Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Of Course They
Do! Crass, Throbbing Gristle, and Anarchy
and Radicalism in Early English Punk Rock
Brian Cogan, Molloy College
lthough many books and articles have been written in the popular and
academic press about the punk movements of the 1970s in England
and the United States, few have gone beyond examining the canonical
bands and movements. Works such as Legs McNeils and Gillian McCains
Please Kill Me: The Uncensored Oral History of Punk and Clinton Heylins From
The Velvets to the Voidoids: A Pre-Punk History for a Post-Punk World offer
valuable insights into the motivations of the American and British punk movements pioneers. 1 However, they do not adequately examine several important
aspects of the punk movement, namely the political and social motivations of
many of the major bands involved. The two bands I examine here, Crass and
Throbbing Gristle, did have to work with distribution systems to which they
were opposed on principle, but they did so more in the spirit of subversion
than in acquiescence to the dominant hierarchy. They attempted to make a
radical statement within the confines of a commodified musical distribution
system. Many other more popular bands were simply posturing, but Crass and
Throbbing Gristle were the true fathers of radical politics and anarchy in the
British punk movement.
77
78
Brian Cogan
nonetheless signed with major record labels and recorded for the same media
conglomerates and the music system that they berated in song and on stage.
In the early days of punk, this is largely because few alternatives existed. Examples exist of bands metaphorically biting the hand that fed them, such as
The Clashs song, Complete Control, a response to their record label (CBS)
choosing which songs to release as singles. However, most punk bands felt that
working within the system was a necessary compromise to get the message of
punk out to the masses. Even the Buzzcocks, who had released Spiral Scratch,
considered by many to be the first British independent EP, spent the rest of their
early career working for a major label.
Many British punk bands that later were signed to independent labels only
did so because they were dropped by or unable to secure a contract from a
major label. Their allegiance to independent labels did not necessarily indicate
a perceived higher level of authenticity in independent labels. Even the most
rigorously independent labels have to deal with mid-level distribution systems
to get their records into major record stores. Of course, other punks, particularly Crass and Throbbing Gristle, operated mainly though mail order during
their peak popularity. Today, both bands have music readily available in major
record stores. The rising popularity of underground music eventually led to
both bands licensing their music to distribution companies who had deals with
major record stores.
Many major labels spent literally hundreds of thousands of dollars to subsidize punk bands that despised the values those labels represented, but it is
unclear who was making more of a compromise. Most punk bands, at least the
more committed ones, wanted to maintain a level of integrity and ideological
consistency. But, although many punk bands used the ubiquitous circled A for
anarchy, they did so in publicity photos taken by professional photographers to
promote releases on major record labels, mostly run by large transnational corporations such as Sony and EMI. For large corporations, the compromise was
espousing a radical and revolutionary message through its products. However,
punk bands were summarily dropped when they failed to make a profit.
A central question is whether any kind of message was actually being transparently transmitted to an audience. The Sex Pistols certainly were influenced
by their Svengali-like manager Malcolm McLaren, who was indebted to the
Situationists and earlier forms of radical politics. McLaren had been a spectator
at the 1968 uprising in Paris, and the collage art work for the Sex Pistols early
singles was done by artist and Situationist Jamie Reid. Still, it is unclear to what
extent members of major bands such as The Clash and Sex Pistols actually
believed in the political statements they were making. The Clash, for example,
79
also had a cultural theorist in their group, Bernard Rhodes, who attempted to
influence them in various directions, but he was eventually dismissed for his
over-involvement and meddling. To be fair, most groups had no real theoretical background in anarchy, nor did they live a communal lifestyle based on
anarchist principles and ways of living. Notable exceptions were the English
radical musical collective Crass and the English pioneers of industrial noise,
Throbbing Gristle, which both espoused radical politics and had lifestyles
consistent with radical and anarchistic ideology, making them two of the few
punk bands who were demonstrably consistent in their lives and music. Rather
than participate in the maintenance of a commodification system, these two
bands spent their rather brief careers making music to challenge actively these
aspects of the music industry.
80
Brian Cogan
81
Surely Punk wasnt just music, it was a way of thought? Surely it wasnt a fad, it
was a way of being? Wasnt this supposed to be anarchy in the UK, or the USA or
wherever? If the first wave of punk had become velvet zippies, it was up to us to
put the record straight. We werent going to be made into another set of marketplace victims. This time round, we were going to make it work.8
82
Brian Cogan
The band never shied away from political controversy, and after the end of the
Falklands war, Crass released its most blistering track yet, the anti-Thatcher
song, How Does It Feel to Be the Mother of a Thousand Dead? It incited
prosecution attempts from Tory M.P.s, primarily over the lines your arrogance
has gutted these bodies of life / your deceit fooled them that it was worth the
sacrifice / your lies persuaded people to accept the wasted blood / your filthy
pride cleansed you of the doubt you should have had.16
Usually not listed in the British charts no matter how well they sold, Crass
decided to keep their politics first and foremost in their music. Their third
album, Penis Envy, directly tackled feminist issues and was sung entirely by
the two female vocalists, Joy de Vivre and Eve Libertine. There was considerable backlash against the album even by fans, who frequently asked, Whyve
you only got birds singing?17 This album also demonstrated Crasss ability to
subvert the conventional patriarchal music system as well as fan expectations
in other ways. Our Wedding, a send-up of teenage pop songs that Crass
recorded as a parody, was released as a flexi-disc by the British teen magazine
Loving, which was unaware of the joke. The song exposed Crass to a public that
83
was younger and less concerned with politics than the usual Crass audience,
and ended up ruining the reputation of the magazine.
A further piece of agit-prop further demonstrates both the bands radical
credentials and the depth of their musical abilities from a technical standpoint. In 1982, the band released a doctored tape of a supposed conversation
between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, in which Thatcher admitted
responsibility for blowing up a British warship, and Reagan threatened to
nuke Europe. Eventually, the bands prank led to considerable media outcry
and a statement from the U.S. State Department denouncing the tape as a KGB
hoax.18 The incident guaranteed publicity and provided a forum for the bands
views. Crass explains the uncertainty the band still felt over its role: We talked
to radio stations from Essex to Tokyo, always giving the anarchist angle on
every question. We had gained a form of political power, found a voice, were
being treated with slightly awed respect, but was that what we really wanted?
Was that what we set out to achieve all those years ago?19 The members of
Crass realized that their very fame was now threatening the radical message
they had been attempting to disseminate for seven years. Rather than remain
on the road as a parody of themselves, or become a standard rock-and-roll
band, the members decided communally to disband and work individually as
they saw best for social change. They summarized their philosophy:
The movement from Class War to Christians for Peace, needs to regain the
dignity it has lost in the process of attempting to confront problems that appear
to be created by others. We have all been guilty of defining the enemy, and
indeed, there are those who would obstruct the cause of liberty, yet ultimately
the enemy is us, yet there is only you and me. We need to consolidate, reassess,
reject what patently does not work and be prepared to adopt ideas that might.
We need to find the self, which that which can truly be the authority that it
is. We need to look beyond the barbed-wire fence and the ranks or police for
a vision of life which is of our choosing, not one which is dictated by cynics
and despots.20
84
Brian Cogan
85
move further in what could (laughingly) be called a pop direction as, according
to Reynolds, he was captivated by the Warholian notion of using fame, hype,
and controversy themselves as an artistic medium.22
COUM renamed itself Throbbing Gristle, which was Manchester slang for
an erect male penis, and began a career as musical terrorists in the sense that
they were as much dedicated to musical statements as they were to subverting
and undermining the dominant system. They realized that no regular record
label would release their music and founded their own, Industrial Records.
Like Crass, they shared a similar DIY, experimental aesthetic. Throbbing
Gristle realized that to take a truly radical and outsider posture in punk rock,
the first step must be to control the production and distribution of their own
work. They decided to not release records in the traditional sense and to
produce music that is difficult to listen to. As Simon Ford has noted, Throbbing
Gristle was trying to do something new in punk music, taking the aggression
and the DIY attitude, but using the music truly to disturb people.23 The band
experimented with disturbing soundscapes, primal screams, eerie synth bleeps,
and lyrics about fascism and control, and according to Reynolds, jettisoned
songs, melody and groove in favor of just the overwhelming physical force of
the sound itself.24 The band was also known to use infrasonic frequencies
beamed at the unsuspecting audience, in an attempt to cause the audience
displeasure and loss of sleep. At one point, inspired by survivalist literature,
Throbbing Gristle turned their communal house into a virtual stockade,
painting the windows black and surrounding the house with barbed wire
and an alarm system.25 These activities were inspired in part by P-Orridges
experimental approach to magic, or magick, to use the spelling preferred by
Aleister Crowley.
P-Orridge cannot be described as particularly dedicated to a consistent
ideology or to a social program or political train of thought, but instead he
embraced imagery and ideas from any political spectrum that defied mainstream acceptance. As he indicates in his numerous interviews and on his
website, P-Orridge designed his multiple tattoos and piercings to be not merely
decorative, but a challenge to mainstream society: Sometimes people who
cant express something in words express it in a more symbolic way, without
words.26 By walking down the street, P-Orridge desired to be a provocative,
embodied statement that alternative means of expression and constructing a
social persona were possible.
Frictions within the band grew over time, and when Cosey left P-Orridge
for Chris Carter, the band fractured and did not play music again for over
twenty years. Still, Throbbing Gristle proved that communal living, combined
86
Brian Cogan
with magical, militaristic, and almost paranoid views (as opposed to the idyllic
hippie-inspired commune of Crass) could also be experiments in performance
art. But in the experiments of Throbbing Gristle, both they and their audiences
were the white mice.
Throbbing Gristle virtually single-handedly created a new genre, industrial
noise, using extreme behaviors to create extremely provocative and disturbing
forms of art. The band was not only a link between the art communes of
1960s and punk rock, but also were punk rock, and a powerful and much more
subversive project than any other punk band of the seventies who espoused
anarchy without having any real idea of what it meant.27 Although Crass and
Throbbing Gristle both shared a desire to recreate the social order in a limited
sense, they differed greatly in their versions of what constituted a radical
social statement. From the communal anarchy of Crass, who broke up rather
than compromise their principles, to the militant and antisocial Throbbing
Gristle, both bands demonstrated that punk rock radicalism was not merely
the commodified and packaged punk available at the local record store.
Conclusion
Both Crass and Throbbing Gristle epitomized the radical impulse in punk and
articulated a particularly compelling, but also difficult, message of personal,
political, and social liberation. Both struggled to exist not only within the inherent contradictions and restrictions of the capitalist system, but also within
the context of cultural ideas about musicians and performers. Both chafed at
the limits of traditional notions of what was considered musical, whether in
lyrics or in musical ability. Both attempted to create something new, both in
their communal lifestyle and in music. Whereas Crass had overtly political lyrics that articulated their attack on capitalism and the British social order of the
1970s and 1980s, Throbbing Gristle attempted to question notions of the sacred and the profane, especially in terms of their notorious live performances.
Whereas Crass worked on articulating a message of universal anarchy and freedom, Throbbing Gristle questioned whether freedom was possible and held
that only by abandoning traditional ideas about pain, disgust, and the body
could true freedom be found. Both bands were relatively short lived and broke
up before they became self-parodies. Both bands also controlled the recording
and distribution of their music. Both bands also aided like-minded performers
and musicians, and neither seemed to be making music in order to become
rich, or even to survive.
87
The members of Crass, except for Steve Ignorant who later joined the British
anarcho-band, Conflict, devoted themselves to living fairly normal lifestyles,
although ones in keeping with their personal politics. Penny Rimbaud continued to live on the farm commune and write increasingly radical manifestos.
The members of Throbbing Gristle all went on to musical careers that in some
ways continued the mission of Throbbing Gristle. Chris Carter and Cosey
Fan Tutti formed the industrial dance band Chris and Cosey; Peter Sleazy
Christopherson went on to join the industrial band Coil; and Genesis P-Orridge formed the cult-like Psychic TV. P-Orridge also went on to a new project,
transforming himself and his wife into an androgynous couple, including each
of them getting breast implants and Genesis later getting his teeth replaced
by gold teeth in a performance piece called putting your money where your
mouth is.28
Both Throbbing Gristle and Crass remain on the fringes of punk rock, but
their influence is extraordinary. To quote Greil Marcuss comments about the
Sex Pistols, it was, finally, no more than an art statement, but such statements,
communicated and received in any form are rare.29 Today, thousands of industrial and anarcho-punk bands across the world cite the two bands as the reason
why they continue to make music in a system that is resolutely devoted to
consumer culture. It also seems clear that the reason punk has survived is not
just the gaudy clothing, but the truly radical impulses embedded in the music.
Punks are notoriously protective of their music, and as the instance where
Nike appropriated Minor Threats album cover for a shoe campaign proved,
are accustomed to being protective of their subculture.30 As Roger Sabin noted
in his introduction to the book, Punk Rock: So What?, punk is comprised of a
vibrant subculture that used knowledge of bands such as Crass and Throbbing
Gristle as a form of subcultural capital analogous to the cultural capital
articulated in the works of Pierre Bourdieu. This subcultural capital allowed
symbolic entrance into a social order bounded by the rules of the particular
subculture. Nevertheless, as Sabin argues, in the punk subculture, different
levels of engagement affect participation and experience.31 Most punks may
not have been aware of the radicalism of bands such as Crass and Throbbing
Gristle, but the more commercialized punk bands nonetheless could be seen
as a gateway to the more ideologically involved bands. Starting with the vague
political leanings of The Clash, one could discover other, more provocative
bands that gave a better articulated version of their radical politics than most
punks. But one could also discover punks with neo-fascist leanings, such as
Skrewdriver, Siouxsie from Siouxsie and the Banshees, and from there go on
to learn more about the National Front or the Nazi party.32
88
Brian Cogan
Crass may not have sold as many records as the Sex Pistols, or Throbbing
Gristle as many as Nine Inch Nails, but in creating and articulating a form of
music that actually was as radical in its conception as in its presentation, both
groups helped to demonstrate that punk rock was not merely a fashion statement or empty posturing. In a world of increasingly commodified music, especially the modern punk subgenre of emo, in which almost any band with
eye-liner and a pop hook is marketed to a younger audience as authentically
punk, it is illuminating to reinvestigate two of the pioneers of music that challenged the dominant ideologies of commercial music and society.33
NOTES
1. Legs McNeil and Gillian McCains, Please Kill Me: The Uncensored Oral History of Punk (New
York: Grove Press, 1996); Clinton Heylin, From The Velvets to the Voidoids: A Pre-Punk History for a Post-Punk World (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2005). Other works include Mark
Andersen and Mark Jenkins, Dance of Days: Two Decades of Punk in the Nations Capital (New
York: Soft Skull Press, 2001); Jon Savage, Englands Dreaming: Anarchy, Sex Pistols, Punk Rock
and Beyond (New York: St. Martins Griffin, 2002); and Steven Blush, American Hardcore: A
Tribal History (Los Angeles: Feral House, 2001). Savage touches on social and political issues
in Englands Dreaming and in much of his journalism, but the primary focus of his major work
has been on a historical examination of punk, with less emphasis on critical theory. There have
been welcome correctives to this in works on music and resistance by Simon Frith and Dick
Hebdige, as well as on punk rock in particular, including Roger Sabins Punk Rock: So What?:
The Cultural Legacy of Punk (London: Routledge, 1999) and Greil Marcuss Lipstick Traces: A
Secret History of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989). The
latter take a more nuanced approach to the punk movement, whereas much of the material still
follows the canonical, or great man theory of punk. The same list of major punk bands and
influences is trotted out, with many very important lesser known, with extremely influential
punk musicians and theorists left by the wayside. There have been other recent welcome attempts to be more inclusive, especially Lauraine Leblancs Pretty in Punk: Girls Resistance in a
Boys Subculture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002) and Maria Rahas Cinderellas
Big Score: Women of the Punk and Indie Underground (Emeryville, CA: Seal Press, 2005), which
examine women gender and queer issues in punk, and Brian Cogans The Encyclopedia of Punk
Music and Culture (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006), which attempts in several sections,
to examine the radical subcultural impulses inherent in many parts of the punk scene over
the last several decades. However, even these books do not focus sufficiently on the radical
impulses that, to put it succinctly, talked the talk and walked the walk.
2. Craig OHara, The Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise (San Francisco: AK Press, 1999), 25.
3. These include Sabin, McNeil, and McCain.
4. Cogan, Encyclopedia of Punk, xviii.
5. Simon Reynolds, Rip It Up and Start Again: Post-Punk 19781984 (New York: Penguin Books,
2005).
89
90
Brian Cogan
have not examined later collectivist movements in England, as they are beyond our scope here.
Also, although it would make a worthy subject for an article, this work did not encompass the
many American punk bands, labels, and collectives involved in the DIY movement, nor did
this work analyze the underground zine movement as Stephen Duncombe did in his authoritative work on the American zine and radical politics. See Duncombe, Notes From Underground:
Zines and the Politics of Alternative Culture (London: Verso, 1997). I hope that other scholars,
inspired by this work, will engage in further research into these subjects.