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Source of Original: http://thewire.

in/84409/army-mamata-banerjeecivilian-relations/#print

Why Mamata
Banerjees
Suspicions of the
Army Shouldnt be
Dismissed as
Paranoia
B Y RA VI N AI RO N 05/12/2016 1 COM MEN T

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The increasing liberties taken by the army are


symptomatic of the decline in civil and military relations
that has occurred because of an erosion of
constitutional norms.

Source of Original: http://thewire.in/84409/army-mamata-banerjeecivilian-relations/#print

Mamata Banerjee who decided to stay put at the secretariat till the army left the toll plaza.
Credit: PTI/Files

The recent dispute about the army deployment in Kolkatas toll plazas is
indicative of a deeper malaise in civil and army relations in India (tension
restricted to only those regions where influence of the thought process of
the authors creeds ideology has brainwashed civilians; this includes some
rabid campuses like the social sciences (alleged sciences) departments of
JNU; malaise like situaton arises when army looses control and his
(authors) creed is apologetic about the killers of municipal representatives
and village chieftains in Kashmir ; also you malaise is my comfort
#TheSubjectiveIndian). It is difficult to imagine that a colonel in the army
was writing to inspectors of the Kolkata police about what they sought to
do routinely (such has been the efficiency of the police that they can give
the army colonel a run for his money). Regular security meetings between

Source of Original: http://thewire.in/84409/army-mamata-banerjeecivilian-relations/#print

the army and civil administration are held in all states. Apart from security
assessments, these meetings also serve as clearing houses for more
mundane matters, as the army claimed to have been doing in West Bengal.
In addition, the union cabinet secretary has a military wing to ensure
better coordination for a range of issues across India. Clearly, the most
charitable explanation is that the eastern command of the army was grossly
inefficient and inept in this instance (so efficient that none ot to know what
happened; it went in, got deployed while lefties were reading Gayatri
Spivak). An unqualified apology to the chief minister of West Bengal is in
order (LoL; remember the apology by ).
The army must realise that there exists deep discomfort within enlightened
circles (now that is some priestly shit going on over there; pretty cast-like,
isnt it?) about its ever increasing imprint in matters outside its immediate
purview (legally incorrect, postmodernly justified statement). But when
democratic values and norms have been systematically weakened since the
early 1970s, it shouldnt be surprising that the uniformed services and
especially the army will not remain untouched by the erosion of
constitutional norms.
Legally, the civilian administration can seek the assistance of the army for
maintaining law and order and also ask for help when natural calamities,
such as earthquakes, occur. The Defence Service Regulations, though, are
unequivocal. Fort William may want to consult Chapter-VII, Paras 301-306
of the regulations for military aid to civil power again. The page number is
100 for their ready convenience. Another ready reckoner is the Criminal
Procedure Code Sections 130 and 131 in particular.
Historically, a unique set of circumstances ensured civilian supremacy in
independent India. No uniformed individual could hold a candle to the
intellectual worth and political sagacity of the then political leadership. The
higher-ups in the army were happy to defer to the topi-wallahs the sole
exception being their objection to reintegrating Indian National Army
personnel and Royal Indian Navy mutineers.
Similarly, the army leadership displayed great political sense during the
Emergency. More so, when Indira Gandhi chose to extend the life of
parliament for a year, without elections. Mercifully, Indira Gandhi did not
deploy the army, in spite of the advice of the coterie around her son, Sanjay
Gandhi. It saved General T.N. Raina the dilemma of choosing between the
constitution and an illegitimate political leadership based on a parliament
that had illegitimately extended itself.
In a strange quirk, many of the exalted in the army have found favour in
the present NDA dispensation (suggestive statement without an iota of
evidence, citation, proof or backing).

Source of Original: http://thewire.in/84409/army-mamata-banerjeecivilian-relations/#print

Lest it is forgotten, Mamta Banerjee cut her political teeth in the Youth
Congress of the 1970s a street fighter in the battle for control of Kolkatas
streets with the Naxalites and CPI (M) cadres. Eastern Command at Fort
William may not have a historical memory, but Banerjee has the
politicians elephantine memory. She would not have forgotten the allimportant role of General Sam Manekshaw in the clandestine night and
fog operations of the army that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of
young men for the alleged crime of being Naxal activists or sympathisers
an operation done without written orders.
The January 2012 army exercise that kept half the government awake
through the night was also explained away as routine. The lack of any
meaningful inquiry into the rogue unit constituted by General V.K. Singh
(unit was rogue and constituted by the General at the same time ,
thrilling) now a member of the ruling party is worrying. Bland
acceptance that Colonel Srikanth Purohit of the Bhonsale military academy
fame, was acting as a lone ranger would be stretching credulity.

Source of Original: http://thewire.in/84409/army-mamata-banerjeecivilian-relations/#print


Indias Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses Army officers and soldiers at a base camp
during his visit to Siachen October 23, 2014. Credit: Reuters/Files

Banerjees healthy suspicion of the uniformed forces is not the


peregrination of an overactive mind. Professionalism amongst the
commissioned officer class is what prevents Bonapartists in any army.
It would be instructive to have a civilian academic audit on how defence
academies teach subjects on socio-political and economic aspects of
governance and security (So after the civilian academia has done wonders
for west bangal, the academia vis a vis NCERT, JNU, etc etc etc. they now
want access to to armies intellectual quarters so that they too (the army)
can be enlightened by the Midastoc touch of jhola gang). Socio-political
study includes the study of cultural heritage, the study of the constitution,
the various arms of the state, society and related subjects. When an active
effort is on to inculcate a majoritarian understanding in all walks of life, the
choice of readings, guest speakers and structure and design of the
curriculum should be audited by the public (all in the name of Ms. Free
Speech, abandoned mother of left and abused daughter of commies).
The Indian Army has, thus far, been above the political fray but the
enlisted man and the officer are not apolitical. He or she exercises his
postal ballot in all elections and is not immune to the issues that agitate the
average citizens mind demonetisation, farmer suicides, communalism,
terrorism et al.
It is evident that the army section in South Block and Kashmir House on
New Delhis Rajaji Marg is the final authority not only in Kashmir but
across the Northeast as well. The Supreme Court has sagely cautioned the
armed forces in Extra-Judicial Execution Victim Families Association
(EEVFAM) and Ors. Vs. Union of India (UOI) and Ors., Writ Petition
(Criminal) No. 129 of 2012 (Under Article 32 of the constitution of India)
and held:
(ii) .However, as observed by the Justice Punchhi Commission on
Centre-state relations an internal disturbance by itself cannot be a ground
for invoking the power under Article 356(1) of the constitution if it is not
intertwined with a situation where the government of a state cannot be
carried on in accordance with the provisions of the constitution.
(v) The postulates for a declaration under Section 3 of the Armed Forces
(Special Powers) Act, 1958 (AFSPA) are that a public order situation exists
and that the assistance of the armed forces of the Union is required in aid
of the civil power. In such a situation, the AFSPA enables the armed forces
of the Union to exercise vast powers.
In Naga Peoples Movement of Human Rights the constitution bench
sought to explain this expression by implication, namely, a situation that

Source of Original: http://thewire.in/84409/army-mamata-banerjeecivilian-relations/#print

has made the deployment of the armed forces necessary for the
maintenance of public order. It was made clear that such deployment does
not mean that the civil power becomes dormant civil power continues to
function and the armed forces do not supplant or substitute the civil power
they only supplement it. The court said:
The expression in aid of the civil power in Entry 1 of the state list and in
Entry 2-A of the Union list implies that deployment of the armed forces of
the Union shall be for the purpose of enabling the civil power in the state to
deal with the situation affecting maintenance of public order which has
necessitated the deployment of the armed forces in the state. The word
aid postulates the continued existence of the authority to be aided.
Objective Civilian Control limits the authority of the military but also
requires self-restraint by civilian leadership to stay out of the military
realm. Political grand-standing on surgical strikes clearly crossed these red
lines (#BurhanWaniAmarRahe). Civil-military relations in India, for the
most part, rest on adherence to constitutional norms (which includes the
most . Yet systems of control are frayed. Ketchup colonels and rogue units
are not products of feverish imagination. The professional officer corps are
unable to get a full complement of individuals with Officer Like Qualities.
There is deep disaffection about the perceived downgrading of defence
officers by the civilian bureaucracy (In the enlightened circle as of course
not mentioned here because the elite autor speaks for all, including me).
The discontent over OROP is too well known to reiterate here.
Ravi Nair can be reached at ravinairsahrdc@gmail.com

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