Models and the Social Anthropology of Women: A Preliminary Assessment

Author(s): Sharon W. Tiffany

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Mar., 1978), pp. 34-51
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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ANTHROPOLOGY
AND THE SOCIAL
MODELS
WOMEN:
A PRELIMINARY
ASSESSMENT
SHARON W.

OF

TIFFANY

University
ofWisconsinWhitewater
Anthropological
studies
ofwomenapproachthesubjectindifferent
ways.Theseareinfluenced
or historical-dialectical
by theresearcher's
modeltypes,
commitment
to structural-functional
forresearch
on female/male
eachofwhichhasspecific
and implications
relations.
assumptions
Thisarticle
presents
a theoretical
usedto studywomen'seconomicand
overviewofapproaches
politicalrolescross-culturally.

of threeanthropoThis articlepresentsa theoretical

overviewand assessment
logical approachesto thecross-cultural
studyof women'seconomicand political
roles: (i) the 'incorporation'approachemphasisesthe implicationsof descent
principles,
residence,
propertyrights,andjural statusfororderingeconomicand
politicalrelationsof men and women as membersof corporategroups; (2) a
secondapproachcontrasts
formalised
and nonformalised
rolesofmenand women
in publicanddomesticspheresofactivity;and(3) 'economic'approaches
dealwith
subsistence
roles,differential
participation
ineconomicinstitutions,
andtherelationshipbetweencontrolof resources,
politicalpower,and socialstatus.These three
to subsistence
approachesareconcernedwithwomen'scontributions
and productionforexchange,theirdifferential
in politicalaffairs,
and therelative
participation
socialstatusof womenvis-d-vis
men.
The incorporation
approachto women'sstatusesemphasisesthestructure
and
ofkingroupsas politico-jural
It considers
organisation
entities.
theconsequences
of
differential
of descentgroupmembership
forstrucobligationsand entitlements
turingwomen'sstatuses
and rolesin politicaland economicspheres.Accordingto
thisview,women'sstatuses
areinfluenced
byseveralfactors:theextentto whicha
womanlosesentitlements
in hernatalgroupupon marriage;mode of postmarital
residence;the presenceor absenceof polygyny;freedomof premarital
sex and
and productionforexchange;differential
divorce;women'srolesin subsistence
accessto politicalpowerand authority;
thepresenceor absenceof women'sassoin important
ritualactivities
ciations;and differential
participation
(e.g.,Langness
I967; LeisI974; Meggitt
I964; Murphy
I956; I959; Murphy& Murphy
I974).
Womenin patrilineal
systems
mayremainpoliticalandjuralminorsthroughout
lifeas wardsoftheirfathers
or othermalekinand lateroftheirhusbands.Women
can lose differing
in theirnatallineageat marriage,
entitlements
of membership
upon which theymove to theirhusband'sdescentgroup wheretheyresideas
oftheirhusband's
'outsiders'whosemajorfunctions
aretoincreasetheproductivity
and economicservices.Women's statusesin patrilineagethroughchildbearing
Man (N.S.)

13, 34-5 I-

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SHARON

W. TIFFANY

35

linealsystems
arenecessarily
linkedto theirrolesas out-marrying
daughters
and as
andmothers-in-law.
wives,mothers,
The abilityto bearchildren,
particularly
sons,
constitutes
a majorsourceof individualprestigeand potentialpowerforwomen,
of resourcesand decisionmakingis often
whose influenceon the distribution
mediatedthroughinformal
channelsof 'workingthrough'or 'around' theirhus-

bandsandsons(e.g.,Ahern1975; Wolf1972). Incontrast,

animportant
structural

implicationof matrilineal
descentgrouporganisation
concernswomen'scontributionsoftheireconomicandreproductive
in supportoftheirown
services
directly
lineage'swelfare.That is to say, women in matrilinealdescentsystemsretain
important
entitlements
ofmembership
in theirnatallineageaftermarriage
andthus
havea correspondingly
greaterrolein formulating
decisionsconcerning
economic
and politicalaffairs
affecting
theirown lineagesthanwomenin patrilineal
systems
(Martin& Voorhies1975: 220-9; Schlegel1972; SchneiderI96I).
The secondapproachto women's rolesconcentrates
on femalestrategies
for
influencing
thedifferential
distribution
of powerand authority
betweenmenand
womeninthepublicandprivatedomainsofsociallife(e.g.,Chifias1973; Lamphere
1974; NettingI969). Formalised
rolesaredefinedas '. . . thosegivenformalstatus
andrecognition
by themembersofthesociety',whereas'Nonformalised
rolesare
thosewhichare not so clearlyperceivedor rigidlydefined'(Chifias1973: 93-4).
a prominent
Domesticandpublicspheres,
themein studiesdistinguishing
women's
formaland informalroles,are definedin variousways.The domesticdomainis
within the realmof the
associated,forexample,with '. . . activitiesperformed
localizedfamilyunit',whilethepublicdomainconsistsof'. . . politicaland economicactivities
thattakeplaceorhaveimpactbeyondthelocalizedfamilyunitand

thatrelateto controlof persons

or controlof things'(Sanday1974:

190).

Or,

mother-child
domesticand public
relationships
may be the basisforcontrasting
spheres:
to thoseminimalinstitutions
and modesofactivity
thatare
'Domestic',as usedhere,refers
aroundone or moremothers
and theirchildren;'public' refers
to
organizedimmediately
thatlink,rank,organize,
orsubsume
ofassociation
andforms
activities,
institutions,
particular
mother-child
groups(Rosaldo 1974: 23).

The formalised/nonformalised
in which
roleapproachis concernedwithsituations
women'slimitedsetofformalroles(relativeto thoseof men)arelargelyconfined
to the domesticspherewherefemaleroles are likelyto be complementary
or
to thoseof men,who aretheformalmediators
subordinate
betweenthedomestic
and publicdomainsof activity.
formalroleswiththepublicsphereof menand nonformalised
roles
Associating
withthedomesticsphereofwomenis evidentin studiesofpeasantsocieties(Friedl
rolesand female/
I967; RiegelhauptI967). A dichotomyof male/public/formal
rolesis relatedto the kindsof social relationsassociatedwith
private/informal
peasantries.
Lackingcorporatedescentgroupsand characterised
by socialsegregationof thesexesand an ideologyof formalmale dominance,peasantries
pose distinctconceptualand methodological
problemsforstudyingwomenwho occupy
andareaccordinformal
roles,tendto be lesspublicandvisiblethantheirmenfolk,
of
as informants.
Thisdichotomisation
inglylessaccessibleto maleanthropologists
thatthemaleresearcher's
sexrolerelations
viewofpeasantwomenmaybe
suggests

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36

SHARON W. TIFFANY

theviewsofhismaleinformants
biasedtowards
(FriedlI967; Riegelhaupt
I967;
RogersI975).I
A third
tosex-based
approach
differentiation
focuses
onthecomparative
of
study
roles.Thisapproach
involves
three
orientations:
of
women'seconomic
the
use
(a)
structural-functional
synchronic,
modelsconcerned
withtherelationship
betweenl
andproduction
modesofsubsistence
andsexrolevariability
(e.g.,FriedlI975);
(b) theuse of historical-dialectical
modelsconcerned
withchangesin women's
andeconomic
statuses
asmodesofproduction
political
havechanged
time
through
(e.g., Leacock I972;

I975;

Sacks 1974); and (c) an ecologicalorientation,

which

considers
theadaptive
ofsexualdifferentiation
advantages
ofeconomic
roles(e.g.,

Martin& VoorhiesI975). Of course,thetheoretical

andempirical
emphases
ofthese
orientations
vary,buttheyassumethatdifferential
accesstoandcontroloverstrategic
andwealtharerelatedto thedistribution
resources
ofpoliticalpowerandauthority.
a synchronic,
Friedl's(I975: 7) work, which illustrates
structural-functional
approachto thestudyofwomen'sroles,emphasises
'. . . modesofsubsistence,
that
is,thetypesof energyusedby membersof a societyto procureitsfood ... as the
of sex roles.' Beginningwiththeassumption
basefortheexamination
that'. . . a
degreeofmaledominanceexistsin all knownsocieties',Friedl(I975: 7) proceedsto
of huntingand gathering,
assesstheimplications
and horticultural
subsistence
for
sex rolesin termsof subsistence
technology,
patterns
of childrearing,therightto
valuedgoodsandservices
distribute
therelationship
extradomestically,
betweensex
rolesandtheabilityto mobiliselabourandgoodsfor'extraordinary
occasions',and
in symboland ritual.
of sexualattitudes
theexpression
Advocatesof historical-dialectical
models view changesin controlover the
factorsof productionas criticalto understanding
women'seconomicand political
Leacock(I955; I975) stresses
statuses.
theeconomicimportance
of thefamilyunit
withina historicalperspective.She reconstructs
the impactof thefurtradeon
marriage,propertyrelations,and women's positionamong the MontagnaisNaskapi of easternCanada, and changesresultingin the progressiveeconomic
and separation
of thefamilyfrombandand kinshipties.
independence
and historical-dialectical
Utilisingbothstructural-functional
models,an ecological orientationto women's economicroles is concernedwith correlatesof
suchas thedivisionoflabour,femalecontributions
to production,
womens status,
controlover resources,
extradomestic
as well as changesaffecting
theserelations
andmodernisation.
Thisorientation
throughtheimpactofcolonialism
is illustrated
and matriliny
in sub-SaharanAfrica.
by Lancaster's(1976) surveyof horticulture
in simpleand intensivehorticultural
Differences
practicesare relatedto factors
in soils,populationdensity,
and therelativecontributions
includingdifferences
of
In thiswide-ranging
menand womento subsistence.
and complexanalysis,Lanthatchangesin women'sstatuses
castersuggests
arelinkedto changesin subsistence
of intensivehorticulture
with the introduction
and plough agriculture,
both of
whicharedominatedbymen(seealsoBoserup1970). The significance
ofwomen's
economic and political roles declines when subsistence'. . . becomes a focus for

politicalcontrolandpower,usuallya gamereserved
largelyformenbecauseofthe
divisionof labourin thehumanfamily'(LancasterI976: 554).
reproductive
A concernin studiesof women and the economyinvolvesthe relationship
betweenfemaleand male economicroles,powerdifferentials,
and thepositionof

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SHARON W. TIFFANY

37

women.2The statusof women in patrilinealand matrilinealdescentsystemsis

of
highlyvariable;thissuggeststhatwomen'seconomicroles,and not principles
variablesusefulforsystematic
descent,constitute
independent
comparativestudy
offemalestatuses
(seeBrown 1970). The relationship
betweenwomen'seconomic
rolesand over-allstatuscannot,however,be conceptualised
simplyin termsof
to production(Brown 1970: 152; Sanday
women'simportancein contributing
in women'sstatusand economnic
rolesfortheBemba of
1974: 200). Differences
Zambiaand the Iroquois,both ofwhomarematrilineal
andmatrilocal,
showthat
existsbetweentheextentofwomen'seconomiccontri' ... no simplerelationship
ofBemba
butionand women'sstatus'(Brown1970: I52). The differential
statuses
and Iroquoiswomen are embeddedin the totaleconomicorganisation
of their
societies.Brown (1970: I64) concludesthatthehighstatusenjoyedby
respective
Iroquoiswomen
norcanitbe attributed
tothesizeof
... cannotbe explainted
[sic]byIroquoissocialstructure,
to theIroquoiseconomy.The highstatusof Iroquoiswomenwas the
theircontribution
oftheirtribe.3
resultoftheircontroloftheeconomicorganization
To takeanotherexample, Lewis's (194I) studyof 'manly-hearted'
Pieganwomen

statusconstitutedan institutionalised
shows that manly-hearted
expressionof
femaleaggression
andboldnessas wellas women'sabilityto wieldformalritualand
statuswas appropriate
politicalpowerinpublic.Manly-hearted
onlyforwomenof
highsocialpositionwho commandedwealth,despitetheculturalemphasison male
dominanceand thepresenceof formalpoliticalinstitutions
thatwere almostexCulturalexpressions
of dominanceand subordination
clusivelymale-centred.
can
food and valuablesand to convert
vary,but theabilityto controland distribute
food and goods into wealthhas importantconsequencesand implicationsfor
and status,regardless
of ideologiesof male
women'sformalpoliticalparticipation
dominance.
II
to sexroledifferentiation
in thisarticleviewthe
The threeapproaches
considered
betweenwomen'sstatusand theirparticipation
in economicand polirelationship
in a varietyof ways.How anthropologists
ticalinstitutions
use theseapproachesis
setofassumptions
influenced
thatreflect
by a further
theresearcher's
commitment
orhistorical-dialectical
to eithera structural-functional
modelofsocialorganisation.
tend to be associatedwith structuralGenerallyspeaking,'order' assumptions
modelsof societyand 'conflict'assumptions
functional
withhistorical-dialectical
models.4Anthropologists
who studywomenhavenaturally
lookedto modelsused
andsociologyforformulating
in socialanthropology
theirown modelsandframeand historical-dialectical
works. Clearly,structural-functional
models do not
constitute
theonlykindsusedto answersociologicalandanthropological
questions.
forourpurposesis thatorderand conflict
What is important
assumptions
entailed
in structural-functional
and historical-dialectical
modelsare implicitly(and to a
lesserextentexplicitly)incorporated
into the conceptualframeworks
of social
usedin thecomparative
anthropology
studyof women.The followingdiscussion
a fewoftheissuesinvolvedin assessing
theimplications
oforderand consuggests
and theirrelationship
flictassumptions
to the'incorporation',
public/private
role
and economicapproachesusedto studywomen.
dichotomy,
ofwomen'sroleshavecometo criticise
Students
variants
ofstructural-fuhctional

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38

SHARON W. TIFFANY

modelswhich,by focusingonjural rules,excludeor at besttreatwomenas peri-

ofsociety.
pheralactorsto themajorconcerns
Gough's(197I) andSinger's
(1973)

of Nuer kinshipand marriagesuggestgreatervariabilityof actual

reassessment
and domesticarrangements
thanallowedby Nuer patrilineal
marriages
ideology.
Agnaticdescentand patrilocalresidencearenotconsistently
practisedby thenon-

who comprise
of thepopulation
aristocrats,
themajority
(Gough1971:

114).

Moreover,Nuerwomendidnothaveto marryto acquireadultstatusor to legitimisechildren.

Besideshaving'legal personalities
', womencouldown cattle,freely
andchooseto livewithouttheirhusbands(Singer1973: 86).
changetheirresidence,
By emphasising-institutionalised
distributions
of formalpower and authority,
relationsinvolving
structural-functional
modelsmay restrict
analysisto structural
men and excludeinformalrolesand processesthatofteninvolvewomen.Moreinformalrolesand processesas peripheral
suchmodels
over,by treating
concerns,
of womenas intermediate
linksbetweenformaland inoverlooktheimportance
andintermediate
andwomen'sinformal
rolesas 'bothtransmitters
formalstructures
andevaluators
ofinformation'
(RiegelhauptI967: 124). In otherwords,structuralfunctional
modelsexcludingnoninstitutionalised
accessto powerand controlover
productiveresourcesare normativelyorientedtowardsmale concernsand are
socialsystems
characterised
inadequateforunderstanding
by theformalexclusion
It is notsurprising,
ofwomenfromimportant
spheresofactivity.
then,thatrecent
in women'snonformalised
of dissensusand
interest
rolesincludesconsiderations
ofwomen'sintercalary
statusforestablishing
communicachange,theimportance
and femininestrategies
for
tionnetworksand contactswithformalinstitutions,
or circumventing
male expectations.
manipulating
Social anthropologyhas been largelyconcernedwith structural-functional
approachesorientedtowardsorderand consensusassumptions
(Firth1975: 33). It
should be emphasised,however,that the concernof traditionalBritishsocial
withsolidarityand consensusdoes not mean thatstructural-funcanthropology
tionalmodelsare incapableof dealingwith nonformalised
and
roles,dissensus,
modelscan accommodateformalstructures
as well
change.Structural-functional
and decisionmaking.A structural-functional
as process,strategies,
model,which
structural
boundarieslimitingtherangeofpossibleopportunities
and
incorporates
strategies,
can focuson womenas socialactorswho do notnecessarily
acceptnoroftheirpositionand who assesstheiravailableoptionsin given
mativeevaluations
as theyperceivethem(seeStrathern
situations
and actto further
theirbestinterests
modelsemphasising
nonformalised
rolesmustincludean underI972). Similarly,
withinwhichinformal
offormalrolesandstructures
relations
standing
operate(see
FriedlI967; RiegelhauptI967).
The importanceof linkinga feminineperspectiveto process,strategies,
and
is foundin Okely's(I975) studyof gypsywomenin England.Feminine
structure
behaviourand sexualityareformally
circumscribed
by a well-defined
ideologyof
and
Yet
men
oftheir
activities
purity pollution. gypsy
dependupontheproductive
betweengypsymenandthehostsocietyby 'calling'
women,who actas mediators
(i.e., peddling,fortunetelling,and scrapcollecting).Gypsywomen occupy an
to men whilesimultaneously
ambiguousposition:theyare formallysubservient
and
economic
control
rolesas
exercising
politicalpower
throughtheirintercalary
producersand mediatorsbetweengypsysocietyand the externalsociety.Okely

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SHARON

W. TIFFANY

39

68-78) arguesthatwomen's intermediate

statusenablesthemto resolve
gypsymale modelsconcerning
women'sinferiority,
femininepollution,and domesticroledefinitions
ofwomenwithoutsubverting
thosemodels.Gypsywomen
aboutthepotenmanipulate
theirmen'seconomicdependenceand apprehensions
tialdangersofpollutingcontactwithoutsiders
by engagingin calling.At thesame
time,theyexploitthestereotypes
of gypsywomenheld by nongypsies
(gorgios).
Women use sexuallyprovocativebehaviourto get moneyfromgorgiomen but
resultsin successmanageto escapewiththeirvirtueintact;thisfeminine
strategy
fullydupingor 'conning' thegorgio,maintaining
gypsyfemininepurity,while
flouting
gypsymalecontroloverwomen.
Structural-functional
models have been criticisedfor interpreting
women as
andwillingly
acceptingtheirsociety'sevaluations
ofthemselves
whilesubmissively
theirreproductive,
roles.Related to this
performing
socialising,and subsistence
issue is the consensualimplicationthat women accept men's models of their
societies
whichtendtoignore,de-emphasise,
theimportance
ofwomen
ordenigrate
relativeto men.Thismayaccountforthe'inarticulateness'
ofwomenwho areless
and own behaviours
aptthanmento makegeneralisations
abouttheirperceptions
(E. Ardener1972; 1975; S. Ardener1973: 434-5). Accordingly,
women are less
likelyto be considered
inmportant
informants
by eithermale or femaleanthropologists,who frequently
view thesocietiestheystudythroughmodelsdefinedand
structured
by theirlargelymaleinformants
(S. ArdenerI975; IfekaI975: 564-5).
This suggests,for instance,thatwomen's 'inarticulateness'
in some societiesis
relatedto theirnonformalised
eitherbywomen
roleswhichmaynotbe recognised,
or men.Chifias(I973: 94) notesin thisregardthat'Most peoplemaynotbe aware
thattheroleexists,and evenpersonsfillingsuchnonformalised
rolesmayperceive
or patternin thelarger
theirown behavioras individualactionwithoutstructure
system.'Women who hold informalrolesare lessvisible,and women(as well as
less
theirmenfolk)may view femalebehaviouras unstructured,
unpredictable,
and thusunimportant.
meaningful,
Women are not alwaysinarticulate;
in manycasestheirperceptions
and constudied.Indeed,the gypsymaterial(Okely
structshave not been systematically
inAfrica(S. Ardener1973;
ofwomen'spoliticalmovements
1975), as wellas studies
Ifeka-Moller1975; and Van Allen 1972), show thatwomen are farfrombeing
inarticulate.
Rather,femininemodels of society,includingwomen's perceived
thatdo not
roles,goals,and modes of expression,
may encompassexpectations
overlapwith those of theirmenfolk.The potentialfor conflictis inherentin
situations
wheremale and femalemodelsdo not coincide(see S. Ardener1973;
is expressed
status
in a varietyofways.Men consigninferior
1975). Thisopposition
to women'sperceptions
byjoking or sexualderogationin Americansociety(e.g.,
Mount Hagen
'Afterall, what does sheknow? She'sjust a cunt!'). By contrast,
in decisionsconcerning
womenin New Guineamayasserttheirrightto participate
thedistribution
ofpigsthattheycarefully
fedandnurtured.
Hagenmen,however,
tendto viewwomen'srolesmorenarrowly,
seeingthemas low statusproducersof
transactions.
pigs formen to use in politicallyimportant
Hagen women express
and angerthroughgrievance-sickness
theirfrustrations
(popokl)whenmenthwart
or denytheirrolesas transactors
(Strathern
1972: 132-56).
havebeenemphaIssuesinvolvingformalised
andnonformalised
roledifferences
(I975:

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40

SHARON

W. TIFFANY

on peasantandMiddleEasternwomenbyfemaleanthroposisedinrecentresearch
logists(Chifias 1973; Maher I974; Nelson I974). Otherstudiesconcernedwith
characterised
women'srolesinsocieties
byformalmaledominanceincludetheTiwi
ofMelvilleIsland,Australia
andtheMountHagenpeopleoftheWesternHighlands
of New Guinea.The formaldominanceof Tiwi males,who conductcomplex
of women,is counterbalanced
alliancesinvolvingthecirculation
by theinformal
olderwomen. Goodale's(I97I) workis of
politicalrolesof women,particularly
becauseitpresents
Tiwi womenas activeparticipants
in thepolitical
especialinterest
inemphasis
fromtheone described
decisionmakingprocess,a picturethatdiffers
by
HartandPilling(I960). AlthoughHartand Pilling(I960: 53) briefly
acknowledge
theimportanceof mothersand sisterswho actively'collaborate'withtheirsons
and brothers,
Tiwi womenare depictedas passivepawnsshuffled
aboutby men's
an androcentric
muchof Auspoliticalschemesand intrigues,
view characterising
et al. I975).
tralianAborigineethnography
(see Gale I974; Rohrlich-Leavitt
detailed
of
Mount
considers
Strathern's
(I972)
study
Hagen women
thestructural
intotheirnatallineageandclangroupsand
ofwomen'sincorporation
implications
theimportance
of women'sdifferential
thoseof theirhusbands.While discussing
and therelationsof powerand authority
exercisedoverwomenby
incorporation
and kin,sheemphasises
thepointthatan exclusiveconcernwith
theirmaleaffimes
is
insufficient
formal
women's
incorporation
(Strathern
I972: 286). In a literal
sense,
'in
and
are
the
of
female
statuses
wouldbe incomHagen women
between',
study
of women's processing,transacting,
and mediating
plete withoutconsideration
roles.
to notethatstructural-functional
It is interesting
andhistorical-dialectical
models
therelationship
ofwomen'seconomicrolesinterpret
betweenwomen's
differently
statusandtheforcesofmodernisation.
andorder
politico-economic
Indeed,conflict
and structural-functional
of historical-dialectical
modelsare reflected
assumptions
and industrialised
in two opposingviews of women's positionin preindustrial
model interprets
societies.One variantof the structural-functional
women in
and patriarchal
societiesas bound by tradition
preindustrial
domination,whereas
womenarerapidlyachievingsexualequalitywithmenin industrialised
societiesas
as new role opportunities
normsand attitudeschangeand particularly
become
availablefor women. This view is illustrated
by the concludingparagraphof
HammondandJablow's(I973: 27) overviewofwomenin traditional
societies:
Traditionalsocietiesprovidefew role alternatives,
thoughsome do permitexceptional
to playa morepublicrole.Conditionsof socialchangecreatemore
womenopportunities
ofnewroleopportunities.
andmorewomenwillprobablyavailthemselves
The
alternatives,
Forthepresent
future.
thetraditional
exactnatureofthechangesliesintheuncertain
characwithinthedomesticsphere,as wellas littleprestige,
teristics
ofhardworkandcontainment
of differences
in productivesystems,
remainconstant.They hold trueregardless
social
and cultural
values.
structures,

ofhistorical-dialectical
modelsquestiontheassumption
By contrast,
proponents
thatthepositionof women has moved towardsgreaterequalitywithmen as a
and industrialisation.
resultof modernisation
Rather,women in industrialised
and politically
whereaswomen'straditionsocietiesareeconomically
subordinate,
ally high statusesin many preindustrial
(preclass)societieshave declinedas a
The presentsubordinate
statusof
consequenceof colonialismand industrialisation.

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SHARON

W. TIFFANY

4I

women in classsocietiesis a resultof transforming

women'santecedent
rolesas
sociallyimportant
producersto thatof domesticwardsconfinedwithintheeconomicallyisolatednuclearfamily(EngelsI972; Leacock I972, I975).5 A recent
exampleofthisapproachdiscusses
changesin women'seconomicrolesin a Guatemalantownand theimplications
ofthesechangesforwomen'sstatusin a situation
of 'development'wheremen come to controlbothexpertiseand capital(Bossen
I975). This paper makesexplicitanalogiesbetweenwhat the authorcalls 'the
underdevelopment
ofnationsandtheunderdevelopment
ofwomen' (BossenI975:
6oo; see also Remy I975; Rubbo I975).
To assumean inevitable
declineinwomen'straditional
statuses
maybe questionable in some cases,but no seriousstudentcan ignorethesocialimplications
and
consequencesof structural
changesin sex rolesbroughtaboutby theimpactof
colonialismand westerneconomic forceson traditional(preindustrial)
social
systems
(seeIfeka-Moller
I975; Van AllenI972). Mintz(I97I:
267), forexample,
suggeststhat '. . . some formsof modernisationare regressive,in thattheyactually

reduceindividualprerogatives
formembersof one sex.' That is, a developmental
does
sequencefromwomen'sindependent
tradingactivitiesto proletarianisation
notinevitably
lead to feminine
equalitywithmen.Changesinwomen'seconomic
rolesand thedivisionof labour throughthe introduction
of sedentism,
plough
cashcropping,and wage labourhave indeedinfluencedsex rolesin
agriculture,
variousways(BoserupI970; Douglas I969; DraperI975; Gough I96I; Hamamsy
I957; Lancaster I976;

Martin and Voorhies I975; Ottenberg I959).

andindustrial
Differing
modelsofwomen'spositionin preindustrial
societiesare
partof a relatedconcern-namely,theassumption
of theuniversalsubordination
For example:
of women.This view is prevalentin manywritings.
we findthatwomenare excludedfromcertaincrucialeconomicor political
Everywhere
thattheirrolesas wivesandmothers
areassociated
withfewerpowersandprerogaactivities,
societies
areto
tivesthanaretherolesofmen.It seemsfairto saythen,thatall contemporary
offemalesubordination
someextent
thedegreeandexpression
male-dominated,
andalthough
is presently
a universal
factofhumansociallife(Rosaldo &
sexualasymmetry
varygreatly,
LamphereI974: 3).
a pan-cultural
The secondary
statusof womanin societyis one of thetrueuniversals,
fact
(OrtnerI974: 67).
societiesand barbarous
Primitive
societiesand the historicalsocietiesof Europeand the
of
ofinstitutions,
Eastexhibit
almosteveryconceivable
butin all of them,regardless
variety
andthisis perhapsthemore
theformofsocialstructure,
menarealwaysin theascendancy,
evidentthehigherthecivilization
(Evans-Pritchard
i965: 54).

Asserting
women'suniversal
subordination
posesatleasttwoproblemsforfurther
and assessment:
influence
research
do
of 'sexualasymmetry'
(i) How
assumptions
theoretical
modelsforstudyingmale/female
and (2) How do such
relationships?
modelsinfluence
researchquestions,orientations,
and thecollectionof fielddata?
Severalrelatedissueshavebeenraisedin thediscussion
so far:thesocialstructural
of women'srolesin economicand politicalspheres;theformalised/
implications
nonformalised
to publicanddomesticdomains;
roledichotonmy
anditsrelationship
therelationship
and social
betweenwomen'seconomicroles,power differentials,
and hisand the use of structural-functional
status;universalsexualasymmetry;
torical-dialectical
models to studythese questions.Discussionof women and
theseissues.
politicsin thefollowingsectionillustrates

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SHARON W. TIFFANY

42

III

of economic
on womenindicatesthecrucialimportance
Much of theliterature
andpoliticalrolesforcomparative
analysisofsex-baseddifferentiation.
Whilethere
on whatconstitutes
theeconomicsphereofrelations,
appearsto be someconsensus
thesamecannotbe saidforpoliticalrelations.
The socialanthropological
approach
to economicorganisation
thenatureof socialrelationsinvolvedin the
emphasises
production,consumption,
of goods and services(BeattieI964:
and distribution
I83-4). Studentsof women's rolestendto acceptthisbroad view of economic
organisation
whilestressing
overothers.These
certainaspectsofeconomicrelations
include,forexample,thesocialdivisionof labour,theconversionof goods into
and the role of
wealth,social valuationsof women's productivecontributions,
and transactors
womenas processors
of goods. In contrast,
conceptualdifficulties
foundin the literature
on women and politicsstemfromdifferences
over what
and oftenvaguely
constitutes
thepoliticalsphereof socialrelations.The differing
worded uses of 'power', 'authority','politics',and 'influence'are a pervasive
themecharacterising
muchof theworkon women'spoliticalroles,whetherconductedby male or femaleanthropologists.
areoftentiedto a public/domestic
Conceptionsof politicalactivities
dichotomy
of socialrelations
whichassumesthatsomehowdomesticrelationsassociatedwith
women are 'nonpolitical'and culturally
devalued,whereaspublicrelationsassociatedwithmenare'political'and important.
Nelson,in her(I974: 552) discussion
of MiddleEasternethnographies,
criticises
theview thattheprivatedomain
... is invariably
describedas domestic,
narrow,and restricted,
whereasthelatter[public
is alsosegregated
intermsof
world]is described
as political,
broad,andexpansive.
Authority

thisdichotomy.The home is regardedas the woman's forall internal

purposes.Her authority
in domestic affairsis an establishedfact. For externalpurposes,the home is the man's, the

thehouseholdto thepublicsphereisbydefinition
assumption
beingthatwhatever
articulates
drawnfromthisassumption
politicaland thereby
a maleconcern.And theinference
is that
in men'saffairs
womenarefarmoreinterested
thanviceversa(author'semphasis).

A further
is thatwomen,by beingprimarily
confinedto thedomestic
implication
in politicalrelations
sphere,arelargelyexcludedfromparticipation
associatedwith
thepublicdomainof sociallifedominatedby men.As a consequence,
womenare
powerlessand mustutilise'nonpolitical'or informalmeansforinfluencing
men's
'political' decisions,suchas 'workingthrough'men (or behind theirbacks),
informal
communication
throughgossip networks,by maintaining
channels,or
ofpollutionor ritualdefilement.
by threats
in termsoftheseconcerns.Comparative
Peasantsocietieshavebeenre-examined
analysisof forty-six
peasantcommunities
by Michaelsonand Goldschmidt
(I97I:
330) indicated

'...

. a recurrentandrocentric social structure,with economic

in thehandsof men.' Elsewhere,Goldschmidt

controland authority
and Kunkel
(I97I:
Io6I) notedthatnone of thepeasantsocietiesin theirsample'. . . consisresidence.'Thisview is not
tentlyforms
jointhouseholdson thebasisofmatrilocal
datafroma Greekislandpeasantcommunity
in whichmost
supported
byresidence
marriedcouples(85 per cent.)practise'some formof matridomestic
residence
thatis, residencein thebride'sparents'householdor in a dwellingattachedto or
near the dwellingof the bride'sparents(Casselberry
and ValavanesI976: 22I).
in termsofenhancing
or discouraging
Residencecanhaveimportant
consequences

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SHARON

W. TIFFANY

43

in householddecisionmaking,and for
forparticipating
womens opportunities
Peasantries
andgroupings.
associations
in extrahousehold
forming
andparticipating
infamilystructure,
householdcomposition,
differ
widelyin termsof residence,
control
greater
Indeed,womenexertconsiderably
relations.
heritance,
andproperty
on peasant
thanmuchof theliterature
resources
overdomesticand extradomestic
societiessuggests(Rogers I975).

with its assumptionsof male/female

domain distinction,
The public/private
questionsconcerning
raisesimportant
ofmaledominance,
spheresandimplications
of women (see Leacock I975; SchlegelI974; Sutton
theuniversalsubordination
ofwomen
positingtheuniversal
subordination
etal. I975). I suggestthatstatements
arenotin factreferring
to thesamephenomenonin comparingwhatis meantby
includenotionsof women's
'subordination.'If, for example,such statements
of women'spoliticalrolesare
thenit is clearthatstudents
politicalsubordination,
things
as thenatureof politicsmeansdifferent
behaviours,
talkingaboutdifferent
to different
anthropologists.
inpolitical
women'sparticipation
problemin determining
Muchoftheempirical
betweenrelations
affairs
involvestwo relatedissues:(i) theconceptualdistinction
andpolitical
betweenadministrative
and(2) thedistinction
ofpowerandauthority;
poweris theability
ofpowerand authority:
action.Politicsinvolvestheinterplay
ofpower.The powerand
is thepubliclegitimation
to imposeone'swill; authority
witheachother,norshould
ofpoliticsshouldnotbeconfused
authority
components
to theexclusionoftheother(SmithI960: I8-20).6
one componentbe emphasised
one modelviews
We findtwo modelsof womenand politicsin theliterature:
positionsin
men as the public power brokerswho hold formaladministrative
ofauthoritative
or passivesupporters
society,whereaswomenaretheconservative
actions;theothermodelviewswomenas powerful'behindthescenes'operators
who 'work through'men,whereasmen are viewed as thepublicupholdersof
authoritative
actions.
The collectionof essaysin Politicsin New Guinea(Berndt& LawrenceI97I)
the importanceof men as
the firstmodel of politicsby emphasising
illustrates
concernedwith
are
publicpowerbrokers.The studiesin thisvolume particularly
and
socio-cultural
conroles
power and authorityrelationsinvolvingbig man
theirpolitico-economic
or diminishing
andavenuesavailableforenhancing
straints
statuses.While theseessaysproviderichinsightsinto the dynamicsof big man
politics,womenarequiescentor absent:menarethepoliticalachieversandpower
of male
brokersin theseaccounts,whereaswomenarepassiveor silentsupporters
politicalactions.
Studentsof New Guineasocietieshave long recognisedtherole of womenin
sourcesofkinas
whichprovideimportant
networks,
kinshipand affinal
extending
active
rolesin these
But
what
are
women's
of
men.
and
labourers dependants big
of
who
Are
women
exchange
and
pawns
passive
exchange?
networksof alliance
the
?
What
are
male
and
husbands
their
demands
of
political
guardians
submitto the
to be marriedaccordingto a contractual
arrangeofa woman'srefusal
implications
tantareader
The
another
co-wife?
refusal
to
only
gets
a
accept
ment,or wife's
in
New
Guinea
to
the
in
Politics
from
indications
suggestthat
essays
lisinglybrief
For
in
their
own
actors
instance,a young
right.
womanaresignificant
political
a
clan
if she anticipates
man
to
a
in
run
'.
.
.
nearby
away
Maringwoman may

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SHARON W. TIFFANY

44

towanttoremain
toonefaraway,forshecanbe expected
beingsentinmarriage

isprestigious
nearherown nativeterritory'
(Lowman-VaydaI97I: 326).Polygyny
forLakalai'magnates'of New Britainbecausethepresenceof co-wivesenablesa
hisgardening
industry.
Moreover,birthof thefirstchild
big man to demonstrate
and transfers
of wealthnecessaryfor
of each wife occasionsnumerousfestivals
thefather's
tiesto hisaffines
197I:
(Chowning& Goodenough
extending
I57).
to acquire
Yet we also learnthatLakalaiwomenmayresisttheirhusbands'efforts
morewives:
toseetheirhusbands
acquireadditional
... Lakalaiwomendo notshowanygreatwillingness
itsfailure
unsuccessfully
withpolygyny,
wives.Severalofourinformants
hadexperimented
of thefirstwife(Chowning&
in each case beinglargelydue to thestubborn
resistance
GoodenoughI971: I57).

New Guineapolitics,
Certainly,the role of big men is crucialto understanding
and nonto believethatwomenare as quiet,unassuming,
however,it is difficult
politicalas accountsin PoliticsinNew Guineawould appearto suggest.
of
The secondmodelof politicsis illustrated
by Roger's(I975) reinterpretation
women'saccessto informal
powerrolesinpeasantsocieties.Rogers(1975) criticises
'androcentric'conceptionsof peasantsocial systemsand politicalmodels that
availableto menand ignoreinformal
emphasisemodesof formalpowerrelations
modesofpowerrelations
availableto women.Rogers(1975) contendsthatpeasant
womenare significant
politicalactors.Femininerolesinvolvehouseholddecision
and manipulating
groupings
publicopinionthroughinformal
making,influencing
of women,monopolisingaccessto channelsof information
throughgossipnetcontactsoutsidethe villagelinkedby women'strading
works,and maintaining
and wage work.On theotherhand,peasantwomenhelpperpetuate
the
activities
ofpublicdeference
andrespect
'myth'offormalmaledominancethroughgestures
to men; these'culturallyelaboratedideologiesof male dominance'constitute
power relations(Rogers 1975: 728).
importantcomponentsof female/male
power
peasantwomen are 'private"or informal
Accordingto thisinterpretation,
theculturalidealof maledominancein theformalsphereof
brokers
who reinforce
politicalaction.
These two modelsarenotnecessarily
incorrect
in theiranalyses,but theytend
theother
to emphasiseeitherthepowerortheauthority
componentwhilerelegating
to minoror secondary
tendsto be stressed
Powergenerally
significance.
component
in studiesof women'srolesbecausepoweris notexclusiveto
morethanauthority
economic
particularly
politicalbehaviourbutis an aspectof mostsocialrelations,

relations
(BeattieI964:

14I).

to Cohen(I974:
According

23),

powerrelationships

in botheconomicand politicalinstitutions
'. . . are manipulative,
technical,
conas menin different
andinstrumental,
situations
useone anotheras meansto
tractual
endsand not as endsin themselves.'Concernwithpoweris especiallyevidentin
thatobtainamongwomen'seconomicand politicalroles
analysesof relationships
and socialstatus(e.g., ChiinasI973; Nelson I973; I974).
in two
Politics,then,encompassespower and authorityrelationsmanifested
empiricaldimensionsof politicalbehaviour:legitimateaction concernedwith
administrative
decisionsand policymaking(involvingtheauthority
component);
and actionsinvolvingcompetitive
relations
and groups
amongindividuals,
offices,

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SHARON

W. TIFFANY

45

forpowerto makedecisions(thepowercomponent)(SmithI960: I 5-20). Political

behaviouris not concernedexclusivelywith the dimensionof administrative
actions.Studiessuggesting
women'sapparentlackofpoliticalparticipation
because
oftheirexclusionfromadministrative
affairs
mayreachthisconclusionbyviewing
politicsunidimensionally
as administrative
action.Women are not, in fact,as
politically
disenfranchised
as suchstudieswouldlead us to believe.In somesocieties
womenmaybe formally
excludedfrompublicadministrative
roles,but theyare
nevertheless
politicalactors.What is significant
forour understanding
of women
and politicsis the emphasisgiven to the importanceof administrative
actions,
whereasmodesofpoliticalactioninvolvingexpressions
ofpower,suchas manipulation,bluff,influence,
gossip,possession,threatsof ritualpollution,witchcraft,
or suicide,havebeenconsidered
sorcery,
lessimportant
and therefore
relegatedto
secondaryconcernsin thestudyof politics.Wolf's (I974) discussionof women's
informal
in ruralTaiwan and Strathern's
gatherings
(I972) studyofMountHagen
womenin HighlandNew Guineaillustrate
two modesof women'spoliticalexofpower.Strathern
pressions
(I972: 25$) citesthecaseofa womanwho,in spiteof
frequent
and repeatedbeatingsfromherhusband,remainedopposedto
quarrelling
herhusband'stakinga secondwife.The firstwifeexpressed
herresentment
at her
co-wife'spresenceone eveningby climbingup to the roof of the house and
urinating
througha hole in thethatchon herhusband,his new bride,and other
guestscongregated
inside:
She shoutedoutthatthehusbandshouldeithergetridof thesecondwomanor shewould
setfireto thehouseand killher.At thispointhe gave in (it was surmisedhe fearedthe
wifewouldkillhimas well withpoison)and sadlytoldhisyoungbrideto return
home.
Shameat hiswife'sactionsmadehimcompensate
witha pig thosewho had beeninsulted
by herpublicexposure(Strathern
i972: 255).

Taiwanesewomenactivelyformulate
publicopinionthroughinformal
groupings
and accessto information
networks:
If a womanbroughthercomplaints
againsta brother-in-law
or son to thewomen'scomeachwomanwouldbringthetopicup at home,and beforelongit was alsobeing
munity,
discussed
bythemen,withconsiderable
lossoffacefortheculprit.
In theTaiwanesevillageI
knewbest,somewomenwereveryskilledat forming
and directing
villageopiniontoward
matters
as apparently
as domesticconflicts
disparate
and templeorganization.
The women
who hadthemostinfluence
on villageaffairs
werethosewho workedthrough
thewomen's
community
(WolfI974: I62).

Much nonadministrative
politicalactionis informal,
private,and manipulative
andhencelessamenableto studybytheresearcher
as an outsider,
who concentrates
insteadon publicadministrative
actions.Itisinteresting
to notethatnonadministrativepoliticalactionsare oftenculturally
expressedin negativetermssuchas 'disruptive','subversive','scheming','devious',and 'political'(in a pejorativesense)
andmay,therefore,
be viewedas lessworthyofseriousconsideration
byresearchers
as well as by thesocialactorsthemselves
(Rosaldo I974: 2I). Anothersideto this
issueinvolvestheformalexclusionof womenfromadministrative
politicalaction
and theculturaldepictionofwomenas quarrelsome
and disruptive
(CollierI974).
In societieswherewomen'spoliticalactionsare concentrated
on influencing
and
manipulating
domesticand familyrelationships,
such negativelydefinedactions
tendto be associatedwithwomen whose competitive
to achievetheir
strategies
politicalgoalsdiffer
fromtheadministrative
strategies
employedbymento achieve

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SHARON W. TIFFANY

46

theirgoals(CollierI974; GommI975; Lamphere

I974). Thatis to say,womens

politicalactionswithinsocial contextscharacterised
by nonadministrative
behaviourssuchas bluff,threat,and influence
may be viewedas threatening
to the
goals desiredby men. In Taiwan, the politicalgoals of young marriedwomen
involvedisrupting
familyrelationships
and competingwithmen'sgoalsof maintainingfamilyunity(AhernI975: 200-I).
Conflictingmaleand femalestrategies
may thusarisein situationsin whichdomestically
confinedwomen attemptto
achievepoliticalinfluence
bycompeting
withkinsmen
andaffines-strategies
which
undermine
theaffective
and moralrelationships
thatshouldideallyobtainamong

kin(CollierI974).

The conceptionofpoliticsoutlinedabove questionstheutilityof characterising

thepublicsphereof social relationsas politicaland the domesticsphereas nonpolitical.Moreover,the dichotomyof publicand domesticsocial domainsmay
havelittlecomparative
relevance
(see Nelson1973; I974; Suttonet al. 1975;
is thedomesticsphereto be contrasted
Rogers I975). How, forinstance,
withthe
whentheconceptof' domestic',withitsimplications
publicspherecross-culturally
has different
of familyand householdarrangements,
social and organisational
in different
referents
societies?Furthermore,
domaindistinctions
do
public/private
not necessarilymean differential
valuationand prestigeof male/female
roles.
Eskimosociety,'The
Accordingto Briggs's(1974: 288) accountof traditional
a good hunteror a good seamquestion,"Which is better(or moreimportant),
in Eskimo;bothare indispensable.'
stress?"is meaningless
Contraryto accounts
the
subordinate
depicting
positionof Eskimowomen,bothfemaleand maleroles
and mutuallysupportive:
are important
ofdecisions
Thefactthatthemanmakes
kinds
forhisfamily
certain
andisitspublicspokesinterms
ofhisinherent
manisnotrationalized
overthewoman;itisjust'approsuperiority
priate'thatway(Briggs
I974: 288).
In otherwords,sexroledifferentiation
canbe expressed
in termsofcomplementary
not onlyin termsof sexualasymmetry
rolerelations,
(see also Sacks1976).
If thepublic/domestic
distinction
and theview of womenas nonpolitical
or less
activethanmenarein question,thengeneralisations
abouttherelatively
politically
societiesare also
'high' or 'low' over-allpoliticalpositionof womenin different
castin doubt.I maintainthatsuchgeneralisations
'women'sposition'
concerning
haveno meaningorrelevanceat thisstageinourunderstanding
ofsexroledifferenofwomen'suniversal
tiation.The assumption
subordination
to menisproblematic;
ofdominanceandsubordination
it maybe thecasethatassertions
aretoo simplistic
forcomparative
oftherichdiversity
andcomplexity
offemale/male
understanding
in different
societies.
relationships
IV
Aftermany yearsof debatein sociologyover whetherstructural-functional
models of societies'fit' the data best,it seems
models or historical-dialectical
evidentthatsuch polar oppositionsare misleadingand fruitless.
Neithermodel
effectively
precludesorderand change,andno singlemodelis adequateto account
forall socialphenomena(WilliamsI966). Bothstructural-functional
andhistoricaland value
dialecticalmodels,which operatefromdiffering
social perspectives
of sociologyand
positions,are thoroughlygroundedin the social organisation

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SHARON

W. TIFFANY

47

dominantconcernsin American
and bothmodeltypesreflect
socialanthropology,

pointsin time(Firth1975; Gouldner1970;

and Europeansocietyat particular

enjoy greater
modelsin social anthropology
Merton1975). Historical-dialectical
focus
and consensual
todaythanin thepast.Meanwhile,thesynchronic
legitimacy
for
assumptions
analysishasbegunto shifttowardsconflict
ofstructural-functional
and change.
socialprocess,structure,
comparative
understanding
whichcontinuesto dominatemuch
dichotomy,
theorder/conflict
Significantly,
in studiesof women'seconomicand political
and debate,is discernible
theorising
This dichotomyof opposing theoreticalassumptionsis
roles cross-culturally.
tend
to thesameproblems.Structural-functionalists
approaches
indiffering
reflected
anddevelopingsocietiesand
ofwomeninpreindustrial
to assumethesubordination
societies;advocatesof hiswomen'sgrowingequalitywithmenin industrialised
modelstendto assumethatthestatusof womenin industrialised
torical-dialectical
enjoyedby womenin manypreindustrial
societiesis lowerthanthattraditionally
Neithermodelis totally'correct'or totally'wrong',sinceno single
socialsystems.
in societiesthroughtime.
modelcan fullyaccountforsex-baseddifferentiation
Studiesof women and politicshave borrowedorderand conflictassumptions
orientation
models.A consensus
andhistorical-dialectical
fromstructural-functional
on
models has oftenled to overemphasis
associatedwith structural-functional
andcompetition
conflict,
whereasdissensus,
relations,
ofauthority
formalstructures
have been ignoredor treatedas peripheralconcerns.Theoreticalassumptions
models inand historical-dialectical
underlyingthe use of structural-functional
in or exclusionfrompoliticalaffairs
fluencethewaysthatwomens participation
(dependingupon one's conceptof politics)has been viewed,both by male and
The empiricalproblemsof studyingwomen's political
femaleanthropologists.
of
fromdiffering
conceptions
stemming
behaviourarecompoundedby difficulties
in
models,
lead
to
assumptions,
differing
which turn
politics;power,andauthority,
women'spoliticalroles.Womenarepowerlessaccordand conclusions
concerning
power brokersand
ing to some models,whileothersview women as important
politicalactors.
of a social
Thereis no reasonto assumeat thisearlystagein the development
than
is
more
or
model
that
one
adequate
approach
anthropologyof women
of
a
data
in
and
serve
different
variety
models
purposes organise
another;different
At
this
of
new
point,
formulation
and
the
questions.
waysfornew interpretations
to assessbecausemany
modelsofwomen'seconomicandpoliticalrolesaredifficult
oftheinquiry,
The
models
are
the
purpose
data
incomparable.
ofthe
explainedby
data(manyof
used
to
and
the
frameworks
organise
conceptual
thequestionsasked,
of
researchers
who were
different
kinds
answer
collected
to
by
questions
whichwere
in women at thetime)are not always explicit.Some
interested
not analytically
variablesusefulin comparingwomen's
advanceshave been made in clarifying
economicroles,but thesamedoesnot applyto women'spoliticalroles.
ofwomenthatpresently
require
Therearethreeareasin thesocialanthropology
ofproblemsandissuesin thecomparative
clarification
consideration:
(i) conceptual
theissuesofdominanceandsubordispecifically
studyofsex-baseddifferentiation,
of structuraldomaindistinction;
(2) a reassessment
nationand thepublic/private
models,the assumptionsunderlyingthese
functionaland historical-dialectical
influencethe perceptionof
models,and the ways in which theseassumptions

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48

SHARON W. TIFFANY

of new
and (3) the formulation
women's politicaland economicparticipation;
and organisathesocialstructure
andterminology
forresearching
models,concepts,
The subjectof
socialsystems.
in contemporary
relationships
tion of female/male
or 'naturalhistory'
is stillin itsdescriptive
womenas a sub-areaof anthropology
mustfirstawaitempirically
(Brown I975). Generalisations
phaseof development
of womenin societiesof differing
and controlledcomparisons
based descriptions
levelsof economicand politicalcomplexity(Brown I975: 53I). Descriptionand
and terminology
untiltheassumptions
comparisoncannotproceedsystematically
and modelsused in thecomparativestudyof women
of conceptualframeworks
are clarified.
NOTES

oftheAssociaannualmeetings
atthefifth
versionofthisarticlewaspresented
A preliminary
SouthCarolina.
in Oceania,February
25-28, I976, in Charleston,
tionforSocialAnthropology
comments
fortheirextensive
I wishto thankShulamitDecktorKom andWalterW. Tiffany
on earlierdrafts.
and criticisms
I See Nelson'sdiscussion
forMiddleEastern
560-i) ofthispointanditsimplications
(I974:
ethnography.
to Sanday(I9j4: I9I):
2 According
of (i) the degreeto whichfemaleshave
... femalestatusis generallydefinedin terms
and/or
publicdomains;and (2) thedegreeto which
and/or
powerinthedomestic
authority
and are respectedand reveredin thedomestic
treatment
are accordeddeferential
females
and/orpublicdomains.
in
decisions
andimportant
status... . as poweroverbasicresources
Brown(1970: I57) defines
disthepolitical,thereligiousand thedomesticspheres.'Bothauthorsuse thepublic/private
and their
activities
oversociallyimportant
women'srelativeinfluence
tinctionforassessing
women'spositionas low orhighis a meaningWhether
evaluating
over-allpositioninsociety.
untillaterin thediscussion.
fulcomparative
questionis deferred
3 Lancaster
withBrown's(1970) assessment
ofwomen'seconomiccontrolin
(1976) disagrees
'. . . dependedheavily
Iroquoissociety.Rather,theIroquoisand othersimilartribalsystems
trade,and proceedsfromwarfare'thatwerelargelymen's
fishing,
gathering,
uponhunting,
I976: 542).
activities
(Lancaster
4 Thisis an obvioussimplification
arenot
andchangeassumptions
since,forexample,conflict
of themanyvariants
of structuralmodels.A fulldiscussion
exclusiveto historical-dialectical
modelswould,however,takeme beyondthe
and historical-dialectical
conflict,
functional,
in pursuingthistopicwill findthefollowing
of thisarticle.The readerinterested
confines
Demerathand Peterson(1967);
(I958);
sourceshelpful:Curtisand Petras(I970); Dahrendorf
Gouldner(1970); Merton(I975); Turner(I974, 1975); Weingart(I969).
Eisenstadt
(1974);
in industrialised
societiesis
view of women'ssubordination
materialist
5The historical
ofShulamith
Firestone
feminist
(I970) andKateMillett
in thecontemporary
writings
analysed
(I969).

theconception
is criticalforunderstanding
6 The distinction
betweenpowerand authority
ofpolitics:
decisionandto commandobeditherightto makea particular
is,in theabstract,
Authority
ence,sincetheact of commandalwaysinvolvesat leastone suchdecision.Power,in the
on personsor things,to takeor securefavourable
is theabilityto act effectively
abstract,
ortheirroles(SmithI960: I8-I9).
whicharenotofrightallocatedtotheindividuals
decisions
in thisarticle
in pursuing
thestructural
approachto politicsoutlinedbriefly
Readersinterested
shouldconsulttheessaysin Smith(I974).
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