weight. In fact, women were rather more likely than
men to have made such alterations, the difference being highly significant in
statistical terms (see Table VII).
In contrast, however, only a minority indicated that they had at any time
altered their diet expressly to respond to official nutritional guidelines (24.0 per
cent). However, women were more likely than men to have made such changes
(27.5 per cent versus 19.2 per cent, chi-square = 3.829, 1 df, sig. = 0.050).
A range of other variables related to dietary change also highlighted
significant male/female differences. Although 47.3 per cent of respondents
indicated they were now eating less red meat compared with ten years ago,
significantly more women (50.8 per cent) than men (42.4 per cent) answered in
this way (overall chi-square = 20.179, 4 df, sig. = 0.000). On the other hand,
while the majority of respondents (56.1 per cent) said they were eating more
fruit and vegetables than ten years ago, significantly more women (61.9 per
cent) than men (48.0 per cent) had increased their intake (overall chi-square =
9.514, 2 df, sig. = 0.009). In addition, the consumption of vegetarian dishes had
increased for a substantial minority (34.4 per cent), and women once again were
more likely to report an increase (43.9 per cent versus 21.5 per cent of men,
overall chi-square = 30.465, 4 df, sig. = 0.000).
However, despite the fact that the findings highlighted other important
dietary changes in the last ten years, no further male/female differences that
were statistically significant were uncovered. Thus, just over half were eating
less butter (50.6 per cent), 57.2 per cent were eating less chocolate, and 56.3 per
cent were consuming less full cream milk. The converse was that 49.6 per cent
were eating more poultry and 54.2 per cent were eating more high fibre bread.

Women, men
and food

481

Decision making and food work

Not surprisingly, questions which probed food-related work and
responsibilities produced clearly gendered outcomes. Overwhelmingly women
n
Yes
No
Total

96
81
177

Male

(%)

54.2
45.8
100.0

181
63
244

Note: (chi-square = 18.129, 1 df, sig. = 0.000)

Female

(%)

74.2
25.8
100.0

277
144
421

Total

(%)
65.8
34.2
100.0

Table VII.
``Have you ever
deliberately altered
what you eat in order
to reduce your weight?''

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482

reported that it was they who bore the main responsibility for deciding what
foods are purchased. In fact 76.6 per cent of women indicated they decided, as
against only 15.3 per cent of men (the overall male/female difference on this
question, which included other categories such as ``mother'', ``father'' and
``yourself and partner equally'' was highly statistically significant: chi-square =
222.200, 8 df, sig. = 0.000).
A similar pattern emerged in relation to food shopping, with 67.2 per cent of
women saying they bore the main responsibility, as compared with only 18.1
per cent of men (overall male/female difference again being very significant:
chi-square = 139.857, 7 df, sig. = 0.000). As might be expected, when asked
about responsibility for the actual preparation of most of the meals in the
household, a clear male/female difference also emerged. No less than 75.8 per
cent women answered that they did most of the preparation, a claim made by
only 14.1 per cent of the men (overall male/female difference produced a chisquare of 201.028, 8 df, sig. = 0.000).
What is more, when asked about their ability to cook from basic ingredients,
men and women produced very different assessments of their own culinary
skills. For example, while 60.7 per cent of women rated themselves as
competent cooks who could feel confident about preparing most dishes, only
27.1 per cent of men rated themselves at this level of skill (see Table VIII).
Conversely, while 32.2 per cent of men limited themselves to cooking simple
meals, only 6.6 per cent of women set themselves such an unambitious
standard.
Food knowledge
When questioned about their level of knowledge concerning healthy eating,
most respondents provided positive and optimistic answers. For example, no
less than 78.4 per cent ``agreed'' or ``strongly agreed'' that information on
healthy eating was widely available. What is more, an overwhelming 85.2 per
cent said they ``agreed'' or ``strongly agreed'' with the statement ``I feel confident
that I know what foods I should eat to form a healthy balanced diet''. This
emphatic sense of confidence in their own understanding of dietary
requirements was confirmed by the fact that only 16.6 per cent of respondents
indicated that they were effectively unaware of national dietary
recommendations aimed at improving health. However, while there was no
gender difference in responses concerning the availability of healthy eating
information and concerning confidence in food selection for health, male/female
differences did appear in connection with following the official dietary
guidelines. When respondents were asked ``Do you know what foods to select in
order to follow these recommendations?'' the results shown in Table IX were
obtained.
It can be seen that women were significantly more likely to answer ``yes''
than were men, suggesting that women were more inclined than men to feel
they are familiar with the actual content of these dietary guidelines. What is
more, an interesting male/female difference also emerged when respondents

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n
This question does not
apply to me as it is not my
role to cook
I don't know where to start
when it comes to cooking
I can boil an egg and cook
cheese on toast but never
attempt anything more
advanced
I can prepare simple meals
but never cook anything
too complicated
I am happy cooking most
dishes if I have a recipe to
follow
I am a competent cook and
feel confident I could
prepare most dishes
I regard myself as an
expert cook and frequently
prepare sophisticated
dishes
Total

Male

(%)

Female

(%)

Total

(%)

1.1

0.0

0.5

2.8

0.0

1.2

14

7.9

0.4

15

3.6

57

32.2

16

6.6

73

17.3

48

27.1

60

24.6

108

25.7

48

27.1

148

60.7

196

46.6

3
177

1.7
100.0

19
244

7.8
100.0

22
421

5.2
100.0

Note: (chi-square = 97.080, 6 df, sig. = 0.000)

n
Unaware of recommendations
Yes
No
Unsure
Total

29
69
55
24
177

Male

Female
(%)

(%)

16.4
39.0
31.1
13.6
100.0

41
147
30
26
244

16.8
60.2
12.3
10.7
100.0

n
70
216
85
50
421

Total

Women, men
and food

483

Table VIII.
``How would you
describe your ability to
cook from basic
ingredients?''

(%)

16.6
51.3
20.2
11.9
100.0

Notes: (chi-square = 27.695, 3 df, sig. = 0.000)

were asked about the single most important source of their knowledge about
healthy eating. In fact, a wide range of sources was cited, with responses
dispersed across this range. However, for men, easily the single most
frequently cited source was ``family members'' (28.8 per cent). On the other
hand, only 10.7 per cent of women cited this source, about the same proportion
as cited magazines (11.1 per cent). (Overall male/female difference was
statistically significant: chi-square = 61.594, 23 df, sig. = 0.000).

Table IX.
``Do you know what
foods to select in order
to follow the dietary
recommendations
aimed at improving the
health of the nation?''

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484

Dieting and body image

Not surprisingly, substantial differences were found between men and women
on a range of issues relating to body weight, body image and weight reduction.
However, one initial surprise was that well over half the respondents (54.9 per
cent) either ``agreed'' or ``strongly agreed'' with the statement ``I feel I am
overweight'', and that the male/female difference (52.5 per cent versus 56.6 per
cent) was not statistically significant. Thus, a majority classify themselves as
overweight, and men are as likely to pass such a judgement upon themselves as
are women.
Gender differences begin to emerge, however, in the way respondents react
to such self-perceptions. Thus, while only a small minority were actually
currently on a weight reducing diet, women were more likely to be making
active attempts at reduction than men (16.8 per cent versus 7.9 per cent, chisquare = 7.144, 1 df, sig. = 0.008). What is more, while only 8.5 per cent of men
answered ``always'' or ``often'' to the proposition ``I am preoccupied with a desire
to be thinner'', 21.3 per cent of women responded in this way. Whereas 62.1 per
cent of men retorted ``never'' to this proposition, only 37.3 per cent of women did
so. (The overall male/female difference was clearly statistically significant,
with chi-square = 28.897, 4 df, sig. = 0.000.)
This gender differentiation also emerged when respondents were asked for
their reaction to the statement ``I am dissatisfied with my body shape''. In fact,
40.8 per cent of women chose ``always'' or ``often'' as opposed to 23.9 per cent of
men (see Table X).
Whereas 32.4 per cent of men chose ``never'' as their response, only 11.5 per
cent of women did so. However, social class did appear to be relevant here, as
statistically significant male/female differences were confined to the class II
and III categories. Thus, at the blue collar end of the scale, for example (in
categories IV and V), men and women did not appear to differ on this
dimension of body shape satisfaction.
A male/female split also appeared in relation to questions which probed
``disordered'' aspects of eating patterns. Whereas 23.0 per cent of women chose
``often'' or ``always'' as their reaction to the statement ``I eat when I am anxious
or under stress'', only 13.0 per cent of men chose these options. In fact, 43.8 per
n

Table X.
``I am dissatisfied with
my body shape''

Always
Often
Sometimes
Rarely
Never
Total

14
28
49
28
57
176a

Male

Female

(%)

8.0
15.9
27.8
15.9
32.4
100.0

50
49
91
25
28
243a

(%)

20.6
20.2
37.4
10.3
11.5
100.0

64
77
140
53
85
419

Total

(%)
15.3
18.4
33.4
12.6
20.3
100.0

Notes: a Data for one male and one female respondent are missing. (chi-square = 38.923,
4 df, sig. = 0.000)

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cent of men chose ``never'', as against 24.2 per cent of women (overall, chisquare = 24.307, 5 df, sig. = 0.000). Similarly, although ``binge'' eating was
rarely reported by respondents, women were less likely to say they never
indulged in this practice than men (80.3 per cent versus 91.5 per cent, overall
chi-square 12.542, 5 df, sig. = 0.028). On the other hand, eating as a response to
boredom was much more commonly reported by both men and women, but
women did seem more prone to such behaviour (e.g. 42.4 per cent of men said
they never did this, as opposed to only 26.3 per cent of women; overall chisquare = 16.943, 5 df, sig. = 0.005).
Guilt in relation to eating also seemed to be a characteristically more female
than male response. Women were significantly more likely to say they ``always''
or ``often'' felt guilt after eating certain items of food than were men, and less
likely to say ``never'' (see Table XI).
Perhaps as a consequence of this greater tendency to report (and experience)
these negative emotions in relation to eating, women were more likely than men
to agree with the statement ``I feel food controls my life''. Whereas 80.1 per cent
of men completely rejected this notion by replying ``never'', 67.6 per cent of
women chose this response, suggesting a significantly greater possibility of a
sense of being dominated by food cravings or anxieties (overall chi-square =
12.389, 4 df, sig. = 0.015). Of course, this sense of being preoccupied with food
may also be related to the fact that for women food issues may be more salient,
given that they tend to have a greater involvement in activities like meal
planning and food preparation than do men.

Women, men
and food

485

Health and lifestyle

In addition to the food-related issues which made up the bulk of the
questionnaire, respondents were also questioned about aspects of lifestyle
which are generally held to have a direct impact on health, specifically
smoking, alcohol consumption and exercise.
In fact, there turned out to be no statistically significant difference between
the proportions of males and females who reported that they currently smoked
cigarettes (22.6 per cent and 18 per cent respectively). However, alcohol
consumption did show a clear differentiation by gender, with the reported
n
Always
Often
Sometimes
Rarely
Never
Total

1
15
38
33
90
177

Male

(%)

0.6
8.5
21.5
18.6
50.8
100.0

3
31
105
38
67
244

Note: (chi-square = 31.822, 4 df, sig. 0.000)

Female

(%)

1.2
12.7
43
15.6
27.5
100.0

4
46
143
71
157
421

Total

(%)
1.0
10.9
34.0
16.9
37.3
100.0

Table XI.
``I eat things and then
feel guilty about it
afterwards''

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486

frequency of consumption by men being significantly higher than that reported

by women (see Table XII).
Indeed, when the mean number of units of alcohol consumed in a typical
week by men and women was compared, the difference was striking. For men,
the mean was 15.12 units, and for women 4.34 units, a statistically very
significant difference (sig. = 0.000).
As far as exercise was concerned, 57.6 per cent of men and 51.0 per cent of
women indicated they took some form of exercise lasting more than 20 minutes
every week (running, swimming, sports, aerobics, etc). However, this gender
difference was not statistically significant. Nevertheless, when respondents
were questioned about the weekly frequency of such exercise sessions, a split
based on gender did emerge. The mean number of sessions reported by men
was 2.43 and by women 1.69, a difference that was statistically significant
(sig. = 0.013), at least at the 0.05 level.
Discussion
The detailed quantitative findings described above provide a coherent and
relatively consistent picture of distinctively different male and female patterns
of thought and action in relation to food, although in some respects men and
women are clearly in agreement. For example, both sexes seemed to hold to the
view that, by and large, the individual's health is not determined by factors
beyond his or her control, but, on the other hand, women were more inclined
actively to regulate food intake with health concerns in mind. In terms of the
moral dimensions of food choice, women appeared to be consistently more
ethically sensitive than men, who demonstrated fewer qualms concerning the
use of animals for food. Women reported a greater inclination to make food
choices (or food changes) with animal welfare or ecological issues in mind. Such
findings support those which demonstrate higher levels of female uptake of
vegetarianism (Vegetarian Society, 2001), which has crucial ethical elements
(Beardsworth and Keil, 1992; Twigg, 1979; Dombrowski, 1985). These insights
also echo the arguments of feminist writers, like Adams (1990), who raise far
reaching moral issues based on controversial parallels between the exploitation
of animals and the abuse of women.
While both men and women reported eating as an essentially pleasurable
activity, there appeared to be some fundamental gender related differences in
n

Table XII.
``How frequently do
you currently drink
alcohol?''

Once a week or more

Less than once a week
Never
Total
Notes:

134
35
7
176a

Male

(%)

76.1
19.9
4.0
100.0

143
77
24
244

Female

(%)

58.6
31.6
9.8
100.0

277
112
31
420

Total

(%)
66.0
26.7
7.4
100.0

Data for one male respondent are missing (chi-sqaure = 14.742, 2 df, sig. = 0.001)

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basic nutritional attitudes. Men demonstrated a somewhat more confident and

uncritical view of eating, more orientated towards traditional cuisine as the
foundation of healthy eating. Women, in contrast, appeared more reflective
about food and health issues, and more inclined to accept novel food items.
This apparently more ``conservative'' stance on the part of men does appear to
be consistent with the findings of such authors as Murcott (1982), Charles and
Kerr (1988) and McIntosh and Zey (1990). What is more, although both sexes
reported reducing consumption of certain high fat food items, women seemed
to be more inclined to make dietary changes aimed at weight loss. They also
reported a greater inclination to make changes in line with official dietary
guidelines, a finding in line with those produced by Fagerli and Wandel (1999).
The fact that food related decision making and food work were largely the
responsibility of the women in the sample clearly comes as no surprise, and
matches not only common sense perceptions but also the work of authors like
Murcott (1982), Charles and Kerr (1988), DeVault (1991) and Fischler (1986). On
the other hand, both sexes expressed equal confidence in their knowledge of
what constitutes a healthy diet, although women did seem more likely to
maintain they knew what foods to select in order to follow official guidelines
(once again, an indication consistent with the findings of Fagerli and Wandel,
1999).
Similarly, the findings relating to body image appear to be largely in line
with the insights available from the literature. While the men and women in
the sample were equally likely to judge themselves to be overweight, a
preoccupation with thinness, the use of weight loss diets and dissatisfaction
with body shape were more characteristic of female respondents, which is
consistent with the findings of Pingitore et al. (1997). However, as Grogan
(1999) points out, dissatisfaction with body shape is commonly present
among men, but characteristically does not focus on thinness as the desired
form. Clearly linked to these issues of body shape are the findings that
women respondents tended to be more likely than their male counterparts to
report guilt in relation to eating, to report ``comfort'' eating in response to
stress or boredom, and to report apparently obsessive aspects of food related
behaviour. All these indications seem to be consonant with the extensive
literature on eating disorders, a literature which consistently supports the
view that such disorders primarily (but not, of course, exclusively) affect
women.
Thus, while both sexes express confidence in relation to healthy eating and
stress the pleasure they derive from food, distinctively male and female
patterns do emerge, which can be summarized as follows: by and large men
have fewer moral and ecological misgivings related to eating, they favour meat
consumption and traditional meals, being less inclined to try new foods. They
are less involved in food work and have lower culinary skills, and are less
inclined to restrict food intake. On the other hand, women express more ethical
concerns in relation to food and are less inclined to take an unreflective and
unworried stance. They are more sympathetic to novel food items and dietary

Women, men
and food

487

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488

change, and are more involved in, and skilled in, food work. They are also more
likely to experience guilt, to feel ``controlled'' by food, and to use food as an
antidote to unwelcome states of mind.
Of course, these contrasts are relative rather than absolute, and the
quantitative findings discussed above do permit us to make approximate
judgements as to the magnitudes of these differences. Yet, while the size of each
contrast may be relatively modest, collectively there differences seem to
provide a picture which suggests men have a significantly more ``robust'' and
``conservative'' view of eating, as compared with the more ``sensitive'', ``caring'',
``aware'', and, indeed ``problematical'' views of women.
Moreover, these gender differences in food-related issues and concerns are
particularly interesting in relation to the issue of body image. Our findings
confirm that women are more likely to be concerned about and to take steps to
alter their body image. Such concerns are frequently attributed to the role of the
mass media in promoting a culture of female thinness, in large part through a
celebration of thin models and actresses. On the other hand, our findings
suggest that many of the contrasts in attitudes and behaviour between women
and men in connection with body image are related to a complex of gender
differences in food choices and eating patterns.
Conclusions
Perhaps the most obvious conclusion to be drawn from the findings presented
above, and from the broader literature in which they can be situated, is that
women, to some extent, exhibit a more ``virtuous'' pattern of eating and food
choice than do men. ``Virtue'' in this sense refers to an awareness of, and a
willingness to act in terms of, certain ethical and nutritional principles which
are increasingly positively valued in contemporary Western culture. However,
this virtuous pattern does appear to have a more sinister side, expressed in
terms of food-related guilt, ``disordered'' eating and body shape dissatisfaction
associated with a chronic quest for thinness. Attempts to explain the
problematical relationships to food more commonly exhibited by women than
by men have typically seen them as emerging out of the subordinated and even
contradictory positions in which women are located in male-dominated social
frameworks. Such explanations have been enormously influential, but are
nevertheless still contested and controversial.
However, such perspectives do raise crucial questions. For example, are
attempts to change male attitudes to food and eating, in terms of shifting them
further towards the ``virtuous'' pattern (for example, in order to improve health
outcomes) likely to increase the rate at which men experience the negative
effects of guilt, anxiety and dissatisfaction? Such questions certainly have far
reaching implications for health education. It has even been suggested that we
may be witnessing the emergence of a phenomenon which Bratman and Knight
(2000) has termed ``orthorexia nervosa'', in which an obsessive concern with
``correct'' eating comes to dominate the individual's whole way of life. While
such an argument may well be too extreme to be applied to all but a small

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minority, moves by health educators to shift the population as a whole (and

men in particular) towards the ``virtuous'' end of the continuum, and away from
what we might call the ``robust'' end, may well intensify what Beardsworth
(1995) has termed ``food ambivalence'', leading to the erosion of nutritional
confidence.
Such perspectives, at this stage, must be essentially speculative, and the
direction of the causal arrow must be as yet unclear: Do ``virtuous'' eating
patterns generate and/or encourage such unwelcome effects as guilt and
anxiety, or do the latter themselves tend to propel the individual towards
virtuous eating? Or, indeed, are both virtue and guilt rooted in deeper cultural
or emotional processes? Only further detailed empirical research, qualitative as
well as quantitative, can provide the evidence upon which a convincing
solution to this puzzle can be based.
References
Adams, C.J. (1990), The Sexual Politics of Meat, Polity Press, Cambridge, MA.
Beardsworth, A.D. (1995), ``The management of food ambivalence: erosion and reconstruction?'',
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