China's Informal Musician

International Council for Traditional Music
UNEARTHING CHINA'S INFORMAL MUSICIANS: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND TEXTUAL STUDY OF

THE SHANG TO TANG PERIODS
Author(s): Ingrid Furniss
Source: Yearbook for Traditional Music, Vol. 41 (2009), pp. 23-41
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UNEARTHING CHINA'S INFORMALMUSICIANS:

AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND TEXTUAL STUDY OF THE
SHANG TO TANG PERIODS
by Ingrid Furniss
In the past three decades, the study of music in ancient China has expanded sig
nificantlywith the discovery of numerous tombs containing musical instruments.
These finds have revealed substantial informationabout ancient music theory and
organology. One issue thathas remained on the periphery, however, is the study of
themusicians themselves. From the Eastern Zhou (770-221 BCE) to Tang (618?
907 CE) periods, musicians fell broadly into three groups: (1) formalmusicians
who performed for important ritual occasions and state sacrifices; (2) informal
musicians who provided entertainment for banquets and other less formal occa
sions; and (3) military musicians who performed inprocessions.1 Formal musicians
generally specialized inyayue (refinedmusic), the officialmusic of the royal Zhou
court.2Yayue continued to be played in formal ritual settings at court long after the
Zhou period. Informal and military musicians specialized in less traditional forms
of music, such as suyue ("popular" or "folk" music) and foreignmusic.3 Formal
1. During theearlyHan period,musicians of all threetypeswere employedby theOffice
ofMusic (Yuefu), established by Han emperorWudi in 114 BCE. The Yuefu had many
responsibilities,
including
at court
performing
entertainments
and
state rituals,
as well
as
thecollection and analysis of popular folkmusic. Itwas believed at the timethatthehealth

of society could be determinedby themusic itproduced.Yuefu officials acted like impe
rial advisors, informingthe emperor if themusic of thepeople did not "sound" rightand
that correct music
ensuring
was
put
in its place
to re-establish
harmony
The Yuefu was disbanded in 7 BCE by EmperorAidi (ruled 7-1 BCE)
within
society.
in order to rid the
seen as the cause for the moral degeneration

court of all "corrupting" music,
of society in
to the Office
in yayue were retained and reassigned
Formal
musicians
general.
specializing
of Ceremonials,
but those who specialized
in suyue (popular music) were dismissed.
Of the
820 or so virtuosi
the government
retained only 388 (see Loewe
employed within the Yuefu,
in the private homes
Informal musicians
found new employment
1974:208-9).
presumably
at
of elites and as entertainers for Chinese
the
frontier
garrisons
regions. Informal musicians,
especially thoseof foreignoriginor thosewho could performforeignmusic, were quite the

rage at courtonce again in theSix Dynasties period,due to theoccupation of a largepartof
northernChina by Turkic-speakingrulers.By theearly eighthcentury,two special offices
were establishedfor theseentertainersat court: theLiyuan (PearOrchard) and theJiaofang
(Office of Entertainment).Both officeswere foundedby EmperorXuanzong (r. 712-756
CE).
2. Yayuewas theConfucian canonicalmusic utilizingbells and chime stones, inaddition
to strings, winds,
and drums.
Judging
from Zhou
and Han
textual
records,
such as the Zuo
Zhuan (The Zuo commentaryon theannals of springand autumn),Lushi chunqiu (Spring

and
autumn
annals
of Master
Lii),
and Xunzi
(Master
Xun),
yayue
was
slow-paced
and
lacked complexity,characteristicsthatcorrespondedwith Confucian ideals of humilityand

simplicity.
Its sounds were
In its ability
ideals of
pure and gentle, and thus conformed with Confucian
to calm the listener, sometimes
itwas associ
to the point of boredom,
propriety.
ated with righteousness.
3. Unlike
yayue,
suyue
and
foreign music
were
associated
with
entertainment,
Yearbook for Traditional Music
and
41 (2009)
24
2009 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC
and informalmusicians appear in the archaeological record as early as Eastern

Zhou, while military musicians appear slightly later in the Han. Of these three
groups, informalmusicians appear to have been most popular among elite audi
ences, especially between theHan (206 BCE-229 CE) and Tang periods. These
musicians were often paired with lively dancers, acrobats, sword-swallowers, and
jesters, indicating the entertainment?rather than formal?nature of themusic they

performed. As demonstrated by sculptural works and mural paintings excavated
fromHan throughTang tombs, themost common types of musicians outside the
more formalmusic sectors at courtwere foreigners, dwarfs, idealized women, and
scholarly recluses. This paper will focus on archaeological and textual evidence for
the existence of these informalmusicians as early as Shang (c. 1570-1070 BCE)
and Eastern Zhou, and the rising popularity of such performers in the period from
Han to Tang. I hope to show that the very social marginality of informalmusi
cians is exactly what enhanced their exoticism and popular appeal among their
elite audiences.
prior toHan
Musicians
Although there is littlearchaeological evidence from the Shang period to aid us in

reconstructing the identities ofmusicians, textual records from theZhou and Han
occasionally describe Shang music and the cultural and social excesses, such as
drinking and sexual debauchery, thataccompanied
Han
Xin?who
historians
his excesses?is
accused
of
losing
it.4The final Shang king, Zhou
the "mandate
described in the following passage
of heaven"
because
of
in the Shi Ji (Records of the
grand historian):
He
loved wine
he had
and
and
Shi Zhuan
the "Fluttering
... Thus
licentious music,
and devoted himself to his concubines
new and depraved
the
"Northern
Suburb"
dance,
sounds,
... He assembled
a large company
Earthwards"
music
of musi
create
cians and actors at the Shaqiu Garden, filling a pond with wine and hanging up
meats
tomake
a forest; he caused men
and women
to disrobe
and pursue
each
other
throughthis scenery,as part of a drinkingfeast lasting long intothenight. (Major

and So 2000:26)
This passage, written by a Han historian nearly a millennium after the Shang, is
probably reflectivemore of the biases of theHan than of real musical practice.
However, there is some interesting information thatwe can draw from this.First is
both relied largelyon strings,winds, and drums.Both musical formswere regardedby
as aesthetically
Textual
non-Confucian.
evidence
suggests that suyue and for
and intricate, perhaps
scales
introduced
eign music were
fast-paced
relying on expanded
from Central Asia. Both were also free of traditional rhythms and melodies,
whereas
yayue
Confucianists
sounds.
constantly re-used and recycled classical
4. Such records, usually written by Han scholars who were
loyal to the current government
andwished tomaintain thestatusquo and a revivalof ancientZhou ethics,shouldbe judged
with
some
care. These
texts may
reveal more
about
the contemporary
state-of-mind
than the past.
rather
FURNISS
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
IN EARLY CHINA
25
the association between women and licentiousness, an issue Iwill explore below.
Of equal importance is the reference to a specific Shang music master, Shi Zhuan.
The names of Chinese music masters appear frequently in theZhou and Han tex
tual tradition, pointing to the high prestige of music during this time. As David
Schaberg notes,
Both because ofmusic's rhetoricalpossibilities and because of the statusaccorded
tomusical skills in thesocieties thatproduced the texts,officialswithmusical duties
are
remarkable
characters
these shi "masters
in historiography.
As keepers
are the human personae
of musicians"
of music's
regularities,
through which music's
metaphysical truthsexpress themselves.(Schaberg 2001:117)
The names of several Eastern Zhou music masters are also known to us today,
including Shi Kuang, a blind qin player of the State of Jinwho served as music
master under Duke Ping (r. 557-532 BCE); Shi Xiang (a music master and zither
player from the State ofWei); Shi Mian (a blind music master who visited with
Confucius); and so on. Although blind musicians are generally associated with
formal performances of yayue in the Zhou textual tradition, the passage above
suggests that they were also involved in performances of informalmusic for
entertainments.
Judging fromEastern Zhou funeraryevidence, musicians appear to have occa

sionally accompanied theirmasters in death. Hubei Dangyang Caojiagang M5
(figure l),5 a medium-sized tomb dating to the fifth century BCE, contained the
remains of a primary occupant and two accompanying burials, their sexes unknown
(Yichang diqu bowuguan 1988). Although looting and some shiftingof objects had
occurred, themusical instruments in the tomb?two se-zithers, two sheng (mouth

organs), and four ling-be\\s6?were found lying on top of the two accompanying
burials, suggesting that theywere musicians (Furniss 2008:250). At Hubei Suizhou
Leigudun, the famous tomb ofMarquis Yi (d. 433 BCE), perhaps himself a shi or
"Master ofMusic" (So 1994:34; Rao and Zeng 1985:56), contained the remains of
twentywomen aged between thirteenand twenty-five.More than a hundred musi
cal instruments,including a set of sixty-fivebronze bells, a set of thirty-twochime
stones, four or five drums, twelve zithers (se, qin, and five-stringed), six mouth
organs, two panpipes, and two transverse flutes,were also found in the tomb, lead
ing scholars to believe thatmany of these women were musicians (Major and So
2000:14, 17). Evidence from the eastern chamber of the tomb,where Marquis Yi
and eight young women were buried, seems to support this conclusion. This cham
even Marquis
ber contained just enough musical instruments for each?possibly
Yi himself?to play (Furniss 2008:224-25).
Based on the assumption that the
5. English renderings
ofChinese locationnames typicallyplace theprovince first,
followed
my
by themunicipality (or city), and village. I have followed thisconvention throughout
paper.
6. Ling-bells
ments. However,
are generally
rather than musical,
instru
thought to have been signalling,
as these bells were found in association
with musical
instruments, I have
as rhythmic instruments (Furniss
that they served a musical
function, perhaps
postulated
2008:250).
26
Figure
1. Main
Chinese
indicate
the names
locations mentioned
of present-day
in the text are indicated
provinces
inwhich
by numbers.
those places appear.
Italics
tombwas like an underground palace, scholars argue that the central chamber rep
resented a formal audience hall, while the eastern one corresponded to themar
quis's residential quarters (Major and So 2000:14). The musical ensemble in the
central compartment would likely have been used in formal performances, while
the ensemble in the eastern compartment performed informal entertainmentmusic
(ibid.: 18, 21).
While both of the above finds suggest thatmusic and musicians were indispen
sable tomany elite members of Eastern Zhou society,Marquis Yi's tomb points
specifically to the importance of women in informalmusical practice of the time.
This role is further substantiated by contemporary textual evidence, such as the
following passage from theZhao hun (Summons of the soul) passage of theChu
Ci (Elegies of Chu):
Before thedaintieshave leftthe tables,girlmusicians takeup theirplaces.
They
set up the bells
"Crossing
the River",
and fasten
the drums
"Gathering
Caltrops"
and sing the latest songs:

and "The Sunny Bank".
The lovelygirls are dmnkwithwine, theirfaces are flushed.

With
amorous
glances
and flirting
looks,
their eyes
like wavelets
sparkle;
Dressed inembroideries,clad infinestsilks, splendidbut not showy;

Their longhair fallingfromhigh chignons,hangs low in lovely tresses.
Two rows of eight, inperfecttime,performa dance ofZheng;
Their xi-bi buckles of Jinworkmanshipglitterlikebrightsuns.
Bells
clash
in their swaying
frames;
the catalpa-wood
zither's
strings are swept.
FURNISS
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
Their
sleeves
rise like crossed
bamboo
stems,
then slowly
IN EARLY CHINA
shimmer
27
downwards.
Pipes and zithersrise inwild harmonies,the soundingdrums thunderouslyroll;

And the courtsof thepalace quake and trembleas theythrowthemselves intothe
Whirling Chu.
Then theysing songs ofWu and ballads ofCai and play theDa-lti music. (Hawkes
1985:228-29)
The mention of drunkenness, as well as "amorous glances and flirting looks,"
suggests that thesewomen are courtesans or perhaps concubines of the banquet's
host. Judgingfrom this description, we can assume that the host is a wealthy per
son and probably one of high status, likeMarquis Yi or possibly a king (Hawkes
1985:222-23).
Zhou textual records suggest that exceptionally wealthy elites owned large
orchestras of musicians, often women. Troupes of musicians were occasionally
offered as gifts from one state to another. The Lun Yu (Analects) describes one such
gift, a troupe of female musicians and dancers, from the State of Qi toDuke Ai (r.
494-468 BCE), ruler of theLu State, where Confucius was serving as an official.
Duke Ai apparently loved the gift so much that he neglected affairs of state for
three days, resulting subsequently in Confucius's resignation. Passages like this
had a strong impact on laterHan Confucian members of court,who believed that
female musicians were disruptive to the proper running of state affairs.
Eastern Zhou archaeological evidence indicates thatmen and women played
separate roles inmusical practice, as suggested by bothMarquis Yi's tomb and the
contents of a burial pit at Shandong Zhangqiu Niilangshan. This pit, an accompa
nying burial to a large fourth-century-BCE tomb, contained one of the earliest sets
of clay figures depicting musicians and dancers. The archaeological report identi
fied the fivemusicians playing instruments?chime stones, drums, bells, and a
zither?as men (Li 1993). They accompanied a female singer and ten female danc
ers,while ten female audience members looked on. Although one might assume
thatbells and chime stones were associated exclusively with formal performance,
theChu Ci passage above reveals that theywere also used in elaborate court enter
tainments. This scene may very well depict one of these entertainments; in this
case,
however,
the musicians
are men,
not women.
An
interesting
conclusion
that
can be drawn from the find is thatmale and female musicians did not perform
together.As Iwill discuss below, this generally seems to be the case inHan times
as well. The Niilangshan figures also show that dancers in the late Eastern Zhou
period, as in laterperiods, may well have been women. In the following section,
Iwill use textual evidence to discuss this distinction between genders in perform
ance
practice.
Female musicians
inHan
and Tang
Among themost common finds inHan and Tang tombs are sets of ceramic figures
depicting all-female troupes of musicians and dancers. These troupes appear to
have become more and more popular by the Tang period (figure 2). In all known
28
Figure 2. Burial figures (earthenware),China, 660-680 CE (withpermissionof the

Royal OntarioMuseum ? ROM).
cases, female performers are depicted as idealized beauties, oftenwearing pleasant
smiles on their faces.
All-male orchestras also appear regularly in theHan archaeological record, as
demonstrated by a group of male figures playing three se and two mouth organs
from the second-century-BCE tomb of Lady Dai at Hunan Changsha Mawangdui

(figure 3). These figures are less-idealized, wearing sternexpressions on theirfaces,
perhaps pointing to themore formal nature of theirmusic. By the Six Dynasties and
Tang periods, all-male ensembles appear to have declined in popularity, with the
exception of those depicting foreignmusicians.

Why are male and female musicians so clearly separated from each other in
theseworks? The separation ofmale and female musicians probably originated in
earlier beliefs about themoral rectitude of men versus women. Many early texts,
Figure
3. Painted musicians
from Hunan
Changsha
Mawangdui
M1, Western
second centuryBCE (afterHunan shengbowuguan and

Zhongguo kexueyuankaogu yanjiusuo 1973:203).
Han,
FURNISS
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
IN EARLY CHINA
29
such as theGuanzi of the fourthcenturyBCE, suggest that the presence ofwomen

would lead to "reckless abandon" and behaviour like that of "animals" (Rickett
1985:110-11; Major and So 2000:26). Judging from these texts, the presence of
women inmore solemn occasions was rarely viewed as appropriate. Male musi
cians, on the other hand, were regarded in a very differentway. The same texts
thatdescribe women in derogatory terms consider men, at least those of a morally
upright disposition, as capable of producing music thatcould wash away all impu
rities from themind.

The corrupting effect of feminine charms are depicted in a late Han stone
engraving from Shandong Jiaxiang Suijiazhuang; this engraving provides one of
the few examples of a combined male-female orchestra accompanying various
entertainments, like dancing and games of liubo and leapfrog. The male musi
shown to the left,while the female
cians?wearing
official-looking caps?are
in elaborate headdresses with ribbons?face them on the right.
musicians?attired
Justbelow themusicians is a woman performing a drum dance, characterized by
dancing on top of small drums placed on the ground (figure 4). As she dances, she
reaches down to grasp playfully the hand of a seated man wearing a short robe and
billowing trousers. The joviality of the scene is accentuated furtherby two addi
tional figures, both possibly male, who are engaged in a leap-frog game in the top
register of the scene. One of the figures looks directly into the eyes of the female
drummer in frontof him as he prepares to jump over his crouching male compan
ion,who is slumped down on all fours on the ground with his buttocks raised in
the air.Although the sexual suggestions here are not overt?they rarely are in early
Chinese art?the chaotic composition seems to demonstrate exactly what contem
Figure 4. Detail of stone engravingfrom Shandong Suijiazhuang,Han dynasty,

thirdcenturyBCE to thirdcenturyCE (drawingbyKate Stipp).
30
porary Han thinkersbelieved was inevitablewhen men and women joined together
in celebration: madness and licentious behaviour.
Despite the efforts of Confucianists to rid society of "licentious" music, most
Han and Tang elites seemed to prefer the corrupting effects of the female orches
tras over the staid, ceremonial music (yayue) of themale ensembles. As in the
Zhou period, Han and Tang textsmention thatemperors, princes, and high officials
owned troupes of female musicians, who would perform for theirmaster's personal
pleasure and for state occasions. The Han Shu (History ofHan) biography ofYang
Yun, a Han court official who had fallen intodisgrace and retired from court,men
tions one such troupe:
As
a relaxation
[twelfth month]
from my
feast-days,
labours
I have
as a landowner,
a sheep
on
simmered,
[sixth] month and La

a lamb roasted and I draw a
the Fu
dou ofwine. I come fromQin and so I can play themusic ofQin; my wife comes
fromZhao and plays these zithervery skillfully;
many ofmy slaves sing.When the
wine
has warmed
as I cry wuwul
my ears, I turnmy head skywards and beat

... On these occasions
I am extremely happy;
time on the clay drum

I shake my garments,
flickup my cuffsas I bend and standup again; I beat timewithmy footand begin
to dance.
(Pirazzoli-t'
it is licentious
Certainly
Serstevens
1982:140)
and unseemly,
but
I do not want
to be
told so.
Although Yang Yun's ensemble of musicians was modest, imperial princes and
officials of high rank sometimes owned very large ensembles of musicians and
dancers, many ofwhom were slaves. In contrast to formalmusicians who performed
for ritual ceremonies, these informalentertainers often performed at large banquets
and inprivate concerts for theirowners and guests. One Tang official, Li Yuan (d.
825), owned "more than one hundred extraordinarily talented and extremely beau
tiful singing girls" (Wagner 1984:82). Likely in response to such cases, the Tang
court issued imperial decrees limiting the size of musical troupes by rank (ibid.).
Owning a troupe of entertainerswas clearly a sign ofwealth and status.
People who could not afford theirown female orchestras had many opportuni
ties to enjoy theirmusic. Many Han and Tang merchants and officials of poorer
means frequented public brothels, known as changjia or changlou "houses of sing
inggirls." During theTang, these brothels?known also as qinglou "blue mansions

or "green bowers," because of their characteristic green-blue tiled rooftops?were
located in red-light districts thatwere operated by the government (Des Rotours
1968). These districtswere situated close to elite residential areas and fashionable
markets to allow for easy access by officials who lived nearby (ibid.).
Outside of the capital were two types of professional entertainers, known as

guanji (official entertainers) and yingji (army entertainers) (Des Rotours 1968;
Xiong 1999:150). Beginning with Han Wudi's reign (141-86 BCE), guanji and
yingji were employed by the government to serve respectively the provincial offi
cials outside the capitals and themilitary camps

According toVictor Xiong, The term -ji usually
usage, but prostitutionwas not the only?or even
women (ibid.: 149). Xiong suggests that -jiwere
at the frontier (Xiong 1999:151).

indicates "prostitute" inmodern
theprimary?occupation of these
like Japanese geisha, who were
FURNISS
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
IN EARLY CHINA
31
"trained in a variety of entertainment skills, including singing, dancing, playing

musical instruments,drinking, companionship, and reciting poetry" (ibid.).
Although most female musicians held very low social positions, there are a
few notable women who used their talent for social advancement. Han exam
ples include Lady Li (also known as Queen Xiaowu or Queen Hanwu)7 and Wei
of whom were consort-musicians of Han emperorWudi?and Wang

the
wife ofWudi's grandson, Shi. Liu Jingui, a singer ofmodest birth,
Wengxu,9
became thewife of Later Tang emperor Zhuangzong (r. 923-926).10 Nonetheless,
asMarsha Wagner has noted, the female entertainerwas "ultimately dependent on
her attachment to a man for her social status and welfare, and consequently even
themost accomplished musician potentially had the same helpless vulnerability as
a palace lady confined to the emperor's harem or a peasant woman abandoned by
Zifu8?both
her husband" (Wagner 1984:89). A low-class female musician had the potential
to risewithin the ranks of society, especially if she were physically attractive, but
she could equally well be discarded by her master once her beauty or magnetism
faded.
Male musicians
Although archaeological evidence suggests thatmen served as informalmusicians,
textual accounts more frequently discuss their role in association with formal
music oxyayue. Like theirfemale counterparts discussed above, formalmale musi
7. Lady Li was one of the favourite wives of Han emperor Wu, orWudi.
Born to a family
of professional
singers and dancers, Li was herself a talented entertainer. She was the sister
ofLi Yannian, themost famous seniorofficialof theYuefu (Music Bureau) underEmperor
Wu.
will posthumously
See
Xiaowu.
granted Lady Li the title of Queen
Emperor Wu's
Peterson
(2000:63-65).
8. Wei Zifu was born to a poor family; her father died at a young age, and her mother was
a servant to Princess Pingyang,
in
Zifu was accomplished
the elder sister of Emperor Wudi.
the entertainment
Zifu
perform
arts, having studied music,

chess, painting,
one night at his sister's palace,
Emperor Wudi
and calligraphy. Having

so enamoured
became
seen
with
her thathe offeredhis sister 1000 catties of gold (c. 500 kg) forher purchase. Zifu?one
of Wudi's
favourite
concubines
and
later, his queen?was
the mother
of Liuju,
the Crown
Prince. See Peterson (2000:61-63) and Birrell (1993:26).

9. Wang Wengxu (c. 110-91 BCE) was born to a very poor family inHebei province.
she was
of her beauty and intelligence,
entrusted as a young girl to an imperial
as
a dancer and singer. Despite
who
her
trained
resistance
Liu
had
clansman,
Zhongqiu,
fromWengxu
and her parents, Liu sold her for a large profit to a business man seeking enter
Because
tainers for the imperial court. She was hired as an imperial dancer, and eventually
was
Shi. Wengxu
the mother of Emperor
the wife of Emperor Wudi's
grandson,
became
Xuandi.
See Peterson (2000:75-78).

10. At the age of six,Liu Jin'gui (c. 890-926 CE) was abducted by an imperialguards
man from thehome of her father,
who made his livingby sellingmedicinal herbs gath
ered
she served Madame

taken to the imperial palace, where
Jin'gui was
later became
the concubine
of Emperor
concubine.
second
Jin'gui
a
son to the
the son of Emperor
Jin and Madame
Cao. Having
provided
in the mountains.
Cao?Emperor
Zhuangzong,
emperor,
Jin's
Jin'gui was
eventually
See Peterson (2000:235^12).
elevated
to the position
of Madame
and
later to Empress.
32
cians generally held relatively low social status; especially well-connected musi
cians, however, occasionally succeeded in gaining prestigious positions at court.
Li Yannian, for example, was from a professional family of singers and dancers in
earlyHan. Although he initially served inmenial positions at court, he was able to
work his way up through the official rankswith the help of his sister,Lady Li, the
fourthand favouritewife of Emperor Wudi (Peterson 2000:64). Li soon gained the
favour ofWudi, a lover of the arts and music, who appointed him to theposition of
taiyue ling (Grand Director ofMusic). During Wudi's reign, theposition of Grand
Director was the highest-ranking music office, in charge of directing theYuefu
(Music Bureau).11
After theYuefu was disbanded in 7 BCE, the staff of formal musicians con
tinued to be supervised by a Grand Director ofMusic on the staffof the taichang
(Chamberlain forCeremonials), which was in charge of imperial sacrifices at the
ancestral temples and imperial mausolea

(Hucker 1985:6137, 8262). From the
Northern Qi (550-577 CE) to theYuan dynasties, theTaiyue shu (Imperial Music
Office)?a major unit of theCourt of Imperial Sacrifices (taichang si)?provided
music and dancing for state sacrifices and other ceremonies. The Grand Director
of Music, who continued to head this office, was "responsible for supervising
Erudites (boshi) who selected and trained professional performers, usually hered
itary, for palace service, and Music Masters (yuezheng), who directed perform
ances" (Hucker 1985:6269). The names and duties of these offices clearly indicate
theprestige of ritual and formalmusic (yayue) at the imperial court, but itwas only
a chosen few who were lucky enough to rise in the official ranks to these more
prestigious positions.
Amateur musicians, on the other hand, were more likely to come from elite,
and even imperial, families. Han and Tang textual records suggest thatprinces and
emperors, such as Han emperorWudi and Tang emperor Xuanzong (r. 712-756
CE), were talented musicians themselves. Unfortunately, no archaeological evi
dence exists to corroborate the role of princes and emperors as musicians until the
Song dynasty (960-1279 CE).
that time.
Imperial portraiture itself is extremely scarce before
Representations ofmale officials as amateur musicians, on the other hand, are

more common, and we can occasionally match themwith specific historical (or
semi-legendary) figures. Inmost cases, these figures are depicted playing the qin, a
seven- to ten-stringedzither. This is demonstrated by aWestern Han bronze mirror
depicting Yu Boya playing his qin, while his teacher,Zheng Lian, and best friend,
Zhong Ziqi, listen to his performance (figure 5).12 In theChinese textual tradition,
the qin has long been associated with scholarly refinement and moral acumen. It
11. For a detailed
account
of the Yuefu,
see n.
1.
12. The legendaryqin playerYu Boya and his friendZhong Ziqi livedduringEasternZhou.
Their friendshipwas immortalizedby lateHan texts, like theFengsu Tongyi (A compre
hensive
discussion
of customs),
as well
as
later texts, songs,
and works
of art that depict
them.According toFengsu Tongyi,Boya was deeply saddenedwhen his friendZiqi died.

Believing thatno one else could appreciatehismusic, Boya smashedhis qin intopieces and
never played
again.
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
FURNISS
5. Bronze
Figure
mirror,
detail
of Bo Ya
playing
a qin underneath
IN EARLY CHINA
a tree,Western
second centuryBCE (courtesyof theFreerGallery ofArt,

Smithsonian
Institution,
33
Han,
F1935.13).
was believed that themoral man cultivated himself and brought harmony to the
world around him by simply playing the strings of his qin. The spiritual and moral
properties of the instrument,as well as themusicians who played it, led to itsplace
ment in the formalmusical traditionofyayue.

Although the qin was never strictly limited tomen, the instrumentmay very
well have been accepted as a masculine instrumentvery early in itshistory (Furniss
2008:83-87).13 As early as the fifth century BCE, tombs containing qin belong
almost exclusively to elite men.14 The earliest example, discussed briefly above,
belongs toMarquis Yi (d. 433 BCE), while additional Eastern Zhou examples
were excavated fromHubei JingmenGuodian M1 (Hubei sheng Jingmenshi bowu
guan 1997) and Hubei Zaoyang JiuliandunMl (Hubei sheng wenwu kaogu yan
as players of the qin (Lam 2003:101
and Tang texts occasionally
mention women
were from liberal-minded
elite families with the
these unusual women
cases,
arts. Zhuo Wenjun
to educate
in the scholarly
their daughters
(c. 179-118
iron mine owner, was
such a woman
the daughter of a wealthy
(Peterson 2000:58
13. Han
3). In most
wherewithal
BCE),
at the age of seventeen,

she returned
61). After her first husband died, leaving her a widow
a lifelong love-affair with the famous scholar
to her father's home and soon after developed
writer, Sima Xiangru
(c. 179-118 BCE).
Having
eloped without her family's consent, they
fled togetherto Sichuan Chengdu and spent theirdays writing poetryand playing theqin
together.
14. I know
of only one possible
the second-century-BCE
tomb of Dou Wan,
the
exception:
con
prince, Liu Sheng. This tomb, located at Hebei Mancheng,
to qin tuning keys. The archaeolog
tained two bronze objects that bear a strong resemblance
See Zhongguo
shehui
ical report simply identifies the objects as "inlaid gold accessories."
wife
of the Han
imperial
kexueyuankaogu yanjiusuo and Hebeisheng wenwu guanli chu (1980:277).
34
jiusuo 2003:12)?both
thought to be tombs of male scholar-officials. Qin were
also excavated fromWestern Han tombs, including that of theKing of Nanyue
at Guandong Guangzhou, in which tuning pegs of multiple qin were discov
ered (Furniss 2008:265-68),
and that of a civil official's son (Tomb 3) at Hunan
Changsha Mawangdui (ibid.:269-70). The playing surface on theMawangdui qin

shows signs ofwear; the tomb occupant may very well have played the instrument
while he was alive.
During the Six Dynasties period (220-589 CE), the ideal formany disenchanted
scholar-officials at court was to escape from the corruptions of courtly life and
retreat to the countryside to enjoy scholarly pursuits, like poetry-writing, playing

the qin, and drinking. The poet Tao Yuanming (365-427 CE) expresses his joy
with the reclusive way of life inhis poem, "Homeward Ho!":
Homeward ho! Let me cut offall social ties! Since worldlywisdom disagreeswith
me, why seek thesocietyofmen? I relishchattingawaywithmy kin.To freemyself
fromcares, on books and thezitherI rely. (Tan 1992:159)
The famous qin master, JiKang (223-262 CE), was also a prominent scholar
recluse of the early Six Dynasties period (Gulik 1941). JiKang is depicted playing
his qin in a series of stamped-brick murals excavated from fifth-century tombs
near Nanjing (Jiangsu province) (see Watt and Harper 2004:pl. 113).15 The sub
ject matter of thesemurals is the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, a group of
Daoist (Taoist) practitioners who criticized the growing Confucian-leaning of the

Chinese court. These learnedmen, who purportedly gave up theirofficial appoint
ments, like Tao Yuanming, to drinkwine and play music together, "shared a repu
tation for unconventional behaviour and an attitude of detachment fromConfucian
decorum that led succeeding generations to canonize them as embodiments of the
Neo-Daoist
ideal of transcendence in an age of political and social chaos" (Watt
and Harper 2004:206). Beginning with the Six Dynasties period, therefore,we see
a shift in the role ofmany amateur male musicians, qin players in particular, who
divorced themselves entirely from theConfucian-leaning court. Leaving theiroffi

cial positions behind, these scholar-recluses began to performmusic for theirown
and occasionally for theirfriends' personal pleasure. The qin player as scholar-rec
luse arguably became an informalmusician at this time.
Male
musicians with physical deformities
Textual records from as early as theZhou period suggest thatmany male musicians
suffered from two types of physical disabilities: blindness or dwarfism.16The role
of blind musicians in formal courtmusic is demonstrated by the following passage
from theShijing (Classic of poetry):
15. Two
additional
friend, who
musicians
is shown
playing
are featured
a ruan-lute;
in these murals:
and Rong
Qiqi?a
Ruan
Xian,
contemporary
(551?479 BCE) and considered tobe an immortal?shown playing a qin.

16. As
far as I know,
female musicians
are never
described
with
Ji Kang's
close
of Confucius
these disabilities.
FURNISS
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
IN EARLY CHINA
35
Blind men, blindmen

In the courtyard
of Zhou
...
The littleand big drumsare hung forbeating;

The
tambourines
and stone-chimes,
the mallet-box
and scraper.
All is ready,and theyplay.

Pan-pipes and fluteare readyand begin. (Waley 1996:297)
Blind musicians, such as the sixth-century-BCE Music Master Shi Kuang, appear
to have enjoyed ratherhigh status at court during theZhou period. Many cultures
of Asia, Africa, and Europe share the early Chinese belief thatblind people have
finer listening skills and, therefore,make bettermusicians than those with sight.
Many tombmurals in ancient Egypt, in particular, depict blind male musicians,
most playing harps (Manniche 1991:97-107).
Despite theirpopularity in theChinese textual record, however, blind musicians

are not represented in the visual arts until later inChinese history.17Reasons for
this are unclear. Unlike Egyptian artistswho effectively depicted the blank-star
ing eyes of the blind, early Chinese artistsmay not have known how?or
they
simply did notwish?to render this deformity. Itmay also be thatblind musicians,
who usually performed for ritual sacrifices and other solemn occasions, were seen
as vestiges of outdated and conservative courtly traditions dating back to Zhou
times.
Informalmusicians who entertained their audiences, rather than putting them

to sleep with slow-paced yayue (refinedmusic), seem to have enjoyed farmore
popularity in theHan toTang visual record. The best example of this is a balladeer,
a painted earthenware figure unearthed from a lateHan cliffside tomb in Sichuan
Xindu (figure 6). The figure,who depicts the joy and excitement characteristic of
popular performances of the time, is engaged mid-performance in an art form called
shuochang, or "talking and singing" (Caroselli 1987:117). The figure'swide-open
mouth and wrinkled brow show his deep concentration and enjoyment, and his
raised leg indicates his animated movement. The absence of clothing on his upper
body seems to be emphasized and exaggerated by his belly, which hangs over his
trousers.He also wears an unusual armlet set high on his arm, indicating perhaps
a folk or foreign tradition.The physical characteristics of the balladeer, including
his short legs and arms, seem tomatch a description of dwarf-musicians given in a
passage from the Yue Ji (Record ofmusic), a text of questionable Han authorship:
In the new music
is noisy
the dancers
and deafens
enter and retire stooped without any order. The music

Buffoons
and dwarfs who have the appear
the ear unceasingly.
ance ofmonkeys enter.(Kaufmann 1976:42)
An additional explanation for the strange appearance of the figure is that he rep
resents someone of foreign origin. Like the balladeer, who is portrayed with large
17. One of theearliestChinese representations
of a blindmusician is a woodblock print in
theLulu jingyi, an illustrated
manual aboutmusic printed in 1596. The male musician and
his attendantare thereshown carryinga zither(Moule 1914:fig. 13).
36
Figure
6. Balladeer
(earthenware),
Eastern
Han
dynasty
(25-220
CE).
Unearthed
from
Xindu County, Sichuan Province (drawingbyKate Stipp).
eyes, mouth, and nose, later depictions of foreigners often emphasize

features, to the point of grotesqueness.
the same
Foreign musicians
Exactly when foreign musicians first appeared in China is not entirely clear.
However, their impact on Chinese music is demonstrated by archaeological evi
dence as early as Eastern Zhou. The decoration on the qin's bronze tuning keys?
consisting of human-headed rams, goats, raptors, and so on?show clear influence
from theNorthern Steppe region, perhaps pointing to a northern origin for the
instrument(So and Bunker 1995:148-50; Lawergren 2000:77). Non-Chinese musi
cal instruments, such as fretted lutes, harps, and various wind instrument types,
appear in theChinese visual record during theHan period, but theymay well have
entered China earlier. Foreign musicians likely taught theChinese people how to
play their instruments,thus introducing not only new techniques but new types of
music.
Although unambiguous representations of foreignmusicians do not appear in

the archaeological record until the Six Dynasties period, some Han works, like
the balladeer, may point to their earlier presence. One lateHan stone relief from
Sichuan province depicts a man playing a pole-drum on top of a camel (see Lim
1987:colorplate 18).While the pole-drum is an instrumentof Chinese origin, the
camel is native toCentral Asian regions. (Scenes ofmusic-making on top of cam
els appear frequently in theTang period, as Iwill discuss below, and inmost cases
themusicians are clearly foreign.) This entertainment form probably originated
outside China, and itwas introduced in the lateHan by foreignmusicians visiting
theChinese capital.
Although foreign goods (and music) were quite popular during theHan period,
the foreigners themselves had long been feared. Nomadic raids of the homeland
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
FURNISS
Figure
7. Burial
figure of a foreign musician
IN EARLY CHINA
(earthenware),
37
Tang,
mid to lateeighthcenturyCE (withpermissionof theRoyal OntarioMuseum ? ROM).

were a constant threat,as documented by oracle bones and inscriptions dating as
early as the Shang and Zhou periods. In order to protect themselves from these reg
ular onslaughts, theHan government waged regular campaigns against the border
regions to thenorth.The Chinese peoples who were dispatched to theborder regions
appear to have intermingledwith the nomadic peoples, adopting theirmusical

styles and then transmittingthem to theHan court (Lai and Mok 1985:124). A Sui
dynasty figure of a pipa player wearing full armour, now at theMusee Cernuschi in
Paris, attests to the role that soldiers may have played in transmittingnon-Chinese
music and musical instruments.Foreign musicians may also have been captured as
prisoners during the borderland battles, afterwhich theywere brought back to the
capitals and purchased as slaves by Han elites.
The Silk Road was one of the primary conduits by which foreign musicians
came toChina. Trade along the Silk Road reached itsheight in the Six Dynasties to
Tang periods. With this rapidly growing trade network came a steady stream of for
eign music intoChina. Caravans of foreigners and theirgoods were regularly seen
in the capitals, especially the Tang capital of Chang'an (modern Xi'an, Shaanxi
cosmopolitan metropolis of its time. Foreign merchants, as well as
province)?a
musicians, figure prominently in the visual record of this time.Many elite tombs
of these periods contained earthenware figures depicting informalmusic perform
ances by foreigners.An excellent example is a ceramic figure of a seated, bearded
foreign man with a top knot (figure 7). The position of his hands, raised to just
below the right side of his chin, suggests that he once held a horizontal flute.An
additional example depicts a group of foreignmen?distinguished
by their large,
curly beards and curling felt hats?who are dancing and playing Central Asian and
Chinese musical instrumentswhile riding on the back of a camel (see Watt and
Harper 2004:fig. 201). Such sundry performances by foreignmusicians and enter
tainerswere probably a common spectacle in theTang capital.
38
Textual records, most dating to the Tang period, indicate that orchestras of
foreignmusicians were occasionally given as tribute by Central Asian rulers to
Chinese emperors. Some recordsmerely mention that"music" was sent.However,
Edward Schafer interprets"music" as not only themusical forms and composi
tions but also themusicians and theirmusical instruments (1963:51). The reper
toire ofmusic available at the Sui and Tang courts attests to the broad geographi
cal area fromwhich music, and probably musicians, were drawn. During these
periods, court musicians were divided intoNine Classes, seven of which were
responsible for performingmusic from the following foreign and border regions:
Gansu, Champa (part of Vietnam), Korea, Kucha, Buchara/Parthia, Kashgar, and

Samarkand (Picken andWolpert 1987:33). A Tenth Class, theperformers ofmusic
fromGaochang?an
oasis state thatwas subjugated during theTang dynasty?was
added in the seventh century (ibid.). This list confirms the popularity that infor
mal, non-traditional music and musicians enjoyed during the Sui and early Tang
periods.
Archaeological evidence of the Six Dynasties and Tang periods seems to con
firm that imperial princes, as well as perhaps wealthy officials ormerchants, owned
troupes of foreignmusicians. During the Six Dynasties period, China was occupied
for several centuries by Turkic-speaking people, who established dynasties of their
own innorthernChina. Many of these rulers broughtwith them theirown musicians,
and theymay well have rewarded their loyal Chinese subjects with ensembles of
foreignmusicians. Several groups of ceramic figures depicting female musicians
with caftans and non-Chinese headdresses have been excavated from tombs dat
ing toNorthern Wei (386-534 CE), ruled by the non-Chinese Tuoba clan. One of
these tombs, located at Shanxi Datong, belonged to an imperial prince named Sima
Jinlong (d. 484) and his wife.18Although the tomb had been badly looted, twelve of
these figures still remained (see Watt and Harper 2004:cat. nos. 154-56).
Foreign musicians also figured prominently in the archaeological record of the
Chinese border regions. Beginning in the Six Dynasties period, the Chinese gov
ernment set up many trade outposts, where foreignmerchants resided permanently.
Due to the growing foreignmerchant populations in these areas, the government
appointed foreign officials, usually Sogdians, as sabao (administrators). Although
many of these officials adopted Chinese customs, they also maintained many of
theirown traditions, as demonstrated by the tombs inwhich theywere buried. At
Shanxi Taiyuan, the Sui dynasty tomb of a sixth century sabao named Yu Hong
contained a marble sarcophagus decorated with relief carving and painting (Watt
and Harper 2004:pl. 175.5). The top register of one panel depicts Yu Hong and his
wife, seated on a canopied platform, enjoying a musical and dance performance by
foreign entertainerswearing short,belted caftans. The musicians perform on vari
ous instruments?many of Central Asian descent?including a pipa, a large harp,
an hour-glass drum, cymbals, a vertical oboe or flute,and a transverse flute. In the

central position is a dancing male figureperforming the "Sogdian whirl," a dance
18. Although a descendentof a nativeChinese royalclan, Sima Jinlongbecame a favourite

at theNorthernWei court towhich he had pledged his allegiance. In rewardforhis loyalty,
his Tuoba rulersgrantedhim thehereditarytitleof Prince ofLangya.
FURNISS
INFORMAL MUSICIANS
IN EARLY CHINA
39
style thatbecame very popular at theChinese court in the Sui and Tang dynasties.
Although Yu Hong is thought to have been of Turkic, not Sogdian, descent, his
sarcophagus displays many Sogdian features?demonstrating his affiliation for the
Sogdian merchants who served under him and likely entertained him as well.
Conclusion
During theHan period, conservative members of theChinese court regardedmusi
cians who did not play the traditionalyayue (refinedmusic) with some level of dis
dain. They believed that thesemusicians contributed to themoral decline of society
with their fast-paced, complicated music and licentious ways. These reformists
made many attempts to rid the court of "corrupting"musical forms and musicians,
ultimately leading to the disbandment of theYuefu (Music Bureau) in 7 BCE and
the retention of only yayue performers. Archaeological records show, however,

that their efforts to purge society of non-traditional music and musicians failed
men with theirbeauty, charms,
miserably. Female musician-courtesans?enticing
to thrive both in the capital and at the
and sensual music and dance?continued
border regions.What began as perhaps a trickle of foreignmusicians intoChina
during the Zhou and Han periods became a torrentby the Six Dynasties to Tang
periods, revealing a growing preference for theirmusic at the time.During the Six
Dynasties period, scholar-recluse-musicians also captured popular attention, espe
cially among scholars and discontented officials at court. The popularity of each
of these entertainers shows that the Chinese elite were increasingly discontented
with the status quo. Foreign musicians, dissolute female entertainers, and drunken
recluse musicians became popular because they represented thatwhich Confucian
thought rejected: freshness, excitement, entertainment, sensuality, exoticism, and a
do-as-I-please attitude. Living on the fringeof Chinese societywas ironicallywhat
catapulted thesemusicians directly to centre stage.
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China's Informal Musician

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China's Informal Musician

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International Council for Traditional Music

UNEARTHING CHINA'S INFORMAL MUSICIANS: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND TEXTUAL STUDY OF

UNEARTHING CHINA'S INFORMALMUSICIANS:

thecollection and analysis of popular folkmusic. Itwas believed at the timethatthehealth

The Yuefu was disbanded in 7 BCE by EmperorAidi (ruled 7-1 BCE)

in order to rid the

seen as the cause for the moral degeneration

especially thoseof foreignoriginor thosewho could performforeignmusic, were quite the

such as the Zuo

Zhuan (The Zuo commentaryon theannals of springand autumn),Lushi chunqiu (Spring

lacked complexity,characteristicsthatcorrespondedwith Confucian ideals of humilityand

Its sounds were

Yearbook for Traditional Music

2009 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

and informalmusicians appear in the archaeological record as early as Eastern

jesters, indicating the entertainment?rather than formal?nature of themusic they

Although there is littlearchaeological evidence from the Shang period to aid us in

it.4The final Shang king, Zhou

described in the following passage

in the Shi Ji (Records of the

a forest; he caused men

throughthis scenery,as part of a drinkingfeast lasting long intothenight. (Major

loyal to the current government

andwished tomaintain thestatusquo and a revivalof ancientZhou ethics,shouldbe judged

than the past.

these shi "masters

metaphysical truthsexpress themselves.(Schaberg 2001:117)

Judging fromEastern Zhou funeraryevidence, musicians appear to have occa

occurred, themusical instruments in the tomb?two se-zithers, two sheng (mouth

2009 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

in the text are indicated

set up the bells

and sing the latest songs:

The lovelygirls are dmnkwithwine, theirfaces are flushed.

Dressed inembroideries,clad infinestsilks, splendidbut not showy;

strings are swept.

rise like crossed

Pipes and zithersrise inwild harmonies,the soundingdrums thunderouslyroll;

2009 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

Figure 2. Burial figures (earthenware),China, 660-680 CE (withpermissionof the

from the second-century-BCE tomb of Lady Dai at Hunan Changsha Mawangdui

exception of those depicting foreignmusicians.

second centuryBCE (afterHunan shengbowuguan and

such as theGuanzi of the fourthcenturyBCE, suggest that the presence ofwomen

rities from themind.

Figure 4. Detail of stone engravingfrom Shandong Suijiazhuang,Han dynasty,

2009 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

[sixth] month and La

my ears, I turnmy head skywards and beat

time on the clay drum

inggirls." During theTang, these brothels?known also as qinglou "blue mansions

Outside of the capital were two types of professional entertainers, known as

cials outside the capitals and themilitary camps

at the frontier (Xiong 1999:151).

"trained in a variety of entertainment skills, including singing, dancing, playing

of whom were consort-musicians of Han emperorWudi?and Wang

ofLi Yannian, themost famous seniorofficialof theYuefu (Music Bureau) underEmperor

arts, having studied music,

and calligraphy. Having

later, his queen?was

Prince. See Peterson (2000:61-63) and Birrell (1993:26).

See Peterson (2000:75-78).

she served Madame