Catholics, Calvinists, and Rational Control: Further Explorations in the Weberian Thesis

Author(s): Donald W. Ball

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Sociological Analysis, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Winter, 1965), pp. 181-188
Published by: Oxford University Press
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and Rational
Catholics,Calvinists,
Control:FurtherExplorations
in the WeberianThesis
Donald W. Ball
CaliforniaLutheranCollege
Contemporary
studiesoftheWeberianthesisare foundwantingthrough
theirvulgarization
of the conceptof rationality
in the Westernworld.
A comparison
ofCatholicsand Calvinists,
usingSeeman'sPersonalPowerlessnessScale as a measureof rationalcontrol,showsdifferences
oppositefromthosesuggestedbytheProtestant
Ethic;possibleexplanations
ofthisfinding
are discussed.
Though generallymoribund,'that reasonsforthisgenerallack of sociologarea of social scientificinterestcom- ical interestin religion,rangingfrom
monlysubsumedunderthe sociologyof a confusionconcerning
the essence as
religionembracesat leastone flourishingversusthe existenceof a non-verifiable
fieldof inquiry:The empiricaltesting area of humanexperienceto a lack of
of hypotheses
springing
generallyfrom readily-available
researchfunds.3The
of Protestant-exception,examinationsof Protestantthe Weberianfonnulation
as elaboratedin the Catholicdifferences
Catholicdifferences
withinthe context
Protestant
Ethic.2I have suggestedsome of a mature,highly-industrialized,
capitalisticeconomicorder,has looked at
See the plaint of Charles Glock in his
Ethic,alreviewarticle,"The Sociologyof Religion,"in the salienceof the Protestant
formulated
to explain
RobertMerton,Leonard Broom,and Leonard thoughoriginally
Cottrell,Jr. (eds.), Sociology Today, New the emergence of Westerncapitalism,
York: Basic Books, 1959, pp. 153-177; for a for contemporary
society. However,
concise, but now ratherout-datedhistorical whereWeber was concernedwiththe
overviewof the field,Talcott Parsons,"The
between Protestantand
TheoreticalDevelopmentof the Sociologyof compatibility
beliefsystems,
operationally
Religion,"Journalof the Historyof Ideas, 5 capitalistic
(April, 1944), pp. 176-190.For data on cur- exemplified
in Protestant
entrepreneurial
rent interestin the field among practicing success (as comparedwith Catholics),
sociologists,Matilda White Riley, "Memberhavefocusedupondifship in the AmericanSociologicalAssociation: modernstudents
The bu1950-1959," American Sociological Review, ferentcriteriaof achievement.

25 (December, 1960), pp. 914-926, which

reportsonly4 per cent of the full-status
members listingthe sociologyof religionas one
of theirspecialtiesin 1950 and only6 per cent
in 1959.
2 This impression
is borneout in an examinationof researchreportedin The American
Journalof Sociology,Social Forces, Sociology
and Social Research,and AmericanSociological

Review coveringthe last ten years. For the

see Max Weber,The Protesoriginalstatement
tantEthic and the Spiritof Capitalism,translated by Talcott Parsons,New York: Scribner's, 1958.
3 This writer's,
"The Themeof Religionand
Success in Recent American Sociology,"
(mimeo.).

181

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182

SOCIOLOGICAL

ANALYSIS

reaucraticnatureof modeminstitutionsarena forthe examination

of whatwas
has led contemporary
analyststo lookto actuallyhis centralconcern-the desuch phenomenaas intergenerational
velopment
and manifestation
of rational
educa- behavior.Weber held this to be the
mobility,mobilityorientations,
tional aspirations,and economicatti- crucialcharacteristic
ofWesterncivilizaequiv- tion,e.g.,modernEurope.5
tudesas functional
or operational
alentsof entrepreneurial
performance.4 AlthoughWeber made use of ecoHowever,whenWeberexamineden- nomicdata,his studywas not,as it has
one of ecotrepreneurial
success,it was reallyas an so oftenbeen interpreted,
as such,but
and con- nomicbehavioror attitudes
indirectmeasureof rationality
ofsuchdata as opertrol; he did not directlyexaminema- rathera utilization
terials bearing upon rational control ational indices of the rationalityand
because techniquesforsuchan exercise controlwhichwas notat thattimemore
Modernstudies
were not then available. It is a fre- directlyapprehensible.
quentlyoverlookedpointthat Weber's based uponthisaspectof Weber'swork
differ-appearto have ignoredthiscrucialdisinterestin Protestant-Catholic
Whatseemsto have developed
enceswas notin theeconomicorderper tinction.
is
a
vulgarized
Weberiantradition
which
se, but onlyinsofaras thissectorwas an
ignoreshis ultimateconcernwith raconcen4 See GerhardLenski,The ReligiousFactor, tional controlby prematurely
Garden City: Doubleday Anchor,1963; Ray- trating
uponthe economicas an end in
mond W. Mack, Raymond J. Murphy and itself.Recentexaminations
ofProtestantSeymourYellin, "The ProtestantEthic, Level
in
Catholic
differences,
focusing
upon
of Aspiration,and Social Mobility: An Emmeasuresof success,have
piricalTest,"AmericanSociologicalReview,21 contemporary
(June, 1956), pp. 295-300; SeymourLipset tendedto neglectwhat was centralto
and ReinhardBendix, Social Mobilityin In- Weber'swork;and, unlikethe case of
dustrial Society, Berkeleyand Los Angeles: Weber,thishas notbeen
due simplyto
Universityof California, 1960, pp. 48-56;
a
lack
of
adequate
techmethodological
Andrew M. Greeley,"Influenceof the 'Re-

ligious Factor' on Career Plans and Occu- niques.6

pational Values of College Graduates,"American Journalof Sociology,48 (May, 1963),
5 "Author'sIntroduction,"
Weber, op. cit.,
pp. 658-671;AlbertJ. Mayerand HarrySharp, pp. 13-31; Talcott Parsons,The Structureof
"Religious Preferenceand Worldly Success," Social Action,Part III, New York: McGrawAmerican Sociological Review, 27 (April, Hill, 1937, pp. 516 ff.;Don Martindale,The
1962), pp. 218-227; Marvin Bressler and Natureand Types of SociologicalTheory,BosCharles Westoff,"Catholic Education, Eco- ton: Houghton Mifflin,1960, pp. 383-384;
nomic Values, and Achievement,"American also see Max Weber, The Rationaland Social
Journalof Sociology,49 (November, 1963), Foundationsof Music,translatedby Don Marpp. 225-233. The above list is not exhaus- tindale et al., Carbondale: SouthernIllinois
of the better- University
tive, but it is representative
Press, 1958.
6 Justhow simplisticthis methodology
knownworksand theiroperationaltechniques.
acFor criticismsof such work see the issue of tuallywas has been demonstrated
by the work
SociologicalAnalysisdevoted to contemporaryof KurtSamuelsson.Samuelssonreplicatedthe
considerationof the Weberian thesis, 25 studies of M. Offenbacher,one of Weber's
(Spring, 1964). See especially Andrew M. students,upon whose work he was quite reGreeley,"The ProtestantEthic: Time for a liant. This examinationfound that Offenand HelmutWagner,"The Prot- bacher's findingsof higher educational and
Moratorium,"
CenturyView." economicachievementfor GermanProtestants
estantEthic: A Mid-Twentieth
The formerargues that these modernefforts were a functionof neglectingto controlfor
of historyand the fact that this group made up a larger
involve an oversimplification
Catholic plu- proportionof the populationthan the Cathoan ignoranceof contemporary
ralism.
lics with whom they were compared.When

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CATHOLICS,

CALVINISTS

183

Thus, those contemporary studies economicfactorsin the thesis,i.e., a vulwhich have, in general,found small dif- garized Weber, not unlike the oversimferencesbetween Protestantsand Cath- plified condensationof Marxian theory.
olics along the dimensionssuggestedby
Fortunatelyan instrumentdoes exist
the Weberian thesis, have begged the which seems to bear more directlyupon
question. It is not a prioridemonstrable rationalcontrolthan have the previously
that mobility performances,attitudes alluded to indices which are in recent
toward the economy,etc., are function- favor. This is the personal powerlessally equivalent to rationalcontrolorien- ness subscale which is an outgrowthof
tations. In other words, these opera- Seeman's delimitation of the various
tional measures have questionable formsof alienation.7
validityinsofaras they may or may not
One of these forms, powerlessness,
reflectrational control orientations,the Seeman has definedas
"the expectancy
central concern of Weber's theory. or probabilityheld
by the individual
There is also, of course, the question of that his own
behavior cannot determine
the appropriateness of the Weberian the occurence
of the outcomes or reinthesis for the analysis of mature, on- forcementshe seeks."8 Stripped
of the
going systems. One likely explanation
expectancy-reinforcement
language of
for the lack of Protestant-Catholicdif- Rotter'ssocial
learningtheory,9this conferentiation found in contemporary ceptualizationrefersto
the actor's sense
studies utilizing Weber's frameworkis or perceptionof his efficacy
in controlin the applicationof a theoryconcerning ling
or manipulatingthe environment.
the genesis of systemsto one which is This sense of
environmentalcontrolhas
well developed. Nevertheless,in a field been
furtherspecifiedin terms of perrelatively devoid of theory, the con- sonal or social control,the latter refertinued use of Weber's model may be
justifiedon heuristicgrounds;it provides
7 This theoretical
statementis Melvin Seea useful contextfor the generationand man, "On the Meaningof Alienation,"Ameritesting of hypotheses.Furthermore,as can SociologicalReview,24 (December,1959),
argued herein, the fundamentalWeb- pp. 783-791. Empiricaltestsgeneratedby the
erian concern was with rationality,the theoryinclude Melvin Seeman and JohnW.
"Alienationand Leaming in a Hospital
growthand spread of which he saw as Evans,
Setting," American Sociological Review, 27
central to the growth and change of (December, 1962), pp. 772-782; ArthurG.
Western civilization.Thus, debate over Neal and Melvin Seeman, "Organizationsand
the appropriatenessof the model for a Powerlessness:A Test of the MediationHymature economy involves the common pothesis,"AmericanSociological Review, 29
(April, 1964), pp. 216-225; ArthurG. Neal
misinterpretationof the centrality of and SolomonRettig,"Dimensionsof Alienation

Among Manual and Non-Manual Workers,"

Samuelssonheld thisfactorconstant,the Prot- American Sociological Review 28 (August,
estant-Catholic
differences
almostentirelydis- 1963), pp. 599-608; Dwight G. Dean and Jon
appeared. See Kurt Samuelsson,Religionand A. Reeves,"Anomie:A Comparisonof Catholic
EconomicAction:A Critiqueof Max Weber's and Protestant
Sample,"Sociometry,
25 (June,
"The ProtestantEthic and the Spiritof Cap- 1962), pp. 209-212; and in a modifiedversion,
italism,"translatedby E. Geoffrey
Frenchand this writer's"Convert Political Rebellion as
edited by D. C. Coleman,New York: Harper Ressentiment,"Social Forces, 43 (October,
& Row, 1964. For a summary
of thiswork,see 1964), pp. 93-101.
8 Seeman,op. cit.,p. 784.
Lipset and Bendix, op. cit., pp. 54-55. For
other operationaltechniques,see the works
9 See JulianB. Rotter,Social Learningand
cited in note 4 above; for a methodological Clinical Psychology,
New York: Prentice-Hall,
critiqueof theseworks,also see note4.
1954,citedin Seeman,op. cit.

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184

SOCIOLOGICAL

ANALYSIS

con- ists,12
willbe morelikelythanCatholics
ringto broaderpolitical-economic
textsof action.Implicitin the idea of to manifest
rationalcontrolorientations.
or a relianceon Thatthisprediction
has beenratherconcontrolis rationality
cau- sistentlyrefutedin contemporary
i.e.,self-induced
causality,
revolitional
withexternalcau- searchdoes notvitiatethe utilityof its
sationas contrasted
salitysuch as luck,fate,etc.10The re- testby anothermethod.In fact,disconvia a measureof rationality
ciprocal of personalpowerlessnessis, firmation
evidenceto suprationalcontrol:A perception would providefurther
therefore,
as susceptibleto port the broadlyeconomic-based
findof the environment
by the actorvia his delib- ings of these recent studies, which
manipulation
dominance
erate volitionalactions,ratherthan as studiessuggesttheoverriding
uncontrollableby any but external ofthe secularAmericanculture,at least
forcesoverwhichthe actorhas no con- in thisarea, in whichboth Protestants
trol.1 Thus,the personalpowerlessnessand Catholicsparticipateupon apparsubscale can be treated,at least ten- entlyequal terms.
tatively,as a measure of rationalcontrol

by whichit willhence- PROCEDURES

(the designation
Thisis thedimension As partof a largerstudydealingwith
forthbe referred).
themeof workattitudes,
therationalcontrolscale
whichformedthe underlying
muchof Weber'swork,even thoughhe was includedin a mailedquestionnaire
randomized
stratified
samwas forcedto examineit in a round- to a partially
ple of non-academicemployeesat a
aboutway.
UnforIt followsthen,thata scale measuring large westernstateuniversity.13
precisefigureson samplesize
rationalcontrolis relevantto the exami- tunately,
differencesare notavailabledue to a clericalerror.
nationof Protestant-Catholic
withinthe contextof Weberiantheory; However,an estimateof 750 mailouts
is within5 per centof
with and 450 returns
the standardpredictionconsistent
the
actual
The small magninumbers.
Protesthat
being
Ethic
Protestant
the
thatCalvin- tude of possibleerrorfromthis source
tants,or morespecifically,
to seriously
is not consideredsufficient
10 See "The Belief in Luck," in Thorstein bias any findings.On the returned
of the responVeblen,The Theoryof the LeisureClass, New schedulesseventy-three
York: New AmericanLibrary,1953, pp. 182 dentsidentified
as (Roman)
themselves
ff.;also Seeman,op. cit.
as
and
Catholic,
fifty-two
Calvinists,
i.e.,
11 The scale consistsof seven forced-choice
as
Congregationalists,
Presbyterians,
items emphasizinga choice between rational,
etc. Rationalcontrol
personal control,and externalcausality,such Dutch Reformed,
scale scoresforthese individualswere
as:
_Becoming a successis a matterof
hard work;luck has littleor nothing to do withit.
Gettinga good job dependsmainly
on being in the rightplace at the
righttime.
Even if the odds are againstyou,
it's possibleto come out on top by
keepingat it.
A person'sfutureis largelya matter
ofwhatfatehas in storeforhim.
On social powerlessnesssee, Neal and Seeman, op. cit.

12 It is sometimesforgotten
that Weber's
to Calvinists,not
referred
originalformulation
some of which,e.g., Lutherans,
all Protestants,
Weber specificallyidentifiedas not partaking
In otherwords,the Protesof thisorientation.
tant Ethic is actuallya CalvinisticEthic. See
Weber,op. cit., pp. 87, 148 ff.,160.
13 This projectwas part of a seminaron
researchmethodsunderthe directionof Melvin
Seemanof the Departmentof Sociologyat the
Universityof Californiaat Los Angeles conductedduringthe 1963-1964academicyear.

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CATHOLICS,

CALVINISTS

185

because of twofactors:(1) the

at the me- striking
summedand dichotomized
in the comparison
to factthatProtestants
dian, thus allowingthe respondents
be categorizedas eitherhighor low in were limitedto Calvinists(the particutermsof theirrationalcontrolorienta- lar groupwhichWebersaw as embodyEthic), ratherthana
ing the Protestant
tion.
as is
of
all Protestants
lumping
together
Weberian
Accordingto the classic
theory,it is expectedthat Calvinists oftendone in modernresearchundera
would be morelikelyto have highra- questionable assumptionof homogehighproand (2) an extremely
than Catho- neity;14
tional controlorientations
of Catholics portionof women amongthe responlics, while the proportion
seen
low rationalcontrolorienta- dents,whichgroupis traditionally
manifesting
orientedthan
tions would exceed that of the Cal- as beingmorereligiously
these two elements
men.'5If anything
vinists.
mightbe expectedto magnifyProtesFINDINGS
withCalvinists
differences,
tant-Catholic
rationalcontroloriof Table 1 indicates being particularly
An examination
thatwhenrationalcontrolis operation- ented (as comparedwithotherProtesally measuredin a moredirectfashion, tants), and women more closely apof
patterns
theideal-typical
proximating
TABLE 1
theirreligiousgroupsas hypothesized
RATIONAL CONTROL SCORES OF
by Weber,thus increasingthe spread
CATHOLICS AND CALVINISTS
betweenthe two.
AlthoughCalvinistwomen,as might
Rational
be
expected,are morerationalcontrol
Calvinists
Catholics
Control
orientedthan Calvinistmen, Catholic
50.0%o womenare also more rationalcontrol
High
53.4%
Low
46.6%o
50.0%
oriented,as comparedwith Catholic
are small,
men.
Again the differences
100.0%
100.0%0
in
of
respondents
are
numbers
as
the
N
(52)
(73)
each group,but the data clearlyin.034.
dicatethepossibility
thatbeinga CathQ .068
rather
than decrease
increase
olic may
of 0 and Q. the possibilitythat an individualwill
For an interpretation
see J. H. Muellerand K. E. Schuessler,possessa rationalcontrolorientation
toStatisticalReasoningin Sociology,Bos- ward his environment.16
Contraryto
1961, 242-258.
ton: HoughtonMifflin,
Weber,Catholicdoctrinemayfosterin
a viewoftheworldas manipitsbelievers

the Weberian thesis is not confirmed.

14 The degreeofcontinuity
betweenreformaCalvinistsare no more likelythan CathCalvinismcannot be
and contemporary
tion
olics to have high rational control oriforthislimitaentations;in fact, they are slightlyless answeredhere.The justification
to Weber's
is an attemptto remainfaithful

tion
the usual pre- problem.
likelyto do so, reversing
15 J. Milton Yinger,Religion,Society and
diction,althoughthis may well be an
of the smallnumberof respon- the Individual,New York: Macmillan,1957,
artifact
pp. 93-94; Glock, op. cit.
dents.
16 An alternativeexplanationis, of course,
is notstatis- that
Even thoughthisfinding
are a function
rationalcontrolorientations
tically significant(none of those re- of sex; however,perusalof thisline is beyond
ported here is so), it is particularlythe scope of the presentstudy.

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186

SOCIOLOGICAL

ANALYSIS

TABLE 2

RATIONAL CONTROL BY RELIGION AND SEX

Rational
Control

Male

High
Low

50.0%
50.0%

Catholics
Female

100.0%
(61)

(12)

51.2%
48.8%
100.0%

100.0%

(41)

(11)

.047

.030

.115

.082

Q=

Calvinists
Female

45.5%
54.5%o

54.1%
45.9%o

100.0%

0=

Male

TABLE 3

RATIONAL

CONTROL BY RELIGIONAND

CHuRcH ATTENDENCE

Rational
Control
High
Low
N
A-=179

Catholics
Often
Occas'ly
58.9%o
41.1%

37.5%
62.5%
100.0%
(16)

100.0%
(56)
.410

Calvinists
Often
Occas'ly
50.0%o
50.0%
50.0%o
50.0%
100.0%
100.0%
(12)
(40)
.000
.000

TABLE 4

RATIONAL CONTROL BY RELIGION AND CIASS*

Calvinists
Catholics
Middle-Upper
Working
Middle-Upper
Working
48.8%
55.6%
48.0%
57.5%
High
51.2%
44.4%o
Low
42.5%
52.0%o
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
(43)
(9)
(47)
(25)
N
.051
.090
.134
.188
Qoption.No rewere made using Centers'four-choice
* Class identifications
and upper
middle
the
of
forty-seven
class;
as
lower
himself
spondentidentified
corresthe
for
Calvinists,
stratum;
latter
the
with
two
identified
class Catholics,
pondingfigurewasfour.Thismeasurewas used to avoid the problemswhichare
whichmay
endemicin theuse of variousoccupationalor otherratinghierarchies,
timeand
in
a
point
given
at
in
or maynotbe validfortherespondents question
the wellin
their
e.g.,
use,
toward
reification
a
tendency
have
which
and
space,
scale. For a completediscussionof the rationalebehindselfknownNorth-Hatt
of Social Classes,Princeton:
see RichardCenters,The Psychology
identifications,
University
Princeton
Press,1949.

Rational
Control

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CATHOLICS,

CALVINISTS

187

ulatable (ratherthan subjectprimarilydirectionor the other.The commongiven the natureof

to externalcontrol)to an even greater sense hypothesis,
would be thatlow oriextentthanthis perspectiveis fostered rationalcontrol,
by Calvinism.If such is the case, it entationswould be associateddirectly
a high
would then be predictedthat those withlowerclass, and similarly,
Further,
intothe Catho- orientation
witha higherclass.20
personsmostintegrated
sociologywould expect
lic beliefsystemwould be mostlikely common-sense
to manifesthigh rationalcontrolori- moreCatholicsthanCalviniststo be of
lowerclass;2'but,as has beenpreviously
entations.
A crudeindicatorofreligiousintegra- indicated,Catholicsare not morelikely
tionis providedby churchattendance- to exhibitlow rationalcontrolorientathe assumption
beingthatthemorefre- tions.
at churchservices, The data in Table 4 for Catholics
quenttheattendance
the greaterthe degreeof integrations show,as mightbe expected,thatclass
related.
Giventhisassumption,
Table 3 indicates and rationalcontrolare directly
to exthatit is indeedthoseCatholicsclosest However,forCalvinists,
contrary
is inverse.
to theirchurchwho are mostlikelyto pectations,the relationship
hold high rationalcontrolorientations.
By way of contrast,
rate of attendance DISCUSSION
regardingrationalconmakesno difference
in rationalcontrol The findings
scale
trol,
using
a
social-psychological
for Calvinists.This findingis certainly
and
what
Weber
to
test
more
directly
of Weber's
contrary
to the implications
studentsworkingin his
thesiswhichwould hold thatthe more contemporary
have examinedby indirectincloselytied a Catholicis to his or her tradition
with
notconsistent
are certainly
Church,the morelikelythathe or she ference,
the
Protestant-Caththesis
concerning
will manifest
a low rationalcontroloriolic differences
embodiedin the Protesentation.'8
Any examinationof social behavior tant Ethic. WhereWeber would have
must,if at all possible,makean attempt expectedCalviniststo be more likely
to takeintoaccountthe effectof social than Catholicsto exhibitrationalconthishas not been the
class.'s The previouslydiscussedfind- trolorientations,
of a pre- case,and,in fact,thecloserto theCathingsmightwell be an artifact
dominancein eitheror both religious olic Church,the higherthe probability
class of a high rationalcontrolorientation.
groupsof membersof a particular
even
in one The whyof thisbegs exploration,
whichundulybiases the findings
ifonlyin theformofpost factumspecu-

17 Church attendancewas consideredoften

lation.22
if the respondentreportedattendingservices
20 The conceptualization
of access to optwo or threetimesper monthor more. This
ignores,but is not unaware of, the arbitrary portunitystructuresis relevant here. See
nature of the dichotomy,especially as it is Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin,
being applied to two differentgroups for Delinquencyand Opportunity,
Glencoe: The
whomthe meaningsof thisrate of attendance Free Press,1960.
probablyhave importantdifferences.
21 Amongothers,
see Lenski,op. cit.,passim;
18 Though not explicit in his work, this Michael Argyle,ReligiousBehavior,Glencoe:
seems a natural and logical extension of The Free Press,1959, especiallypp. 129 ff.
22 See the warningson this procedurein
Weber's argument.
19 Related to class is ethnicity;however, "The Bearingof SociologicalTheoryon Emamong the respondentsunder consideration, pirical Research,"in Robert Merton,Social
only two persons, both Catholic, identified Theoryand Social Structure,revisededition,
themselvesas non-white.
Glencoe: The Free Press,1957, pp. 85-101.

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188

SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

thatthe efficaciouscontrol.Contraryto Weber,

First,thereis the possibility
rationalcontrolscale lacksvalidity.This it mighteven be argued that the funccannotbe answeredhere,but giventhe tion of Calvinist doctrineis to generate
natureof theitemsand thetypesofdis- feelingsof aloneness and powerlessness,
theyhave producedin pre- especially as contrasted to the more
crimination
viousresearch,a case can be made for stable, anchorage-providing,protective
at least face validity.Each itemposes ideology of Catholic dogma.24Put ana dilemmaof choice other way, rational control orientations
fortherespondent
between rational control (personal may be dependent upon some minimal
power or manipulation),and non-ra- level of ideological supportmore availtional control(externalcausalitysuch able to Catholics than to Calvinistswith
as luck,fate,etc.). The itemsdo not theirtheologyof predestination.It may
seem to do violenceto eitherthe as- be noted in passing, that this argument
sumptionregardingcontrolor the one is quite similar to Durkheim's now
Neitherdoes the classic statementregarding the higher
regardingrationality.
use of the scale appear to do violence incidence of egoistic suicide among
dealingwith Protestantsas compared to Catholics in
to Weberianformulations
the late nineteenth-centuryEurope.25 As
rationalityand more specifically,
would
it
such, it would representa discontinuity
Ethic.
Certainly,
Protestant
than in the theoriesofthesetwo majorfigures.
seemno less relevantto rationality
ecoFinally, it must be rememberedthat
ratesand orientations,
are mobility
nomicattitudes,and the like. The use Weber was dealing with a problemconof therationalcontrolscale is notbased cerning the genesis of systems,rather
upon a questionableassumptionof an than conditionsin ongoing ones. Thus,
success. the findingsherein,assumingtheir conequivalenceto entrepreneurial
to bringmodern tinuitywith the problem and its tradiRatherit is an attempt
tools to bear upon a tion, speak to a somewhat different
methodological
portionof theproblemwhichof neces- problemthan did Weber. The contradicin light tion with the ProtestantEthic thesis is
sityeluded Weber. Therefore,
of the above,it is arguedthatthe use consistent with recent research using
of the rationalcontrolscale is based less directtests.The real question,which
whichmust at least for the present must remain
upon tenable assumptions
research-that moot,is whetherthe kindsof differences
await the testof further
its saliencyto the Protestant-which Weber hypothesizedever did in
regarding
Catholic differenceshypothesizedby fact exist.26
Weber.23

24 See herethe mass societyexponents

ranging fromEmile Durkheim'sSuicide to the even
workswhichstress
moreexplicitcontemporary
natureof groupties,e.g., Robert
the supportive
and Power, formerlyThe
Nisbet,Community
Quest For Community,New York: Galaxy,
1962; Neal and Seeman,op. cit.
25 Emile Durkheim,Suicide: A Study in
23 Needlessto say, the usual caveatsregardtranslated by George Simpson,
Sociology,
the
given
especially
research
apply,
ing further
and the tentative- Glencoe: The Free Press,1951.
smallnumberof respondents
26 See Samuelsson,
op. cit.
ness of any new approachor problem.

is one
A secondpossibleexplanation
whichcalls the basic doctrinalassumpEthic into questionsof the Protestant
tion,i.e., thatCalvinisminculcatesoritowardtheworldwhichinclude
entations

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