Professional Documents
Culture Documents
nego tu. Izgleda da sam u situaciji da biram koju vrstu smrti elim.
Ponovo sam se vratio u staru roditeljsku kuu i naao neto odjee koju nisu odnijeli.
Straar je ponovo pucao na mene. Jasno mi je da znaju da sam tu, oko kue. Vjeruju da
sam naoruan i ustruavaju se opkoljavanja. Nisu ba hrabri. Sad mi je toplije. Uspio
sam se privui i ispei veliki hljeb u pei za pice. Naao sam neto konzervi i preselio
se na toplije mjesto. Ne brini, sa sobom sam ponio i telefon. Roditelji telefon nikad
nisu voljeli pa su ga izbacili iz upotrebe. elim ti govoriti sve, jue sam osjetio veliku,
najveu elju da preivim. Zaboravio sam ti rei kako oko 200 ljudi ugone u hangar na
Livadama, na drugoj strani preko ehotine. Gledao sam zatim kako jednog po jednog
izvode na nudu, usput ih maltretiraju.
Ponedjeljak, 13 april 1992.
Noas je etvrti dan pakla. Istjerali su 12 uplaenih bia. Gledam ih i ne mogu nita da
uradim. Goran Mitrainovi bjesni i jednom mladiu stavlja cijev puke u usta i pita:
Govori gdje je Adnan? Zatim se obraa njegovoj majci: Ubiu ga ako ne kae gdje
je Adnan!. Starica uplaena i promuklim glasom ujem da pita: Zato e ga ubiti?
Je li zasluio smrt od tebe? Zar si zaboravio Gorane da ste se ba ovdje igrali zajedno.
Ako njega ubije ubie i sve to mene dri u ivotu. To ga je valjda pokolebalo pa
nije pucao. Samo ih odvodi nekud, ne znam kuda. Gledaju prema mojoj kui i galame:
Hajde stoko, gamadi muslimanska, da vas bombama ne izbacujemo. Konano
odvode ljude i odlaze sa njima, ali se ubrzo vraaju. Oni bi trebalo da su ivi, nisam
uo nikakav pucanj, mada smrt ne dolazi samo pukom. Vraaju se da pljaakaju. Nisu
eljeli svjedoke. Pljakaju opinjani plijenom. Sad ih slobodnije promatram bez straha
da e me vidjeti. ak se potpuno otkrivam i zapaam sve pojedinosti. Sve stvari trpaju
u kamion koji su takoe ukrali. Odnose posteljinu, nose ak i odjeu mog trogodinjeg
sina. Nose i eninu bundu, a jedna od njih je pokuava i obui. Jastuke nisu odnijeli jer
sam ih naao iskidane noevima. Primitivci, traili su zlato, novac. Odnijeli su i kasu.
Smijem se, potpuno je prazna. Iz kue mog ade koji radi u Njemakoj odnose
friider, ve mainu, neraspakovan namjetaj. Pljakaju Goran i njegov brat Neo
Mitrainovi. Oni odvoze moj kros motor. Tu su jo Radomir Mari, njegov zet Rajko
koji je radio kao bravar, tu je i Pea koji je kod mene radio kao konobar, prepoznajem
i Slavka Vukovia, brau Banovi iji je otac radio u policiji. Vidim osu tzv.
mehaniara, stavio je arapu na glavu, smijem se od muke jer bi ga i slijepac
prepoznao. Stidim se dok sve to gledam, vjeruj mi, stidim.
Razmiljam o sebi i svom ivotu. Ne sjeam se da sam bilo kom zlo mislio, a kamo li
uradio. Prisjeam se i pitam jesam li prema ovim ljudima bio lo. Mnogo ljudi mi je
duno u ovom gradu, nekima i od ovih koji me pljakaju davao sam pozajmice. Nikad
nisam traio da mi te pare vrate. Traio sam neto runo u prolosti svojih roditelja, ali
nisam naao. Majka Radomira Maria, Jela, bezbroj puta je dolazila u goste mojoj
majci. Mati je ila haljine za njihove djevojice. ila je besplatno jer ih je voljela. Taj
njihov zet Rajko pio je noima u mojoj piceriji. Uvjek sam plaao pola njegovog duga,
bio sam blag prema njemu. Valjda zato nije krao kao ostali. Osvrtao se oko sebe
plaljivo, za razliku od Radomira koji je galamio i trpao sve, bijesno. ovjek koji mi je
ruio kue granatama, Ivan Mari, uao je u prizemlje i morao sam se skloniti sprat
vie. Stajao sam skoro iznad njega dok je krao meso iz zamrzivaa. Odnosio je brano,
eer, puter, oznojen i suludih oiju. Stvari su odnosili i prema kui Vaja Kunarca,
vozaa autobusa gdje se nalazi etniki tab.
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da svjedoi.
(Sead Omanovi)
******************
izvor:Agencije
priredio: Kenan Sara
8
: U 3D VERZIJI!
komentar na vijest objavljenu 14.09.2015
1992. 1995.
3000 ubijenih bonjaka Foaka, 1000
nestalih/ubijenih
!
, ?
, ?
(K )
***********
,
,
, ,
9
, !
( )
*****
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istorijskog nasljea grada Foe. Nadamo se da e ova izloba privui ne samo Foake,
ve i sve one koji su porijeklom iz Foe, a danas ive irom svijeta, kao i brojne turiste
rekao je Mileti.
U Muzeju Stara Hercegovina pozdravljaju ovu ideju.
Ovo je trend koji se prati u svijetu i u okruenju. Multimedijalna izloba je neto
sasvim novo za na grad, na taj nain bismo privukli brojne mlade sugraane u Muzej.
Danas ivimo u vremenu koje zahtijeva pametne telefone, pa zato ne bismo iskoristili
priliku da i putem moderne tehnologije upoznamo sve nae sugraane o istoriji naeg
grada, kulturnim znamenitostima, graevinama, znaajnim linostima i ostalim
stvarima koje su obiljeile na grad rekla je direktor Muzeja Branka Dragievi.
Vrijednost projekta je oko 50.000 evra, a u finansiranju uestvovalo bi vie
meunarodnih i dravnih institucija i organizacija. Ukoliko projekat dobije zeleno
svjetlo, prve aktivnosti krenule bi poetkom naredne godine, a inovativna izloba bila
bi postavljena u maju u okviru obiljeavanja est decenija Muzeja Stara
Hercegovina.
izvor:Glas srpske: R..
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NE ZABORAVITE NAS
KOMENTAR PRVI:
O OVOME SE NIJE GOVORILO
NIJE SE PRIALO O ZLOINU GENOCIDA NAD BONJACIMA FOE U PER IODU
1992. 1995. GODINA.
FOA 1992 2015 UTNJA JO UVIJ EK TRAJE
ALI
MI NISMO ZABORAVILI GENOCID
UTE IVI, A MRTVI NE GOVORE !!!
23 GODINE OD ZLOINA U FOI
ZAR SI ZABORAVIO 3000 UBIJENIH BONJAKA FOAKA???
ZAR SI ZABORAVIO SILOVANE MAJKE,SESTRE,KERI,NENE???
ZAR SI ZABORAVIO SILOVANE MUKARCE???
ZAR SI ZABORAVIO UBIJENU DJECU???
PREKO 1000 NESTALIH!!! (GDJE?) UJ 1000 NESTALIH I NIKO NITA NE ZNA O
NJIMA!!!
ZAR SI ZABORAVIO 15000 PROTJERANIH I RASELJENIH BONJAKA FO AKA???
*****
komentar na vijest od 15.05. 2015
Apsurd U NOI MUZEJA u Foi
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Foa, subota, 16. maja 2015 od 18.00 asova do nedjelja, 17. maja 2015 00.30 asova
Muzej Stare Hercegovine u Foi sa vie stalnih i gostujuih izlobi prvi put se ukljuio
u meunarodnu
manifestaciju No muzeja, otvorivi vrata posjetiocima do pola asa iza ponoi.
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k
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DODATNI KOMENTAR:
O Foi ne treba ni uiti, niti kome spomenuti.
Foa nije u Bosni i Hercegovini
Tamo nita nije ni bilo!!
U Foi sve med i mlijeko.
Lijepu historiju krojimo. Blago nama sa nama!?
Nisveta Skejovic
priredio:Kenan Sara
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Nena Fata Duri iz Foe: Crna i gorka je sudbina nas majki, supruga
Majke Srebrenice i Podrinja i ovog su 11-tog u mjesecu dostojanstveno stigle na
tuzlanski Trg rtava genocida. Najprije su se okupile na Pingi, a potom preko Skvera i
Trga slobode, stigle na mjesto gdje se okupljaju posljednjih nekoliko godina. Po ko
zna koji put zatraile su pravdu za rtve, a kaznu za zloince.
Gledamo prema koloni, a meu brojnim majkama, izdvaja se i vjerovatno najstarije
lice. Pokrivena nena koraa zajedno sa enama. Kako se zovete neno i koliko imate
godina, pitamo je.
Fata Duri. Imam 78 godina, sine odgovara nam ova bosanska nena.
Iz Vlasenice ste? Durii su iz Vlasenice, zapitkujemo.
-Nisam, iz Foe sam odgovara nam nena.
Pomalo nas je iznenadio Fatin odgovor. Oekivali smo da je ova nena iz nekog
podrinjskog mjesta u kojem je 1995. godine poinjen genocid. Meutim, genocid je,
ui nas historija, a opominju niani, poeo i 1992. godine. Dokazuje nam to i ivot ove
bonjake nene i njeno viegodinje traganje.
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-Ima sine, i u mene nestalo i bratia i sestria A ovdje sam najvie zbog mua, Avde
Duria. Nismo nita jo nali U Foi sam ga izgubila, pria nam Fata, koja danas
ivi u tuzlanskom naselju Kula.
ivim kod zaove i njene djece dodaje ona.
ivotna tragedija ove Foanke zapoela je u maju 1992. godine. Objasnit e nam da je
zajedno sa svojim komijama protjerana nekad 25. ili 26. maja iz sela Zakmur.
Scenario je kao i u stotinama drugih mjesta u BiH isti Bonjaci protjerani, brojni
ubijeni, a kue opljakane i zapaljene.
Mua sam tada posljednji put vidjela. Kasnije sam ula da su tamo ubijeni, da su
pogorjeli. Desetero je tu u naem selu nestalo. I niko jo nije naen, nita. Odemo
ponekad u Fou, rovinjamo, traimo, ali nikad nita se ne nalazi govori nam Fata dok
rukama stie jastunice na kojima su ispisana imena nestalih Srebreniana.
Nena nam kazuje i kako je stigla do Tuzle. Put je bio teak. Ne ponovio se.
Prvo smo umama ili, pa proli nekakav Tarin, pa Konjic, pa mi doao zaovi po
nas u Konjic i dovukao me u Tuzlu. Eto kako sam dola. I od tada sam u Tuzli pria
nam Fata.
U Fou odlazi krajem maja kada se obiljeava stradanje tamonjih stanovnika. Proui
Fatihu muu, komijama, rodbini
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-Kada tamo odem, ja kaem: u mene je mu bio i vrijedan, imao je i ruke, i noge, i
glavu, a sada nema ni kosti, kao prst da sam sahranila. Nita nismo sahranili, ni mrvice
govori nam ona.
Kako danas izgleda ivot jedne majke iz Foe, Srebrenice, Podrinja.., pitamo nenu.
-Pa, ne znam Ruan, ruan. Ali, eto, Boe moj, takva je sudbina. Pa ja, sine. Crna i
gorka je sudbina nas majki, supruga Traim, traim i trait u dok sam iva govori
nam ova 78-godinjakinja.
Nije ni sve tako crno u ivotu, rei e nam na kraju razgovora Fata. Ova je majka
podigla petero djece. Danas ive u Sarajevu i Goradu.
-Djeca su mi iva i zdrava, i to mi je jedina utjeha govori nam nena Fata.
izvor:(S.Kari/Faktor.ba)
FATA DURI FOA GENOCID
***********************************
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komentari:
Boga mi Foca vazda nastrada ..i opet svi negiraju. od politiara pa na dalje .
moja pranana Vezira je u okolini Foce ziva spaljena. malo se o Foci prica . o tim
silnom zlocinima od pamtijvijeka su nas klali ..ubijali silovalineka vidi ko hoce, a
ko nece ne'mora ima ALLAH koji sve zna.
Lejla Avdi
Lejla Avdi meni je ao tvoje nene svake nae rtve, ali malo e ko kao ti dati
komentar. Malo nas je koji e priati o tom zlu. A mi to moramo stalno ponavljati, jer
ode u zaborav
Nisveta Skejovic
*******************
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priredio: Kenan Sara
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Munevera ozo prisjetila se ubijenih, ena i djevojica koje su bile zetoene zajedno s
njom.
Naalost, sa nama danas nije djevojica od 12 godina koju su silovali, nema ni ena
od 65 godina koje su silovane tada. Bila sam zatoena sa dvoje djece. Radili su ta su
htjeli od nas. Izvodili su nas kao da smo ivotinje. I djecu su maltretirali. Mua su mi
odveli i nikada ga nisu vratili.
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Mnoge od prisutnih ena, kako su kazale, na ovom mjestu izgubile su svoje oeve,
brau, amide koji su odvedeni i od tada o njima nita ne znaju. Na ovo mjesto
odvedeni su, kako nam je ispriala Munevera ozo, njen brat, otac, mu, amida i
amidin sin. Kazala je kako do danas nije pronala njihove posmrtne ostatke.
Za zloine poinjene nad nesrpskim stanovnitvom u Foi u poslijeratnom periodu
doneseno je nekoliko pravosnanih presuda Hakog tribunala i Suda BiH.
izvor: AA (Anadolu Agency)
***
fotografije: flickr ekranportal13/fb PutnikNamjernik/AA
*******************
priredio: Kenan Sara
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PHOTO: Stock
etniki teror u Foi po svojim zverstvima nadmaio je najbolesniju ljudsku
matu. Naroito kad je re o masovim silovanjima u posebnim logorima gde
su se nad enama i decom iivljavale bradate i pijane srpske patriote. O tome
ta se po Foi deavalo, jedna od rtava svedoila je nekoliko godina docnije:
Osmi dan su nas odveli u Partizan kamionom. Tu sam bila neto vie od
mjesec dana. Svako vee su nas odvodili na silovanje. Bilo nas je oko 85 ena,
djece i staraca. Vie puta je bilo da nas po tri-etiri ene izvedu, i u istoj
prostoriji siluju i to po njih vie, po 20-30 ih je znalo biti. Tako je bilo sve
vrijeme, svako vee su nas odvodili na silovanje i vie njih bi silovali istu enu
ili djevojku
ISPOVJEST (1): U logoru za ene Partizan, u Foi, bila sam zatoena od jula do
avgusta 1992. godine. U julu 1992. godine u pet sati ujutro etnici su napali nae selo
oko desetak kilometara daleko od Foe. Vidjela sam da je bilo punih pet autobusa
etnika, svi u arenim odijelima, neki sa pokrivenim licima, neki sa maskama, samo se
oi vide, a drugi sa crnim trakama preko ela, neki sa rukavicama bez prstiju, neki sa
bijelim, a neki sa crvenim trakama. Opkolili su selo, pucnjava je poela sa svih strana.
Dok smo bjeali, ve je troje, etvero kod bajti bilo mrtvo, I. . star oko 40 godina, S.
K. star oko 37-38 godina, F. O. stara oko 24 godine, nosila je na leima dijete od dve
godine (dijete je ranjeno). Bilo je jo puno ranjenih.
Presjekli su nam put i mi nismo imali izlaza. Moj mu i na sin od deset godina ostali
su u umi, a ja sam sa drugom grupom opkoljena. Tu su nas odmah poeli tui i
maltretirati i ubili su devet ljudi (sve civili). Ubistvo su izvrili tako to su iz grupe nas
ene i djecu odvojili na jednu livadu, a mukarce sve na drugu stranu. Poredali su ih u
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stroj i iz blizine od oko dve metra pucali u njih. To je bila velika grupa etnika, ispred
koje je njih desetak u streljakom stroju pucalo na mukarce i tako ih pobili.
Osmi dan su nas odveli u Partizan kamionom. Tu sam bila neto vie od
mjesec dana. Svako vee su nas odvodili na silovanje. Bilo nas je oko 85 ena,
djece i staraca. Vie puta je bilo da nas po tri-etiri ene izvedu, i u istoj
prostoriji siluju i to po njih vie, po 20-30 ih je znalo biti. Tako je bilo sve
vrijeme, svako vee su nas odvodili na silovanje i vie njih bi silovali istu enu
ili djevojku. U Partizanu su silovane: M., B., D., sestra joj E. (16 godina), S. S., Z.
Z., a H. H. (staru 47 godina) silovali su nasred sale Partizan pred svima i to kada su
nas mlae odveli, a nju nali meu ostalim u sali. Rekli su: Neka i ona zna na leima
leat. To je bila grupa od est etnika, dva su se na njoj izmjenjivala. Djeca i starci su
gledali kako je plakala i otimala se. Vidjela je i moja ki, koja je tu bila, a mene su
odveli na silovanje. Sve ovo vrijeme dvoje djece bilo je sa mnom u logoru i
vidjeli su ta se radi. Nekada su me vraali sa silovanja ujutro, nekada u
podne svu pretuenu, crnu, da me nisu prepoznale ene na vratima. Djeca su
plakala, pomagala, poslije su i djecu fiziki maltretirali, a meu njima i mog
sina.
Tako su i kerku u avgustu 1992. godine odveli kod SUP-a u neku kuu. Bilo ih je
etiri-pet. Kada su mene vratili sa silovanja, zapomagala sam gdje mi je dijete. Tada
mi je uvar logora komija pomogao i spasio je. Nakon pola sata su je vratili. Priala
mi je da su htjeli silovati, ali H. ju je uspio spasiti.
Nas devet, kada smo dole u Novi Pazar, odmah smo otile doktoru i trudne su bile:
G. G., Z., P. P., B. B., . ., A. A. i sve su u Novom Pazaru oiene kod privatnog
ljekara. Ja nisam bila trudna, ali sam teko oteenog zdravlja. (Izvod iz izjave broj
10824/96 Foa).
ISPOVJEST (2): Prema saznanjima D., tokom jula mjeseca 1992, u zgradu gdje je
nastanjena, u vie navrata su dolazili predstavnici SJB Foa i odvodili njenog mua i
komiju radi zakopavanja ubijenih Bonjaka muslimana po okolnim mjestima.
Zakopavanje ubijenih Foaka vrena su u naselju ukovac, Patkovina i u Tekiji. U
ukovcu su zakopali jedan le nekakvog mjetanina sela ievo, u Tekiji le jedne
ene, a u Patkovini dva lea, jedan starije ene i jedne maloljetne djevojice, koje su
poginule u jednom kombiju, koji je iz ieva za Gorade vozio nekoliko ena i djece.
Tom prilikom ranjeno je jo etvoro djece, a voza odvezen u bolnicu i na putu do nje
preminuo. Na ovaj kombi pucali su pripadnici Srpske vojske i etnici, drugi detalji u
vezi sa ovim jo nisu poznati.
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D. je napustila stan i iza zgrade vidjela mjesto gdje su joj strijeljali mua. Lea nije
bilo, a ona je krenula po vidljivim tragovima krvi koji su vodili do Ribarskog
restorana, sa ije je terase le njenog mua baen. Le je leao u pliaku okrenut
prema zemlji. D. nisu dozvolili da prie blizu lea, tako da nije sigurna da li je
eventualno zaklan. (Izvod iz izjave broj 1781/93 Foa)
ISPOVJEST (3): U aprilu 1992. godine Miljevina je bila blokirana barikadama od
strane etnika i tada su zaposjeli sve privredne objekte. Sve ovo vrijeme do konca
septembra bila sam u kui sa majkom, dva brata i nanom, a oca su mi kao civila
uhapsili i odveli u zatvor avgusta 1992. godine. Jednog dana, krajem septembra, mene
su odvela trojica gardista obuena u maskirne uniforme, naoruani automatskim
pukama, bombama oko pasa i sa noevima na pasu.
Odveli su me u kuu kod Karamana. Tu, uz prijetnju i sa zaplaivanjem sa
dolaskom cijele ete, poeli su me silovati. Prvo me silovao Pero Elez, koji me
poslije u vie navrata silovao. Takoe su poslije dolazili i drugi vojnici srpske
vojske koji su me silovali, a meu njima znam slijedee: N. S., jedan
Crnogorac iz Pljevalja zvali su ga M., K. i D., zatim Z. S., D. P., N. B., jedan
se nama predstavio, ali mislim da lae, kao Z. T. U toj kui provela sam est
mjeseci gdje sam periodino, nekada dva puta u sedmici silovana, a nekad
jednom u mjesecu od strane gore imenovanih etnika.
U toj kui bilo nas je sedam djevojica i djevojaka. Sve ove djevojke, ukljuujui i A.
(12 godina), silovane su na taj nain to su povremeno odvoene u susjedne prostorije
u toj kui. Sve te djevojke, po povratku u nau zajedniku sobu, priale su da su
silovane pod pritiskom i prijetnjom, a ja sam vrlo esto i ula umove u sobi i hodniku,
koji su upuivali na silovanja i drugih, a ne samo mene (Izvod iz izjave br. 1760/93
Miljevina-Foa).
objavile: e-Novine 19.06.2010 14:37
izvor:e-Novine
41
BIM.ba
Svjedoei pred Sudom BiH, supruga Radovana Stankovia, osuenog za
ratne zloine u Foi, kazala da nije imala informacije da e on pobjei iz
Kazneno-popravnog zavoda u tom gradu
Mirjana Stankovi je svjedoila u korist Tuilatva BiH na suenju optuenima za
pomaganje u bjekstvu njenog supruga Radovana Stankovia iz Kazneno-popravnog
zavoda (KPZ) Foa.
Nismo se dogovarali da se vidimo u KPZ-u Foa ili na nekom drugom mjestu 25.
maja 2007. godine. Za njegovo bjekstvo sam saznala nakon to sam dola s posla po
djecu kod moje majke, koja ih uva, rekla je Mirjana Stankovi, dodavi da je bila u
posjeti suprugu nakon to je prebaen na odsluenje kazne, i da su tom prilikom
najvie razgovarali o djeci, koju dugo nije vidio.
Radovan Stankovi, bivi pripadnik Miljevinskog bataljona Foanske taktike brigade
Vojske Republike Srpske (VRS), pravomono je osuen na 20 godina zatvora zbog
zloina protiv ovjenosti poinjenih u Foi. Nakon presude upuen je na odsluenje
kazne u KPZ Foa, odakle je pobjegao 25. maja 2007. godine prilikom odlaska na
Stomatoloki fakultet Medicinskog centra u tom gradu radi obavljanja pretraga.
Dravno tuilatvo je u septembru 2008. godine podiglo optunicu protiv Ranka
Stankovia (brata Radovana Stankovia), Brankice Davidovi, Ranke Dragievi,
Mileta Krsmanovia, Miroslava Blagojevia, Zdravka Vree, Dragana Maia, Srana
Vilotia, Mire Prodanovia i Gorana Miloevia zbog pomaganja pri njegovom
bjekstvu.
Sud BiH je poetkom februara 2009. godine donio odluku o nenadlenosti Suda BiH
za procesuiranje ovih osoba, istaknuvi da tim inom nije naruen ugled drave, ali
je Apelaciono vijee u junu 2009. uvailo albu Tuilatva na ovu odluku, nakon ega
je odreeno da e se suenje odvijati pred Dravnim sudom.
Prema navodima optunice, Ranko Stankovi je izmeu 23. i 25. maja 2007. godine
nabavio automobil po prethodnom dogovoru s bratom Radovanom. Dana 25. maja,
auto s vozaem stajao je ispred Stomatolokog fakulteta u Foi, gdje je Radovan
Stankovi doveden na snimanje zuba zahvaljujui uputnici doktorice Brankice
Davidovi. Straari Vreo, Mai i Viloti, koji su osiguravali, pratili i sprovodili
osuenu osobu, optueni su da nisu preduzeli potrebne mjere za sigurno sprovoenje
osuenika, dok Prodanovi i Miloevi, kako stoji u optunici, nisu sprijeili njegovo
bjekstvo.
Krsmanovi, pomonik direktora za obezbjeenje u Slubi obezbjeenja KPZ-a Foa,
propustio je organizovati rad ove slube kako bi se sprijeilo eventualno bjekstvo,
smatra Tuilatvo. U obezbjeenju Radovana Stankovia iz KPZ-a Foa do
Stomatolokog fakulteta sudjelovao je Bogdan Krnojelac, svjedok Tuilatva na ovom
roitu i bivi komandir vanjskog obezbjeenja u tom zatvoru, koji je kazao da su tada
uinjeni propusti.
Mislim da smo svi dobili precizne upute o obezbjeenju od Mileta Krsmanovia, koji
je kazao da je rije o visokorizinoj i opasnoj osobi za koju treba primijeniti sve
zakonske mjere za sprovoenje. () Do tada niti za jedno sprovoenje nismo
42
ozbiljnije sastanili. Mislim da smo dobro uradili, iako je bilo propusta jer je
pobjegao, rekao je Krnojelac.
Ovaj svjedok je kazao da su u obezbjeenju Radovana Stankovia, izmeu ostalih,
sudjelovali Mai, Prodanovi, Miloevi i Vreo, ali da ne moe sa sigurnou rei
gdje su se nalazili nakon to je osuenik pobjegao. Bio sam u zgradi kada sam osjetio
da se neto deava i pomislio sam na osueno lice, zbog ega sam izletio vani. Moram
rei da se dosta toga ne sjeam, jer je to bio momenat oka zbog situacije. Kada sam
izaao, rekao sam kolegama: ta ekate?!, i u vozilu krenuo u potragu prema
Miljevini, objasnio je Krnojelac.
Miladin Kuli, portir u Medicinskom centru, ispriao je kako je 25. maja 2007. godine
primijetio da Radovan Stankovi uskae u vozilo koje je bilo parkirano nedaleko od
ulaza u centar. Kako je kazao, bijeg su pokuali sprijeiti Viloti, Vreo i Mai, ali
bezuspjeno.
Ranko Savi, vaspita u KPZ-u Foa, kazao je da je Radovan Stankovi prije bjekstva
bio rasporeen na mjesto pomonog radnika za odravanje istoe u biblioteci u tom
zatvoru, ali da je od bibliotekara Dragoja Paunovia naknadno saznao da nije obavljao
svoje zadatke. Kriteriji za rasporeivanje nekog za rad u biblioteci su duina kazne i
pismenost. Za bibliotekara je imenovan Dragoje Paunovi jer je zavrio srednju kolu i
slabijeg je zdravlja u odnosu na ostale, a objavio je i dvije zbirke pjesama. Paunovi je
kasnije rekao da Stankovi nije obavljao poslove, nego da je spavao na klupama,
objasnio je Savi.
Dragoje Paunovi je pred Sudom BiH krajem novembra 2006. pravomono osuen na
20 godina zatvora zbog uea u zloinima poinjenim na podruju Rogatice.
Tuilatvo je saslualo i Igora Radovia, Radenka Radovia i Vukolu Matovia, koji
su govorili o dolasku Radovana Stankovia na obavljanje pretraga u Medicinskom
centru, te neposrednim saznanjima o njegovom bjekstvu.
Nastavak suenja zakazan je za 10. novembar 2009. godine.
izvor:e-novine
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45
*********
priredio:Kenan Sara
46
Foa
U velikom moru traginih sudbina obiljeenih silovanjima, pokoljima i teko
zamislivim oblicima nasilja, koji su se dogodili tokom proljea i ljeta 1992.
godine u Istonoj Bosni, istie se sudbina siroadi Damira i Amira iz Foe.
Njihova tuna sudbina svakako je posebna, jer je tragedija svakog ovjeka
posebna, i po Zlu, ali jo vie po maloj ljudskoj gesti koja ih je spasila.
Telegrafski, pria njihovog ivota izgleda ovako:
Latif (1959.) i Fadila (1962.) iz sela Troanj kod Foe, bismiletom su po
obiaju popratili raanje svojih sinova Damira (1980.) i Amira (1989.). Ljeti,
kad bi im se kuica izgubila u zelenilu bae i pjevu ptica, u samo njima znanoj
igri, sa djecom u naruju i sa smijehom traili su stazu do soba sa mekim
ilimima i mirisom ula i bosiljka. Nenadano, ljeto 1992. godine ispunila je
strana igra Zla. Prvo su srpski vojnici odveli Latifa, vezanog kao psa, u neki
od logora za muslimane gdje i prie nestaju. Nedugo poslije toga potjerali su ih
iz kue, a 3. srpnja sa manjom grupom ena i staraca Fadila je protjerana iz
Foe. U naruju je nosila trogodinjeg Amira, a drugom rukom je drala
Damira. Na izlasku iz grada vojnici su poeli pucati po njima. Fadila je uspjela
pretrati tridesetak koraka kad ju je jedan metak pogodio u glavu, a drugi u
plua. Isti je metak ranio Amira u but. Pala je zajedno sa djecom ne isputajui
ih ni mrtva. Djeca su isti dan prebaena u logor gdje je brigu o njima preuzeo
jedan brani par foanskih Srba, dirnuti njihom sudbinom, a koji su tamo radili
47
kao priueni bolniari. Amiru je rana zarasla, ali u logorskim uvjetima djeca su
vidno slabila. U nemogunosti da muslimanskoj djeci prue vie nego to je
srpska vlast propisivala, brani par Kovaevi odluili su djecu kriom izvesti iz
logora. Sa grupom ena, koje su transportirali za Novi Pazar, poslali su i djecu.
Nakon dva mjeseca u Novom Pazaru se pojavila nana, Fadilina majka, koja je
preuzela djecu. Krajem 1992. godine sa nanom djeca odlaze u Tursku, u
izbjegliki kamp Kirklareli. U depu kaputa starijeg djeteta pronaeno je pismo
ljudi koji su se brinuli o djeci u logoru:
ODOBAI DAMIR I AMIR
DRAGA MOJA DJECO,
BEZ OBZIRA NA STRAHOTE RATA I VAE TUNE SUDBINE DA U
SVOJOJ MLADOSTI OSTANETE SIROAD, MOLIM VAS POSLUAJTE
MOJ SAVJET, SAVJET JEDNE MAJKE:
NIKAD NE ZABORAVITE KO STE, TO STE I ODAKLE STE!
VOLITE SE I POMAITE JEDAN DRUGOM!
BUDITE PONAJPRIJE POTENI, VRIJEDNI I RADNI LJUDI
NIKAD NE MRZITE LJUDE SAMO ZATO TO SU DRUGE VJERE I
NACIJE, JER DOBAR OVJEK JE SAMO OVJEK, ZAPAMTITE, A ZLI
LJUDI NISU LJUDSKA BIA TO SU AVOLI.
TI DAMIRE, KAO STARIJI BRAT, UVAJ SVOG AMIRA:
VOLJELA BIH DA POSTANETE POZNATI LJUDI I TO PO DOBRU.
I KAD ODRASTETE, KAD OSNUJETE SVOJE PORODICE NI TADA NE
ZABORAVITE JEDAN NA DRUGOG. IMALA BIH MNOGO TOGA DA VAS
ZAMOLIM, NASAVJETUJEM, ALI TO SE NE MOE NAPISATI NA OVOM
PARETU PAPIRA I ZATO VAS SAMO MOLIM DA POSTANETE ESTITI
LJUDI. AKO KADA UZMOGNETE DA MI SE, ODNOSNO, DA NAM SE
JAVITE, JAVITE SE NA TELEFON 01573-545 FOA, ILI NA ADRESU
KOVAEVI ZORKA-ZORA I KOVAEVI SAMIBOR, MOA PIJADE 6,
FOA. AKO IKADA BUDETE OSJETILI DA VAM MOEMO POMOI I
TADA NAM SE JAVITE BEZ IMALO USTRUAVANJA.
PONAJPRIJE, JAVITE NAM SE PREKO RADIJA GDJE STE I KAKO
STE.
NEKA VAS BOG UVA.
FOA 6.8.1992.
48
protjerani
U zlu koje je poklopilo Bosnu i Hercegovinu ovo dobroudno i pomalo naivno
pismo (a koja dobroudnost danas nije naivna?) jedan je od malobrojnih
tragova Dobra. Ono je kroz tunu Amirovu i Damirovu sudbinu postalo
skupocjena relikvija jedne vjere bez koje nije mogue postati Dobrim
ovjekom. Kada su mi u Turskoj, prije osamnaest godina itali ovo pismo bilo
je puno izbjeglica, svi su plakali. Neki od dragosti to Dobra jo ima, a neki iz
nemoi da se u to rijetko Dobro povjeruje. Amir i Damir, vjerujem, uvaju ovo
pismo i sigurno e postati Dobri ljudi. Ako tako ne bude, ne samo da nee biti
Bosne, nee biti ni svijeta!
49
U Foi svaka mahala, svaki sokak, svaka kua nosi svoju bol
Ovo je samo djeli uspomena na rtve genocida 1992. 1995. iz naselja
Tabaci u Foi. rtve su ubili dojueranji jarani komije etniki zloinci, koji
jo nisu procesuirani
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51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
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fotografije:fbPutnikNamjernik/flickr ekranportal13
priredio:Kenan Sara
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61
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KP DOM FOA
U vremenskom periodu od juna do avgusta mjeseca 1992. godine na nain
opisan pod takom 1. optunice straari pod komandom Mitra Raevia, te
civilni i vojni policajci i vojnici koji su sa znanjem Mitra Raevia i Save
Todovia ulazili KP dom iz vana, zatoenike u upravnoj zgradi udarali
palicama, motkama i pesnicama ispitujui ih da li imaju sakriveno oruje, neke
od njih umotavali u ebad i vukui ih iznosili iz upravne zgrade od kog
premlaivanja je jedan broj zatoenika uslijed povreda podlegao ili su
ustreljeni, te je na opisane naine nastupila smrt za:
Altoka (Omera) Alija roen 7.04.1972. godine, Bio Salem, ankui
Abdurahman,edi Enko, Delilovi (Halima) Kemal roen 25.01.1954.
godine, Ivani (Mirko)Mate, Konjo (Ahmet) Halim, Krajin Adil, Kuloglija
(Beir) Mustafa roen 15.05.1945. godine, Marinovi (Pero) Krunoslav roen
06.04.1946. godine, Nii (Salko) Nurko roen 07.05.1949. godine, Rikalo
(Ramo) Husein roen 18.11.1957.godine, Rikalo (Ramo) Midhat roen
19.11.1966. godine, Rikalo (Ramo) Zaim roen 6.11.1963. godine, oro
(Edhem) eva roen 27.08.1956. godine, Tulek (Aziz) Kemal roen
21.10.1958. godine, Veiz (Edhem) Muniba roen 31.01.1952.
godine i Veiz (Ibro) Zulfo roen 30.10.1950. godine kao i za nepoznat broj
drugih neidentifikovanih zatoenika.
____________
63
KP DOM FOA
u toku zime bez odgovarajue odjee i grijanja zdravlje
mnogih zatoenika bilo je ozbiljno narueno, zbog kojih uslova i zbog
neodgovarajue zdravstvene njege zatoenik Esed Hadi je u aprilu ili maju
mjesecu 1992. godine podlegao usljed , efko Kubat je podlegao nakon to
mu je ljekarska pomo kasno ukazana, Kunovac Omer je podlegao poslije
premlaivanja, a Damalija Juso je izvrio samoubistvo vjeanjem zbog
navedenih uslova, da bi zatoenici FWS 71, FWS 139, FWS 162, FWS 111,
FWS 85 , FWS 86, FWS 82, kao i mnogi drugi pretrpjeli simptome
pothranjenosti kao i psihike simptome stresnog poremeaja.
____________
64
KP DOM FOA
u periodu od juna mjeseca 1992. do marta mjeseca 1993. godine najmanje
200 zatoenika muslimanske nacionalnosti i drugih zatoenika nesrpske
nacionalnosti prebaeno je na nepoznata mjesta, a meu zatoenicima koji su
odvedeni u nepoznatom pravcu i na napoznata mjesta i kojima se od tada gubi
svaki trag su:
Aljuki Nedib sin abana, roen 1964. godine, Srnja Salko sin Atifa, roen
1965.godine, Srnja Muamer sin Esada, roen 1965. godine, ljivo Omer sin
Salke,roen 1967. godine, ljivo Hamdo sin Salke, roen 1971. godine,
oevi Sulejman sin Izeta, roen 1960. godine, Zametica Edin sin Avde,
roen 1968. godine, Zametica Elvedin sin Avde, roen 1968. godine, alaka
Ekrem sin Avde,roen 1971. godine, Bali Edhem sin erifa, roen 1963.
godine, ukalo Jasmin sin abana ,roen 1967. godine, Karovi Ramiz sin
Muje, roen 1961. godine, Kovaevi Esad sin Demala, roen 1963. godine,
65
Kurtovi Nijaz sin Osmana,roen 1971. godine, Kurtovi Edin sin Husnije,
roen 1971. godine, ankui Dervi sin Naske, roen 1940. godine, Kajgana
Rasim sin Alije, roen 1950. godine, Borovina Suad sin Edhema, roen 1959.
godine, Klapuh Suad sin Sulejmana, roen 1964. godine, oro Esad sin
Tahira, roen 19555. godine,Korjeni Husein sin Hajdara, roen 1968. godine,
Bali Demal sin Mehe, roen 1937. godine, Muminovi Edib sin Himze roen,
1956. godine, Muanovi Kasim sin Murata, roen 1945. godine, oro Izet sin
Memije, roen 1962. godine,Muanovi Edhem sin Hasana, roen 1955.
godine, Karovi Nezir sin Muje, roen 1957. godine, Dano Ramiz sin Halima,
roen 1953. godine, elik Sulejman sin
Uzeira, roen 1941. godine, oro Suljo sin Edhema, roen 1951. godine,
Muratovi Uzeir sin abana, roen 1956. godine, Srnja Mirsad sin Abdulaha,
roen 1955. godine, abanovi Ferid sin Muana, roen 1958. godine, engi
Ekrem sin Avde, roen 1940. godine, Malki Fahrudin sin Nazifa, roen
1948. godine, Kafedi Ibrahim sin Avde, roen 1948. godine, Dedovi Halim
sin Hasana, roen 1935. godine, Lagarija Nazif sin Salke, roen 1937. godine,
emo Edin sin Mehe, roen 1970. godine, emo Meho sin Saliha, roen
1930. godine, Divovi Munib sin Sejmena, roen 1961. godine, ozo Smail sin
Ibre, roen 1956. godine, Dini Hakija sin Murata, roen 1929. godine,
Hambo Atif sin Ibre, roen 1937. godine, Krajin Ferid sin Hasana, roen
1965. godine, Krajin Hasan sin Huse, roen 1932. godine, Lepir Vejsil sin
Ahmeta, roen 1958. godine, Mazi aban sin Sulejmana, roen 1964.
godine, Meki Kasim sin Rame, roen 1940.godine, Meki Vahid sin erifa,
roen 1959. godine, Meki Zulfo sin Kasima, roen 1967. godine, Musi
Rasim sin Ragiba, roen 1964. godine, Oru Halil sin Muje,
roen 1926. godine, Rami Ramiz sin Himze, roen 1962. godine, Rizvanovi
Murat sin Alij, roen 1932. godine, Rizvanovi Nedib sin Murata, roen
1963. godine, Subai Mirsad sin Salke, roen 1968. godine, Subai Salko
sin Halila, roen 1947. godine, Ahmetspahi Vehid sin Osmana, roen 1965.
godine, erimagi Mehmed sin Avde, roen 1935. godine, erimagi efik sin
Base, roen 1937. godine, Dedovi Ramiz sin Hamida, roen 1972. godine,
Hajri Devad sin Dafera, roen 1958. godine, Isanovi Ibrahim sin Fehima,
roen 1960. godine,Kobiljar Rasim sin Nediba, roen 1958. godine, Kova
Senad sin Edhema, roen 1974. godine, Krkali Kemal sin Rasima, roen
1965. godine, Kuloglija Salih sin Agana, roen 1949. godine, Matuh Alija sin
Muje ,roen 1969. godine, Murguz Mujo sin Aziza, roen 1962. godine, Reko
Huso sin Hasiba, roen 1946. godine, Salinovi Nusret sin Osmana, roen
1954. godine, Softi Zijad sin Muje, roen 1964. godine, Suljevi Abdulah sin
Alije, roen 1962. godine, abanovi Elvir sin
Ferida, roen 1974. godine, ljivo Mehmedalija sin Hakije, roen 1966. godine
i oro Enes sin Tahira, roen 1975. godine, Alibai Remzija sin Ibre roen
1947. godine, Paovi Ismet sin Hasana roen 1926. godine, Karabegovi
Denan sin Asima roen 1959. godine, Hadimei Mirsad sin Avde roen
1957. godine, Lagarija Salih sin Nazifa roen 1965. godine, Karabegovi Amer
sin Ahmeda roen 1967. godine, a zatoenici koji su odvedeni u nepoznatom
pravcu iz KP doma Foa: Niki Sejad sin Vehbije roen 1956. godine,
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Niki Kemo sin Munira roen 1959. godine, Niki Mustafa sin Adema roen
1957. godine, ljivo Salko sin Omera roen 1944. godine, Srnja Jusuf sin
Mustafe roen 1968. godine, Bio Enes sin Mustafe roen 1962. godine, Jahi
Bego sin Nurifa roen 1969. godine, Delil
Alija sin Ramiza roen 1955. godine, Dini Devad sin Hakije roen 1960.
godine, Aljuki aban sin Smajila roen 1938. godine, Borovina Ramiz sin
Edhema roen 1962. godine, Sudar Jasmin sin Mustafe roen 1962. godine,
auevi Ismet sin Beira roen 1950. godine, Granov Murat sin Nediba
roen 1958. godine, Mezbur Esad sin aira roen 1957. godine, Mulavdi
Nedib sin Avde roen 1962. godine, Muratovi Avdo sin Selima roen 1963.
godine, Aljuki Munib sin Hasana roen 1957. godine, Hodi efik sin Halila
roen 1950. godine, Istrefi Rrahim sin Sherif,Dedovi Hilmo sin Ramiza roen
1961. godine, Kro Emin sin Sulejmana roen
1960. godine, uga Fadil sin emse roen 1975. godine, Babi Ramiz sin
Asima roen 1962. godine, Borovac Mirsad sin Huseina roen 1964. godine,
Muanovi Amil sin Muharema roen 1968. godine, Musi Enes sin Nazifa
roen 1970. godine,Musi Muradif sin Rede roen 1942. godine,
Mulahasanovi Fehim sin Sulje roen 1919. godine, Melez Demil sin Huse
roen 1958. godine, Bai Juso sin Avdice roen 1959. godine, Berber Adnan
sin Nedada roen 1967. godine, Kovaev Fikret sin Muje roen 1961.
godine, Domba Izet sin Osmana roen 1962. godine, Kibri Muharem sin
Ahmeta roen 1970. godine, Kibri Muhamed sin Ahmeta roen 1969. godine,
Divjan Fadil sin Ramiza roen 1961. godine, Dudi Safet sin
Asima roen 1958. godine, Huko Munib sin Avde, Konakovi Imir sin
Ibriima roen 1934. godine, Jusufovi Murat sin Sulje su pronaeni i
ekshumirani u toku 2004. godine na lokalitetu Rudnik Miljevina Foa iz
masovnih grobnica I i II te identifikovani u toku novembra mjeseca 2006.
godine.
__________________
KP DOM FOA
u toku aprila i maja mjeseca 1992. godine nakon to su pripadnici vojne
policije uhapsili i priveli u KPD Foa civile FWS 03, H.D. i S.H. ispitivali ih
i tukli kako bi iznudili priznanje da su lanovi SDA od kojih premlaivanja se
S.H. dva puta onesvjestio, najmanje u dva navrata straari i vojni policajci su
muili i premlatili zatoenika A.S. kojom prilikom je isti zadobio povrede u vidu
preloma tri rebra, a fiziki zlostavljali zatoenike Enesa Uzunovia lana
politike partije i Vahida Demala policajca polomivi mu pri tome vilicu da
bi ih potom odveli u samicu, te u vie navrata u veernjim satima straari su
fiziki zlostavljali zatoenike .M., D.A., K.K., FWS 198 i FWS 82,
_____________
67
DNK izvjetaj za
mogue identitete Niki (Munib) Kemo, ljivo (Omer) Salko, Bai (Avdica)
Juso,Kibri (Ahmed) Muhamed, Kibri (Ahmed) Muharem, Mulahasanovi
(Suljo)Fehim, Konakovi (Ibriim) Imsir, Musi (Redo) Muradif, Niki (Adem)
Mustafa,Melez (Huso) Demil, Aljuki (Smail) aban, Niki (Vehbija) Sead,
Istrefi (Sherif)Rrahim, Mulavdi (Avdo) Nedib, Borovac (Husein) Mirsad,
auevi (Beir)Ismet, Jusufovi (Suljo) Murat, Aljuki (Hasan) Munib, Bio
(Mustafa) Enes, Kro(Sulejman) Emin, Srnja (Mustafa) Jusuf, Muratovi
(Selim) Avdo, Babi (Asim)Ramiz, Divjan (Ramiz) Fadil, Sudar (Mustafa)
Jasmin, Kovaevi (Mujo) Fikret,Domba (Osman) Izet, Borovina (Edhem)
Ramiz, Musi (Nazif) Enes, Muanovi(Muharem) Amil, Dedovi (Ramiz)
Hilmo, Zametica (Avdo) Edin, Zametica (Avdo)
Elvedin, Jahi (Nurif) Bego, Dini (Hakija) Devad, uga (emso) Fadil,
Huko(Avdo) Munib, Dudi (Asim) Safet, Hodi (Halil) efik, Mezbur (air)
Esad, Delil (Ramiz) Alija, Granov (Nedib) Murat (P-73);
Obdukcioni zapisnici Instituta za sudsku medicinu od 9.09.2004. 10.09.2004.,
13.09.2004. i 16.09.2004. i 11.11.2004. godine sainjeni od strane dr. Hamza
ujo specijalista sudske medicine koji zapisnici se odnose na masovnu
grobnicu I rudnik Miljevina Foa i to za tijelo broj 1, 2, 4, 22, 6, 8, 9, 14, 17, 19,
20, 13 (P-74); Obdukcioni zapisnici Instituta za
sudsku medicinu od 10.11.2004., 11.11.2004., 23.11.2004., 29.11.2004.,
30.11.2004., 3.12.2004., 4.12.2004., godine sainjeni od strane dr. Hamza
ujo specijalista sudske medicine koji zapisnici se odnose na masovnu
68
grobnicu II rudnik Miljevina Foa i to za tijelo broj 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16, 17,
18, 19, 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 35, 36, 41, 46, 42, 43, 44, 45 (P-75);
____________
Foa
Prema popisu stanovnitva Bosne i Hercegovine iz 1991. godine, u
nacionalnom sastavu stanovnitva optine Foa bilo je 20.790 (51 posto)
Muslimana, 18.315 (45 posto) Srba, 94 Hrvata, 463 Jugoslovena i 851 osoba
druge ili nepoznate nacionalnosti.1386
623. Od aprila 1992., Muslimani u optini Foa otputani su s posla ili su, uz
pomo Kriznog taba Foa, spreavani da odu na posao ili odvraani od toga.
1387 Uvedena su ogranienja za kretanje Muslimana.1388 Istovremeno,
stanovnitvo srpske nacionalnosti se moglo slobodno kretati, a jedini izuzetak
bio je policijski as od 20:00 do 6:00 sati koji je vrijedio za sve stanovnike.1389
Politika propaganda SDS-a postala je agresivnija,
bilo je nasilnih ispada i paljene su kue.1390
624. Neposredno prije izbijanja sukoba 8. aprila 1992., Srbi su poeli
evakuisati svoje porodice i djecu iz Foe uglavnom u Srbiju ili u Crnu
Goru.1391
Dio Muslimana, u strahu nakon to su uoili kako idu njihove komije Srbi i
zbog sveprisutne napetosti u gradu, takoe je uspio pobjei ili evakuisati svoje
porodice prije izbijanja sukoba.1392
Drugi, i Srbi i Muslimani, preselili su se u dijelove grada Foe gdje su ljudi
njihovenacionalnosti bili u veini.1393
625. Dana 7. aprila 1992., uslijed pritisaka vodstva SDS-a, SJB je podijeljen
ponacionalnoj osnovi.1394
Tada je na ulicama ve bilo srpske vojske, a mnogi Srbi su toga
dana mobilisani i naoruani. U noi izmeu 7. i 8. aprila, Srbi su zauzeli radiostanicu Foa, skladite regionalnog Doma zdravlja i magazin Teritorijalne
odbrane u kojem je bilo uskladiteno oruje.1395
626. Srbi su, raspolaui ne samo tekim oruem JNA, nego i naoruanjem
TO-a,razmjestili teku artiljeriju po uzvienjima oko Foe.1396
72
627. Dana 8. aprila 1992. u Foi je izbio oruani sukob izmeu srpskih i
muslimanskih snaga. Toga dana su po cijelom gradu postavljene
barikade.1397
Srpski napad na grad Fou zapoeo je izmeu 8:30 i 10:00 sati, kombinacijom
vatre iz pjeadijskog naoruanja i granatiranja iz artiljerijskog oruja. Srpske
snage su inili domai vojnici,kao i vojnici iz Crne Gore i Srbije, naroito Beli
orlovi.1398 Pucanje i granatiranje je
uglavnom bilo usmjereno na naselja sa veinskim muslimanskim
stanovnitvom,posebno Donje Polje, ali Srbi su napadali i naselja u kojima su
ivjeli i Srbi i Muslimani,poput ohodor-Mahale.1399 Otpor Muslimana pruala
je uglavnom pjeadija koncentrisana u Donjem Polju i ukovcu. Srpske snage
su krenule zauzimati dio po dio grada Foe, ukljuujui bolnicu i zatvorski
objekat KP dom.1400 Mnogi civili su se za
vrijeme sukoba sakrili ili otili iz Foe.1401 Mnogi Muslimani koji su se skrivali
rijeili su se linog naoruanja kako ne bi mogli biti optueni za uestvovanje u
sukobu.
Srpskim snagama je trebala priblino sedmica dana da zauzmu grad Fou i
jo priblino deset dana da uspostave potpunu kontrolu nad optinom
Foa.1402
U tom vojnom napadu ranjeno je mnogo civila, uglavnom Muslimana, i mnogi
Muslimani su zbog tog napada otili iz grada.1403 Tokom borbe za kontrolu
nad gradom kao i nakon to je grad zauzet, srpski vojnici su sistematski
razarali muslimanske etvrti. Tokom borbi u gradu, paljene
su i srpske kue.1404
628. Nakon to su Srbi zauzeli Fou, u njoj je bio znatan broj srpskih vojnika i
srpskih paravojnih formacija, a napad na civilno stanovnitvo muslimanske
nacionalnosti nastavio se. Dana 14. ili 15. aprila 1992. ili priblino tih datuma,
u centru Foe uhapeno je vie Muslimana i nekoliko Srba. Dok je Srbima
nakon nekoliko sati bilo doputeno da
se vrate kuama, Muslimani su zadrani u pritvoru.1405
Izmeu 14. i 17. aprila 1992. godine, lokalni pripadnici paravojnih formacija
uhapsili su i zatoili civile Muslimane iz drugih dijelova grada Foe, meu
kojima i nekoliko ljekara i zdravstvenih radnika iz foanske bolnice, u vojnim
skladitima TO-a u Livadama [C13.11].1406 Tokom hapenja,
srpski vojnici i vojna policija su teko premlatili i nanijeli povrede
nekolicini zatoenika.1407 Dana 17. aprila, svi mukarci civili muslimanske
nacionalnosti zatoeni u Livadama prebaeni su u KP dom [C13.8].1408
629. Tokom aprila i maja 1992., Muslimani u stambenim objektima u Foi
zapravo su bili u kunom pritvoru, bilo zbog toga to su se u njima skrivali bilo
zbog toga to su im to naredili srpski vojnici.1409 Srpska vojska je koristila
zgrade poznate pod imenima Planika i andal kao privremene zatoenike
centre.1410
Postavljeni su vojni punktovi na kojima se kontrolisao ulaz u Fou i okolna
sela, te izlaz iz njih.1411 Krizni tab je naredio Muslimanima da predaju
oruje, a Srbima je bilo dozvoljeno da svoje zadre.1412 Srpska vojna policija
i vojnici su vrili pretres muslimanskih domainstava u
73
straara i ljudi koji su izvana doli u logor. Neki od njih su bili tako estoko
premlaeni da danima nisu mogli hodati. Postupci koji su za posljedicu imali
premlaivanje ili boravak u samicama ukljuivali su pokuaje da se dobije
dodatna hrana, pokuaje da se doe do tople vode,
pokuaje meusobne komunikacije, komunikacije sa straarima ili
vanjskim svijetom.1473 Drugi zatoenici su mogli da uju krikove i jauke onih
koje su tukli, pa se tako irio strah meu svim zatoenicima.1474 Budui da
nisu mogli utvrditi nikakav kriterij po kojem se vrio izbor za ispitivanje, mnogi
zatoeni Muslimani ivjeli su u stalnom strahu da e njih sljedee odvesti i
tako prema njima postupiti.1475 Dio
zatoenika su iz KP doma odvodili na prisilni rad.1476
U periodu od 28. juna do 5. jula 1992., srpski straari su u KP domu [B7.1]
ubili 36 Muslimana s podruja Foe.1477
U masovnoj grobnici na planini Malui, optina Foa, pronaena su i
ekshumirana jo 62 lea. Ti leevi su bili mukog pola i obueni u civilnu
odjeu, a za vie njih je utvreno da je rije o leevima Muslimana. Gotovo
svima su bili vezani udovi, a otkrie velikog broja ahura od municije ispaljene
iz pjeadijskog naoruanja u blizini te grobnice pokazuje da su te osobe
ubijene na toj lokaciji [B7.1].1478 Vijee zakljuuje da su ti ljudi
bili civili Muslimani koji su bili u zatoenitvu u vrijeme kada su ubijeni.
Dana 17. ili 18. septembra 1992. ili priblino tih datuma, iz KP doma je
odvedeno i ubijeno jo najmanje 35 zatoenih osoba.1479
648. Osim u gorepomenutim objektima, srpske vlasti su 1992. godine civile
preteno muslimanske i hrvatske nacionalnosti drale zatoene u sljedeih
dvanaest zatoenikih centara u toj optini: u bolnici u Foi [C13.7], u
policijskoj stanici u Miljevini [C13.10], na Brionima [C13.12], u kui
Slobodana Matovia [C13.13], u kaznionici u Veleevu [C13.14], u osnovnoj
koli Brod na Drini [C13.17], u vojnom skladitu u ohodor Mahali
[C13.18], u jednoj muslimanskoj kui u Trnovai [C13.19], u kui Muniba
Hodia [C13.21], na Presjeci kod Ustikoline [C13.22], u stanu Asima Danka
u mjestu Donde Polje [C13.23], kao i u kuama u selu ievo [C13.24].1480
649. U poetku je na snazi bilo vojno nareenje kojim se graanima
zabranjivalo da odu iz Foe. Meutim, veina muslimanskog civilnog
stanovnitva je na kraju bila prisiljena da napusti tu optinu.1481 U maju 1992.
godine organizovani su autobusi koji su odvozili civile iz grada, a dio
Muslimana iz Foe, uglavnom ene i djeca, odveden je oko 13. avgusta 1992.
godine u Roaje u Crnoj Gori.1482 Dana 23. oktobra, grupa ena i
djece iz te optine transportovana je, nakon jednomjesenog zatoenitva u
sportskoj dvorani Partizan [C13.4], autobusom u Gorade.1483
Mnogi Muslimani su otili iz te optine, strahujui za svoju bezbjednost. Da bi
otili, morali su pribaviti potvrdu lokalne policije i potpisati formular kojim svu
imovinu u svom posjedu prepisuju na republiku bosanskih Srba.1484
650. Grupe zatoenih osoba su prebacivane iz KP doma u druge logore u
Bosni i Hercegovini.1485 Osim toga, zatoenici su iz KP doma odvoeni na
razmjene.1486
78
Dana 30. avgusta 1992. ili priblino tog datuma, jedna grupa od oko 55
mukaraca odvedena je na razmjenu u Crnu Goru, ali je jedan srpski vojnik u
Nikiu, Crna Gora, zaustavio autobus kojim su ih prevozili i grupu poslao
nazad u KP dom.1487 Grupu su tada podijelili u dva dijela, nakon ega je oko
20 mlaih mukaraca odvedeno, moda u Gorade, i niko ih vie nikad nije
vidio. Preostalih 35 mukaraca odvedeno je na razmjenu u Roaje u Crnoj
Gori.1488
651. Uslijed gore opisanih dogaaja, izbrisani su svi tragovi muslimanskog
prisustva i kulture u Foi.1489 U januaru 1994. srpske vlasti su svoju potpunu
pobjedu sticanje premoi nad Muslimanima krunisale mijenjanjem imena
Foa u Srbinje.1490
U jesen 1994., optueni Momilo Krajinik se obratio skupu u gradu Foi i
zahvalio im to su stvorili pravi srpski grad i sprijeili da postane druga
Meka.1491
652. Vijee zakljuuje da su srpske snage u periodu od aprila do jula 1992. u
optini Foa ubile vie od 192 osobe, uglavnom muslimanske nacionalnosti.
Do kraja aprila
1992., srpske snage su preuzele kontrolu nad gradom i optinom Foa.
Srpske snage su potom napale mnoga muslimanska sela, sistematski su
kupile i zatvarale civile Muslimane, palile i razarale preteno muslimansku
imovinu, te poruile nekoliko damija u gradu i optini Foa. Ubijeni su mnogi
civili Muslimani.1492
Civili muslimanske i hrvatske nacionalnosti bili su zatoeni u tekim uslovima u
devetnaest zatoenikih centara. Muslimanke su redovno silovane ili
seksualno zlostavljane i drane u zatoenitvu u privatnim kuama. U KP
domu je bilo izmeu 350 i 500 zatoenih, a u ljeto 1992. taj broj je ponekad
premaivao 500. Straari i ljudi koji su spolja ulazili u logor surovo su
zlostavljali zatoenike. Dio zatoenika u KP domu je
odvoen na prisilni rad. Vijee zakljuuje da su u KP domu ubijena ukupno
133 zatoenika.
653. Vijee nadalje zakljuuje da su mnogi Muslimani otili iz te optine iz
straha za svoju bezbjednost. Od maja 1992. organizovani su autobusi koji su
odvozili civile iz grada. Da bi otili, morali su prepisati svoju imovinu na
republiku bosanskih Srba.
Dana 13. avgusta ili priblino tog datuma, dio Muslimana iz Foe, uglavnom
ene i djeca, odveden je u Roaje, Crna Gora. Drugi su prebaeni na
muslimansku teritoriju, na primjer, dio zatoenih je 23. oktobra 1992.
autobusom odvezen u Gorade.
79
1404 Presuene injenice 416-19, 421; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka 577),
str. 469, 474, 484, 486-7; orevi, T.
18076-8.
1405 Presuene injenice 370, 401, 435-6. 1406 Presuene injenice 434,
437; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka 577), str. 463-4, 471-2, 474-5, 506.
1407 Presuene injenice 426-8, 438; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka 577),
str. 479-80.
1408 Presuene injenice 467; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka 577), str.
480-1.
1409 Presuena injenica 408. 1410 Presuena injenica 409. 1411
Presuena injenica 411.
1412 Presuene injenice 354, 414; P701 (izjava svjedoka 558), str. 2.
1413 Presuena injenica 412.
1414 Presuena injenice 413.
1415 Presuena injenica 415.
1416 Presuena injenica 371.
1417 Presuena injenica 372.
1418 Presuene injenice 376, 443.
1419 Presuene injenice 578-9.
1420 Presuene injenice 422-4; Riedlmayer, T. 13303-6; P732
(Riedlmayerov izvjetaj), dodatak 2.1; P732.C
(Riedlmayerov transkript), str. 23801-2; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka 577),
str. 469, 474, 484, 486-7.
1421 Presuena injenica 373.
1422 Presuene injenice 374-5.
1423 Presuena injenica 388.
1424 Presuena injenica 389.
1425 Presuene injenice 394, 430.
1426 Presuena injenica 395.
1427 Presuena injenica 396.
1428 Presuena injenica 390.
1429 Presuene injenice 391, 430.
1430 Presuena injenica 392.
1431 Presuena injenica 429.
1432 P701 (izjava svjedoka 558), str. 3-4.
1433 P701 (izjava svjedoka 558), str. 4-6.
1434 Presuene injenice 397, 594-5; P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 2-4;
P694.A (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 2.
1435 Presuene injenice 398-9; P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 2.
1436 Presuene injenice 400, 431, 595; P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 3-4.
1437 Presuene injenice 595-7.
1438 Presuena injenica 605; P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 2, 5-6; P694.A
(izjava svjedoka 295), str. 2.
1439 P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 4, 6-9; P694.A (izjava svjedoka 295), str.
2; Maleevi, T. 16125.
1440 Presuene injenice 377, 432-3, 439, 448, 469, 476; svjedok 68, T.
81
14876.
1441 Presuena injenica 387.
1442 Presuene injenice 378, 463, 478.
1443 Presuene injenice 379, 382-3, 455; P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 7,
9-10, 13.
1444 Presuena injenica 384.
1445 Presuene injenice 380, 385, 450, 453-4, 457.
1446 Presuene injenice 451-2.
1447 Presuene injenice 381, 386, 456, 581-4, 589-91, 593, 606-8; P694
(izjava svjedoka 295), str. 10-12.
1448 Presuene injenice 458-9, 585-8; Maleevi, T. 16125.
1449 P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 13.
1450 Presuene injenice 461, 599-601; P694 (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 4-16;
P694.A (izjava svjedoka 295), str. 2.
1451 Presuene injenice 462, 470; svjedok 280, T. 12979.
1452 Presuena injenica 471; P807 (izjava svjedoka 68), str. 5, 10; P808
(izjava svjedoka 68), str. 3.
1453 Presuena injenica 477; P823, separator 2 (Zahtjev Taktike grupe
Foa, 8. maj 1992.).
1454 Presuena injenica 479.
1455 Presuene injenice 472, 487-8.
1456 Presuena injenica 473.
1457 Presuena injenica 486; P807 (izjava svjedoka 68), str. 5, 10; P808
(izjava svjedoka 68), str. 3.
1458 Presuene injenice 467, 490, 492; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka
577), str. 476-80, 507.
1459 Presuena injenica 491.
1460 Presuene injenice 493, 502-3; P807 (izjava svjedoka 68), str. 6; P808
(izjava svjedoka 68), str. 5-6.
1461 Presuena injenica 496; P823, separator 5 (Odluka predsjednitva
bosanskih Srba); P454 (Rjeenje o imenovanju
upravnika KP doma, 17. juli 1992.).
1462 Presuene injenice 497, 578-9.
1463 Presuene injenice 508-9.
1464 Presuene injenice 498, 500.
1465 Presuene injenice 499, 507; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka 577), str.
497-8; P823, separator 3 (Potvrda Kriznog
taba Foa, 7. juli 1992.).
1466 Presuena injenica 501.
1467 Presuena injenica 504.
1468 Presuena injenica 505.
1469 Presuena injenica 506.
1470 Presuene injenice 465, 510-20, 527-9; orevi, T. 18084, 18087,
18106, 18131-3; P807 (izjava svjedoka 68), str.
6.
1471 Presuene injenice 521-6.
82
1472 Presuena injenica 483; P807 (izjava svjedoka 68), str. 5, 10; P808
(izjava svjedoka), str. 3.
1473 Presuene injenice 466, 474, 484, 494-5, 532-6, 545-52, 555-7, 559-60,
562-3; P807 (izjava svjedoka 68), str. 5, 10;
P808 (izjava svjedoka 68), str. 3; P809 (izjava svjedoka 68), str. 2; P810
(izjava svjedoka 68, Ispravke na pismeni
dokazni materijal za svedoka); svjedok 68, T. 14875.
1474 Presuene injenice 475, 485, 530.
1475 Presuena injenica 531.
1476 Presuene injenice 431, 464.
1477 Presuene injenice 537-44, 553-4, 558, 565-6, 568; P807 (izjava
svjedoka 68), str. 7-9; P808 (izjava svjedoka 68),
str. 3-4; P810 (svjedok 68, Ispravke na pismeni dokazni materijal za svedoka).
1478 P943.T (Zapisnik Kantonalnog suda u Sarajevu o ekshumaciji, 9. juni
2001.), str. 3-18.
1479 Presuene injenice 561, 564, 567, 572, 575-7.
1480 Maleevi T. 16125-6, 16136-41.
1481 Presuena injenica 440.
1482 Presuena injenica 441.
1483 Presuena injenica 442.
1484 Presuena injenica 410; P696 (transkript iskaza svjedoka 577), str.
485-6, 488-9, 491, 493-5.
1485 Presuena injenica 570.
1486 Presuena injenica 571.
1487 Presuena injenica 573.
1488 Presuena injenica 574.
1489 Presuena injenica 446.
1490 Presuena injenica 447.
1491 P855 (transkript Krajinikovog obraanja masi u Foi, 1994).
1492 Presuena injenica 445.
1493 P954 (popis stanovnitva Bosne i Hercegovine iz 1991. godine, april
1995.), str. 112-15.
1494 P502 (izjava svjedoka 3), str. 4.
1495 P910.A (izjava svjedoka 79), str. 6; P857 (Tokain izvjetaj).
1496 P910.A (izjava svjedoka 79), str. 5-6, 9; P910 (transkript iskaza svjedoka
79), str. 27758-63; P502.B (izjava svjedoka
3), str. 2; P502 (izjava svjedoka 3), str. 4.
83
84
FOCANSKA SRAMOTA
Jasko Gazdi iz Foe bio je pripadnik tzv Vojske Republike Srpske u Foi. Sud
BiH je prvostepenom presudom 9. novembra 2012. osudio Jaska Gazdia na
17 godina zatvora zbog silovanja foanskih Bonjakinja.
85
86
87
88
89
s
Foanski muzej kad e postaviti postavku Genocid na bonjacima Foe
1992. 1995. i Genocid na bonjacima Foe 1941. 1945. ?
90
Zloinac na slobodi
91
92
93
fotografije:internet/facebook/inbox/flickr ekranportal13/focanskidani/fb
PutnikNamjernik
priredio:Kenan Sara
Foa Genocid u Foi (dokumenti)
94
Krizni tab Srpske optine Foa formirao je i prijeki sud, u iji sastav su uli:
Vojislav Maksimovi, Velibor Ostoji, Rajko Bojat (predsjednik, advokat iz
Foe), Lela Mili (sudija bivi savjetnik u Skuptini Bosne i Hercegovine) i
Slobo Starovi (automehaniar iz Automoto drutva Foa). Taj sud je mnoge
Bonjake osudio na kaznu smrti strijeljanjem.174
174 Isto, inv. br. 2-571.
Od poetka januara 1992. SDS je neprestano vrila blokadu, naroito
optinskih i upravnih organa. Ta je aktivnost bila posebno izraena kod SDS
Foe, to je rezultiralo njihovim naputanjem optinske Skuptine. Naime,
odbornici SDS-a Foa su na sastanku, odranom 8. januara 1992,
jednoglasno odluili da ne prisustvuju sedmoj, redovnoj sjednici Skuptine
optine Foa, zakazanoj za 9. 01. 1992.. U vezi sa tim, oni su naveli est
razloga, meu kojima i oekivanje konane i konkretne odluke Skuptine
srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine, koja je usljedila 9. januara, donoenjem
Deklaracije o proglaenju kolaboracionistike Republike srpskog naroda.
(AIIZ, inv. br. 3-1082/13, Srpska demokratska stranka BiH, Optinski odbor
SDS-a Foa, Br. 167/92, Foa, 9. januara 1992, Zakljuci sa sjednice Kluba
odbornika SDS-a Foa; AIIZ, inv. br. 2-2235, Transkript razgovora V. V. sa \.
96
M.).
-
posebno konzervirane.
73 Isto.
74 AIIZ, inv. br. 3-309.
75 Dnevni izvjetaj, br. 82, 15. juli 1992.
Naoruavanje Srba na podruju Foe je, prema raspoloivim podacima,
posebno aktuelizirano tokom 1990. Iz tog perioda sauvan je spisak od 35
Srba (sadri lina imena, imena oeva i prezimena, godinu roenja, vrstu i broj
oruja sa godinom proizvodnje), koji su 6.jula 1990. dobili razne vrste
oruja.65 Pored svih vrsta puaka (M-48, automatske i poluautomatske) Srbi
su dobili i pukomitraljeze M-53, zatim pukomitraljeze arac i minobacae
od 60 mm. Interesantno je istai da su tada i tri Srpkinje dobile oruje.66
65 AIIZ, inv. br. 2-746. To oruje je vjerovatno dobijeno od JNA iako se u
pomenutom dokumentu to ne navodi.
66 Isto. To su slijedee Srpkinje: Skakavac (Milana) Vesna, roena 1975.
(dobila je puku M-48, br. 55290); Kova (Save) Anelka, roena 1926. (dobila
je puku M-48, br. 12805) i Simovi (Milorada) Stoja, roena 1956. (dobila je
puku M-48, br. 62818).
Podgoriki i Uiki korpus inili su Operativnu grupu, na elu sa generalom
Jevremom Cokiem (naelnik taba bio je general Pavle Strugar). Komanda
OG bila je u Trebinju, a Uikog korpusa u Nevesinju. Komandant Uikog
korpusa 1991. bio je general Milan Torbica (AIIZ, inv. br. 2-5325 i 2-2130).
Uiki korpus je poetkom 1992. dislociran na podruje Foe, Gorada,
Viegrada i Bratunca, sa komandom u Viegradu. Dunost komandanta od
Milana Torbice preuzeo je general Ojdani, a Torbica je, umjesto generala
Ratka Mladia, imenovan za komandanta Kninskog korpusa (AIIZ, inv. br. 25325).
99
100
101
Kapetan Boro Milkovi je, poslije prijema kod generala urevca, u januaru
1992. na Niiima (u oblinjem mjestu Bukva) obuavao srpske dobrovoljce
(etnike jedinice). Cijeli februar 1992. on je obuavao jedan broj Srba (400) iz
Foe u kasarni u Kalinoviku. Teite obuke bilo je na minobacaima od 82 i
120 mm. Nakon obuke polaznici su izvrili gaanje zoljom i osom.198
198 Slobodna Bosna, br. 4, 21. novembar 1991, str. 3. Srpska oruana
jedinica iz Foe (oko 400-500 ljudi) se u toku marta 1992. nalazila na obuci u
garnizonu Kalinovik (AIIZ, inv. br. 3-1173, Srpska skuptina optine Foa
Generaltabu JNA, na linost generalpukovnika Blagoja Adia, Foa, 17.
marta 1992.).
102
Krajem 1991. i poetkom 1992. JNA je prije napada na Fou zauzela sve bitne
strateke take, posebno gdje su preteno ivjeli Srbi. Istovremeno je
kamionima izvukla teko naoruanje i municiju iz grada i postavila ga na
strateki vana mjesta. Najvei dio tog ljudstva (u maskirnim uniformama i
dobro naoruani) i jako puno naoruanja JNA je dislocirala na planinu
Zabrana i u blizini planinarskog i lovakog doma gdje su pripadnici SDS-a
esto odravali sastanke, kojima su, pored Velibora Ostojia, prisustvovali i
zloinci Radovan Karadi i Biljana Plavi.314
314 AIIZ, inv. br. 3-1259.
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U toku 13. aprila 1992. iz Srbije je prema Vlasenici upuen veliki kontingent
jedinica JNA. Istoga su dana helikopteri JNA dovozili ljudstvo, vojnu opremu i
sredstva u srpska sela na podruju optine Viegrad, radi napada na grad.
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VIDEO DOKUMENTI
Foca otisci 15. godina poslije
Foa, 2011. SILOVANE BONJAKINJE
tuna pria djevojice silovane kada je imala 12. godina
FOA svjedok genocida 1992.
pria srbina iz Foe o genocidu u Foi.
koncentracioni logori u Foi 1992
Foa most stradanja
govori Nisveta Skejovic, poetesa
genocid nad bonjacima
Haki tribunal i zloini u BiH FOA
********
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Foa
ohodar Mahala
Lagumdija je objasnio da je zatieni svjedok C-1 ula u bolnici da je
poinilac ubistava u ohodor Mahali u optini Foa Radoman Fundup, ali ga u
sudnici nije mogla prepoznati.
Prema optunici, Fundup je uestvovao u ubistvima dvoje djece i pet odraslih
osoba, te ranjavanju jedne ene u ohodor Mahali, prenosi Birn.
Iskazi svjedoka ozbiljno su doveli u sumnju sve navode optunice o ovim
ubistvima, rekao je Lagumdija.
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Braa Bio, koji su tada bili maloljetni, ispriali su kako su krajem maja ili
poetkom juna 1992. godine u njihovu kuu dola dva vojnika, od kojih je
jedan imao svezanu maramu oko glave, te su ih zajedno s Feridom Hodiem
odveli do obale rijeke Drine, gdje im je reeno da siu niz otru nizbrdicu.
Na ulici su bila dva lica Fundup Radoman i taj meni nepoznat ovjek.
Radoman je repetirao puku. Sjeam se da sam uo brata i Ferida da plau
kazao je Selvedin, dodavi da je od podstanarke uo za ime Radomana
Fundupa.
Njegov brat Edin se prisjetio da mu je ostalo upeatljivo kada se iz pravca
nebodera zauo enski glas koji je govorio: Radomane, ta to radi? Pusti tu
nevinu djecu. Prema rijeima svjedoka, vojnik s trakom se okrenuo i nastala
je tiina, a onda su bili puteni.
Svjedoei u svoju korist, optueni je kazao da je uesnik u deavanjima u
ohodor Mahali njegov roak Danilo Fundup.
Uesnik u ovom dogaaju je moj neki dalji roak. Smatrao sam da e sam
doi, ali od tog nita nije bilo izjavio je Fundup, istaknuvi da je saznao da se
uvaenom gospodinu ne ide u zatvor.
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Pozivanje na ubistva
On je svjedoio da je 10. juna 1992. godine bio na sahrani u ohodor Mahali,
nakon koje je otiao u kuu pokojnika. Tu je, kako je naveo, bio i Danilo
Fundup, te izvjesni Radislav Radovi, obojica naoruani.
Njegov roak je, prema rijeima optuenog, pozivao ljude da idu dole da
biju, nakon ega mu je optueni rekao da sjedne, a on je zajedno sa
Radoviem otiao iz kue. Fundup se prisjetio da je nakon toga zauo rafale i
zakljuio da je to to.
On je izjavio da mu nita nije poznato kada je u pitanju druga taka optunice,
u kojoj je navedeno da je zlostavljao civile.
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Tik uz teniske terene u Nikiu, tri groba zarasla u iblje. Hasan, Ferida i Sena
Klapuh, jedva se od teine palog granja naziru imena. Davno ostavljeno
cvijee i korov koji skriva grobove ne govore da se radi o rtvama posljednjeg
rata. ,,Proem ponekad tuda i sklonim ono granje, kae Mehmed Hodi
Meho, bivi grobar, u penziji. ,,Ja sam ih sahranio. erku u sredinu, a njih
dvoje sa strane. Sad vidim da je redosljed promijenjen, stoji da je Sena, erka,
sa desne strane. A nije. IPAK RATNI ZLOIN: Trolanu porodicu Klapuh su
petorica specijalaca Vojske Republike Srpske 1992. godine ubili na teritoriji
Crne Gore. Hasan je, kako se navodi u knjizi Kobna sloboda ekija
Radonia, bio ekonomista i dugogodinji zamjenik upravnika KP doma u
Foi, Ferida nije radila, dok je njihova tridesetogodinja erka Sena tek
diplomirala na graevinskom fakultetu. Za njihovo ubistvo, o emu je Monitor
ve pisao, optueni su Janko Janji (25), Zoran Vukovi (37), Radomir Kova
(31), Zoran Simovi (28) i Vidoje Golubi, pripadnici ,,Srpske Republike Bosne
i Hercegovine specijalnog odreda ,,Dragan Nikoli.
124
fotografije:facebook PutnikNamjernik
priredio:Kenan Sara
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nadvirivali nad plitki grob, starija je ena glasno ridala, a u hladu iza nje sjedila
su dvojica policajaca sa dvoglavim orlovima na plavim apkama. Paunci su
danas u Republici Srpskoj. Ubice jo uvijek slobodno hodaju Foom,
udaljenom tek nekih desetak kilometara.
Le je bio zamotan u deku u kojoj je i pokopana, tanije pokrivena zemljom i
ostavljena u nadi da je ivotinje nee iskopati. Kao i leevi trojice mukaraca
ukopanih prekoputa. Preivjeli svjedoci kau da je leeve pokopao Mate
Burilo, komsija. Govorili su tiho i ispod glasa, bacajui nepovjerljive poglede
prema policajcima, i Slobodanu krbi, lanu Komisije za nestale RS, koji se
etkao okolo, govorei preglasno, gestikulirajui presnano i neprirodno, kao
da eli oskrnaviti grobove njemu nepoznatih ljudi. Za njega je to bio posao,
kao i dvojici policajaca IPTFa, jednom u francuskoj, drugom u nigerijskoj
uniformi. Tog je dana, samo tu u tom mjestu, iskopano devetero ljudi; najmlai
je roen 1942.
(Emir SULJAGIC .Dani,28. april 2000.)
fotografije:internet
priredio:Kenan Sara
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Futy u brijanici
(Sinan Gudevi, Novosti,03.03. 2015.)
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musliman, svi smo bili prava braa, Hodi je uz ostale blesarije stalno
ponavljao.
Sluajui ovakve glupe bajke, ne samo njega nego i velikog broja dananjih
bonjakih mudraca, ovjek se mora upitati zar su ti novi predstavnici
bosansko-hercegovakih muslimana djeca Mee Selimovia koja boluje od
masovne amnezije, pa je zaboravila da ovo nije prvi velikosrpski genocid nad
muslimanima i drugim ne-srpskim stanovnitvom u Bosni i Hercegovini, a
posebno u Foi?
Zar su zbilja zaboravili onaj prvi genocid koji su 1941. izvrili etnici pod
komandom prote Vasilija Joviia, a pod pokroviteljstvom vojne komande
faistike Italije, kojeg je u svojoj knjizi vrlo detaljno opisao otac njihove nove
bonjake nacije, bivi Titin pukovnik ozne, beg Adil Zulfikarpai ? Jesu li
ve zaboravili i ovaj drugi kojeg su pod pokroviteljstvom armije bratstva i
jedinstva JNA, izvrili sinovi i unuci onih istih krvavih etnika Vase Joviia,
Sergija Mastilovia i drugih s kojima su eto preko 50 godina tako idilino ivjeli
u bratskoj ljubavi ?
Sudei prema onome to danas piu i govore bosansko-hercegovaki
muslimanski politiari, kako oni na vlasti tako i oni u tobonjoj oporbi,
moramo doi do zakljuka da oni jesu sve to zaboravili. Pa bi bilo suvino
pitati koliko e jo pokolja trebati da se ta jadna, glupa i dezorijentirana raja
konano opameti?
A za neopisive grozote koje su u ime srpstva izvrili ovi sadistiki monstrumi
dobili su slijedee kazne:
Zoran Vukovi je osuen na 12 godina zatvora iz kojeg je puten na slobodu
samo 3 godine kasnije.
Radomir Kova osuen je na 20 godina, a ve je i on sigurno na slobodi.
Njihov kolovoa, Dragoljub Kunarac osuen je na 28 godina, a sigurno e i on
uskoro na slobodu.
Eto, to je pravda koju dijeli haaki tribunal.
( Zvonimir Doen, radio Toronto,nedjelja 13. studenog 2011.)
izvor:internet
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Ferida Klapuh
Pred Novu godinu, u veernjim satima 25. decembra, na graninom prijelazu Kotroman,
prilikom ulaska u Srbiju iz Bosne i Hercegovine, uhapen je bosanskohercegovaki
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Foa centar grada, zgrada u kojoj je stanovala porodica Klapuh (oznaena crvenim
pravougaonikom)
izvor:agencije
fotografije:internet/fb PutnikNamjernik/flickr ekranportal13
priredio:Kenan Sara
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preuzeto
sa:https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1099892300050533&set=a.383768558329581.90815.1
00000893193518&type=3&theater
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13
naslov promjenio:Kenan Sara
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SVJEDOENJA
Grad FOA JO UVIJEK NIJE U STANJU SUOITI SE sa zloinima i
zloincima iz 1992.
Koliko je samo kamiona-lepera sa bonjakim rtavama egzekucije 1992.
doveeno i pokopano na samim sastavcim lokalitet bivih Rakita (sada su tu
nekakvi bazeni (tzv. aqua park) i na mjestu foanskog gradskog rugla
zapoetog, a nikad dovrenog tzv. hotela na samoj obali Drine odmah do tih
bazena.Dvadeset godina nakon rata u BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI jo je
otvoreno pitanje nestalih osoba (ubijenih) u Foi.
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Enes Uzunovi, uzorni omladinac, dobar drug, nadasve ljudina zavrio je u KP Domu. Nakon
nekoliko tortura/premlaivanja odveden je na tzv. branje ljiva i tu se gubi svaki trag
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da
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________
Tokom aprila i maja 1992. Muslimani u stambenim objektima zapravo su bili u
kunom pritvoru. Srpska vojska je postavila punktove na kojima se kontrolisao
ulaz i izlaz iz grada. Van grada, srpske snage su zauzimale i razarale
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Zgrada Lepa Brena je u centru grada Foe. Stan Radomira Kovaa je bio na
etvrtom spratu. Djevojke i ene koje je Kova dovodio, ili koje su drugi vojnici
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Azra potie iz foanske porodice Rikalo, koju je agresija na BiH razorila kao i
grad u kojem je ivjela. Njen otac Zaim, sa braom Huseinom i Midhatom,
uspio je izbjei u Crnu Goru, ali su deportovani nazad i zatoeni u zloglasni
KPD Foa.
To smo morali bolno saznati prole godine, jer su ga tada pronali u
masovnoj grobnici i identifikovali kao moga babu. To je neto najtee u mom
ivotu i taj gubitak, ta bol pratit e me kroz cijeli ivot. Nikada neu zaboraviti
njegove zadnje savjete Azra, sine, nemoj babi nikad okaljati obraz. Zato se
sve ove godine i ponaam tako, ivim u nadi da bi on bio ponosan na mene
kae Azra.
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Radoni je Tuilatvu predao i svoj film Heroj naeg doba u kojem svjedoci
na sasluanju u Sarajevu tvrde da je Pejovi brutalni egzekutor i hapsitelj.
Radoni je tada podsjetio na sluaj iz 1992. godine kada je pobijena porodica
Klapuh u Pluinama.
etvorica izvrilaca tog ubistva, pripadnici paravojske, osueni su na po 20
godina zatvora, a Golubi iz Pluina na osam mjeseci zatvora jer je prikrivao
ubice.
fotografije:internet/flickr ekranportal13/fb PutnikNamjernik
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odraslih to je ono to pamtim iz tih dana. A onda, treeg jula 1992, pohvatali
su nas srpski vojnici i odveli u Fou, ovako poinje ispovijest jedne od
silovanih ena.
Opisala je ta joj se dalje deavalo: Odveli su nas u sportsku dvoranu
Partizan koja je od SUP-a udaljena svega 30-tak metara. Prostorija u koju su
nas zatvorili bila je prepuna. Broj ena se mijenjao, ali nas je bilo oko
osamdeset. Vie od 40 dana podnosila sam zla i ponienja od kojih se nikad
neu oporaviti. Da li je to bila nesrea ili Boija kazna? Ne znam To to sam
preivjela gore je od smrti.Izgubila sam sve. Broj mojih ponienja, broj jo
uvijek ivih rana, ne mogu nikome kazati jer je prevelik.
Sjea se prvog silovanja: Dragan Zelenovi me je udario kundakom po glavi.
Pala sam bez svijesti. Kad sam dola sebi vidjela sam da mi je odjea
pocijepana. Silovao me je, a onda je bio uporan da mi noem na grudima
istetovira krsta!
Ispriala je da su je odvodili nou sa jo nekoliko djevojaka u stanove gdje su
ih grupe srpskih vojnika silovale satima. Ni to im nije bilo dovoljno pa su stalno
izmiljali nove naine iivljavanja i poniavanja svojih rtava. Ova djevojka za
ono to je proivjela najvie tereti Dragana Gagovia koji je u to vrijeme
bio prvi ovjek foanske milicije. Nju lino je, izjavila je, Gagovi vodio u
stanove Muniba Kovaevia I Dafera Zupevia. U Daferovom stanu bila je
Borka, njegova supruga, koja se sa etnicima bavila crnim nonim radnjama.
Denana Karup-Druko
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Dok je silovao ovu nesretnu djevojku Vukovi joj je grizao bradavice. Grudi su
joj krvarile. Uao je sljedei i nastavio je muiti, tipajui joj grudi. Od bolova
se onesvijestila
Samo nekoliko dana kasnije, ova ista djevojka ponovo je bila rtva grupnog
silovanja: Zelenovi je sa grupom vojnika odveo u neku kuu u blizini dvorane
Partizan. Silovali su je i tjerali da gleda kako siluju druge djevojke. Tog 23.
jula 1992, Zelenovi joj je rekao: Izrodit e dobru srpsku djecu. Istu no,
nakon to su je vratili u Partizan po nju su doli Janko Janji i Zoran Vukovi
i opet je silovali
Zbog onoga to je preivjela ova djevojka nikad nee moi imati djecu.
Denana Karup-Druko
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Sa teritoriji opine Foa spomenute su slijedee osobe kao rtve genocida ili
kao rtve torture (premlaivanja,silovanja i drugih zlostavljanja):
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II
A REFUGEE FROM FOCA
DURING THE BATTLE of Foa most of the Muslims were gathered in the
section of the town known as Donje Polje. There was a Serbian sniper position
above the barbershop. At one point Rade Elez called upon the Muslims in the
fishermen's section of town to surrender. He used the megaphone on top of
the tavern known as the Fisherman's Restaurant. A number of people
surrendered and when they did the Chetniks lined them up and drove them
into Foca's prison. The son of Asim Gogalija, whom I knew, was among the
prisoners. After three or four days of fighting Foca fell.
It was then that I heard the Chetniks took the Isanovic family for a medical
examination and when they reached the hospital they killed them. Durak
Saban was staying with us in our house at this time. When there was a lull in
the battle he would go out and gather up people's belongings so they would
not be lost. It is for this reason that Milanovic, the police official from Gradinic
who lived beside the dam at Gornje Polje, had Saban hauled off to the prison.
Saban had seen how the Chetniks were looting people's homes. He had also
seen how Asim Hadiahmetovics store had been looted. Hadziahmetovic
had already fled.
I saw how twenty Chemiks crossed the meadow above the prison and set
Hadiahmetovic's house on fire. This was the beginning of the burning of
Muslim Foa. I watched as they burned Hasan Pilavs apartment. He was the
director of the sawmill. I saw them burn the houses of many Muslims in Alada
and Donje Polje. When Radio Foa fell into Serbian hands, Velibor Ostojic
declared over the radio that the township of Foa was Serbian. He said that
Muslims would no longer be permitted to live in Foa. And he added that every
Serbian woman would have to bear seven children.
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I also saw three young Serbian men break into and rob the apartment of Reuf
Tafra, the director of Foa's medical center. I heard that during their first
attack the Chemiks killed ten young Muslim men from the families of
Djuderija, Silajdi, and Vojevi.They were all from the village of Susjeno.
The Chemiks claimed they had killed ten Ustaa, not ten Muslims. Using the
Fisherman's Restaurant as their base, Serbian snipers killed people
throughout the Surkovac area. Mter one Serb was shot they took revenge on
the entire area.
They set fire to the Emperor's Mosque and danced the kolo. They sang, Well,
men, shall we build a church in the center of Foca!6)
III
A REFUGEE FROM THE VILLAGE OF KOSMAN
THE VILLAGE OF KOSMAN is an hour's walk from the village of Perovii. A
Chetnik group led by Ratomir Mastilovi took twelve people away from our
village. Mastilovi's unit included Tihomir Aimovi, Zeljko Majdov, Radmilo
and Sreta Mijovi, Luka Tomovi, Zdravko and Milenko Pavlovi, Mile Majdov,
Djoko Vukovi, and Ljubo Kavocevi. The people they abducted were from
the Lagarija family. This included Nazif, Abida, Salih, Fadil, Semso,
Ibro, Ekrem, and Serif From the Vejo family they abducted Fehim,
Hasib, and Nermin. They also took away the Albanian called Halim. None of
these people came back.
The same Chetnik group crammed a large group from our village into Meca
Deleuta's house. I know that from the Deleuta family there was Mesa, Latif,
Umija, Safet, Musan, and Mulija. Salima and Pasa from the Vejo family
and Saba and Semso from the Lagarija family were among those pushed
into the house. The Chetniks doused the house with gasoline and burned
189
everyone alive. Everyone was burned to death. After this the Chetniks set the
entire village of Kosman on fire and burned it to the ground. They drove off all
the live-stock. It was May 4, 1992, when all of this happened.7)
IV
A REFUGEE FROM THE VILLAGE OF JELEC
EVER SINCE THE MUSLIM HOLIDAY of Bajram our life has become a
nightmare. It all began on April 4, 1992, when the first shots rang through our
village and Chetniks from the Serbian village of Vodice began shelling us
incessantly. The villagers hid in the canyon of the Bistrice river. We had
already prepared some shelters. These were small huts about a meter high
built from stones and covered with boards. The shelling of the village lasted
about three days and fourteen Muslim houses were destroyed. When the
shelling stopped the Chetnik infantry entered the village and began killing
people. They targeted men, women, and children.
They killed my husband and his brothers Omer, Asim, Mustafa, and
Zulfo. These were all the sons of Jusuf. Our relatives and their sons were
also killed. There was Hakija Srnja, son of Suro; Hajika's son Enver Srnja;
Zulfo's son Evledin Srnja; Asim's son Nedad Srnja; and Edhem
Sljivo, the son of lbro. All these people were shot. Five days after they were
killed, survivors from our village were able to bury their corpses during the
night. They are buried at the scene of the crime, beside the Krupice river, near
Zulfo and Hakija's house.
I know the Chetniks also killed the following people: Osman Zametica, Jusuf
Dinic and his wife, Mustafa Tuzlak, an Albanian called Nasuf whose
corpse was terribly mutilated, Edhem and his wife Fata and one
daughter, Uzeir Hadic and his son Enver and daughter-in-law Jelena,
190
and Haso Hadic. They were all killed in Hamdo Hadics weekend house.
They are buried now beside the house.
I saw who committed these crimes. They were our Serb neighbors who were
teachers from the elementary school in Jelec. All were members of the SDS.
Particularly prominent among them were the Chetnik leaders Zoran Miljanovic
and Pero Elez from Miljevina.8)
V
A REFUGEE FROM THE VILLAGE OF Kosova POLJE
THE CHE1NIKS CAME into the village on June 3, 1992. It was not hard to
recognize them with the badges on their caps. They went into my brother
Sefket's house. They began kicking his wife Fatima. They demanded money
and all her jewelry. My sister-in-law brought them what they wanted. They then
locked her up in the house and raped her. After they had finished they set the
house on fire with Fatima in it. The remains of her hair and bones were found.
On the same day they burned down the house of Hakija Kos. They then
burned down my father Abid Jamak's house and slaughtered him. They began
their genocidal work in Kosovo Polje at ten o'clock at night. They had warned
the villagers that they should move out of their houses by the morning. With
megaphones they ordered everyone to hand over their arms and bring their
cars to the crossroads. If they did not do so, they were told that their houses
would be burned to the ground. My father did not want to follow their orders to
abandon his home. Milan Lukic is among the most infamous of the Chetnik
leaders who came to Kosovo Polje. He, among others, is responsible for these
criminal acts. It was Luki who sang the Chetnik song, Muslims, you yellow
ants, your days are numbered.9)
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XI
AN EIGHTY-FOUR- YEAR-OLD REFUGEE FROM MILJEVINA
THEY CAUGHT MY HUSBAND and slaughtered him. And then they threw his
body on the fire. I saw them set seven houses on fire. They left and then
returned. This time they packed all our animals onto tractors and trucks and
drove them toward Miljevina. They said they were taking it all to Serbia and
Montenegro. Everything was burned to the ground. Nothing was left. Noth- ing
but ashes. Yes, they caught Abid Hukara. They threw him into the fire and
burned him alive. There was one girl. I remember she was retarded. They
killed her father and also threw him into the fire. They took her away and raped
her.15)
dijelovi Iz knjige:
Rabia Ali & Lawrence Lifschultz: WHY BOSNIA , The Pamphleteer*s Press, Inc.
Stone Creek, Connecticut, 1993.
192
nacionalnosti.
U Foi je najvee zaprepaenje i iznenaenje izazvalo, ne samo Muslimana,
nego i veine Srba, paljevine i unitavanje vjerskih objekata islamske
zajednice. Granatama su gaane znamenita Aladu damija, Musluk damija,
a od juer je dokasno gorjela i Careva damija. Sve te damije spadaju u
remek djela orijentalne arhitekture nastale u 16. stoljeu, i pod zatitom su
drave. Carevu su damiju napadai prethodno oskrnavili na vrlo primitivan
nain: na njezinu su munaru izvjesili srpsku zastavu, a preko damijskog
razglasa emitirali etnike pjesme.
Bilten SDA
194
Svjedoanstvo o pokoljima
Gorade Drina je sve krvavija. Ni jedna muslimanska kua nije ostala cijela,
opljakane su i spaljene, a Muslimani, najveim dijelom starci, koji nisu htjeli
ostaviti svoje ognjite, otjerani su u logore. Od zvjerstava objavljujemo samo
nekoliko koja su potvrena. Na granici Foe i Gorada, Drina je izbacila le
Hasana Traka. Imao je vezane ruke i prerezan vrat. Le je identificiran na
temelju osobne iskaznice naene u depu.
Kod sela Vrania pronaen je muki le u raspadanju, glave iznakaene, a
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lubanje izbuene mecima. U tijelu (visine 170 cm) u predjelu grudnoga koa
vidljive su etiri prostrijelne rane dum-dum mecima.
Kod mosta u Osanici pronaen je le mukog djeteta veliine 70 centimetara.
U predjelu prsnog koa s lijeve strane vidi se vie ubodnih rana.
Zbog estih gubitaka koje im nanose branitelji, etnici kolju za odmazdu
muslimansko stanovnitvo. Iz sela Trnovaa i Broda na Drini kod Foe, etnici
i stanovnici toga sela Neboja Jankovi,zvani iak, Novislav aji, Slavko i
paco Paprica, Ljubia i Mladen Ostoji, Grujo Kovaevi i Igor Jegdi, odveli
su svoje susjede Halima, Muju i abana edia, Nediba Dina, Sulju
Lagariju, Ermina i Sulju Mujanovia, Devada, Edhema, Ferida i Hamdiju
Bekovi, kao i Esada Mujanovia na most na Drini. Zajedno s etnicima iz
Crne Gore, koje je vodio Gojko Jankovi, strijeljali su ih; 26-godinji Esad
Mujanovi uspio je skoiti sa 25 metara visokog mosta u Drinu i ronei i
plivajui spasio si je ivot. Skrivajui se od etnika, uspio je proi opasnih 20
kilometara i doi do Gorada.
To je samo nekoliko slika o zloinima srpskih i crnogorskih etnika, koji
dobivaju prema izjavama zarobljenika 500 DEM dnevnice ako se vrate ivi
iz akcije. Iz Gorada se upuuje apel za apelom, a sve je manje povjerenja i u
Boutrosa Ghalija, EZ i UNPROFOR, kojima je Gorade terra incognita.
N.U. Veemji list, 17. VII. 1992.
196
noge mi otekle. Prvog rata sam ranjavana i ne mogu ni pruit je. Aperisana
isto ovde, stomak, spljet crijeva dobila. I eto ta da ti priam, sve mi je
pobiveno, nemam nie nita, vako sam gole due izila. A za ecu ne znam,
niko ni za kog. Imala erku jednu i sina jedinog. U Sarajvu mi je sin, erka mi
je na Trebovu i zet. I sin i njegova eca. Ja ne znam ni za kog. Ja sam
potpuno nerviram se i trujem. Eto ta imam dalje da ti priam. Lipo sam
luda Osamdeset mi je trea godina, to vam mogu rei.
Video zapis, Jablanica, u VII. mesecu 1992.
199
200
201
202
203
204
205
206
207
209
Silovanje kao ratni zloin, zloin protiv ovjenosti i genocid historijski osvrt
injenica je da zloin silovanja kao monstruozno oruje rata nije ekskluzivan
izum osmanske, srpske ili vojske Hutua u Ruandi. Odnos prema eni u ratu
210
1929. naglaeno je da ena u ratu s obzirom na svoj spol treba biti tretirana s
uvaavanjem.[186]
Uprkos ovoj kodifikaciji, Prvi svjetski rat osim masovnih gubitaka ljudskih
ivota poznat je i po masovnim silovanjima. Silovanje ena u Belgiji od
njemakih vojnika bilo je toliko masovno da je to postalo metafora za belgijsko
nacionalno ponienje. enevskom konvencijom iz 1929. proklamovano je da
e ene biti tretirane s puno obzira kao to to njihov spol zavreuje[187]
ime se namjeravalo sprijeiti silovanje, a dobio se samo nezgrapni
eufemizam[188] koji nije sprijeio da se praksa masovnog silovanja nastavi i u
II svjetskom ratu. Meu brojnim silovanjima poinjenim nad enama, esto se
u literaturi spominje masovno silovanje desetina hiljada ena u Berlinu koje su
silovali ruski vojnici tokom zadnje dvije sedmice rata.[189]
Sutinu znaenja silovanja u ratu doarava Susan Brownmiller: Tijelo silovane
ene postaje cermonijalno bojno polje, paradno polje za pobjedu. Taj in na
njenom tijelu je poruka koja se prenosi izmeu mukaraca ivi dokaz
pobjede jednog i poraza drugog.[190]
Meutim, da bi silovanje bilo okarakterizirano kao zloin genocida, mora biti
provedeno s ciljem unitenja naroda jednog njegovog dijela. Vojnici siluju uz
naredbu odobrenje, a na zlodjela ih motivira mrnja i iracionalna osveta koja
se inicira na osnovu propagandnih mitova. Jedan od tih mitova ponudila je
Biljana Plavi koja je u vrijeme masovne kampanje silovanja Bonjakinja dala
sljedeu izjavu: Silovanje je, naalost, strategija ratovanja muslimana i dijela
Hrvata prema Srbima. Za islam je to normalno jer tolerie poligamiju. Istorijski,
kroz 500 godina turske okupacije sasvim je normalno bilo pravo bega age na
212
214
215
216
Bez obzira to su bonjaka sela u ruke srpske vojske padala praktino bez
borbi, ili uz minimalan otpor, stanovnici Bonjaci su okupljani na sabirna
mjesta, odakle su razvrstavani u zatvore i logore, gdje su brojni mukarci,
ene i djeca likvidirani i mueni na razne naine. Borbe, recimo, uope nije bilo
u selu Jele, koje je srpska vojske okupirala 4. maja 1992.[202] Prema
izvjetaju Specijalnog izaslanika UN-a za ljudska prava, ve je u martu u
selima oko Foe dolo do masovnih pogubljenja Bonjaka. Posebno se
spominje selo Jele u kojem su mukarci pogubljeni, a ene sa djecom
protjerane u umu. etiri dana kasnije, vratile su se da sahrane
mukarce.[203] U selima Trnovae i Trbue, juno od Foe, takoer nije bilo
nikakvog otpora. Srpska vojska je u ova sela ula koncem juna 1992.
godine.[204] Srpski vojnici su Bonjake civile bez ijednog ispaljenog metka i
bez ikakvog pokuaja otpora, pod prijetnjom orujem, iz njihovih domova
otjerali u razne zatvore i logore koji su bili pod ingerencijom objedinjenih
srpskih vojno-civilnih vlasti.[205]
Svjedoenja i dokumentacija o izvrenju genocida u Foi pozivaju na detaljna
nauna istraivanja i analize. U kompleks izvrenja genocida nad Bonjacima
svakako ulazi i unitavanje bonjakih kulturnih spomenika, te muslimanskih
vjerskih objekata. Iako unitavanje kulture jednog naroda nije sankcionirano
217
Naredbe o silovanju
Prema svjedoenju brojnih svjedoka iz Foe, sve to se deavalo, odvijalo se
uz saglasnost i prema nalogu srpskih vlasti. Naalost, ne postoji dokument koji
potvruje da je postojala specifina naredba o silovanju, meutim, prema
izjavama svjedoka, sistematski zloini su ak i nadgledani. Bonjakinje su u
Foi, kao i na ostalim okupiranim teritorijama Bosne i Hercegovine, silovane s
ciljem da budu, kako je to silovatelj rekao Bakiri Hasei, budu oploene
srpskim sjemenom. Prema svjedoenju FWS-192, ef policije i predsjednik
SDS-a (Srpska demokratska stranka) u Kalinoviku doli su u inspekciju kole u
kojoj su silovane ene.[217] Isto tako, autobusi sa muslimanskim enama na
putu od Buk Bijele do Srednjokolskog centra u Foi stali su na nekoliko
minuta ispred SUP-a, lokalne policijske stanice. Neki od vojnika koji su bili u
autobusima izali su i uli u policijsku stanicu ili su ispred autobusa razgovarali
sa efom policije u Foi, Draganom Gagoviem.[218] Osim toga, nekoliko je
svjedoka vidjelo Dragana Gagovia u Partizanu ili u blizini dvorane.[219]
Kada su pokuavale zatraiti zatitu policije, prema enama se postupalo
grubo i njihove su pritube zanemarivane.
Svjedoenja Bonjakinja pred ICTY-jem govore o sistematskom silovanju kao
dijelu dravnog projekta genocida nad Bonjacima koji nije mogao biti
proveden bez uea ili preutnog prihvatanja veine pripadnika srpskog
naroda. Meutim, prema njihovim svjedoenjima, odreeni broj srpskih vojnika
ipak je pokuavao zadrati ljudski dignitet i oduprijeti se naredbama. Za razliku
od straara u zloglasnom logoru Partizan koji nisu pokuavali sprijeiti
vojnike da ulaze i siluju zatvorenice, neki od straara u Srednjokolskom
centru u Foi pokuavali su sprijeiti vojnike da poine ovaj zloin. Svjedokinja
FWS-95 prisustvovala je sceni kada je jedan straar u logoru Srednjokolski
220
222
225
226
227
Fako Jusuf, Fako Pemba zapaljeni u porodinoj kui 24. juna 1992. godine,
pie na ploi, na potpornom zidu ispod male, bijele i prazne kue,u selu
Izbino.
Jusuf i Pemba nisu jedini iz sela okonali ivot na tako surov nain. Buktinja je
progutala jo dvije starice, za stolom su naene ugljenisane. Jo su dva
ovjeka u istom plamenu izgorjela. Teka je to pria
***
Ni dvadeset godina poslije rata (?) ne postoje podaci o broju ubijenih Bonjaka
ni u Foi ni okolini.
Ima dosta propusta oko Foe, a jedan od najveih je to ne postoji jedinstvena
baza podataka ubijenih Bonjaka u Foi i okolini.
*****
Izbino je naseljeno mjesto u Bosni i Hercegovini, u optini Foa. Na popisu
stanovnitva 1991. u njemu je ivjelo 475 stanovnika.
228
*****
to su okolna sela i grad Foa dopali u ruke srpskih snaga: vojske, policije,
paravojnih formacija, a ponekad i samih Srba seljaka, primjenjivan je uvijek isti
ablon: Kue Bonjaka su sistematski pretresane, pljakane i spaljivane, a
graani su hapeni ili sakupljani na jednom mjestu, a ponekad tokom samog
procesa, premlaivani ili ubijani. Mukarci i ene su odvajani, a veina ih je
zatvorena u KP Dom u Foi. ene su odvoene na razne lokacije zatoenja
gdje su ivjele u nepodnoljivim higijenskim uvjetima, a u tim centrima su
zlostavljane na mnoge naine, dok ih je veina sistematski silovana. Srpski
vojnici ili policajci su dolazili u zatoenike centre, odabirali jednu ili vie ena,
izvodili ih i silovali. Neke od njih su odvoene u privatne apartmane i kue gdje
su silovane, a morale su takoer kuhati, istiti i sluiti rezidente, koji su bili
srpski vojnici. Tokom pomenutog napada na bonjake civile, ogroman broj
ena i djevojica je silovan. Svi tragovi postojanja i kulturno naslijee
muslimana Bonjaka je zbrisano iz podruja zahvaenih napadom srpskih
snaga. Skoro ni jedan Bonjak nije ostao u Foi. Sve damije su sruene.
*****
fotografije:internet/fb PutnikNamjernik
priredio:Kenan Sara
230
Kroz etiri stalne postavke Muzej najbolje svjedoi o ovom kraju Bosne,
historiji, obiajima, imenima, potkrepljujui sve sauvanim fotografijama i
predmetima. Postavke Foa u prolosti, Etnografska postavka, Bitka na
Sutjesci i 110 dana foanske republike privlae sve veu panju javnosti. Na
godinjem nivou ostvare vie od 3.000 posjeta.
231
60
60.
,
. , ,
, .
, ,
, -,
1998. .
***
232
233
234
235
236
svi u Roajama znaju, dao pravi otac na roenju. Prolog mjeseca ampi i
stariji brat Kemal bili su na sahrani posmrtnih ostataka oca Muniba.
Nakon 15 godina pronali su grobnicu u kojoj je bilo est ubijenih civila. Nai
roditelji bili su umotani u jedno ebe, ali uzorak majine DNK jo se ispituje u
Visokom i uporeuje s naim, da bi bili sasvim sigurni. Rekli su nam da e to
biti zavreno sljedeeg mjeseca i da e tada biti i njena denaza pria
ampi.
Stariji Kemal, kojeg nijesmo zatekli u Roajama, nije mogao telefonom da
govori o tim dogaajima.
Moemo kada se vratim. Prosto ne umijem telefonom. Malo to u vam ja
rei to vam oni nijesu ve ispriali. I ja sam bio mali kae on, izvinjavajui
se.
Pooim Jusuf, kojeg mladii tradicionalno zovu babo, pria kako ranije nije
dozvoljavao da se o tome govori, jer su djeca bila pod traumom, ali da je sada
drugaije.
239
241
242
Kako god odlue, nijesu vie mali. Ali znam da im ni ubudue nee nita
faliti, gdje god da su kae on.
Kemal je zavrio srednju drvopreraivaku. Moda ipak nastavi Jusufov,
frizerski zanat, to ve ine njegova braa i sestre Fazlii.
Priu o brai Bitevije u Roajama skoro svi znaju. Jusuf je, kau Roajci, i bez
toga zasluio potovanje i iskrene pozdrave prolaznika, merhaba efendija, s
rukom na grudima i blagim naklonom dok sjedi ispred porodinih radnji na
najpromjetnijem mjestu u gradu i smireno ispija penzionersku kahvu
* Napomena, Jusuf Fazli je u meuvremenu preselio, a ulogu staratelja
Ramiza i Kemala preuzela je polusestra Belkisa
****
video:you tube
fotografije:internet/facebook
priredio:Kenan Sara
243
248
249
251
253
378. Jedini razlog za takvo postupanje prema tim civilima bio je taj to
su oni po svom etnikom porijeklu bili Muslimani. 162
379. ene su drali u raznim zatoenikim centrima, gdje su morale
ivjeti u nepodnoljivim higijenskim uslovima, gdje su zlostavljane na
razne naine, to je za mnoge od njih ukljuivalo esta silovanja. 163
380. Srpski vojnici ili policajci dolazili bi u te zatoenike centre, birali
jednu ili vie ena, izvodili ih i silovali. Mnoge ene i djevojke silovane
su na taj nain. 164
38l. Neke od njih su iz tih zatoenikih centara odvodili u privatne
stanove i kue, gdje su morale kuhati, istiti i sluiti srpske vojnike koji
su tamo stanovali. Podvrgavane su i seksualnim zlostavljanjima. 165
382. Konkretno, civili Muslimani koji su bili zatoeni u koli u
Kalinoviku, Srednjokolskom centru u Foi i sportskoj dvorani
Partizan drani su u nehigijenskim uslovima i bez tople vode. 166
383. Civili Muslimani koje su drali na tim mjestima nisu dobivali
dovoljno hrane. Sloboda kretanja im je bila ograniena. Nije im bilo
dozvoljeno da odlaze na neku drugu teritoriju niti da se vrate svojim
kuama. Veina njihovih kua spaljena je ili opljakana. Bili su pod
strahom i ivjeli su u atmosferi zastraivanja.
167
384. Sve to dogaalo se pred oima, sa punim znanjem, a ponekad i uz
neposredno uee lokalnih vlasti, posebno policije. 168
254
385. Nalnik policijskih snaga u Foi, Dragan Gagovi, bio je kao jedan
od ljudi koji su dolazili u te zatoenike centre da izvode i siluju ene169
386. Nakon viemjesenog zatoenitva, mnoge ene su protjerane ili
razmijenjene.170
387. Neki mukarci su u zatoenitvu proveli ak dvije i po godine
samo zbog toga to su Muslimani. 171
256
399. Bili su uplaeni jer su vidjeli kako gore druga muslimanska sela i
znali su da su napadnuti zbog toga to su Muslimani. 183
400. U prvom napadu poginula su tri seljana, a nakon to je uhvaena
grupa od 50 seljana Muslimana, premlaeno je i ubijeno jo sedam
mjetana mukaraca. 184
40l. Nakon to su Srbi zauzeli Fou i njenu okolinu, tamo je bio
prisutan znatan broj srpskih vojnika i srpskih paravojnih formacija. 185
402. im su Srbi preuzeli vlast, uvedena su ogranienja za nesrpsko
stanovnitvo. Srpski vojnici su nazivali Muslimane pogrdnim izrazom
balija i psovali ih prilikom hapenja.186
403. U aprilu l992. godine Muslimane su poeli da otputaju s posla i
da ih spreavaju da se jave na posao ili da ih od toga odvraaju. 187
404. Iako je srpski Krizni tab naredio Srbima da se vrate na posao
negdje krajem aprila ili poetkom maja l992. godine, Muslimanima to
nije bilo dozvoljeno. 188
405. Nesrpskom stanovnitvu kretanje je bilo ogranieno. Policijski
automobil s razglasom obilazio je grad objavljujui da Muslimanima
nije dozvoljeno kretanje gradom. Slina objava data je i putem radija.
406. Istovremeno, srpsko stanovnitvo moglo je slobodno da se kree,
osim za vrijeme policijskog asa od 20:00 do 06:00 sati koji je vaio za
sve stanovnike. 190
257
258
259
260
261
262
______
263
265
266
267
269
270
Prostor u KP domu
5l2. Zatoenici ne-Srbi namjerno su bili smjeteni u skuenim
uslovima. Kapacitet KP doma bio je takav da se moglo smjestiti vie od
maksimalnih 500-700 zatoenika ne-Srba, ali su zatoenici bili
natiskani u mali broj prostorija.281
5l3. U samicama, koje su bile predviene za po jednu osobu, bilo je
natrpano i do l8 ljudi odjednom, tako da zatoenici nisu uopte mogli da
se kreu elijom, ni da spavaju u leeem poloaju. 282
272
275
276
278
279
281
PREMLAENI
559. Jednom prilikom u ljeto l992. godine, Latif Hasanbegovi, Aziz
Haskovi i Halim Seljanci izvedeni su zajedno i teko premlaeni od
strane dvojice straara KP doma, Zorana Matovia i Milenka Burila.
Tukli su ih po cijelom tijelu, ukljuujui i tabane, a jedan od straara je
za tu svrhu koristio palicu za bejzbol. Kao posljedica toga, po povratku
u svoju sobu jedva su mogli da se kreu ili da stoje. 326
PREMLAENI
560. Otprilike u junu l992. godine, Kemu ili Kemala Isanovia i
mladia po prezimenu Cedi prozvali su jedan vojnik koji nije pripadao
KP domu i jedan straar KP doma, nakon ega su odvedeni i teko
premlaeni. Ostali zatoenici jasno su uli njihove krikove i jauke.
Vratili su se oteeni i puni modrica. 327
izveden
56l. U septembru l992. godine iz KP doma je izveden Rasim Kajgana i
vie ga niko nije vidio. 32
PREMLAEN
562. Otprilike sredinom juna l992. godine Emir Mando je odveden do
kapije KP doma i surovo prebijen. Mandu su stavili na stolicu, a
straari KP doma ili vojnici koji nisu pripadali KP domu skinuli su mu
cipele i ugurali ruke i noge kroz okvir druge stolice. 329
563. Jedan od glavnih poinilaca uzeo je palicu i poeo Mandu udarati
po rukama i nogama. Zoran Vukovi iz Joanice udario ga je vojnikom
282
283
Premjetanje zatoenika
570. Grupe zatoenika su iz KP doma premjetene u druge logore u
Bosni i Hercegovini, u logore u Kuli, Kalinoviku i Rudom, izmeu
ostalih. 337
57l. Zatoenici KP doma odvoeni su na razmjene. Te razmjene obino
su se odvijale prema istom obrascu. Straar ili policajac iz KP doma bi
sa kapije otiao u sobe zatoenika i prozvao one koji su predvieni za
razmjenu, prema spisku koji je izdavala uprava zatvora. Izabrane
zatoenike bi potom odveli iz KP doma. Zatoenike bi pritom ponekad
tukli straari KP doma ili vojna lica. 338
572. Mada su neke od tih razmjena obavljene korektno, tako da su
zatoenici uspjeli prijei na teritoriju pod kontrolom bosanskih
Muslimana, mnogi zatoenici koji su odvedeni na razmjenu
jednostavno su nestali. Svjedoci su potvrdili injenicu da su
razmijenjeni zatoenici nestali nakon to su i oni sami bili puteni na
slobodu ili razmijenjeni, to su saznali bilo od rodbine onih koji su
nestali, bilo od drugih bivih zatoenika nekoliko godina kasnije, ili dok
su preko Meunarodnog komiteta Crvenog krsta pokuavali da saznaju
neto o svojoj rodbini. 339
573. Najmanje jedanput zatoenici su odvedeni preko dravne granice.
Jedna grupa od otprilike 55 mukaraca odvedena je oko 30. augusta
l992. godine na razmjenu u Crnu Goru,ali je Pero Elez,bosansko srpski vojnik,
284
GENOCID U FOI
286
U ovom gradu je tokom rata ubijeno oko tri hiljade Bonjaka, na stotine ena silovano
a zatvorenici u logorima bili su izloeni muenjima i torturama.Istraivako
dokumentacijski centar objavio je da je 2805 osoba nestalo ili je smaknuto tijekom
tog razdoblja.Od tog broja je za 1,899 ljudi potvreno da su ubijeni, a ostali se jo
uvijek vode kao nestali, iako je njihova sudbina izvjesna.
Prema zvaninim podacima Zavoda za statistiku FBiH, u Foi je 1991. godine ivjelo
20. 790 Bonjaka od ukupn 40. 513 graana. U toku rata u BiH u Foi je ubijeno 1.899
Bonjaka, dok se njih 853 vode kao nestali.
287
U Fou se vratilo svega hiljadu bonjakih porodica od kojih u sam grad tek njih 20.
(Zvaninih podataka o populaciji koja danas ivi u Foi nema, jer popis nije obavljen
nakon rata. Nezvanine procjene nevladinih i humanitarnih organizacija govore da na
teritoriji dananje Republike Srpske ivi ukupno 91, 8 % Srba, 7,5 % Bonjaka i 0,7 %
Hrvata.)
288
Bivi gradski zatvor u Foi (KPD Foa), jedan od najveih zatvora u bivoj
Jugoslaviji, postao je glavni koncentracioni logor za mukarce Bonjake, meu kojima
289
su bili i invalidi, maloljetnici, mentalno zaostali i teko bolesni ljudi. Bonjaci u ovom
logoru bili su rtve najbrutalnijih tortura, odvoeni su na prisilni rad i koriteni kao
ivi tit u minskim poljima. Do 5. oktobra 1994. kroz ovaj logor je prolo 1.360
Bonjaka.
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295
296
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299
300
301
302
303
etnika bratija
Foanski zloinci
305
306
307
Foa i zloini
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309
310
311
312
313
314
315
316
317
Foa 1992
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Foa 1992
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321
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323
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326
327
329
330
331
332
Foa 1992. 1995. konc logor za bonjake magacin i vojna kasarna Livade
Foa 1992. 1995. konc logor za bonjake barake i motel Buk Bijela
334
335
336
izvor:fena
338
ula sam lino kad je naredbu dao Z., vojvoda iz Miljevine. Prvo je rekao: Na
stranu ene i djeca, na stranu mukarci. Kada smo bili odvojeni na tri metra,
rekao je: Ubijajte mukarce. Utom je zapucalo, mi smo pomagale, vidjela
sam kako mukarci pogoeni padaju, a onda su nas potjerali u neke barake
radilita hidrocentrale Buk Bijela. Tu su nas poredali da nas pobiju na jednu
obalu Drine, a S. je zavikao: Nemojte ene i djecu, nisu krivi. Onda su nas
poeli voditi u barake i odmah sve redom ene i djecu ensku djevojice,
silovati. Najmlae su bile E. stara 15 godina, D. stara 16 godina, D. stara 15
godina, S. stara 22 godine, Z. stara 22 godine. Ostalo su bile udate ene.
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ISPOVJEST (1): U logoru za ene Partizan, u Foi, bila sam zatoena od jula
do avgusta 1992. godine. U julu 1992. godine u pet sati ujutro etnici su napali
nae selo oko desetak kilometara daleko od Foe. Vidjela sam da je bilo punih
pet autobusa etnika, svi u arenim odijelima, neki sa pokrivenim licima, neki
sa maskama, samo se oi vide, a drugi sa crnim trakama preko ela, neki sa
rukavicama bez prstiju, neki sa bijelim, a neki sa crvenim trakama. Opkolili su
selo, pucnjava je poela sa svih strana. Dok smo bjeali, ve je troje, etvero
kod bajti bilo mrtvo, I. . star oko 40 godina, S. K. star oko 37-38 godina, F. O.
stara oko 24 godine, nosila je na leima dijete od dve godine (dijete je
ranjeno). Bilo je jo puno ranjenih.
Presjekli su nam put i mi nismo imali izlaza. Moj mu i na sin od deset godina
ostali su u umi, a ja sam sa drugom grupom opkoljena. Tu su nas odmah
poeli tui i maltretirati i ubili su devet ljudi (sve civili). Ubistvo su izvrili tako
to su iz grupe nas ene i djecu odvojili na jednu livadu, a mukarce sve na
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drugu stranu. Poredali su ih u stroj i iz blizine od oko dve metra pucali u njih.
To je bila velika grupa etnika, ispred koje je njih desetak u streljakom stroju
pucalo na mukarce i tako ih pobili.
ula sam lino kad je naredbu dao Z., vojvoda iz Miljevine. Prvo je rekao: Na
stranu ene i djeca, na stranu mukarci. Kada smo bili odvojeni na tri metra,
rekao je: Ubijajte mukarce. Utom je zapucalo, mi smo pomagale, vidjela
sam kako mukarci pogoeni padaju, a onda su nas potjerali u neke barake
radilita hidrocentrale Buk Bijela. Tu su nas poredali da nas pobiju na jednu
obalu Drine, a S. je zavikao: Nemojte ene i djecu, nisu krivi. Onda su nas
poeli voditi u barake i odmah sve redom ene i djecu ensku djevojice,
silovati. Najmlae su bile E. stara 15 godina, D. stara 16 godina, D. stara 15
godina, S. stara 22 godine, Z. stara 22 godine. Ostalo su bile udate ene.
Mene je tu u baraci silovao neki Crnogorac prilikom kobajagi ispitivanja.
Takoer su u baraci silovali jo sedam ena. Tog istog jula 1992 godine
naveer su nas potrpali i doveli u SC u Aladi. To je kola i ja sam sa jo oko
50, sve ena i djece, bila u uionici na II spratu od stubita prva vrata lijevo.
Meni je T. oduzeo minue, udarajui me nogom. To isto vee poela su i
masovna silovanja. To je trajalo od prvog dana do zanjeg dana, svako vee.
Dolazile su u noi grupe etnika i odvodili po tri, etri, po dvije, kako kad,
nekad dignu sve. U kombi nas potrpaju kao ovce i vode po kuama,
stanovima, izgorjelim kuama i tu vre silovanje, maltretiranja, tuku nas.
Jedno vee su me silovali dok sam znala brojati, njih 10, a poslije sam se
onesvijestila i u polubunilu sam osjeala da me fiziki zlostavljaju i siluju,
polijevali su me vodom i rakijom. To vee, iz sale Partizan odveo me je
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Osmi dan su nas odveli u Partizan kamionom. Tu sam bila neto vie od
mjesec dana. Svako vee su nas odvodili na silovanje. Bilo nas je oko 85
ena, djece i staraca. Vie puta je bilo da nas po tri-etiri ene izvedu, i u istoj
prostoriji siluju i to po njih vie, po 20-30 ih je znalo biti. Tako je bilo sve
vrijeme, svako vee su nas odvodili na silovanje i vie njih bi silovali istu enu
ili djevojku. U Partizanu su silovane: M., B., D., sestra joj E. (16 godina), S.
S., Z. Z., a H. H. (staru 47 godina) silovali su nasred sale Partizan pred
svima i to kada su nas mlae odveli, a nju nali meu ostalim u sali. Rekli su:
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Neka i ona zna na leima leat. To je bila grupa od est etnika, dva su se
na njoj izmjenjivala. Djeca i starci su gledali kako je plakala i otimala se.
Vidjela je i moja ki, koja je tu bila, a mene su odveli na silovanje. Sve ovo
vrijeme dvoje djece bilo je sa mnom u logoru i vidjeli su ta se radi. Nekada su
me vraali sa silovanja ujutro, nekada u podne svu pretuenu, crnu, da me
nisu prepoznale ene na vratima. Djeca su plakala, pomagala, poslije su i
djecu fiziki maltretirali, a meu njima i mog sina.
Tako su i kerku u avgustu 1992. godine odveli kod SUP-a u neku kuu. Bilo
ih je etiri-pet. Kada su mene vratili sa silovanja, zapomagala sam gdje mi je
dijete. Tada mi je uvar logora komija pomogao i spasio je. Nakon pola sata
su je vratili. Priala mi je da su htjeli silovati, ali H. ju je uspio spasiti.
Nas devet, kada smo dole u Novi Pazar, odmah smo otile doktoru i trudne
su bile: G. G., Z., P. P., B. B., . ., A. A. i sve su u Novom Pazaru oiene
kod privatnog ljekara. Ja nisam bila trudna, ali sam teko oteenog zdravlja.
(Izvod iz izjave broj 10824/96 Foa).
ISPOVJEST (2): Prema saznanjima D., tokom jula mjeseca 1992, u zgradu
gdje je nastanjena, u vie navrata su dolazili predstavnici SJB Foa i odvodili
njenog mua i komiju radi zakopavanja ubijenih Bonjaka muslimana po
okolnim mjestima. Zakopavanje ubijenih Foaka vrena su u naselju ukovac,
Patkovina i u Tekiji. U ukovcu su zakopali jedan le nekakvog mjetanina
sela ievo, u Tekiji le jedne ene, a u Patkovini dva lea, jedan starije ene i
jedne maloljetne djevojice, koje su poginule u jednom kombiju, koji je iz
ieva za Gorade vozio nekoliko ena i djece. Tom prilikom ranjeno je jo
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Nakon to je zavrio, pozvao je jednog od dva etnika koji je bio pod uticajem
alkohola, te poto nije mogao stupiti u seksualni odnos sa D. to je
pokuavao, pristupio je iivljavanju kroz upanje za kosu, udaranjem pitoljem
po glavi i ugrizanje po ramenima i vratu. Ovog etnika je Janji nakon pola
sata izveo rekavi mu Vidi da ne moe, vodiu te na drugo bolje mjesto,
poslije ega je taj odustao i sa Janjiem izaao iz stana. Po njihovom odlasku
uao je trei etnik, koji je sa D. ostao do 6 sati ujutro. I on je D. silovao
prijetei da e je u sluaju bilo kakve prie ubiti. Prije odlaska Janji je
zaprijetio da e je ubiti, ako iko sazna za silovanje. Ujutro, oko 7 sati, D. je
napustila stan i iza zgrade vidjela mjesto gdje su joj strijeljali mua. Lea nije
bilo, a ona je krenula po vidljivim tragovima krvi koji su vodili do Ribarskog
restorana, sa ije je terase le njenog mua baen. Le je leao u pliaku
okrenut prema zemlji. D. nisu dozvolili da prie blizu lea, tako da nije sigurna
da li je eventualno zaklan. (Izvod iz izjave broj 1781/93 Foa)
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Psovali
su, derali se, vritali, pjevali etnike pjesme koje nikad do tada nisam ula
Proveli su nas kroz nae selo. Kue su ve bile spaljene i gorjele su. Mi smo
ili i utili. Psovali su nam majku. Govorili su: Gdje vam je Alija? to vam on
ne pomogne? Jebo vam on majku! Balije Do tada nisam ni znala za tu rije
balija.
Dotjerali su nas do Mjeaja na asfaltnu cestu koja vodi prema Tjentitu. Tamo
je bilo puno vojnika. Preteno su to bile komije iz Mjeaja. Tu je sjedio Gojko
Filipovi, a do njega ostali etnici. Smijali su nam se Mene su uveli u drugi
dio barake. Tu ulazi jedan stariji etnik (40-50 godina) i baca me na krevet.
Strgao je odjeu i ve sa mene. Govorio mi je: Ne boj se! Nee ti biti nita!
Samo u ja biti sa tobom. Meutim, u meuvremenu se napravio red etnika
ispred vrata. Ne znam koliko ih je bilo, ali sam brojala do deset i dalje nisam
mogla. Dok se to sve deavalo ja sam ula kako se napolju dere moj amidi,
kako je zapomagao i kako su ga tukli onda sam ula pucanj i viku: Pobjee
balija! Znala sam istog trenutka da su ga ubili.
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Dok sam bila u baraci, ula sam veliku pucnjavu i mislila sam da ubijaju jedno
po jedno dijete i da ih bacaju u Drinu. Mene su izmrcvarili. Tu sam ostala 3-4
sata, dok su se oni iivljavali na meni dok im je bilo dosta silovanja. Ja nisam
mogla da ustanem ni da se obuem. Doli su i naredili mi da se obuem i da
idem u autobus, koji je skoro krenuo sa ostalima. Izvela su me dvojica i ja sam
nekako dola do autobusa. Tamo su bili svi ostali osim male E. Njena majka je
stajala pred autobusom, plakala i molila da joj vrate dijete. Ona je imala 15-16
godina. Kasnije su je doveli u autobus (Broj dosjea: 1803; Logor: BarakeBuk bijela; Opina: Foa)
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Ostao sam u samici i vie nita nisam znao o sudbini svoje porodice. Poslije tri
dana provedenih u samici, prebaen sam u popularnu sobu esnaestorku,
u koju je svaki etnik mogao ui u svako doba noi i dana da ispituje i
maltretira zatvorenike. Za dan-dva u tu sobu doveli su 77 mukaraca, tako da
su po dvojica leala u jednom krevetu. Naveer su ih odvodili na ispitivanja o
posjedovanju oruja, odakle su se samo rijetki vraali. Od njih 77, samo ih je
dvanaest preivjelo, dok se ostalima gubi svaki trag
Najvei zloin se desio u septembru 1992. godine kada su etnici doveli sa
planine Zelengore oko 20 djevojaka i mlaih ena. Tu su ih na moje oi
seksualno zlostavljali. Mene su tada svezali za volan i to sam morao gledati na
daljini od desetak metara. Tada sam mislio da neu ostati iv. Tu su se redali
nad tim polumrtvim enama. To je bilo uasno gledati. One se jadne nisu ive
javljale. Taj prizor nikada neu zaboraviti, to iivljavanje nad nedunim
djevojkama i enama. To su uradili mahom Hercegovci. Bilo ih je na stotine.
Lino sam gledao i zavrni in kada su ih poklali, a potom na to mjesto bacali
granate (Broj dosjea: 480; Logor: KPD; Opina: Foa)
internet:kazivanja svjedoka o genocidu u Foi 1992. 1995.
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13/focanskidani/fbPutnikNamjernik
priredio:Kenan Sara
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KRVAVI VIDOVDAN
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Munib Veiz je bio foanski trgovac, jedan od onih ljudi koje je poznavao skoro
kompletan grad. Istina je da je bio prijatelj i sa ulimanom, nekadanjim
direktorom Foatransa. Ubijen je, prema svjedoenju preivjelih, uoi
Vidovdana 1992., KADA JE LIKVIDIRANO JO TRIDESETAK BONJAKA
IZVEDENI SU I ZAKLANI ILI USTRIJELJENI NA DRINSKOM MOSTU .
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Krvoprolie u Miljevini
A gdje je Haag?
Brico Mujo Kunovac cijeli svoj ivot je proveo u Miljevini. Svi su ga znali, jer
malo je onih koji bar jedanput nisu bili u njegovoj radnji. U porodinoj kui je
ivio sa suprugom, sinom, snahom i dva unuka, koja su neposredno pred rat
trebala krenuti u kolu. Petog maja 1992. nakon napada na Poljici (iznad
Jelea, na putnom pravcu Kalinovik Miljevina) kod Kunovaca je dolo est
lanova porodice njegove snahe iz Jelea.
Istoga dana je minolovac (kamioni koje su vozili Bonjaci, a koji su ili ispred
srpskih kako ovi ne bi naletjeli na minu) proao, A KAMION PUN VOJSKE
NALETIO NA MINU. POGINULO IH JE 40. NAKON TOGA JE U FOI
PROGLAENA TRODNEVNA ALOST.
Meu nastradalima je bio i Mio Vukovi, zet Blagoja Eleza, koji je bio bliski
roak Pere Eleza, samozvanog srpskog vojvode i najozloglaenijeg etnika
na tom podruju. Miin brat Ranko je odmah nakon nesree otiao u
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(avgusta 2004.)
Zloinci
Foanski kreatori genocida
Ideolozima genocida u Foi smatraju Vojislava Maksimovia (bio je profesor
knjievnosti na sarajevskom Filozofskom fakultetu), Velibora Ostojia
(biveg ministra za informiranje u Vladi RBiH) i Petka anara (bio je
predsjednik Vijea opina u Skuptini BiH).
Krizni tab koji je nadzirao etniko ienje inili su: Miroslav Stani,
predsjednik SDS-a Foa i direktor Trikotae, Radovan Mandi, ljekar, edo
Zelovi, profesor, Zdravko Begovi, jedan od direktora u IP-u
Magli, Dragan Gagovi, naelnik policije u Foi,Zoran Vukadinovi, do
rata radio u goradanskom SUP-u, Josif Milii, nastavnik
historije, Radojica Mlaenovi, predsjednik Izvrnog odbora SO
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Sve mi je jasno odavno. Moj otac je mrtav, ubijen, i samo je bilo pitanje dana
kada e ga pronai. Sada je i to gotovo, ali visi u zraku pitanje na koje
vjerovatno nikad neu dobiti odgovor, koje me proganja: Kako se on osjeao
dok su ga vodili prema jami? O emu je razmiljao, osjeajui smrad leeva,
prije njega tu baenih, svjestan da e za trenutak i on biti na hrpi, govori
Senad Konakovi, sin Imira (1934), prve identifikovane osobe u prije koji
dan otvorenoj, smatra se, najveoj masovnoj grobnici u Foi.
ekanje.
Dakle, ekale su u mraku punih dvanaest godina onoga ko e ih probuditi,
kosti Imirove, i drugih Bonjaka rtava srpsko-crnogorske agresije na BiH,
na odlagalitu jalovine Rudnika mrkog uglja Miljevina. Nije bilo uzaludno.
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i silovanjima djevojica, mrtav je. Ubio je, ne htijui, samoga sebe. Na jednoj
vojnoj smotri krajem prve ratne godine nespretno se okliznuo, puka je opalila,
i pogodila ga, u grudi Navodno je prebaen u Crnu Goru, gdje je, i pored
ljekarske njege, izdahnuo. Pavle Elez, predratni uitelj ugostitelja, ivi sada u
Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, a pree i preko granice, kad mu bude volja. Moe mu se,
ta god hoe. On Karlu ne interesuje. Leko Vukovi, poginuo. Naravno,
ni Miloa Krunia, STANOVNIKA MILJEVINE, NIKO DANAS NE DIRA, kao
ni Neu Govedaricu, JEDNU OD KARIKA ONDANJE CIVILNE
VLASTI. To je bio i Miro Stani, PREMA NEKIMA GLAVA KRIZNOG
STABA, I PREDSJEDNIK SDS U FOI. Pitao se za sve. ivi i on, neometan,
u Crnoj Gori. Jedan od ratnih izvrilaca njegove lokalne politike tvrdi da ne
dolazi u Fou, to i nema i ima veze s injenicom da je vjerni Karadiev jatak
kada ovaj pree bh. granicu. Sada je Stani slobodni strijelac, nita ne radi
izuzev to troi opljakano, tvrdi izvor. Pria o civilnim kreatorima zla Foe i
Miljevine, ije se rtve i ovih dana iskopavaju, ne moe nikako proi bez makar
ovlanog spominjanja Velibora Ostojia, jednog od osnivaa SDS, visokog
dunosnika ratne RS, a poslijeratnog ministra za izbjeglice i raseljene Prije
rata je bio lektor na TVBiH. On je praktino u bijegu. Nigdje se javno ne
pojavljuje, kree se nou, poput zvjerke koja hoe zametnuti trag, istie
sagovornik, podsjeajui na jo jednog od tih kreatora,
prof.Vojislava Maksimovia. Interesantnog, ne samo zbog svoje ideologije,
nego i zbog gotovo kolekcionarskog stava prema stanovima. Ima ih, koliko se
zna, etiri: na Palama, u Banjoj Luci, i u Beogradu A ena mu je uspjela
vratiti i onaj sarajevski, nabraja izvor Osloboenja, zastajui kod biveg
ratnog gradonaelnika Foe, Petka anara, koji je poslije obnaao brojne
ugledne funkcije. Naravno, to se moglo desiti samo u tzv. rs. I moe jo.
Edina KAMENICA (Osloboenje)
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pronaeno je vie tijela koja su bila pokrivena metar i pol debelim slojem
jalovine iz Rudnika mrkog uglja Miljevina.
Pronali smo i nekoliko ahura po emu se moe zakljuiti da su neki od
ekshumiranih ubijeni upravo na ovom mjestu. Vjerujemo da su ovdje dovezeni
i ljudi koji su ranije ubijeni. Odavno imamo informacije da se na ovom regionu
nalazi velika masovna grobnica, ali tek smo nedavno uz pomo specijalne
sonde pronali nekoliko mikrolokacija na kojima su sahranjena tijela ubijenih
civila, dodao je Maovi.
Istakao je kako su o pronalasku ove masovne grobnice obavijeteni i istraitelji
Hakog tribunala koji bi tokom naredne dvije sedmice, koliko bi trebalo trajati
ekshumiranje tijela iz ove grobnice, trebali prisustvovati iskopavanju tijela.
Aida atovi, tuilac Kantonalnog tuilatva Sarajevo, kazala je kako jo ne
zna imena osumnjienih za likvidacije, ali da e istragom biti utvreno ko su
poinioci.
Naredbom Kantonalnog suda poela je ekshumacija, a mi emo otvriti istragu
u kojoj emo utvrditi ko je odgovoran za ubistva osoba koje su ovdje
sahranjene, rekla je atovieva.
Tokom prvog dana ekshumacije kamioni Rudnika mrkog uglja istresali su
jalovinu rude u blizini lokacije na kojoj su pronaena tijela. Tijela su, nakon to
su dovezena na ovu lokaciju pokrivena rudnom jalovinom.
Jalovina se ne istresa tako blizu mjesta ekshumacije, ali ako to smeta, mi
emo prekinuti s dovozom. Nisam znao da se tamo nalazi masovna grobnica
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iako je, istina, bilo nekih pria o tome, objasnio je Aleksandar Goljanin,
direktor Rudnika mrkog uglja Miljevina.
Tokom rata, kae Goljanin, na elu ovog rudnika bio je Slavko Stankovi koji je
preminuo prije nekoliko godina.
(avgusta 2004.)
priredio:Kenan Sara
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13/focanskidani/fb PutnikNamjernik
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A R C H I V O D E L A C AT E G O R A * B A L C A N E S
BLOGS DE 20MINUTOS
30 DE JULIO DE 2010
Fue un fallo histrico que sirvi para dejar en claro que bajo ninguna
circunstancia la violacin puede ser aceptada, tolerada o considerada parte
intrnseca de la guerra. Algo que siempre hemos sostenido en este blog, en el
que abogamos por el respeto a los civiles en los conflictos armados y el
castigo a quienes vulneran el derecho internacional humanitario.
Y fue un fallo histrico porque no slo consider a la violacin un crimen de
guerra, sino que dio un paso y la calific como crimen contra la humanidad,
sentando as un precedente jurdico de enorme valor. Ni en los juicios de
Nuremberg contra los lderes nazi se haba tratado el abuso sexual ni en el
tribunal de Tokio se haba abordado la prostitucin forzosa de mujeres
coreanas por parte de los soldados japoneses.
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De todos los centros de detencin y tortura a los que nos acercamos en estos
das en Bosnia Herzegovina, uno de los que mayor impresin nos provoca es
el conocido como Karaman Kuca (La casa de Karaman).
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Una de las supervivientes sostiene que entr a la casa con una mueca en los
brazos, sin saber lo que le iba suceder. El soldado Nedo Samardzic fue el
primero en violarla. Hecho este del que hara alarde, sobre todo por haberse
adelantado a Pero Elez, que era el que siempre buscaba jvenes a las que
hacer perder la virginidad.
Tras sobrevivir a los abusos en la casa de Karaman, Almira cay en las
manos de Radomir Kovac, que la mova por los pisos de Foca para que
otros militares la pudieran violar. Entre estos estaba Slavo Ivanovic, de 50
aos de edad.
Lo ltimo que se sabe de Almira es que el 22 de diciembre de 1992
fue vendida por Radomir Kovac a un soldado de Montenegro famoso por su
violencia contra las mujeres. Segn testigos, le pag 100 euros por poder
llevarse a la nia.
Archivo de la categora * BALCANES
BLOGS DE 20MINUTOS
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Dola je jo jedna teka, muna no. Preko 50-tak logoraa lee i niko ne
spava. Negdje oko 23.45 ponovo se uje kripa metalnih vrata na ulazu.
Dolaze kao i ranije. Pitanje po koga. Vjerujem da se svi pitamo ko je sledei.
Ulaze trojca straara, sa svijetiljkama u rukama i prozivaju: MUSTAFA
KULOGLIJA. Lei na spratu kreveta, odmah do vrata i kae: Ja sam Ustaje
,skida sahat sa ruke stavlja na ekser iznad glave kao i svoje naoare. Silazi i
kae:HALALITE PRIJATELJI. U sebi kao i veina vjerujem kaem halalolsun.
Tog momenta tiinu , muk sobe razara , sjee jedno jako HALALOLSUN
MUSTAFA KULOGLIJA. Pogdledam i vidim ispod mene stoji DEDOVI
FEHIM KAUBOJ, moler iz Foe. ON je jedini imao hrabrosti da se oprosti od
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naeg Kule. Odvode ga i posle par minuta ujemo udaranje, jauke na samoj
kapiji. Nema vie naeg Kuloglije neko je polahko prokomentarisao. Nastavak
noi, veina nespava
Vae familije mogu biti ponosne na vas. NEKA VAM JE VJENI RAHMET.
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Zbog pria o Foi i zbivanja u toku 1992. godine, samo ime Foa postalo je
sinonim za ratna silovanja, rekao je tuilac Philip Alcock u uvodnoj rijei na
poetku suenja Gojku Jankoviu, bivem voi paravojne grupe u ovom
gradu.
Jankovi je drugi optueni ije je procesuiranje Haki tribunal prebacio u
nedlaznost Odjela za ratne zloine pri Sudu BiH.
Optunica, koju je Sud BiH potvrdio 20. februara ove godine, u devet taaka
Jankovia tereti prema komandnoj i odgovornosti direktnog poinitelja za
zloine protiv ovjenosti.
est od devet taaka optunice Jankovia terete za silovanja ena u Foi
1992. godine. Jedan od zloina koji mu se pripisuje je viemjeseno dranje i
opetovano silovanje etiri djevojke od kojih je najstarija imala 25 godina, dok
su ostale imale 16, 14 i 12 godina.
Optunica navodi da je Gojko Jankovi u periodu izmeu aprila 1992. godine i
februara 1993. godine, kao voa paravojne grupe koja je djelovala u
koordinaciji sa Foanskom brigadom Vojske Srpske Republike Bosne i
Hercegovine, uestvovao u irokom i sistematinom napadu na nesrpsko
stanovnitvo na podruju opine Foa, te njihovom zarobljavanju, ubijanju i
seksualnom zlostavljanju.
Tuilac je u uvodnoj rijei upozorio Sudsko vijee, kojim predsjedava sutkinja
Zorica Gogala, da iskaze svjedoka i sve to e biti reeno u toku suanja ne
gledaju kao tipinu ratnu priu.
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Naravno da su Bonjaci pruali otpor, ali skoro sva brutalna ponaanja desila
su se nakon to je grad zauzet, desila su se nad enama i civilima, te ljudima
koji su predali naoruanje, rekao je tuilac Alcock.
On je napomenuo da je Jankovi prije rata bio imuan mjetanin Foe, da je
posjedovao vojnike vjetine i zvanje porunika, te da je na poetku rata
komandovao grupom vojnika.
Grupe poput njegove su bile znaajne jer su znale teren i bile su dobre za
pronalaenje i protjerivanje Bonjaka, rekao je Alcock.
Od poetka aprila do kraja ljeta 1992. godine, Foa nije bila samo etniki
oiena, nego i poharana. Svaki trag prisutnosti Bonjaka temeljito je
izbrisan, sve do posljednje damije. Taj proces je bio temeljit, sistematski i
organizovan, naveo je on.
Tuilac je dodao i da je silovanje pratilo sva deavanja u Foi na poetku rata,
te da je to bila strategija zastraivanja a za neke potvrda etnike nadmoi. Ali
neki su se isticali inei taj zloin. Prema raspoloivim dokazima, jedan od
takvih bio je Gojko Jankovi.
Tuilac je konstatovao i da je Jankovievo postupanje prema silovanim
enama zauvijek promijenilo njihove ivote. Neke su bile tako mlade da su
mu mogle biti kerke. One su povrijeene do sri i vjeno moraju ivjeti sa tom
sramotom koja nije njihova.
Pomenuta silovanja snano ilustruju da je silovanje bila otvorena politika u
Foi. Silovanje je krajnje sredstvo kojim poinitelj moe oskrnaviti ljudsko
dostojanstvo, rekao je Alcock.
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Posvjedoio je kako je ne mali broj ena koje su dole sa teritorije Foe u ljeto
1992. godine u Novi Pazar bilo silovano, to su same rekle a u nekim
sluajevima je on to utvrdio i na osnovu pregleda.
Prema njegovim rijeima, ene koje su dolazile iz Foe su kao silovatelje
najee spominjale imena Gojka Jankovia, Janka Janjia, Dragana
Gagovia, Janka Vasiljevia, izvjesnog Vukovia, nekog Raevia, Papricu.
Tuilatvo je najavilo da e 26. januara ispitati jo dva svjedoka meu kojima
Zibu Din. Doktor Aeri je rekao da je ona bila jedna od pacijentica koje su
stigle iz Foe u Novi Pazar.
Sjeam se te djevojice jer kada je poeo rat ona je tek zavrila trei razred
srednje kole. Sjeam se njenih zelenih oiju i kako je bila bespomona.
Ispriala je kako ju je izvjesni Paprica posvojio za sebe nakon to ju je grupa
srpskih vojnika silovala. Potom ju je vodao i silovao vie puta na vie mjesta.
Znala mu je ime jer mu je jednom pred njim ispala vozaka dozvola i vidjela je
kako se zove. Naravno, to je krila od njega, rekao je doktor Aeri.
Tuilatvo je kao silovatelja ove djevojke identifikovalao jednog od svjedoka
odbrane, Milenka Papricu, uru optuenog Jankovia, koji je u ratu bio s njim u
istoj jedinici.
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Sportska dvorana Partizan je 1992. godine sluila kao pritvor za ene, djecu i
starce koji su uhapeni u Foi i okolnim selima. Svi zatoenici su boravili u
nehigijenskim uslovima, te bili izloeni izgladnjivanju, fizikom i psihikom
muenju, te seksualnom zlostavljanju.
U Partizan su, obino naveer, ulazili naoruani mukarci i izvodili po
grupama tri do pet ena. Odvodili su ih u kue, stanove, hotele i tamo ih
seksualno zlostavljali i silovali.
Gazi je, prema navodima optunice, poetkom augusta 1992. doao
naoruan u sportsku dvoranu Partizan, izveo svjedokinju A, koja je tada
imala 12 godina, te je odveo u jedan stan i silovao.
Svjedokinja A je na suenju iskaz dala bez prisustva javnosti, a tuilac Behaija
Krnji je u zavrnoj rijei naveo da ju je dva puta silovao mukarackojeg su
drugi oslovljavali sa Jasmin.
Silovanje i gledanje silovanja
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Njemu je puklo slijepo crijevo, ali ga niko nije htio odvesti u bolnicu, i umro je,
prisjetio se svjedok FWS 138.
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Savo Todovi je formirao radnu grupu i, svaki put kada bi straari po spisku
odvodili ljude na rad, govorili su da je spiskove on pravio, istakao je zatieni
svjedok FWS 82.
Zatvorenici u KP domu Foa, navodi se u optunici, bili su prisiljavani da
obavljaju teke fizike poslove, poput rada u rudniku ili raiavanja ruevina
zgrada, dok je svjedok FWS 141 radio kao minolovac.
Vozio sam kamion po rizinim terenima, a iza mene su bili autobusi sa
srpskim vojnicima. Nogu su mi lancem vezali za kvailo, da ne bih pobjegao,
rekao je svjedok, koji smatra, kako je istakao tokom svjedoenja, da su Savo
Todovi i Mitar Raevi krivi za sve to se deavalo u ovom logoru.
Ekrem Zekovi je jedini zatvorenik koji je pokuao pobjei iz KP doma, ali je
ubrzo uhvaen. Svjedoei, ispriao je kako ga je nakon bijega Todovi
smjestio u samicu, a potom ga poslao na radove u rudnik.
Posljedice njegovog bijega osjetili su zatvorenici, kojima je, prema tvrdnjama
nekih svjedoka, Todovi smanjio obroke.
Prepolovili su nam porcije hrane, tako da su se i kuhari smijali kad smo ili po
njih, rekao je FWS 85.
Za formiranje KP doma Foa Dravno tuilatvo teretilo je Momila Mandia,
biveg ministra pravde u vladi nekadanje Srpske Republike BiH, koji je
nepravosnanom presudom osloboen optubi.
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Svjedok Juso Selimovi jer ispriao kako su ga pripadnici jedinice Beli orlovi u
aprilu 1992. godine odveli iz mjesta Zubovii, podruje opina Foa, u KP Dom
Foa, gdje je ostao do kraja augusta iste godine.
Ispriao je Sudskom vijeu o jako loim uslovima u kojima je boravio on i drugi
zatoenici, te je rekao da su neke od zatoenih straari tukli.
Jednog iz moje sobe su tako prebili da nije mogao petnaest dana ustati, tvrdi
Selimovi.
Selimovi je, kako je rekao, krajem augusta 1992. godine iz KP Doma Foa
odveden autobusom do mjesta Ploe u Hrvatsku, a potom je prebaeni u
Titograd, dananju Podgoricu, Crna Gora, te u Novi Pazar, Srbija.
Kada smo doli, samo su nam rekli da izaemo iz autobusa i otili su, zavrio
je svjedok.
_________
Nikaevia Tuilatvo smatra odgovornim i za to to je, zajedno sa jo dva
pripadnika oruanih snaga Republike Srpske, u augustu 1992. godine iz kue
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Kako je kazao, za vrijeme njegovog boravka niko ga nije tukao, ali zna da su
straari tukli druge zatvorenike.
Nou su ljudi odvoeni. Neki se nikad nisu vratili. Straari bi doli i proitali
ime, a mi smo se samo pitali ko e biti sljedee janje, rekao je FWS 172.
Ovaj svjedok je ispriao kako su straari 25. augusta 1992. godine odveli
grupu od 20-ak ljudi iz logora, a nijedan se nije vratio.
Nama su rekli da je to razmjena, prisjetio se svjedok koji je sa jo 54 osobe
odveden u razmjenu 30. augusta iste godine.
Vozili su nas do Crne Gore, a onda opet nazad u Dom. Tu no straar je
izveo dvadesetoricu iz nae grupe. Ti ljudi su nestali, tvrdi ovaj svjedok,
dodajui da su svi koji su odvedeni i ubijeni. Ostali, njih oko 35, osloboeni su.
_____________
399
Zatienog svjedoka pod ifrom B, prema njegovom iskazu, 19. aprila 1992.
godine pripadnici Vojne policije tadanje Srpske Republike BiH, su ga odveli u
KP dom Foa, pod izgovorom da mora dati izjavu o lojalnosti reimu.
Rekli su da u se zadrati 20 minuta, a ostao sam 900 dana, rekao je B i
dodao da je tih prvih dana u KP domu Foa moglo biti oko 600 zarobljenih
Bonjaka.
Prema svjedoku B, Savo Todovi je meu zatvorenicima bio na glasu kao
strah i trepet.
Za zloine u KP domu Foa, koji je imao sva obiljeja logora, Tuilatvo BiH
tereti Mitra Raevia i Savu Todovia po komandnoj i linoj odgovornosti.
Raevi je, prema navodima optunice, bio komandir strae, a Todovi
zamjenik upravnika.
Svjedok C je pred Sudskim vijeem govorio kako su straari esto izvodili
zarobljenike a da se neki nikada nisu vratili.
Koga izvedu do kapije, taj se vie ne vraa, rekao je C.
Todovi je bio zamjenik upravnika, ali je bio glavni. Sve to se deavalo,
izvravalo se sa Savinog spiska, rekao je svjedok, dodavi da mu je Todovi
naredio da ide na rad.
Svjedoci su se prisjetili kako je u septembru 1992. godine odvedeno 35
zarobljenika na branje ljiva.
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Svi su bili civili, a meu njima je bilo i bolesnih i starih, napomenuo je svjedok.
RM-013 opisao je i kako su srpski straari izveli etiri grupe zatoenika iz
KPD-a Foa na razmjenu zarobljenika, ali ih niko vie nije vidio ive. Tijela
veine tih Muslimana poslije rata su ekshumirana iz masovnih grobnica.
Svjedok je izjavio i da je, sa grupom od jo 25 uglednijih Muslimana, bio
sakriven od delegacije Meunarodnog Crvenog krsta koja je posjetila KPD
Foa.
Prema optunici protiv Mladia, biveg komandanta Vojske Republike Srpske
(VRS), Foa je jedna od sedam optina u kojima je progon muslimanskih i
hrvatskih civila poprimio razmjere genocida.
__________________
korien Justice Report / BIRN / arhiv.
priredio:Kenan Sara
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13/focanskidani
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404
Danas je 9. maj. Dan Evrope. Dan kada je Robert Shuman 1950. osnovao
Evropsku zajednicu za ugalj i elik. Danas je Dan logoraa. Dan kada je
britanski novinar Roy Gutman 1993. prvi put objavio slike izgladnjelih
mukaraca ograenih bodljikavom icom i tako Evropi i svijetu dokazao da u
BiH postoje logori za mukarce nesrbe. Sjeam se danas svog oca rahmetli i
jeseni 93. kada smo dobili poruku Crvenog kria sa adresom KPD Foa,
odakle javlja da je iv. Sjeam se danas njegovih 828 dana provedenih u
konc.logoru Foa. Sjeam se i novembra 1997. kada je od posljedica logora
umro u 44. godini. Sjeam se i njegovih sapatnika iz Foe, Prijedora, Manjae,
Keraterma i drugih logora, koji ni danas nemaju nikakva prava niti naknadu za
preivljeno. Sjeam se i onih ije porodice nikada nisu dobile ovu poruku
Crvenog kria, jer su ubijeni i kasnije naeni u masovnoj grobnici. Sjeam
se Evropo sretan ti 9.maj- Dan logoraa.
Sanela Hodzic Avdic
9. Maj 2015
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406
Prije nekoliko mjeseci na jednoj web stranici uspjela sam pronai transkripte
sa svjedoenja zatienih svjedoka na engleskom jeziku. Latif je bio zatvoren
u sobi 25-B koju je dijelio sa jo nekoliko zatvorenika, koje su etnici tukli.
Jednog jer je bio policajac, drugog jer je imao porijeklo sa Kosova, a Latifa,
prema rijeima preivjelog svjedoka, bez razloga.
Takoer, prema navedenom transkriptu, svjedok je rekao da Latif u periodu
zatoenitva nije nita govorio i da su ga jednog dana odveli iz sobe u koju se
nikad vie nije vratio.
Ne samo da nema mog dede Latifa, nego nema ni Latifovog sina, koji je imao
samo 25 godina. Prema iskazima preivjelih i on je ubijen na putu prema
navedenom logoru, tj. KP dom Foa. Latifovu suprugu, moju nanu, Latifovu
kerku, moju tektu, Latifovog sedmogodinjeg unuka, mog roaka su zajedno
sa ostalim enama iz sela etinici ubili, a potom kuu zapalili. Nakon rata
uspjeli smo na ognjitu kue pronai tek nekoliko kostiju da mogu stati u
407
malenu teglicu.
Mi ve odavno tragamo, ekamo, isekujemo dan kada emo saznati bilo koju
informaciju gdje je Latif odveden iz KP doma Foa i gdje su njegove kosti.
(Amela Topuz, Latifova unuka)
408
Vraam se na Fou.
Da li u ovom gradu iko ikad vidi izlazak Sunca?
Ko god sad pomisli da, slagao me je, a i sebe.
Sunce je zalo na elovini,na Crnom vrhu, u Zabrani, na sastavcima,u
Gornjem i Donjem polju,Rjeici, ohodar
mahali,Aladi,Barakovcu,Livadama,Tabacima,i u Meurjeju i da ne nabrajam
dalje sve ponore foanske, gdje je sve zalo.
A narod i dalje nosi nametnute naoare nacionalne zaslijepljenosti,ne videi da
je Sunce ve ODAVNOOO zalo, sa malo nade da izae ponovo.
Skinite naoare, bez straha, mrak je ve odavno(Kenan Sara)
Poruka:Zloinci nisu kanjeni niti e biti.Moja poruka svima je da se
ne stide i da ne ute i da istinu ispriaju ma koliko bolna i teka bila.
Da li e se nai neko da kae istinu???
Gdje nestadoe bonjaci/muslimani iz Foe?
fotografije:internet
priredio:Kenan Sara
411
413
415
kako smo se same ubijale, silovale Kako neko moe biti toliko bezobrazan.
Ja hou u lice da kaem i evo, stala sam da im kaem da ne govore istinu, da
su bezobrazni. Dovoljno su nas potcjenjivali, pljuvali nas i oni nisu jednostavno
eljeli da budemo ene, majke Njihova elja je bila da budemo nita. Ja
nisam mogla da utim i da sjedim skrtenih ruku i da gledam taj bezobrazluk
koji su oni sve vrijeme isticali poruuje Enisa, ena koja je poslala jasnu
poruku svim rtvama koje se danas stide i ute o zloinima koje su preivjeli.
-Treba u ivotu dii glavu i glas. Rei istinu i sluiti se njom. Jer istina uvijek
pobijedi i ona ispliva. Istina e donijeti mir u nae due i u naoj zemlji.
417
-Ja imam tako ruan osjeaj, mene zaboli dua moja, mene zaboli moj
stomak, mene sve zaboli kad ja doem u taj grad i pogledam da ja ne mogu
da ivim u njemu ne iz straha, nego od bola koji su oni meni nanijeli, kae
Salinovi.
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420
421
_______
VIDEO:
S.O.S. Zvuk tiine
Bosnia: Healing the Wounds of War
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hclz6LAZSsI
Enisa
https://vimeo.com/55995317
Amnesty International pozvao bh. vlasti da ispune obeanja
http://bcove.me/uqa30h2l
_____________
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423
-Ja imam tako ruan osjeaj, mene zaboli dua moja, mene zaboli moj
stomak, mene sve zaboli kad ja doem u taj grad i pogledam da ja ne mogu
da ivim u njemu ne iz straha, nego od bola koji su oni meni nanijeli, kae
Salinovi.
***
soundofsilence
424
Tanih podataka o broju silovanih ena tokom rata u BiH nema, ali procjene o
broju rtava nevladinih organizacija govore da je silovano od 20 do 50 hiljada
ena u proteklom ratu.
Uprkos tome, samo 33 osobe su osuene za zloine ratnog silovanja to pred
Sudom BiH, to pred Meunarodnim krivinim sudom za bivu Jugoslaviju.
Najvie osoba koje su osuene zbog ratnog zloin silovanja odnosi se na Fou
i Viegrad.
priredio:Kenan Sara
425
426
427
priredio:Kenan Sara
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13
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429
433
Munib Veiz i
Zulfo Veiz umrli su kao posljedica radnji pripadnika vojske koji su u
KP dom dolazili izvana, kao i straara KP doma. (dokument Suda BiH 309)
Emir Mando
Asim Mezbur
Mersud Paovi
Neko Rikalo
Haso Selimovi
eval oro
NAPOMENA : SPISAK NIJE KONAAN
izvor:Presuda Momilu Mandiu Sud BiH javno objavljena:18.07.2007.
godine
http://www.sudbih.gov.ba/files/docs/presude/2007/X0558_1K_MM_prvostupan
jska_18_07_2007.pdf
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13/fb PutnikNamjernik/focanskidani
priredio:Kenan Sara
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437
438
439
441
rijeka Tara
443
444
rijeka Sutjeska
rijeka Bistrica
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rijeka ehotina
U Institutu za nestale osobe kau da su lake dolazili do informacija o mjestu
masovnih grobnica krajem rata u BiH nego danas, a apsurd predstavlja i
injenica da im podrku vie daje Meunarodna komisija za nestale nego bh.
dravne institucije.
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447
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453
Farsa od razmjene
Sedamnaestog jula prije podne Gojko je obiao dio spavaona. Pitao je ko je
bolestan i upisao Devada Loju koji je nekoliko puta pao u nesvijest prilikom
podjele jela, te Enu Hrnjiia, Hasana Gluca i Sanina Krdaliju. Oko tri
sata pozvae nas da se spremimo sa naim stvarima. Bilo nas je desetorica iz
Foe i estorica iz Gorada. Kad smo se sakupili pred glavnom kapijom gdje
se vrio detaljan pretres, ak i skidanje cipela, vidjeli smo da meu nama ima i
mladih i zdravijih ljudi. Poslije ceremonije pretresa provedeni smo kroz dvoja
vrata.
ekao nas je kamion FAP sa ceradom. Nedaleko od njega bio je parkiran
kombi pun ena i djece. Strpali su nas u kamion. Bili smo zbunjeni. Uspjeli
smo da doznamo da idemo u razmjenu za srpsko stanovnitvo koje je
zarobljeno u Goradu. Tako su nam rekli nekolicina obuenih u maskirne
uniforme koji su bili dio pratnje i koji su tvrdili da su iz ajnia. Nama je odmah
bilo malo lake, puili smo vie nego to smo navikli. Cigarete nam je dao
jedan od ajniana. Krenuli smo. Sjedimo na nekim improvizovanim klupama.
Iza nas ide kombi sa vojvodom, vozaem i trojicom vojnika, svi dobro
naoruani. Upozorili su nas ta e se dogoditi ako pokuamo bjeati. Dok smo
ili uz Baki (brdo i prevoj za Zavait) vidjeli smo milicionersko auto. Poznao
sam milicionera u naoalima, bio je iz Bunova, neki Dosti.
Lo put i brza vonja, da se na vrijeme stigne na razmjenu, koja je, kako smo
kasnije saznali, zakazana za sedam sati navee, uinio je da se osjeamo kao
lopte, tako smo skakali sa klupa da smo morali ustajati i drati se za arnjeve.
Kosti su nas boljele. Put je vodio kroz umu, prema elebiima. Kroz Korlat se
proirivao i pripremao za asfaltiranje. Taj je put star oko 30 godina i uglavnom
se koristio za eksploataciju uma. Trasu puta od elebike rijeke do uplje
stijene uradili su na brzinu uz pomo SDS-a, te firmi Graenje i Magli.
454
Ne daju Muslimani
Stigosmo u ajnie. Nema svjetla, tek u rijetko kojoj kui. Produili smo dalje.
Jedan od pratilaca, naoruan, zajedno je s nama na karoseriji. Sjedi i uva
nas. Ree da idemo u Miljevo. Tako i bi. Smjestie nas u osnovnu kolu. Klupa
ima dovoljno. Dobili smo i povee sendvie sa mesom. Odmah su nas
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Iznenadio se mojim i Devadovim izgledom. Rekao je da nema uticaja u SDSu ajnia, te nam nita ne moe pomoi. Sutradan me posjetio njegov brat i
donio nekoliko pakli cigareta. Oko jedanaest sati obavijestili su nas da se
ponovo vraamo u Fou, tamo gdje smo i bili.
Razgovarao sam sa jednom enom koja je bila medicinski tehniar u Tronju.
Ispriala mi je kako su jednog jutra, oko est sati, sa est autobusa doli
foanski etnici i Beli orlovi i spalili nekoliko sela na prostoru Tronja. Ili su
od kue do kue i vrili masakre. Neki su pokuali pobjei u umu, no nije im
uspjelo. Tada je pobijeno oko 75 Muslimana. Najvie iz porodice Barlova.
Vidi ovo dijete, rekla mi je i pokazala dijete staro tri, najvie etiri godine.
Ubili su mu oba roditelja.
U Fou smo se vratili oko 17 asova. Kombi je otiao u Partizan, a mi
u KPD. U Partizanu je bilo oko osamdesetero staraca, ena i djece. Bila je i
cuvarska sluzba. Znao sam da je meu uvarima Pavlovi Bogdan, a da je
glavni za Partizan Mitar ipi.
Kako se rat irio, Muslimana je u zatvorima bilo sve vie. Broj zatvorenika
rastao je iz dana u dan. U KPD-u nas je bilo oko 600. Do ovog broja doli smo
prebrojavanjima u menzi. Koliko je zatvorenih u samicama znali smo po broju
erpica u kojima je noeno i slueno jelo. Mukarci su hapeni listom: bilo je
dovoljno da imaju muslimansko ime. Privoeni su ljudi iz bolnica i kua, koji su
imali operacije na srcu, oni koji su preivjeli po dva infarkta, ljudi sa otvorenim
kavernama i u dubokoj starosti, oni koji su pukim sluajem preivjeli gelere i
metke, sa obje noge u gipsu, ak i oni kojima ni take nisu mogle pomoi da
se pokrenu. Bilo je i zatvorenika koji su bili neuraunljivi i toliko bolesni da su
sjekli sopstveno tijelo da bi ga pojeli.
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SPISAK UBIJENIH
Spisak ubijenih kao i spisak ubica ili uesnika i sauesnika u ubistvima sainili
su nezavisni intelektualci iz Sandaka na osnovu kazivanja izbjeglih i
protjeranih Bonjaka iz Bosne, iz grada Foe i sela sa ueg i ireg podruja
Foe. Prikupljeni su podaci o 258 ubijenih u periodu od aprila do oktobra 1992:
85 su ene, najee u dubokoj starosti ili u poodmaklim godinama; 65
ubijenih su stariji od 60 godina, a ubijana su i djeca.
JELE
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Suljevi Abdulah, zvani Kigen, star oko 30 godina, i Suljevi Nazif: Ubijeni
u maju.
Suljuvi Read: Ubijen u ukovcu, sredinom aprila.
Suljevi Zejna: Stara oko 90 godina. Ubio je, sredinom aprila, Risto
Trifkovi, nastavnik iz Miljevine, kao i Suljevi Zejnila, starog oko 90
godina.
ahbaz Habiba, ahbaz Hakija i ahbaz Haska: Ubijeni u maju.
Sara Avdo: Penzionisani radnik. Ubijen poetkom maja.
ljivo Edhem, ljivo Ejub i ljivo Zada: Ubijeni u maju. Vie izvora je
potvrdilo da je lanove porodice ljivo ubio Pero Elez.
Subai Hasan: Ubijen tokom ljeta u Kozjoj Luci.
undo Fatima, stara izmedu 85 i 90 godina, i undo Mejra, stara oko 70
godina: Ubijene poetkom maja.
Tuzlak Tifa: Ubijena u maju.
Tuzlak amil: Penzionisani imam. Star izmedu 85 i 90 godina. Ubio ga
etnik ivko Mileti. U ubistvu su uestvovali i Pero Elez, Milo
Kruni i Milenko Vukovi.
Tuzlak Ferida i Tuzlak Salko, star oko 20 godina: Ubijeni u maju.
Zametica Almasa, Zametica Ekrem, Zametica Fatka, Zametica
Hida, Zametica Osman, Zametica ea, Zametica Velija i Zametica Zula:
Svi ubijeni u istom danu, krajem aprila 1992.
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SPISAK ZLOINACA
Spiskom su obuhvaeni izvrioci i sauesnici zloina, kao i uesnici akcija u
kojima su ubijani civili koji su porijeklom iz Foe, ili iz sela oko Foe, ili su
ivjeli u njima, a koje je, upravo zahvaljujui toj injenici, identifikovala rodbina
ili komije rtava.
Milutinovi Rajko: etnik. Pljakao i palio muslimanske kue u Jeleu i
veoma svirepo ubijao odrasle muslimanske mukarce, civile.
Mojevi Simo: Direktor Osnovne kole u Ustikolini. U ratu, etniki vojvoda.
Najvei broj ubistava u selima Odak, Vina, Pilipovii, Mrelii i selima prema
Jabuci izvrena su po njegovom nareenju. Po njegovom nareenju ubijen
je Andelija Salko.
Milinkovi Ljubo: Zvani Cigo. Operisao po selima na Tjentitu u ubistvima
Muslimana, pljakanju i unitavanju njihove imovine na tom podruju.
Sa Savom Tadiem, Milenkom Uroeviem i Duanom ivanoviem,
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postojala su dva razloga zbog kojih je sprovedena ova policijska akcija. Srbi su
hapeni i deportovani u Republiku Srpsku zbog mobilizacije, a Muslimani da bi
se poveao broj talaca i zarobljenika za razmjenu.
Objavljeno u broju 68 DANA, 29. JANUAR / SIJECANJ 1998.
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13/fb Putnik Namjernik/focanskidani
priredio:Kenan Sara
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Zgrada KPD Foa. Mladi , koji se vidi na snimku napravljenom 1992 godine
je Sanin Krdalija, star 22 godine, roen u Goradu. Ubrzo je odveden i
ubijen. Pronaen je u masovnoj grobnici Piljak kod Foe. Njegova majka Sejda
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izvor:ftv
priredio:Kenan Sara
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Preljub Tafro i dr. Beir Maci odluili su istraiti zloine u Foi, napisati knjigu
o njima i na taj nain od zaborava otrgnuti po ko zna koji put ponovljeni
zloin nad Bonjacima Foe. Knjiga sa nazivom Genocid nad
Bonjacima na podruju opine Foa 1992.-1995. izala je 2004. godine
u izdanju Instituta za istraivanje zloina protiv ovjenosti i meunarodnog
prava. Recenzenti ove knjige bili su prof. dr. Ismet Dizdarevi i mr. Suljo
Borovina, a knjiga je podijeljena u tri dijela: rtve na podruju Foe izvan
logora, rtve u logoru Kazneno-popravni dom i Prilozi
Pie: Ramiz Hodi
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stanovnitva, gdje je van logora ubijeno 1.113 lica, od ega 958 na podruju
Foe, 84 van Foe, a 71 se vodi kao nestali. Sva gnusnost zloina pokazana
je u klanjima, nabijanjima na kolac, utanjem glava rtava, ubijanju bolesnika,
bacanju u Drinu unakaenih tijela, masakriranju djece, ena i staraca, paljenju
i pljakanju kua i radnji, ubijanju itavih familija, u strahotama koncentracionih
logora itd. Sistematska obrada zloina (grad Foa i ostalih 15 mjesnih
zajednica) omoguava itatelju da se na pregledan i sveobuhvatan nain
upozna sa zloinima u gradu Foi, mjesnim zajednicama, selima,
zaseocima itd. Posebnu vrijednost predstavljaju uvodne napomene date za
svaku mjesnu zajednicu, u kojima se izlae hronologija agresorskih dejstava,
njihovi zloini, te pokuaj spasavanja bonjakog stanovnitva. ZLOINI
PROTIV CIVILNOG STANOVNITVA OBRAENI SU TAKO TO SU, IZMEU
OSTALOG, DATI OSNOVNI PODACI O RTVAMA, A U NEKIM PRILIKAMA I
IMENA LICA ZA KOJA SE OPRAVDANO PRETPOSTAVLJA DA SU POINITELJI
ZLOINA.
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Da se ne zaboravi
Ova knjiga predstavlja znaajan izvor za naune, sudske i druge ustanove i
uope iru javnost. Ona jo jednom potvruje da je bez sistematskog
prouavanja zloina, odnosno genocida u istonoj Bosni, iji je dio i Foa,
nemogue dokumentovano istraiti ciljeve, obim i razmjere agresije na BiH.
Knjiga je raena na osnovu linih saznanja autora, izjava svjedoka i
dosadanjih rezultata istraivanja zloina na prostorima opine Foa, a
posebno ekshumacija. Prema istraivanjima, a posebno izjavama oevidaca,
naveden je jedan broj imena osoba za koje se sumnja da su izvrile zloine na
podruju Foe.
Ova knjiga znaajno je koristila i autoru ovog lanka tokom istraivanja zloina
u Foi i pisanja o istom u sklopu feljtona Zloin.
Ramiz Hodi
Saff
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Broj dosjea:480
Logor:KPD
Opina: Foa
Odmah poetkom agresije na BiH pokuao sam da se spasim sa svojom
porodicom i, bjeei prema Goradu, 26.04.1992. godine, u Ustikolini su
nas uhvatili etnici i odveli u logor u Fou. Tamo smo zatvoreni u jedan
hangar, u koji je stalno pristizalo civilno stanovnitvo iz Foe, koje su
etnici hvatali po umama. Nakon pljakanja svega to su uspjeli nai kod
zarobljenih, postrojili su nas i prozivali po nekom spisku. Izveli su osmericu
starih ljudi iz Ustikoline i odmah ih pobili, rekavi ostalima da to
ine zato to se njihovi sinovi nalaze u SDA. itajui spiskove i meni se
rekli da se izdvojim u stranu. Pozvali su nekakvog dugokosog mladog
etnika da me uva, koji mi je prilikom pretresa naao
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za volan ruke, a noga za sic. Tada sam vozio i gazio nae vojnike. To je bilo
prema Preljui, Gorade. Bio sam minolivac, to sam kasnije saznao. Ne znam
taan broj koliko sam puta iao u smrt, ali eto ostao sam iv.
https://focanskidani.wordpress.com/2016/08/22/foca-1992-gnjecenjepovrijedenih-lica-gradevinskim-masinama/
Nisam se imala kome obratiti. Jednom me je silovao Zoran Samardi. To je
trajalo sigurno 2 sata neprekidno. To je bilo divljako iivljavanje, da ne moe
zamisliti tako netoPoslije 4 mjeseca dolazi Gojko Jankovi, Dragan
Zelenovi i Tuta. Rekli su da 4 djevojke moraju ili ubiti, ili poslati za Fou
https://focanskidani.wordpress.com/2016/08/22/foca-1992-prodaja-zena/
Sve su nas rasporedili po sobama. Poto sam cijele noi bila sa Dukom
Dubljeviem, nisam mogla znati ta se deava u drugim sobama. Ujutro, kada
me je Duko pustio, odmah me je preuzeo Konta-Konti. Onda je doao
aga i odvezao nas u Miljevinu. Sa mnom su bile jo tri djevojke: D.B, E.B I
A.K (koja je bila dovedena iz Kalinovika). aga nam je rekao da e nas
suoiti sa novinarkom ta je koja priala i ako budemo lagale da e nas
prikovati za splav i pustiti niz Drinu.
https://focanskidani.wordpress.com/2016/08/22/foca-1992-otvaranje-mjestaza-masovno-silovanje/
Tada su me htjeli ubiti. Htjeli su me svezati za dva auta i razapeti. Tu su bili i
iko i Jasko. Otvorili su auto u kome se ula glasna muzika. Bili su jako
pijani
https://focanskidani.wordpress.com/2016/08/21/foca-1992-gasenje-cigaretana-logorasima/
FOA 1992 : PRISILJAVANJE LOGORAA DA JEDU IZMET
istio sam svinjarnik pa kad bi neko od etnika naiao rekao bi jedi balijo.
Nisam smio ni sa kim komunicirati jer odma te udari. Kad se daje svinjama da
jedu i ako bi uzeo neto iz pomija onda te pone udarati i gurati glavu u balegu
i vikali jedi balijo
https://focanskidani.wordpress.com/2016/08/21/foca-1992-prisiljavanjelogorasa-da-jedu-izmet/
Posle toga su nam izdali komande da legnemo potrbuke, i naredba je glasila
da svi pasemo travu, i kad u usta dosta trave stavimo, izdaju komandu da se
dignemo, i da gledaju kako travu jedemo, tako je bilo tri puta dok nismo krenuli
za KPD Foa.
https://focanskidani.wordpress.com/2016/08/21/foca-1992-tjeranje-logorasada-pasu-travu/
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Broj dosjea:3887
Logor:ohodar Mahala
Opina: Foa
No,24.06.1992 godine. Bilo je 12.30 sati. Djeca su spavala a ja sam bila
budna. Odjednom sam ula da neko lupa na vrata. Od straha sam zanijemila,
mislila sam da e mi srce iskoiti. ula sam kako me muki glas doziva i
govori: Balijko otvori, neu ti nita! Poto sam i dalje utila, zaue se rafali.
Stakla su poela padati po djeci. Probudili su se. Strah, plaStavila sam ih
pod kuhinjski sto, zatrpala jastucima i jorganima, a ja sam legla na pod. Rafali i
pucnjava po kui je trajala i dalje. Nazvala sam Gorana Mitrainovia.
Njegov otac mi je rekao da je on na strai kod moje kue i da se nita ne
bojim. Poslije nekog vremena ula sam kako neko vie: Milane, ta radi?! I
opsova neto. Pucnjava se stia i sve utihnu. Kada sam izvadila djecu ispod
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stola nisu glasa davali, bili su mokri i znoj je curio iz njih. Da su jo malo ostali
pod stolom uguili bi se.
Drugi, 25.06, najcrnji dan Crnogorac me na oi moga 7 g sina uze, tada je
moj sin dobio napad ukoio se, a oi su mu bile otvorene. Udario me je jo
jednom i rekao Turkinjo nismo zavrili sutra u ponovo doi. Iako sam bila sva
u modricama pritrala sam mom sinu koji je bio bez svijesti, umivala ga i jezik
mu izvadila van da se ne bi uduio, mada sam tada mislila da je mrtav.
Odjednom je trepnuo i poeo da povraa, okrenula sam ga na stomak ne
mogu vam to vie opisati to je bio uas najtei dan u ivotu. Drugo dvoje djece
su plakala i tresla se. Tu no sam pomiljala da ubijem i njih i sebe ali
nisam smislila nain
483
Broj dosjea:1803
Logor:Barake-Buk bijela
Opina: Foa
Psovali su, derali se, vritali, pjevali etnike pjesme koje nikad do tada
nisam ulaProveli su nas kroz nae selo. Kue su ve bile spaljene i gorjele
su. Mi smo ili i utili. Psovali su nam majku. Govorili su:Gdje vam je Alija?
to vam on ne pomogne? J. vam on majku! Balije Do tada nisam ni znala
za tu rije balija i ustaa. Dotjerali su nas do Mjeaja na asfaltnu cestu koja
vodi prema Tjentitu. Tamo je bilo puno vojnika. Preteno su to bile komije iz
Mjeaja. Tu je sjedio Gojko Filipovi, a do njega ostali etnici. Smijali su nam
484
se..
Mene su uveli u drugi dio barake. Tu ulazi jedan stariji etnik (40-50 godina) i
baca me na krevet. Strgao je odjeu i ve sa mene. Govorio mi je: Ne boj se!
Nee ti biti nita! Samo u ja biti sa tobom. Meutim, u meuvremenu se
napravio red etnika ispred vrata. Ne znam koliko ih je bilo, ali sam brojala do
deset i dalje nisam mogla.Dok se to sve deavalo ja sam ula kako se napolju
dere moj amidi, kako je zapomagao i kako su ga tuklionda sam ula
pucanj i viku:Pobjee balija! Znala sam istog trenutka da su ga ubili.
-Znai oni su vas poeli seksualno zlostavljati odmah kad su vas doveli. Da li
su to radili i sa ostalim enama?
Ja sam bila u toj baraci i ne znam ta se vani deavalo. Mislim da smo tu
najgore prole ja i mala E.B.
Za to vrijeme dok sam bila u baraci sam ula veliku pucnjavu i mislila sam
da ubijaju jedno po jedno i da ih bacaju u Drinu.
Mene su izmrcvarili. Tu sam ostala 3-4 sata, dok su se oni iivljavali na meni
dok dok im je bilo dosta silovanja. Ja nisam mogla da ustanem ni da se
obuem. Doli su i naredili mi da se obuem i da idem u autobus, koji je skoro
krenuo sa ostalima. Izvela su me dvojica i ja sam nekako dola do autobusa.
Tamo su bili svi ostali osim male E. Njena majka je stajla pred autobusom,
plakala i molila da joj vrate dijete.
-Koliko je E. Tada imala godina?
Ona je imala 15-16 godina. Kasnije su je doveli u autobus
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Broj dosjea:2754
Logor: Partizan
Opina:Foa
Sredinom augusta 1992 godine zarobljena sam od strane etnika i odvedena u
Partizan.
U Partizanu sam bila maltretirana na razne naine.
Tek kada sam stigla, bile su starije ene, znala sam da si u nih tukli i ja sam se
sakrila u WC. Jedan me je etnik traio i naao me u WC-u.Rekao mi je da se
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Broj dosjea:4977
Logor:KPD
Opina:Foa
-Da li ste za to vrijeme boravka ili na prisilan rad ?
Iao sam u rudnik Miljevina i u Veleevo da istim tale. Nekada smo utovarali
smeeKrili su me devet puta u tampariji, pekariKrili su me od Crvenog
kria, da me ne bi evidentirali.
-Koliko je bilo zatvorenika kada ste doli u KPD? Da li je bilo ena i djece?
Bili su samo mukarci. ene su vodili, kako sam uo, na Brione, u Veleevo,
Partizan, Miljevinu.
-Koja vrsta zloina je kod vas primjenjivana? ime su vas tukli?
Najvie je bilo silovanja. Mene lino je silovalo 28 etnika. Nikome se ne
ponovilo ono to je meni bilo. Proklinjao sam majku koja me je rodila. Uzimali
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sve do prelaska na ekonomiju, gdje sam tada i dahnuo duom. Bilo je i tada
teko, ali sam znao da u barem ostati iv. Ovo je samo djeli moga
svjedoenja za dvije godine i tri mjeseca boravka u etnikim rukama. rtve
su i ovi ljudi koji su odvedeni na poznato branje ljiva, kada su u prvoj
grupi odveli 30 ljudi, a kasnije su odveli jo 15. Nije se u KPD-u moglo vidjeto
ubijanje, jer su to oni uradili vrlo mudro, odvodili po noi na ispitivanje, a
kasnije kau da su premjeteni u druge sobe ili kau da su otili za razmjenu.
Tako da sam ja to sve vidio van KPD-a
Broj dosjea:1803
Logor:Partizan-kua Nusreta Karamana
Opina:Foa
Nisam se imala kome obratiti. Jednom me je silovao Zoran Samardi. To
je trajalo sigurno 2 sata neprekidno. To je bilo divljako iivljavanje, da ne
moe zamisliti tako netoPoslije 4 mjeseca dolazi Gojko
Jankovi, Dragan Zelenovi i Tuta. Rekli su da 4 djevojke moraju ili
ubiti, ili poslati za Fou, jer oni nemaju dovoljno hrane da nas hrane. Ostale
su D, L i J. U Fou smo otile ja, E.B, A.S i A.B. Odveli su nas u jedan stan
kod Ribarskog. Tu smo prenoile jednu no. Jankovi nam je govorio da
emo tu biti sigurne i da nas niko nee dirati. Meutim, sutradan dolaze
kupci koji su nas kupili od njih.
-ta su vam tada ti ljudi govorili?
Nita oni nama nisu govorili, nego smo to poslije iz njihove prie saznali da je
to prodaja i trgovina s nama. Rekli su nam: Ii ete kod ovih momaka i
tamo e vam biti super. Niko vam nee dolaziti i imaete svega. Doao
je Kova Radomir zvani Klanfa i Jago Kosti zvani Jaga. Oni su nas
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odveli u neiji stan, u Brenu na etvrti sprat. Bile smo zajedno nas etiri
djevojke. Tu smo bile x dana i nisu nikoga drugog dovodili, ali jeKlanfa bio
gori nego da je bilo njih deset etnika. On je morao na svakoj od nas da se
iivljava. Ponaao se manijaki. Odatle daju mene i malu Almiru nekim
Srbijancima u neku kuu.
-Znai li to da je bilo i trgovanja robljem ?Jeste li vi svjedok tome ? Ko je u
stvari sa vama trgovao?
Da bila sam svjedok. Trgovali su svi oni izmeu sebe.
-Jeste li bili prisutni kada su davali pare?
Jesam tada kada je Stankovi dao Klanfi novac. Ne znam koliko
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Broj dosjea:1803
Logor:partizan-kua Nusreta Karamana
Opina: Foa
Sve su nas rasporedili po sobama. Poto sam cijele noi bila sa Dukom
Dubljeviem, nisam mogla znati ta se deava u drugim sobama. Ujutro,
kada me je Duko pustio, odmah me je preuzeo Konta-Konti. Onda je
doao aga i odvezao nas u Miljevinu. Sa mnom su bile jo tri
djevojke: D.B, E.B I A.K (koja je bila dovedena iz Kalinovika). aga nam
je rekao da e nas suoiti sa novinarkom ta je koja priala i ako
budemo lagale da e nas prikovati za splav i pustiti niz Drinu. Doveo
nas je u Miljevinu pred jednu kafanu. Uveli su nas i dali nam da jedemo.
Mene su odredili da sjedim pored Pere Eleza (nisam znala ko je on ali sam
ula da ga tako zovu). Govorio mi je da jedem, a ja sam bila napola mrtva od
straha i od svega to mi se deavalo. Jedan od njih je rekao:Izvedite je tamo
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Broj dosjea:1483
Logor: Kua Slobodana Matovia
Opina: Foa
Prvi konvoj iz Foe je krenuo 02.07.1992 godine i tada su otila dva
autobusa. Tek tada smo vidjeli enu od Slobodana Matovia koja nam je
rekla da stvari iz naih kua ostavimo kod nje na uvanje, dok se mi ne
vratimo, a to je navodno trebalo biti za par mjeseci, kada se sve smiri. Inae,
ta nam ena dok smo boravili u toj kui, nita nikada nije pomagala.
Mi tada, sa tim konvojem, nismo otili. Vratili smo se. Ali od tada nam je bilo
jo gore nego ranije. Od jula do augusta, kada smo otili, bilo je nepodnoljivo
i uasno. Mislim da sam tada dobila slom ivaca
Jednu no sam uspjela pobjei u jetrvinu kuu, koja je bila nedaleko odatle.
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Broj dosjea:348
Logor:KPD
Opina:Foa
Kada su stigli sa drugog podruja sela sa Bonjacima, doveli su i grupu
ljudi koji su bili tako isprebijani da su se teko kretali, a glave su im
bile krvave od udaraca. Dok jo nisu stigli na lice mjesta, sa udaljenosti su
pitali njihove iz grupe, da li ima neko od njihovih da je ranjen ili ubijen.
Naredba im je glasila da, ukoliko ima, sve redom ljude, ene i djecu u selu
poubijaju. U kuu su doveli Sulejmana Hadia sa grupom ena i djece i tu
su ih njihovi vojnici drali do etiri sata popodne. Poto niko od njihovih nije bio
povrijedjen ni ubijen, oslobodili su ih i rekli su im da su bili planirali da ih sve u
kui poubijaju. Na livadi su bile dvije grupe iz dva dijela sela-42 Bonjaka. Tu
na livadi suizdvojili deset Bonjaka i postrojili ih jednog uz drugog. Od
njihovog glavnokomandujueg naredba je glasila da e ih sve poubijati. To
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Broj dosjea:3679
Logor.KPD
Opina: Foa
Poetkom rata u Foi nalazio sam se u selu Hamzii, gdje sam i zatoen.
Prilikom upada srpskih snaga u selo, 05.05.1992 godine, ja sam uhvaen i
prisiljavan da zovem druge da dou, govorei kako nam nee nita.
Onda sam odveden u KPD Foa gdje sam kratko zadran i odma prebaen
na ekonomiju Veleevo. Tu sam bio prisiljen da radim ono to niko ne bi
radio istio sam svinjarnik pa kad bi neko od etnika naiao rekao bi
jedi balijo. Nisam smio ni sa kim komunicirati jer odma te udari. Kad
se daje svinjama da jedu i ako bi uzeo neto iz pomija onda te pone
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This report is based upon research conducted in Bosnia and Hercegovina, in
particular in the region of Foca, in April 1997 and from December 1997 until
February 1998. Sources for wartime abuses included research conducted by
Human Rights Watch during the war. The report was edited by Holly Cartner,
executive director of the Europe and Central Asia division of Human Rights
Watch. Special thanks go to Dinah PoKempner and Michael McClintock.
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SUMMARY
The Foca municipality was the site of some of the most brutal crimes
committed during the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Hercegovina.(1) Bosnian
Serb civilian, police, and military officials, in collaboration with paramilitary
troops and former Yugoslav Army reservists called in from Serbia and
Montenegro, took over Foca in April 1992. They established a wartime
government called the Crisis Committee, much like those established in
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many towns in Bosnian Serb-controlled territory, to plan and carry out the
expulsion of the non-Serb population. Using a thorough propaganda campaign
to convince the local Bosnian Serb population that they were under threat of a
Muslim fundamentalist coup, the Crisis Committee established a network of
detention centers,where non-Serb civilians were detained, tortured,
raped, and either expelled, killed, or disappeared, leaving the town as
it is today, almost completely ethnically Serb. Businesses and properties of
non-Serbs were expropriated or destroyed.
The persons alleged by many sources to be responsible for the crimes
committed in Foca during the war continue to wield power in the town. In many
cases, they are in governmental or police positions. In other cases, they hold
even higher-ranking positions in the Republika Srpska or Bosnian government.
In these positions they may have been identified by international observers as
responsible for protracted noncompliance with the provisions of the Dayton
Accords, as well as systematic human rights abuses in the post-war period. In
Foca, where the authorities and police remain loyal to the indicted Radovan
Karadzic, there has been no refugee return, there is no freedom of movement
or expression, there has been absolutely no vetting of the police, and there are
six publicly indicted war criminals known to be harbored in the town. French
NATO troops stationed in the town since late 1995 refused to arrest a single
indicted person until recently, when on June 15, 1998, they arrested Milorad
Krnojelacbased upon a sealed indictment. Six publicly indicted persons,
however, remain in Foca. The International Police Task Force (IPTF), the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and the
European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM) work in Foca as if it were
any other town, turning a blind eye to past and current abuses, in favor of
peaceful relations. The failure to hold officials accountable for past and
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present abuses in Foca, however, has not brought compliance with the Dayton
agreement; there has been no return of refugees or displaced persons, no
screening or vetting of the local police, freedom of expression, association,
and movement remain severely restricted, and there have been numerous
cases of attacks and harassment against international journalists and other
members of the international community, and against local citizens who do not
agree with the authorities. Yet multilateral institutions and donor governments
have considered grantingand in some cases, grantedconsiderable sums of
economic assistance to the Foca area. In fact, several donor countries and
organizations, including the Italian government and the World Bank, the
European Union (E.U.), the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), and the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) have invested in the Foca area in the past year. In
December, the World Bank turned down a proposal to send additional
assistance to Foca only after nongovernmental organizations protested to
donor governments. Human Rights Watch is seriously concerned that in the
current atmosphere of impunity and noncooperation described in this report,
this money is likely only to enrich and empower those officials responsible for
ongoing violations of human rights and systematic obstruction of the
implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement. (For more details, see
section on International Investment in Foca.)
Further, the failure of the international organizations in Foca to report publicly
on abuses, and to press for alleged perpetrators to be brought to justice, has
given a false impression of a town described recently to Human Rights Watch
as very calm. Accountability has been cast aside in Foca for so long that
indictees and persons alleged to be responsible for heinous crimes remain in
control, ruling with total impunity. In the current climate in Foca, any
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international economic aid which would be granted to the town would serve to
line the pockets of these individuals.
The military takeover of Foca began on April 7, 1992. The takeover was a
coordinated effort between Serb irregulars from Serbia proper and
Montenegro, and paramilitary forces of the Bosnian Serb army. They quickly
established the Crisis Committee, which worked in collaboration with military
and police officials in the planning and execution of the takeover. The Bosnian
Serb army inherited weapons and other military supplies from the former
Yugoslav National Army (Jugoslav Narodna Armija, JNA), and paramilitary
troops from Serbia and Montenegro were promptly brought in. What took place
in the Foca municipality after the Bosnian Serbs were firmly in control was
beyond anyone's worst nightmare.
Once the Bosnian Serb and Serb forces had completely occupied the Foca
municipality, they began rounding up all non-Serb civilians from the
surrounding villages, separating the men from the women, and imprisoning
them in numerous detention facilities. The Foca police worked closely with the
Serb military forces occupying the municipality and played primary and direct
roles in the arrest, expulsion, detention, rape, torture, and murder of the nonSerb population of the town. The International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) was denied access to Foca from the time of the takeover on April 7,
1992, until the beginning of October of that year. By the time they gained
access, it was too late for thousands of non-Serbs from Foca who had been
imprisoned and subsequently either expelled or killed. By the time the ICRC
entered, few non-Serbs were left alive in the municipality.
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The takeover of Foca was planned and managed by a crisis committee, similar
to committees that were formed in other areas of the Serb territory. The
leaders of the Crisis Committee in Foca have been identified by residents of
Foca and others asVelibor Ostojic, Vojislav Vojo Maksimovic,
and Petar Petko Cancar. Under the authority of the Crisis Committee,
military and paramilitary forces from the Serb-controlled territory in Bosnia and
from Serbia and Montenegro carried out disappearances, detentions,
expulsions, torture, executions, and rape, with the assistance of the local
police. Businesses and factories, as well as private property belonging to nonSerbs, were expropriated and the former owners and directors either
imprisoned, expelled, or disappeared. Bosnian Muslim (hereafter
Bosniak) and Croat men were sent, often via the short-term detention center
Livade, to the central Foca prison, called the Kazneno-Popravni Dom or
KP Dom (Home for Criminal Rehabilitation), where they were tortured and
many disappeared. KP Dom is mentioned in the indictments against
Radovan Karadzic, then leader of the Bosnian Serbs, and Ratko Mladic, then
commander of the Bosnian Serb army. Non-Serb women in Foca were taken
from their homes, separated from their husbands, and many were held in short
or long-term detention centers. The Partizan Sports Hall, located in the center
of the town very near to the municipality building and the central police station,
is where women were held and systematically raped or otherwise sexually
assaulted as part of the Serb campaign. The Crisis Committee headquarters
was in Velecevo, on the edge of the town of Foca, which also later became the
sight of a detention camp where non-Serb women were sexually assaulted as
part of the ethnic cleansing campaign. Other rape camps were established in
Buk Bijela and in private houses and apartments in town. There are also
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allegations that women were detained and sexually assaulted in the Foca high
school during the takeover in 1992.
Nine individualsDragan Gagovic, Gojko Jankovic, Janko Janjic, Dragan
Zelenovic, Zoran Vukovic, Dragoljub Kunarac, Radomir Kovac,
Radovan Stankovic, and Milorad Krnojelacare publicly indicted by the
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for their
involvement in the ethnic cleansing in Foca. They are indicted for crimes
against humanity, including rape, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions,
and violations of the laws or customs of war. These indictments are the first in
history in which persons were indicted for rape as a war crime.
Seven of the nine public indictees remain at large, and six are known to be
living in the Foca municipality. They have been living freely, under no apparent
fear of arrest by the French SFOR (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NATOtroops in the region are called the Stabilization Force, or SFOR) troops
stationed in the region, until recently the only SFOR sector in Bosnia in which
no arrests had taken place. These indicted persons can often be seen in public
places such as bars and restaurants, which are also frequented by SFOR
troops. According to a February 20, 1998 article in the Dutch newspaper
Nieuwsblad,
Take for instance Janko Janjic, one of the Serbs on the list, who drinks
coffee and rakija in the Merkur, the Passager or the Krsma every morning
around nine. All three bars are located near the bus station in the center of the
town.Should French SFOR troops decide to arrest Janko Janjic while he is
sipping his rakija in the Krsma bar, they could make a second arrest in the
process: the owner of this bar, Dragan Gagovic, also features on the Hague's
list.
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Aside from those individuals who have been publicly indicted by the Tribunal,
many individuals who are not yet publicly indicted but are alleged to have been
responsible for war crimes and human rights abuses during the war still hold
positions of power. These persons, in their current influential roles in the
government, infrastructure, and police of Foca use their continued influence to
block the implementation of the Dayton Accords, including in particular those
provisions relating to human rights guarantees and the return of refugees.
They severely and actively restrict freedom of movement; they block all
attempts at freedom of expression by local civilians; and they blatantly prevent
any discussion of the return of displaced persons and refugees. Furthermore,
since the signing of the Dayton Accords, the unindicted have frequently
blocked the work of the international community by refusing to attend meetings
to discuss Dayton implementation, and by obstructing projects which they felt
would threaten their stranglehold on society. International journalists who visit
have been threatened. Volunteers who came to work with the teenagers in the
town have been harassed and kicked out of the town. Micro-credit projects
which could assist the women in Foca by offering them opportunities for
income generation have been halted by the authorities. Residents of Foca who
interact or work with organizations that the authorities perceive as a threat to
their power have been harassed and threatened. Foca is a closed, dark
place, people who have worked there say, time and again.
To date, efforts by the international community to obtain compliance with the
provisions of Dayton have been unsuccessful in Foca. In the two and a half
years since the signing of the Dayton Accords, any officials within Foca who
have attempted to cooperate with the international community have eventually
been replaced by their more radical, nationalistic, and isolationist colleagues.
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The June 15, 1998 arrest by French SFOR troops was the very first time
French SFOR troops had arrested any indictees in Bosnia, and though late in
coming, it was a welcome step.
However, the failure of French SFOR to arrest the six individuals publicly
indicted by the ICTY who still wander free in Foca is just a small part of the
picture of an international community that is prepared to let bygones be
bygones. It is no longer an unusual sight, nor does it even seem strange any
more to see international armed troops patrolling in Foca, sitting in its cafes,
eating in its restaurants, drinking in its bars, keeping the peace. As a result of
the international community's failure to insist, from the outset, on compliance
by the Foca authorities with the provisions of the Dayton Accords, and as a
result of the failure of the French NATO troops to arrest anyone responsible for
war crimes in Foca for two and a half years, individuals allegedly responsible
for mass murder and rape have been free to rule the town they conquered with
complete and total impunity. And they have succeeded splendidly: three of the
individuals linked to overseeing the planning, organization, and execution of
the massive ethnic cleansing in the Foca municipality, namely Petar Cancar,
Vojislav Maksimovic, and Velibor Ostojic, have been rewarded for their efforts.
Cancar has been promoted from mayor of Foca to minister of justice of the
Republika Srpska. Maksimovic sits on the Republika Srpska National
Assembly and remains in his post as rector of the Philosophy Faculty in the
Serb-controlled part of Sarajevo. Even more shocking is that Ostojic was
appointed head of a state human rights commission in the Bosnian Parliament.
Despite the Foca authorities systematic obstruction of the peace accords, and
their ongoing loyalty to Radovan Karadzic, bilateral and international donors
have targeted Foca for reconstruction assistance. In December 1997,
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the Dayton Accords in Foca and throughout Bosnia and Hercegovina. It is also
their obligation to ensure that international economic aid is not used in ways
that would strengthen the political power base of such individuals.
This report should serve as a resource for information on the crimes that were
perpetrated against the Bosniak and Croat population in Foca during the war,
as well as on persons who have either been indicted for these crimes by the
ICTY or whose responsibility for these crimes should be further investigated.
Over twenty persons have been named in this report in connection with human
rights abuses committed in Foca. We have named individuals where we have
found some evidence that they may have played a role in the institutions or
processes that contributed to the gross violations of human rights and
humanitarian law that took place. Human Rights Watch does not state or imply
that named individuals are necessarily responsible for these violations;
however, in these cases we believe that further investigation is warranted.
Where it is at all possible, we have provided the names of witnesses and
sources of information; however, many witnesses, both residents of Foca and
international journalists and observers, have specifically requested that their
identities be withheld because of genuine fears of retaliation.
Lastly, but most importantly, this report exposes the suffering of the survivors
of the ethnic cleansing in Foca and is therefore a plea from them for
accountability. Their risk in sharing information from their experiences must not
go unnoticed, especially in the atmosphere of impunity that reigns in Bosnia
and Hercegovina. They shared their tragic stories with great pain, but also with
the hope that in recalling their nightmares, and in naming their abusers, the
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world would not forget, and those responsible would be brought to justice.
Their wish, universally, was to go home to Foca.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Human Rights Watch urges the Foca municipal authorities and police to:
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arrest and surrender all indicted persons present in Foca to the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia for trial in the Hague;
immediately cease any and all obstruction of the Dayton agreement, including
in particular restrictions on freedom of movement, and freedom of expression
and association;
immediately cease any and all attacks and harassment against the local
population, including that which is based upon their ethnicity, political opinion
or affiliation and against representatives of the international community, and
investigate and prosecute those alleged to be responsible for such attacks and
harassment;
guarantee the right of refugees and displaced persons to return to Foca and
ensure the security of persons who choose to return;
comply with IPTF procedures for screening and vetting the police based on
human rights criteria. As a first step at rectifying the failure to do so for two and
a half years, immediately provide IPTF with a complete list of all police officers,
including secret and special police as well as trainers and teachers in the
special police training school in Tjentiste, and of all staff and personnel in the
KP Dom prison;
immediately provide international organizations with any and all information
regarding persons missing from the Foca municipality and grant complete
access to any organizations charged with the task of investigating the fate of
people who disappeared or are otherwise unaccounted for;
immediately implement the results of the September 1997 municipal elections,
allowing those elected to assume their offices, and provide protection for all
representatives who have been elected when they travel to Foca for assembly
sessions.
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Human Rights Watch calls upon Republika Srpska Prime Minister Milorad
Dodik to:
dismiss Petko Cancar from his post as minister of justice of Republika
Srpska, pending investigation by the ICTY of substantive allegations of his
responsibility for war crimes committed under his authority during the war in
Foca;
insist that the authorities in places such as Foca, which remain under the
influence of the indicted Radovan Karadzic, implement the provisions of the
Dayton Accords. Specifically, insist that the Foca authorities grant full freedom
of movement, allow refugees and displaced persons to return to their homes,
guarantee freedom of expression and association, immediately cease any and
all attacks and harassment based upon political opinion or affiliation, and
implement the September 1997 municipal election results;
immediately transfer to the custody of the ICTY any and all publicly indicted
individuals, including Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, and including the
six public indictees who roam freely in Foca;
ensure that anyone who holds a position of authority in the Republika Srpska
government has been cleared of any serious, credible allegations of wartime
atrocities;
arrest, prosecute, and punish persons responsible for human rights abuses.
Human Rights Watch urges the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE), the European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM), and
the International Police Task Force (IPTF), which have bases in Foca, and the
Office of the High Representative (OHR), the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and SFOR, which operate in Foca to:
articulate clearly a duty of their representatives to expose publicly instances of
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regularly performed by IPTF, to ensure that no non-Serbs are being held under
false Serb names. The same investigation to ensure non-Serbs are not being
concealed in detention centers should be undertaken in other places within the
Foca municipality, such as the Miljevina coal mine,
the Tjentiste region, Buk Bijela, and any and all military facilities;
consider the establishment of an Office of the Ombudsman in the Republika
Srpska similar to the one operating in the Federation entity of Bosnia and
Hercegovina, to act as a legal representative for individual victims of human
rights abuses and charged with obtaining remedies for such abuses from
governmental authorities, in liaison with the International Office of the
Ombudsperson established by the Dayton agreement;
insist on full implementation of the results of the September 1997 municipal
election results, and the protection of representatives who have been elected.
Human Rights Watch calls on the International Police Task Force, in addition,
to:
link all financial support for the restructuring of the local police with the final
completion of the full IPTF screening/vetting process;
share all information related to local police involvement in war crimes or
serious human rights abuses with the ICTY, with an agreement on the
effective and timely exchange of information in ICTY records on police
officials, politicians, and members of paramilitary groups in the area;
provide any and all information known to IPTF monitors regarding the locations
of persons publicly indicted for war crimes to IPTF headquarters, and to the
other international organizations based in Foca, in particular to SFOR, and to
the ICTY, to facilitate the arrests of these individuals;
respond with action to reports that unacknowledged prisoners are still being
held secretly in official and unofficial places of detention in the Foca
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municipality, and perform surprise searches of any and all such locations on
an ongoing basis. In a collaborative effort with SFOR and without prior notice
to or the presence of local police or military, routinely search KP Dom, the
Miljevina mine, Buk Bijela, the Tjentiste area, the Zinc mine at Suplja Stijena,
and any and all military or police facilities;
pressure the police authorities, in particular those employed in the KP Dom
prison, to provide information on the individuals missing from Foca as a result
of the Serb takeover and the ethnic cleansing that took place during the war;
routinely check the list of police officers in the civilian police force, special
police forces, and secret police in order to ensure that those indicted for war
crimes are not working as police officers anywhere in the Foca municipality;
urge the local police to investigate thoroughly any human rights violations that
occur in the Foca municipality and monitor and report on the ongoing progress
of such investigations. The results of such investigations should be made
public. In cases where incidents are inadequately investigated, IPTF should
publicize this fact, and hold the local police accountable through the filing of
noncompliance reportsIPTF reports on police noncompliance with the
Dayton Peace Agreement. Accountability should also include making sure that
such units do not benefit from international aid;
if there are cases of reported participation in or instigation of violations of
human rights by the local police, IPTF should file noncompliance reports,
publicize these cases, and, in collaboration with other international
organizations on the ground, should take all possible steps to ensure that the
perpetrators are brought to justice. One such case is the alleged police beating
of a local Serb civilian in the Foca central police station in December 1997.
The results of this investigation should be made public;
ensure that all police officers responsible for post-Dayton human rights
520
abuses, or who have failed to investigate and punish those responsible for
human rights abuses committed under their jurisdiction, be ineligible for police
posts and be removed from their current police positions. Acts of
noncompliance with the Dayton Peace Agreement should be understood to
include, but should not be limited to, the obstruction of freedom of movement,
failure to protect the right to remain, violations of freedom of expression and
association, and harassment and intimidation of minorities or opposition
members. Police officials or officers who have threatened or committed acts of
violence against IPTF should also be ineligible for police posts and should be
removed from their positions and prosecuted when criminal acts have been
committed;
ensure that the local police provide security and protection for municipal
assembly representatives and for returnees.
Human Rights Watch urges the NATO Stabilization Force (SFOR), specifically
the French troops based in the Foca area to:
arrest immediately those indicted for war crimes who live in or visit the Foca
municipality. According to the latest information obtained by Human Rights
Watch, those publicly indicted by the ICTY and currently living in Foca
include Radovan Stankovic, Dragan Zelenovic, Dragan Gagovic, Janko
Janjic, Gojko Jankovic, and Radomir Kovac;(2)
conduct routine searches of any and all military facilities to ensure that they
are not being used as places of detention, and to ensure that the stock of
weapons is in accordance with the limitations outlined by the Dayton
agreement;
conduct routine searches, in collaboration with IPTF, of any sites in which
detainees may be held. (See IPTF recommendations above for specific
locations.)
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including the Aladza mosque, built in 1550 and the Ustikolina mosque, built
in 1448. All fourteen were destroyed by Bosnian Serb, Serbian, and
Montenegrin forces during their takeover of the region, and all traces of their
existence removed. International monitors in the region estimate that the
current population of Foca municipality is approximately 24,000, and that fewer
than one hundred non-Serbs remain in the Foca municipality today out of a
pre-war population of more than 20,000.
The actual takeover of Foca began on April 7, 1992. However, Bosnian Serb
civilian, police, and military officials had been preparing for the attack for many
months, gathering weapons they had inherited from the former JNA. I.H., once
a prominent and well-connected professional in Foca and now living in exile,
described the time leading up to the takeover to a Human Rights Watch
representative:
At the end of February and the beginning of March 1992, especially after the
referendum of Bosnia, they [the Serbs] just gathered technical equipment in
preparation for war. These preparations were done in all municipalities in
Bosnia and Hercegovina, especially in municipalities where Serbs formed half
or more of the population, knowing that Bosniaks did not have any weapons at
all, and with promises of assistance from Milosevic and the JNA. They rejected
a dialogue and decided to fight a war.(3)
Bosnian Serb leaders in Foca formed the Crisis Committee, similar to those
which were formed in other regions of Bosnian Serb controlled territory to
oversee the takeover and ethnic cleansing campaigns (see below for details).
The Crisis Committee in Foca was charged with the organization, planning,
and carrying out of the Serb takeover of Foca. The Crisis Committee
supervised all aspects of the attack on Foca, including the activities of the local
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police, and worked in close collaboration with the Bosnian Serb army. To
assist them in the takeover, the Crisis Committee called in paramilitary troops
and reservists from neighboring Serbia and Montenegro. Many non-Serbs
were violently expelled from Foca, and others were imprisoned in one of the
network of detention centers which the Crisis Committee organized for this
purpose throughout the municipality. The property of non-Serbs was
confiscated and expropriated by the conquering Serb forces.
The military takeover of Foca took only nine days, yet the suffering inflicted on
the non-Serbs who remained in Foca after the initial attack lasted for months
thereafter. Non-Serb men were imprisoned in abominable conditions in
detention centers, where they were routinely tortured, beaten, and terrorized.
Scores died in the process, or were summarily executed by Serb forces. Many
non-Serb women were held in rape camps throughout the municipality, where
they were systematically sexually assaulted. The ICRC estimates that there
are 588 persons missing from the Foca municipality.(4) The ICTY has publicly
indicted nine individuals for rape as a war crime, and genocide, committed in
Foca.(5) Many others who have not yet been indicted were involved in the
planning and commission of war crimes and other systematic human rights
abuses in Foca. Many of these individuals are currently in positions of power in
the municipality.
Forces from Serbia and Montenegro
During March 1992, ethnic Serb paramilitary units were arming themselves
with the assistance of Serbia and Montenegro. These units were under the
direction and instructions of the Crisis Committee and called themselves Serb
territorials. The Crisis Committee knew that the local Bosnian Serb forces
526
would not be strong enough to achieve their aims without outside support, and
so arranged for reservists, paramilitaries, and even regular army units of what
was previously called the Yugoslav People's Army from Serbia and
Montenegro to assist the Bosnian Serb forces in conquering the region, and
driving out all non-Serbs. Witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch all
said that Serbs from outside Bosnia were among the soldiers who were
involved in their arrest, expulsion, detention, or abuse. Numerous victims
reported hearing their accents, which were clearly not the Bosnian Ijekavski
dialect, but were the Montenegrin or Serbian Ekavski dialect, and they
described their different uniforms. Many described the paramilitary soldiers as
Cetniks,(6) with long beards and square hats. According to the Final Report
of the Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council
Resolution 780 (1992):(7)
Several individuals have been identified in the source materials as those
primarily responsible for the attack upon and ethnic cleansing of Foca. One of
them apparently called in additional forces from Niksic, Montenegro. Bringing
the total number of Serbian forces in and around Foca to about 4,000
by the end of April [1992].[sic] (8)
The U. N. Commission of Experts report describes the reported involvement of
forces under the direction of Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan and Vojislav Seselj,
two extremist paramilitary and political leaders renowned for having carried out
mass murders and brutal ethnic cleansing campaigns. The report states:
Arkan and Seselj reportedly deployed soldiers in the county of Foca. Reports
also indicate the presence of Commander Turtle's Units, the Montenegro
Guard, the Uzice Corps, and Pero Elez. During the occupation of Foca by
Arkan's men in late April 1992, many bodies were thrown into the
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We were held for half a day in Partizan, and then [one of ] these Serbs from
Serbia told us he was sorry that we are all children because he will have to
kill us. They confiscated all our jewelry. We were hugging each other and very
scared. They said, Now Balija [a derogatory term for Muslims] you will
go swim in the Drina.They took us to Mrdalici, and there we met
Cetniks with long beards.(13)
Detention Centers
Once the military takeover in Foca was underway, a campaign of terror was
unleashed on the non-Serb civilian population. Large numbers of Muslims and
Croats were tortured, disappeared, raped, or executed and those who
survived were expelled from their homes.
Livade
According to several witnesses, when the aggression began, most non-Serb
men were first taken to Livade, a military facility in Foca which was the former
JNA headquarters. Livade is near the village of Aladza, the site of the Aladza
mosque. I.H., who was also a survivor of the Livade detention center,
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explained:
The program of attack on Foca started from a few directions. Most important is
from the direction of Livade, where they established their military garrison, and
in this garrison was the first camp. From April 11 to April 17, 1992, they started
bringing people from the town and most from the local community of Aladza.
The first prisoners in Foca, including myself and approximately 150-200
others, spent these first five days in Livade, and then we were all taken from
there to KP Dom.(14)
According to I.H., Veselin Cancar was the commander of the facility during
his imprisonment.
Livade was used during the whole time between April 1992 and August or
September 1992 as a transit center where prisoners were taken for a few days
and then transferred to other camps or transit centersthe whole offensive
came from that direction.Life in Livade was very difficult. We had no
organized meals, food was distributed randomly. There were no hygienic
conditions, and the accommodations were wet and full of water. When they
first brought people to Livade, they separated the men, women, and children.
Later, the men were taken to KP Dom and the women were prepared to be
sent out of Foca. Veselin [Cancar] was the commander, but the Serb Guard
was there, as were Serb territorials and reservists from the former JNA.(15)
I.H. said Veselin Cancar was also the commander of the local Serbian
territorial forces, which were involved in the main offensive against Foca.
Veselin Cancar was arrested by the Bosnian government after the war and
tried on charges of war crimes. He was sentenced to eleven years in prison for
his involvement in the crimes in Foca and is currently serving his sentence in
the Sarajevo Central Prison.
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KP Dom
The central prison in Foca, called the Kazneno-Popravni Dom (KP Dom
Home for Criminal Rehabilitation) was, prior to the war, the central prison for
the entire southeastern region of Bosnia and Hercegovina and one of the
largest prisons in the former Yugoslavia. The Crisis Committee decided that
the prison would serve as an appropriate detention facility and, by the middle
of April 1992, non-Serb men from all over the Foca municipality and
surrounding areas, as well as some Serb men who opposed the takeover, had
been arrested and were being brutalized in this prison.
The office of Mayor Ibro Poplata, the exiled Bosniak mayor of Foca, reported
that there are 456 missing persons whom the municipal government-in-exile
knows are missing from the Foca municipality,(16) however, the ICRC has
received 588 reports of missing relatives from survivors.(17) The vast majority
of these missing personssome 354 men according to the Foca municipal
government-in-exile, which represents the former residents of Focawere
disappeared from KP Dom.
531
532
I.H. told Human Rights Watch that one copy of the list of prisoners was in the
hands of the director of the facility. He further told Human Rights Watch that
the military decided who would be taken away. I.H. also said that Milorad
Krnojelac was the manager (upravnik) of the facility and that sometimes the
police from the town, then under the command of Dragan Gagovic (indicted
by the ICTY), came to take people away:
Regarding prisoners, civilian and military structures collaborated closely. For
example, for each Serb soldier who was killed on the front line, a few Muslim
prisoners would be taken away and killedThe days Serb soldiers were killed
on the front line, the Serb soldiers were very angry. These were the worst
days. We got less food. We knew what had happened by the way they treated
us. After a couple of days burying their soldiers, they took [away] prisoners.
We had very poor food, a little tea and a little bread, three times per day, and
some macaroni in water.There were no washing facilities. We lost weight,
and had psychophysical symptoms. We had difficulty walking, pain in our
muscles, and dizziness. When this happened, the guards would joke.
People were consistently taken away in small or big groups. The first big group
was between June 13 and 30, 1992. Thirty-five people were taken at night.
Before that men were taken at night and tortured. After that they
disappeared. Some of the men [who disappeared in that time period]
were Krunoslav Marinovic, a Croat reporter and television mechanic, Mate
Ivancic, who was a nurse, and Adil Granov. There were prisoners with heart
diseases, there were minors, there were elderly.During the nights, when
people were brought to the prison, some of them were in torture chambers,
and when they were taken away, they were also tortured. The guards and
military police were torturing them.(20)
533
The torture rooms which I.H. spoke of are shown on a map of the layout of the
KP Dom prison, provided to Human Rights Watch by a former Foca official and
attached as Appendix I to this report. The U.S. Department of State reported in
its Seventh Report on War Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia about a fifty-nineyear-old Bosniak male who was taken with his son and eighteen others to KP
Dom:
A 59-year old Bosnian Muslim from Foca was at home on April 27, 1992,
when Serbian special forces entered his home and forced him and his son
outside. The soldiers wore camouflage uniforms and black headbands and
were complete strangers to him. He assumed they came from Serbia because
they spoke in Ekavski dialect. The witness, his son, and eighteen other men
from the neighborhood were taken by buses to the local KP Dom..The Serbs
running the camp kept written records and biographic files on all those
interned.Those running the center instilled fear in the Muslim prisoners by
selecting certain prisoners for beatings. From his window in Room 13, the
witness saw prisoners regularly being taken to a building where beatings were
conducted. The building was close enough for him to hear the screams of
those who were being beaten.From his window in Room 13, he saw
prisoners covered with blood, leaving the building.(21)
F.E., another Bosniak survivor of KP Dom, told Human Rights Watch he fled
from his home in a village outside Foca when the Serb forces took over the
Foca municipality. When he and his son returned a few weeks later they found
their house had been burned down:(22)
A Serb army tank was going by, with buses and cars behind it. We tried to hide
behind the house. The last car stopped and four men got out of the car. They
were all in black, they had bombs on them and masks on their faces. They
said hands up! and they asked us what the fuck are you doing here, you
534
Ustashe,(23) where all is burned down? They put us in the car and brought us
to Ustlikolina.
The four men [in black] brought me before [the police commander], who knows
me from before because I had a little cafe in Ustikolina before the war. My son
had escaped via the bridge and had fled back to Gorazde. [One man] was
wearing his police uniformhis younger brother was there with him, also
wearing a police uniformthey told me to get into the car. [He] said, we have
to take you to KP Dom for interrogation. They took me to KP Dom on May 15.
One woman and two men in civilian clothing interrogated me in KP Dom. They
asked me questions about the army in Gorazde and how I got back to my
house from thereThey had all my documentation in front of them.They
took me to room 18 and did not mistreat me. There were eighty people in room
18, and it was full. I heard at the time that there were 713 people in KP Dom. I
knew everyone in the roomOn September 17, they took thirty-five people
ostensibly to pick plums, and they never came back. On September 25, they
took twenty-five people, and they never came back. Among those who did not
come back were Husein Cengic, Eso Dzano, Rasim Muslic, whose father
they had killed in his home. Later they took Muradif Music and nineteen others.
That was on October 9, 1992. They never came backThose who were
known to have been in the army in Gorazde were beaten. The others were not
beaten. They did not beat me.
My friend had been taken to the basement where he was beaten. I
askedone of the guards if I could see my friend. He said yes. He was a
friend of my brother and that is why he did this favor. He said I can see him for
two minutes. He [the friend] was all bruised and black.[the guard] was next
to me. [My friend] put his hand in his pocket and gave me money for
cigarettes. They had not taken his money from him. In the same room where
535
[my friend] was, there was one guy hanging one meter off the floor at the wall.
Ropes held him up there and on one side there was hot water falling on one of
his shoulders and on the other side there was cold water and he was crying. I
did not know him but he was suffering a lot. It was really hot water, and he was
really suffering and he was screaming. [The guard] told me not to tell anyone
what I saw.(24)
The United Nations Commission of Experts report describes the KP Dom
detention facility in detail, including the physical facility, the number of guards
and the uniforms worn, and confirms the allegations of disappearances.
One source reported that on 19 May 1992, there were 130 Muslim detainees
in the Foca men's prison, and between 19 and 25 May, 400 new detainees
were brought in. Inmates estimated at least 36 prisoners were killed by guards
in June. Guards would typically enter a cell between 8:00 p.m. and 10:00 p.m.,
call out inmates names, inform them that they were to be exchanged, and
take them away. These prisoners were never heard from again. Approximately
200 inmates were taken from the prison for unknown reasons in late August,
most inmates believed they were killed by guards. Thirty-five prisoners were
taken away on 15 September and 12 more at the end of the same month,
allegedly for prisoner exchange. Prisoners released since that time failed to
locate any of these men. Prisoners on the fourth floor observed guards
carrying blankets containing what seemed to be human bodies and dumping
them in the Drina River.(25)
The United States submitted information on violations of humanitarian law,
including grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions in the Foca region to the
U.N. Security Council on October 22, 1992. In their Seventh Report on War
536
Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia, the U.S. Department of State reports on the
case of a forty-year-old woman witness to the killing of Bosniaks from Foca in
early July 1992:
One night at 9 PM, the witness saw Serbs leading a group of seven
people up to the Tito sign on a hill overlooking Foca. She said [that]
group was driven up the hill in a yellow mini-vanShe saw the Serbs
make the group strip, take their money and the identification cards,
and murder them with knives. The bodies were thrown in the Drina River.
During the next four to five days, the witness saw the same yellow mini-van
bringing people to the same site where they were slaughtered in the same
fashion. She saw some bodies thrown in the Drina, and others thrown
into [a] truck that were driven away. The witness said the van came from
the direction of the men's prison at the KP Dom and she suspected [that] the
victims were prisoners from that camp. She believes there is a mass grave
under the Tito sign, and two or three mass graves near the outdoor
stadium in Foca.(26)
KP Dom Personnel
Milorad Krnojelac Wartime: Manager (Upravnik) of KP Dom (April 1992September 1993) / Current: Indicted, Arrested by SFOR troops on June 15,
1998 and transferred to the Tribunal in The Hague
According to reports survivors of KP Dom, Krnojelac, a teacher of
mathematics by profession, was the manager of KP Dom until September
1993.(27) Human Rights Watch estimates that a large proportion of those who
disappeared from KP Dom (estimated at 354 by former Foca municipal
leaders in exile,) disappeared during the time of Krnojelac's tenure.(28)
537
I.H. informed Human Rights Watch that Krnojelac had substantial decisionmaking power during the period between April 18, 1992 and September
1993.(29) Similarly, the Bosnian government State Commission for Gathering
Facts on War Crimes (hereinafter State War Crimes Commission), which
conducted extensive interviews with survivors of the takeover of Foca as they
were fleeing the town, identified Krnojelac as the manager of KP Dom during
this time period.(30) Krnojelac, a teacher in a primary school in Foca until June
15, 1998, was arrested by French SFOR troops on that date, based on a
sealed indictment by ICTY in the Hague. He is currently in the Hague awaiting
trial.(31)
Miodrag Koprivica Wartime: Interrogator in KP Dom / Current: Police
Inspector
Three survivors of the KP Dom detention center, E.D., F.E., and I.H.,
identified Koprivica to Human Rights Watch as an interrogator in KP Dom
during their detention there.(37) Interrogations were a routine part of daily life
in KP Dom, and all of the KP Dom survivors interviewed by Human Rights
Watch reported having been interrogated repeatedly. Someone in the position
of routinely interrogating prisoners in KP Dom would have been likely to know
the identities of many of the detainees, and would also have been in a position
to know about the fates of many of those who disappeared.E.D. informed
Human Rights Watch that, Koprivica came every night at eight [and]
called people's names from a list, and those never came back.(38)
I.H. told Human Rights Watch that he was in the next room when Koprivica
was interrogating and beating a Bosniak prisoner named Adnan
Berberkic. I.H. said that when Berberkic emerged from the interrogation
room, he saw that he was badly injured by the beating and that
538
later Berberlic told him that Koprivica had beaten him.Berberkic later
disappeared. Koprivica is currently a police inspector in Foca and is one
of the suspects interviewed by IPTF for having allegedly participated in the
beatings of two individuals in detention in December 1997. No arrests have
been made in connection with that case. (For details, see Zoran
Vladicic below, and also section on Human Rights Abuses Against the
Current Population of Foca.)(39)
Vojo Starovic Wartime: Criminal police inspector, interrogator in KP Dom /
Current: Police officer
According to one source, Starovic was a criminal police inspector prior to the
war and was the chief of the criminal police department during the war as
well.(40) According toE.D. and F.E., two survivors of KP
Dom, Starovic interrogated prisoners in KP Dom during the period of their
detention.(41) It is likely he would have been in a position to know about the
fate of many of the prisoners who disappeared from the detention center.
According to two staff members of international organizations in the
region,Starovic is still working as a police officer in Foca.(42)
Miro Burilo Wartime: Guard, KP Dom / Current: Uncertain; Possibly Same
According to four witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, Burilo was
a guard at KP Dom during the time of their detention. F.E., who was
imprisoned in KP Dom, reported that Burilo was in the interrogation room when
he was brought to KP Dom in 1992. According to F.E., Burilo and two other
guards told him to empty his pockets, and took 300 DM, some food, his ring,
and his watch. Then Burilo and the other guards took F.E. to a room where he
was kept during his detention in KP Dom. F.E. said he
encountered Burilo many times during his stay in the detention center:
539
Burilo was the worst one in KP Dom. He couldn't wait for someone to beat up.
I saw when Burilo brought Fikret(43) into KP Dom.Fikret was taken later to
the basement and beatenI heard that Burilo is still working in KP DomIn
August 1992 at 9 p.m. [nightly] Zoran [name withheld] and Burilo called many
people from many rooms. They took people and beat them, we heard them
scream. For more than one hour they beat them. They were beating people
always in the basement, so you could hear them screaming. We were sitting in
the corner afraid in our room. After more than one hour everything stopped
and was quiet. We never slept at night because we were so scared. One
morning they took us room by room out to the bridge and those people who
had been taken that night all had their heads cut off. There were nine bodies
and the heads were separated from the bodies.I recognized some of them
as Munib Veiz, Salem Bico, and Ekrem Dzelilovic.(44)
E.D., who was detained in KP Dom and witnessed the abuses which took
place there, named Burilo as one of the most ugly. He mistreated
everyone.(45) Another Bosniak survivor also reported that Burilo was one of
the guards in the detention center during his entire imprisonment there, which
was for fifteen months.(46) H.G., a witness who was in KP Dom during late
1995 and early 1996, said Burilo was still a guard there during his
imprisonment.(47) According to two witnesses from Foca, Burilo is still a guard
in KP Dom today.(48) Human Rights Watch was unable to corroborate this
allegation.
Slavko Koroman Wartime: Commander of Guards in KP Dom / Current:
Uncertain; Possibly Police Officer
According to E.D., H.G., and I.H., all survivors of KP Dom who were
interviewed by Human Rights Watch, Koroman was a police officer who
worked in the KP Dom prison before the war. During the war, according to
540
541
All prisoners had interrogations with Zoran. He did not beat me during
interrogations because his father worked where I worked [before the war]. But
others came back bloody Prisoners would have to go to interrogations many
times, but I only had to go once.(53)
The Bosnian government State War Crimes Commission also alleges
that Vladicic was an interrogator in Foca prison.(54)
Vladicic is reportedly responsible, along with Miodrag Koprivica (see
above), for the beatings of two detainees in the Foca police station in
December 1997. One of the detainees was severely wounded by the beatings,
and neither received medical assistance until three days later, when IPTF
interviewed them during a routine inspection of the prison. Human Rights
Watch viewed photographs of this detainee, taken by IPTF three days after his
beating, in which the detainee's entire back from his head to his knees was
severely bruised and bloody. IPTF informed Human Rights Watch that it had
identified Vladicic as one of those who committed the beatings. According to
the IPTF monitor, Vladicic claimed that he and Koprivica were in Montenegro
on the day of the beatings. However, IPTF requested proof from the border
police at the Montenegrin border and was informed that there was no record of
their crossing. IPTF plans to present its findings in this investigation to the
court in Trebinje. (For more details of this case, see section on Attacks Against
the Current Foca Population, below.)(55)
542
imprisonment of non-Serb men] had fled, and killed and captured those within.
Approximately seventy women and children and five old men were taken to a
collection camp located in the high school in Foca.All seventy were kept
there from 3 July to 17 July 1992. All were forced to stay in a former classroom
ten meters by ten meters. They were able to use mattresses and blankets left
behind by Serbian soldiers who had occupied the school earlier..All women
between ages fifteen and forty-five were continuously raped by Serbian
military members..On 17 July all those detained at the high school were
transferred to the Partizan Sports Hall in the centre of Foca on
Samoborska Street.They slept on the floor without mattresses or
blankets. Cetniks continued to rape women as they did earlier at the
school.(58)
According to the U.S. Department of State's Seventh Report on War Crimes in
the Former Yugoslavia, on July 3, 1992, approximately thirty-six women were
reportedly taken from their village in the Foca municipality to Buk Bijela,
which was a construction site with barracks for workers, where they were
systematically raped. One of the women reported that, after having been held
there for several hours and raped:
The group was then taken to Foca high school where they spent eight days.
Every night, three to five women were taken away and often returned severely
beaten. They were taken by truck to the Partisan sport center in the middle of
downtown Foca for forty days.This group from [this village] was the first
group to be interned at Partisan, but more came later, eventually totaling
seventy-four detainees.During her time atPartisan, the witness [said] the
soldiers entered day and night to led [sic] away young women. One twentyfour-year-old woman was raped in front of the entire group of detainees.
[sic](59)
544
G.F., a Bosniak woman from Miljevina, told Human Rights Watch that she
remained in her house until September 3, 1992. On that date:
They took 250 of us, women and children, to Partizan. We were taken there by
bus. Reservists came to get us, in uniforms. They wore gloves and hats.
Those who took us were Serbs from Serbia speaking the Serb dialect. They
were well armed. There were women among the soldiers well armed as well. I
was in Partizan only from 12 noon until 4 p.m. the next day.(60)
In a separate interview, L.K., another woman taken with G.F. to Partizan,
described in greater detail what they witnessed in Partizan during their brief
stay there:(61)
They took us by bus into [downtown] Foca to Partizan. Zeko Vukovic(62)
was the leader of the group which took us to Partizan at 12 noon on
September 3. Two hundred and fifty women, children, elderly and disabled.
Our imprisonment was because they [the Serbs] had lost territory near
Gorazde and wanted revenge. We received news that another group of
Muslim civilians were killed in Focanske Jabuka. They kept us alive.
Partizan was a sports hall, they beat us, raped us, no electricity, no water, we
slept on the floor.(63) Groups of Serbs came at night. There were many Foca
Serbs and also many Serbs from Serbia. [They] mistreated women, beat
women, tortured us. One woman recognized a Serb from Foca and asked him
for help, he said to get some women together and he will take care of them the
next day. They took these women the next day up to Velecevo in Brioni and
mistreated them, raped them. There were five of them. Four returned, but the
fifth did not.
Survivors of Partizan who were later interviewed in refugee camps outside of
Bosnia described experiencing rape as a systematic ritual. Several of these
545
women reported that they had been raped over one hundred times during the
period of their imprisonment. One woman told Newsday journalist Roy
Gutman that she had been raped approximately one hundred and fifty times
during her detention in Partizan.Another reported having been raped up to six
times a night.(64) Though women were sometimes raped in front of other
prisoners in the hall, they were routinely taken to locations outside the hall to
be gang-raped by groups of soldiers, often in deserted houses or apartments
nearby. One woman who hid in an apartment close to the hall witnessed the
same soldiers removing women from the hall every day; she estimated that
there were fifty soldiers involved in the daily raping of prisoners.(65) Another
woman tells of being taken to an outdoor stadium where she was gang-raped
by uniformed soldiers. I counted 29 of them. Then I lost consciousness.(66)
When she woke up, she was taken back to the camp; one woman in a refugee
camp in Kirklareli, Turkey, however, remembered four young girls, three of
whom were teenagers, who never returned to Partizan after having been taken
out one night. When they take you away, they may kill you. So if you are
raped, you feel lucky. At least you're alive.(67)
Partizan was an active rape camp for several months during mid-1992, and
though there were many warnings about the existence of the camp, the reports
were ignored. Locally, according to international journalists, complaints made
by citizens to the police station next door were noted but never acted upon.
One woman who was raped was told directly, Get out, we can't help you, by
a Bosnian Serb police officer in the station.(68) On a grander scale, the
international community also turned a blind eye. At the same time that Partizan
became a rape camp, Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic asked French
President Francois Mitterrand to see to it that the international community
546
investigated the rape camps in Foca. The request was met with silence. Later,
Mitterrand denied that such an appeal had ever been made.(69)
The practice of rape as ethnic cleansing made the Bosniak women
of Foca into a deliberately targeted group. One woman interviewed in a
refugee camp noted that the group of men who raped her and thirteen other
women with whom she was imprisoned, were a kind of military police [that]
did nothing but rape. It was all organized; they had a group for raping and a
group for killing.(70)
Human Rights Watch is aware of allegations of rape occurring at the camp at
least until September 1992.
hospital, so that all men of military ability were taken from the hospital to KP
Domdoctors, nurses, and patients. The process of taking male patients from
the hospital to KP Dom lasted until September 1992. From the hospital, they
took seven male nurses, and four doctors, and many other men.Among
them was Dr. Aziz Torlak, who disappeared from KP Dom on July 7,
1993...A number of other medical staff stayed in the hospital for a longer time
until June or July 1992, and after were taken to home detention, and later
deported through Montenegro. Many of them survived.(71)
Former staff of the Foca hospital told Human Rights Watch that as early as
one month before the takeover, the Bosnian Serb medical staff of the hospital
began transferring medical supplies from the warehouse of the main hospital
to a medical clinic that they were setting up exclusively for Serbs, in
anticipation of what was to come. The Serb hospital was set up in
Velecevo,(72) the site of the headquarters of the Crisis Committee, and later
the sight of the detention center for women. According to reports of former
hospital personnel, Dr. Radovan Mandic, who before the war was a doctor in
the Foca hospital, was director of this ad hoc Serb hospital.
N.M, a nurse from Foca who was forced to stay in the hospital when Serb
paramilitary forces took it over, told Human Rights Watch that:
From April 8 until April 12 the Cetniks entered and took over the hospital.
Until that day we worked relatively normally, we had some reserve, we did not
have any information about what was going on outside. We did not know
anything, we were all in the hospital and did not go anywhere.the hospital
was out of control. There were sixty children and many mothers. There
were thirteen babies without mothers each around two or three
months old. Seven kids were separated from their families. All the rest
were mothers and childrenThe mothers were sleeping on the floor.
548
They did not have anything. There were four nurses working for all
those children. We could not take care of all of them.We were
hungry, there was very little food. The bread was so hard that the kids
lost their teeth while trying to eat itwe could hear the shooting.(73)
N.M. reported that several Bosniaks had been killed by Serbs behind the
hospital. Similarly, the U.N. Commission of Experts, in a special report on
mass graves in the Foca municipality, also reported that:
On 20 April [1992], several Muslims were taken behind the hospital,
executed, after being found guilty of possessing weapons, and buried
in a grass field behind the hospital. Muslim Foca residents believe that
because the field had an unbroken grass surface before hostilities, and
afterward it was full of overturned sod, the soldiers were using the area to bury
numerous bodies.(74)
According to two former hospital employees, Dr. Radovan Mandic became
director of the hospital for Serbs that was set up near Velecevo in Foca prior to
and during the takeover in March and April 1992. Dr. Mandic and his
associates began transporting medical supplies from the main hospital in Foca
up to this then-newly established facility in March 1992, in preparation for the
Serb takeover of Foca and the subsequent takeover of the hospital. This Serb
hospital was set up to ensure that Serbs would get medical care, while the
main hospital was taken over by Serb forces on April 15, 1992. The Bosniak
medical staff and patients were held in the hospital for days on end, andmany
of the Bosniak male patients and staff were transferred to KP Dom,
from where many disappeared.(75) One former staff member of the
hospital in Foca did claim that Dr. Mandic was responsible for overseeing the
transfer to detention centers such as KP Dom and Partizan of all the non-Serb
medical staff of the Foca hospital.(76) (For details on crimes committed in the
549
Foca hospital, see above.) Human Rights Watch was unable to ascertain
whether Dr. Mandic left Bosniak staff and medical patients in the hospital on
his own accord or under duress.
The Bosnian government State War Crimes Commission alleges that Dr.
Mandic was a member of the SDS war HQ (what Human Rights Watch refers
to as the Crisis Committee), but Human Rights Watch was unable to
corroborate this allegation.(77) Mandic was a candidate in the September
1997 Foca municipal elections, and, according to one local and one
international source, is currently working as a specialist in the Foca hospital.
Other Unofficial Camps
Aside from the larger public detention centers and several well-known private
detention centers, there were many cases of detention of non-Serbs which
have gone unreported. Several witnesses reported to Human Rights Watch
that they were held in a house for short periods of time ranging from a few
days to a few weeks before being transferred either to KP Dom or to
the Partizan Sports Hall, or before being expelled from Foca. For example,
E.D., a Bosniak from Foca, reported that
I was imprisoned on April 13, 1992. I was arrested from my cousin's house,
where I was living temporarily. It was close to my house. Our Serb neighbors
gathered us from the area and put my whole family in a house with fifty to fiftyfive others. There were four or five men, all in Serb army uniforms. The boss of
these men was Zoran Milicevic. I knew him because he was my neighbor.
We spent altogether five days in that house. On the sixth night they separated
the women and children and sent them home, telling them not to move
anywhere but to go directly home. The men stayed alone in the house. The
next morning, seven or eight Montenegrin men in uniforms came and took
550
twenty-five of us to KP Dom. The house where we had been held was called
the Zait Sandal house, after the owner, who was not there while we were
held there.(78)
In the U.S. Department of State's Seventh Report, a Bosniak woman from
Foca states that:
A forty-year-old Muslim woman was at home on July 14, 1992, in Foca when
twenty-six Serbian soldiersclaiming to be Seseljovci(79) from Trebinjecame
to her door. She said that she did not know most of the soldiers because their
accents were not local, but that two Foca Serbs had led them to the Muslim
homes. The soldiers hit the witness on the head twice with a police truncheon,
asked for her husband, and ordered her to go outside. They sliced the neck of
a 16-year-old boy with a rusty knife while asking for his father; the boy was not
seriously injured. Then they ordered the Muslims to kiss an Orthodox cross,
which they all did.
After separating the men from the women and children, they took the later
group to the police station. As the group was leaving, the soldiers burned the
Muslim houses. The women and children were separated into four groups at
the police station and taken to separate houses confiscated from Muslim
owners. The witness was placed with a group of 28 womenThey were kept
in this house for 27 days.
Day and night, soldiers came to the house taking two to three women at a
time. They were four to five guards at all times, all local Foca Serbs..the
women were ordered to strip and soldiers entered the homes taking the ones
they wanted. The age of women ranged from 12 to 60. Frequently the soldiers
551
would seek out mother and daughter combinations. Many of the women were
severely beaten during the rapes.
The witness was selected twice..While the witness was being raped, her
rapist told her, You should have already left this town. We'll make you have
Serbian babies who will be Christians. Two soldiers raped her at that time;
five soldiers raped [an] 18-year-old girl in full view of the witness..The
witness also said she was forced to drink alcohol and eat pork at the rape
house.[sic](80)
552
Miljevina
Miljevina is a village in the Foca municipality, where many war crimes and
gross human rights abuses reportedly took place during the takeover.
According to several persons from the town who were interviewed by Human
Rights Watch, Miljevina had its own power structure which, although under
the authority of the Crisis Committee in central Foca, also made decisions on
its own regarding the ethnic cleansing of the non-Serb residents of Miljevina.
Bosniak and Croat citizens of Miljevina were arrested and detained for short
periods of time in the Miljevina police station.
Miljevina is the site of the Miljevina coal mine, which prior to the war
provided coal for most of the surrounding region. Prisoners from KP Dom
were allegedly taken to work in the coal mine during the war. In late
1996, Human Rights Watch received allegations that non-Serb individuals
were still being held prisoner at several locations in the Foca municipality, one
of which was the Miljevina mine. The allegations suggested that such
persons may have been or may be held under false Serb names in order to
hide their identities. In-depth investigations into these allegations not only in
Miljevina but in the entire region were inconclusive. However, as long as the
Foca authorities continue to obstruct SFOR's and IPTF's free and unlimited
access to any and all alleged places of detentionaccess they are required to
provide under the Dayton Accordsthese allegations may never be totally
disproven and the possibility, though slight, remains that persons may still be
held.
Four witnesses from Miljevina reported that Pero Elez(81) was the head of
the Bosnian Serb military in Miljevina. They also said that a local crisis
committee was established in Miljevina to organize and direct the ethnic
553
cleansing campaign and the takeover ofMiljevina, and that the committee
headquarters was located in the Motel Miljevina.
K.J., a man from the village of Poljica, located very near Miljevina,
informed Human Rights Watch that although he escaped from the village as it
was being attacked, his aunt and cousin remained in the village and witnessed
the attack. Although these relatives of K.J. refused to speak to Human Rights
Watch representatives out of fear,K.J. alleged that his aunt had seen dead
bodies of eleven civilians, which remained in the village after the Serb army
pulled out. The aunt and cousin both alleged to K.J. that fifteen elderly
persons had stayed in the village, unable to escape, and were never heard
from again.
Mico Olovic Wartime: Miljevina Chief of Police, Current: Same
Olovic was the chief of police of Miljevina during the war. According to G.F.,
L.K., K.J., and M.L.,(82) all former residents of Miljevina interviewed by
Human Rights Watch, Olovic, as the chief of police, supervised the Miljevina
police in their round up of non-Serbs. Those detained were frequently beaten
in the Miljevina police station/jailhouse and transferred to various detention
centers that had been established in the Foca municipality. Others were
expelled from the region. According to reports from these survivors, those nonSerbs from Miljevina who were expelled or transferred to detention facilities
first passed through the Miljevina police station/jailhouse. As chief of police,
Olovic held a position in which he would be expected to have been aware of
and directly involved in organizing such transfers. The fact that serious crimes
may have been committed by those under Olovic's command raises concerns
about Olovic's own knowledge of or larger role in those crimes, thereby
necessitating a thorough investigation.
554
G.F., a woman from Miljevina, described the first few days of the takeover
of Miljevina.
The Serbs surrounded us in all our houses. They told my husband he could
not leave the house. On April 8 and 9, I was with my daughter, son-in-law, and
grandchild. We could not go out. We stayed in the house. My husband stayed
in the house for ten days. Mico Olovic was the commander of the police, but
he did not come. I can't remember the name of the guy who took my husband.
Two [men] came to take my husbandon May 2, 1992one was a policeman
and one was a reservist. They took my husband in a police car. Fifteen days
later we went to visit him [in KP Dom]. We saw him for five minutes and a
guard was with him.(83)
G.F. never saw her husband again.
L.K., another witness from Miljevina, reported to Human Rights Watch that
after her father was arrested and taken to KP Dom, she hid her own husband
in the basement:
Krsto and Zeljko Skakavac came to arrest my husband on June 9, 1992.
They were police, under Mico Olovic.On June 8, Serbs died in a mine
field. On June 9, because of that, under Mico's orders, they arrested thirtyeight people immediately. This always happened each time they lost some of
their people.They took my husband to the police station and later I heard
that they transported all of them in private cars and killed all of them. All thirtyeight were men, fathers and sons. Mico Olovic was in charge of all of this. I
don't know under whose orders [Olovic worked]. He was so good before the
war.I never heard anything about my husband again. I suspect [they are in]
a mass grave in Mitrino Vrelo. I was in contact with these women whose
555
husbands and sons were taken that day. No one got any information about the
group. (84)
M.L., another woman from Miljevina, told Human Rights Watch that:
On May 2, 1992, thirty men were taken away from Miljevina. Seventeen of
them returned, and the others did not. The seventeen who returned were
taken away for good on May 9, 1992. We know nothing about them after
that.(85)
L.K., whose father was among the thirty men taken from Miljevina on May 2,
1992, described his arrest, which she witnessed:
My father was arrested on May 2, 1992. Dragan Jovanovic arrested my
father. He [Jovanovic] was originally from Montenegro, but had worked as a
cop in Miljevina since a few years before the war. He [my father] was taken to
the police station in Miljevinaand from there to KP Dom. On May 15, I got
permission from my firm and from Mico Olovic [chief of police in Miljevina] to
visit my father. With me was another woman who was going to visit her
husband and son [in KP Dom]. Her name was Ramiza and her husband's
name was Zaim, and her son's name Zikro. [She was] killed in her
apartment a couple of days later. Her son and husband are missingI saw my
father inKP Dom that day. He did not dare to say anything. He was very pale,
and I only stayed five minutes. They did not let me give him the food I'd
brought for him. There was a cop standing with us at the time..I never saw
my father again.(86)
Two other witnesses from Miljevina, K.J., and M.L., named Rade
Draskovic as one of the police officers in Miljevina working under the
authority of Mico Olovic.(87) K.J., a Bosniak man from a village just
outside Miljevina, informed Human Rights Watch that his father told him he
556
had been arrested by Draskovic, a police officer in Miljevina, who took him to
the police station in Miljevina, from where he was imprisoned in KP
Dom.K.J.s father survived his detention, but was unwilling to meet with
Human Rights Watch in person.(88)
L.K. described the power structure in Miljevina during the takeover, stating
that,
Mico Olovic was the head, he was the chief of police in Miljevina. Krsto
and ZeljkoSkakavac [worked as police officers] underOlovicRade
Skakavac was a reservist who also worked under Olovic. Olovic was the
chief of police before the war as well. Later on, women were involved
too. Ruza Medjo worked under Olovic, as did Vera Skakavac, who took
away people, but who was working under and with Tuta [Janko
Janjic, indicted by the ICTY] and Pero Elez. There was a public house where
Vera collected girls, in Miljevina, this was the Karaman House. (89)
The Karaman House (referred to by the U.N. as the Miljevina
Bordello) was used as a detention center in Miljevina where non-Serb
women were allegedly held and systematically raped. The U.N. Commission of
Experts report describes the Karaman House and the involvement of the
military under the local command of Pero Elez.
According to one woman, Pero Elez was the main Cetnik in Miljevina.
According to her, he knew everyone in the village and therefore did no harm;
however, his soldiers were criminal, and among them the Montenegrins were
supposedly the worst. She stated, though, that it was understood
that Elez took five 12 year old girls from Kalinovik and brought them to
what the witness reported as Elez's bordello in Miljevina where they were
kept as concubines.
557
558
at least ensure the location of a safe path through minefields for Serb forces.
He was later imprisoned in KP Dom.(92)
According to international monitors in the region, Mico Olovic is still the chief
of police in Miljevina.
Other Participants in the Takeover of Miljevina
Milenko Zeka Vukovic Wartime: Guard at Partizan Sports Hall, Soldier
/ Current: Uncertain; Possibly Member of Municipal Executive Board
Prior to the war, Vukovic worked in the coal mine in Miljevina in the
accounting department. L.K. and G.F., two witnesses interviewed by
Human Rights Watch, alleged that Vukovic rounded up women and
transported them to the Partizan Sports Hall as part of the ethnic cleansing
of the non-Serb population in Miljevina during the war, under the authority
of Pero Elez. L.K., a woman from Miljevina, reported that Vukovicheaded
a group of Serb soldiers who arrested her and 250 other women, children,
elderly, and disabled non-Serbs from Miljevina at the beginning of September
1992 and transported them to the Partizan Hall, where many were raped and
tortured. She saidZeka Vukovic thereafter stood guard in the hall and that he
appeared to be in a position of authority. She also said that she witnessed five
women being taken away onVukovics orders on September 4, 1992,
from Partizan up to Velecevo, another detention center for
women, where she later heard they had been raped and otherwise
mistreated. Four of the five returned to tell the tale. The fifth is missing.(93)
A list of current officials in the Foca municipal government provided to Human
Rights Watch by U.N. Civil Affairs lists a Milenko Vukovic as a member of
the municipal executive board under President Radojica Tesevic. Human
Rights Watch was unable to confirm that the person is the same as described
above.(94)
559
In early April 1992, the Crisis Committee for the Municipality of Foca was
established with specific responsibility for planning and carrying out the
takeover of the municipality. According to Newsday correspondent Roy
Gutman, the leadership of the Crisis Committee was composed of:
three top associates of Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic. Velibor
Ostojic, a minister in Karadzic's breakaway government, and two other close
aides, Vojislav Maksimovic and Petar Cancar, organized the military
assault in Foca in April 1992 and took charge of the town, even stationing their
own guards in front of the police station.(100)
The crisis committee (Krizni Stab) was a body frequently established in towns
throughout the Serb-controlled territory of Bosnia to coordinate first the
takeover of towns by Serbian and Bosnian Serb military forces, and later the
systematic cleansing of non-Serb residents from the towns. Crisis
committees, made up of Serb community leaders (typically SDS activists),
played a number of roles in facilitating the transition from the multi-ethnic
nature of these towns to ethnically pure Bosnian Serb towns. The
responsibility of the crisis committees ranged from organizing the expulsion or
disappearance of legitimate elected non-Serb officials and community
leaders, to the expropriation of the property of the non-Serb citizens of the
town. The actions of the Prijedor Crisis Committee (Krizni Stab Srpske Opstine
Prijedor) are particularly well documented, and this committee is the model for
the U.N. Commission of Experts detailing the role of crisis committees within
the context of the takeovers:
I. The concept of the Krizni tab existed already in military strategic theory in
the former Yugoslavia prior to the wars. The military as such was in a sense
always afraid of the people. The military were above the people and had
privileges which easily could lead to the people turning against the military.
561
563
have their own leader, and their own territory, and I would rather not remember
everything that happened.(110)
On November 28, 1993, Charlotte Eagar of the Observer (London) met Petko
Cancar in his office and spoke to him about the then-upcoming referendum to
be held in Republika Srpska on the Vance-Owen plan.
We've got fifty-two Muslims here now and they're in the jail [referring to KP
Dom], said the mayor, Petko Cancar. Five Serbian soldiers died in the
fighting. Ask him. He lost his house; he is here to try to get a new apartment.
Cancar pointed to a dentist waiting in the corner. Eye witness accounts
described hundreds slain and their bodies hurled into the River Drina
to float down through Gorazde. From history, it's a tradition here. For five
years we wouldn't eat fish from the Drina because of the dead Serbian bodies
which floated there, said the mayor, talking of ancient uprisings and the
Second World War. We are not eating fish at the moment, but that's because
we are too busy to catch any.(111)
The Bosnian government War Crimes Commission regards Cancar as one of
the main organizers of the attack on Foca, along with Maksimovic, Ostojic,
and Miro Stanic, SDS president in Foca at the time of the takeover. In April
1995, Hina News Agency reported that the Bosnian public prosecutor's office
had launched investigations against a list of approximately 100 individuals
alleged to be responsible for war crimes, including Cancar, and that the
material collected was reportedly sent to the ICTY in the Hague.(112)
Cancar himself readily admits having been an active member of the Foca
Crisis Committeea committee that had primary responsibility for organizing
and overseeing the Bosnian Serb takeover of Foca, during which the non-Serb
population of Foca was tortured, raped and otherwise mistreated, executed,
567
569
570
I, myself, have reported on one of the rape camps in Foca, and it was possible
through an interview with Mr. Karadzic which I had on the telephone, to
confirm that the people running Foca were his very closest associates,
including a minister in his own government [Ostojic, minister of information].
And, he said they were responsible for everything that took place in Foca. The
witnesses whom I interviewed from Foca, three or four women who were in a
refugee camp in Turkey, made it very clear what happened in Foca. They were
being raped daily in the Partizan Hall in the center of the town, right next to the
police station, right under the eyes of the authorities.So, there is this very
direct connection to the leadership.(117)
As part of his investigation, Gutman interviewed Enver Pilav who was
president of the Bosniak Party for Democratic Action (SDA) in Foca in 1992,
just after he fled to Sarajevo. Mr. Pilav alleged that Ostojic entered Foca three
days before the Serb takeover. Pilav reported to Gutman that he attended a
public meeting where:
Ostojic demanded that Muslims give up all weapons of self-defense and
concede Foca was a Serbian territory. He gave the Muslims fifteen minutes to
think it over.Ostojic then demanded that all Muslims leave Foca for a
concentration camp at nearby Jabuka mountain or else the last Muslim seed
will be destroyed in Foca, according to a public statement cited by the
Bosnian Interior Ministry.Ostojic's forces also began rounding up Muslim
civilians, taking them to the state correctional prison in Foca[sic.](118)
In his simultaneous role as minister of information, Ostojic was responsible for
control of the media, which was a powerful tool used by the authorities to instill
fear in the minds of the population and crush any possible internal opposition
to the brutal plan of ethnic cleansing. As minister of information, Ostojic often
571
issued false reports of abuses being committed against ethnic Serbs, when
testimonies of Muslim and Croat survivors, reports of journalists, and United
Nations investigators provided ample evidence that the most brutal crimes in
Foca were being committed by Bosnian Serbs against non-Serbs, under the
authority of the Crisis Committee Ostojic was a part of. Radio Free Europe
reported on August 5, 1992, that:
Velibor Ostojic, minister for information of the self-proclaimed Serb Republic
of Bosnia and Hercegovina, stated that about 42,000 Serbs are being
detained in more than 20 camps in Bosnia-Hercegovina, adding that in
Sarajevo alone, there are another 22 camps for Serbs. He denied the
existence of Serb death camps for Muslims and Croats explaining that Serbs
have only set up prisons for captured Muslim fighters.(119)
During the takeover of Foca, while Muslims and Croats were being arrested,
detained, and brutalized under Ostojic's orders, Ostojic reportedly often
traveled to Pale for consultations with Karadzic.(120) In December 1995,
Radovan Karadzic replaced some of his cabinet members with more hard-line
officials who were closer to his nationalist ideology. In what appeared to be a
demonstration of recognition of Ostojic's outspoken nationalism, and in support
for his role in the cleansing of Foca, Ostojic was promoted by Karadzic to
deputy prime minister of the Republika Srpska.
Velibor Ostojic is currently head of a commission for human rights of the
Bosnian Parliament, a position he has held since September 1997. Following
his election into this position, The Los Angeles Times wrote:
572
Velibor Ostojic has not been publicly indicted by the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague. But the senior Bosnian Serb
official is remembered by survivors for having ordered the purge of thousands
of Muslims from southeastern towns at the start of the Bosnian war in 1992.
His name is especially associated with the once-Muslim municipality of
Focaas a member of top war crimes suspect Radovan Karadzic's inner
circle, Ostojic seized control of Foca in April 1992.(121)
According to the same article, the Association of Citizens of the BosanskoPodrinje Canton, which includes displaced persons from Foca, stated that the
installment of Ostojic in this position is a humiliation for tens of thousands of
people killed and banished from eastern Bosnia who are victims of Ostojic and
those like him.(122)
Vojislav Maksimovic Wartime: Leader of the Crisis Committee/ Current:
Rector of University of Republika Srpska, Republika Srpska Member of
Parliament
Vojislav Vojo Maksimovic was born on August 4, 1935. He was a
professor of literature at the University of Sarajevo and head of the SDS in the
Bosnian parliament before the war. As one of the three leaders of the Foca
Crisis Committee, Maksimovic is alleged, by international journalists, and by
several witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, to have participated in
planning and organizing the takeover of the Foca municipality.
According to Newsday's Roy Gutman, Enver Pilavtold him that the day after
Ostojic came to Foca on April 5, 1992:
Ostojic, Maksimovic and Cancar met at their favorite restaurant, the Ribarski
Dom [Fish House]. I was outside when Maksimovic came out and told his
people that if they would not take up arms and start shooting Muslims, he
573
would call for reinforcements from Serbia, Pilaff said. In the presence of his
two associates, Maksimovic went to the telephone and invited in troops from
nearby cities of Niksic in Montenegro, and Uzice in Serbia, Pilaff said. Pilaff
said he heard the call through the open door.(123)
Gutman goes on to report that according to other Bosnian state and Muslim
party sources, Ostojic, Maksimovic and Cancar decided the fate of hundreds
of Muslims in the area, whether they would be executed by the paramilitary
forces or sent to the concentration camp at Foca prison.(124)
In 1995, Maksimovic was the mayor of the Serb part of Sarajevo and remained
in this position until March 1996, when official control of the Sarajevo suburbs
was transferred to the Bosniak-Croat Federation. Maksimovic, as mayor of
Serb Sarajevo during the transfer of authority of the suburbs, failed to use his
position to encourage the ethnic Serb population of Sarajevo to stay.(125)
The Bosnian government's State War Crimes Commission alleges that
Maksimovic was involved in:
[the supplying] of weapons, training of the SDS members, arrival of the
irregulars from Serbia, all for the purpose of occupation by arms [of] a large
part of the RB&H [Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina] territory and ethnic
cleansing of that territory, carrying out terror, intimidation, dismissals, looting,
humiliation, eviction, imprisonment, torture and killing.[sic](126)
After the war, Maksimovic retained his position as head of the SDS deputies in
the Republika Srpska Parliament. In August 1997, the Serb parliament
announced that it was considering Maksimovic as a potential candidate for
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576
international journalist, speaking of the situation in Foca in 1996, after the war
but while Cancar was still mayor, said:
President of the former Crisis Headquarters [Crisis Committee], Miro Stanic, is
the leader of (Karadzic's) Serb Democratic Party, the only party in Foca
[sic].(135)
Petko Cancar himself, in an interview with B.K., names Stanic as one of the
main members of the Crisis Committee. Cancar stated:
By April 17 [1992] we came to the municipality building and started organizing
the civilian authority, while Stanic Miro(136) was at the head of the Crisis
Committee and led the military authorities and the liberation.(137)
The United States Department of State Seventh Report on War Crimes in the
Former Yugoslavia quotes a thirty-four-year-old Muslim male as stating:
Shortly after Bosnia declared its independence on April 8, the head of the local
branch of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS), became leader of the Foca
area Serbs and ordered that the Muslim population of the city be rounded up
and deported to various camps.(138)
B.K. alleged to Human Rights Watch that Stanic was:
president [of the] SDS party since [the] beginning, organizer of ethnic
cleansing together with Mladjenovic, Petko Cancar, Velibor Ostojic and Vojo
Maksimovic.(139)
577
The Bosnian War Crimes Commission states of Stanic that he and Vojislav
Maksimovic were direct commanders of the artillery and infantry attack on
Foca.(140)
Vojo Bodiroga Wartime: Crisis Committee Member / Current: Director of
local Branch of Electric Company Elektrodistribucija
According to Faik Tafro, a Bosniak journalist from Foca whose diaries about
the Serb takeover of Foca were published by Dani, an independent journal in
Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bodiroga was a member of the Crisis Committee in
Foca.(141) I.H. also named Vojo Bodiroga as a member of the SDS in
Foca.(142) According to the Foca municipal government-in-exile, Bodiroga is
currently the director of the local branch of the state electric company
Electrodistribucija.(143) This was corroborated by the European Community
Monitoring Mission (ECMM).(144)
Simo Mojovic Wartime: Member of Ustikolina Crisis Committee / Current:
Director of Primary School
Prior to the war, Mojovic was the director of the school in Ustikolina, a village
on the road between Foca and Gorazde, that is part of the Foca municipality.
Ustikolina was transferred from Serb to Federation control by the Dayton
agreement. During the war, according to O.N. and T.R., two witnesses from
Ustikolina, Mojovic was a member of the local Crisis Committee in Ustikolina,
and Tafro names him as the deputy commander of the army and Chetniks in
Previla, a village in Ustikolina.(145) T.R. reported to Human Rights Watch
that Mojovic, supported by Petar Mihajlovic in his role as SDS president in
Ustikolina, was the commander of a Serb military battalion in Ustikolina, and
that in this position he supervised the Bosnian Serb army's ethnic cleansing
of Ustikolina, which was part of the takeover of the Foca municipality.(146)
578
T.R. reported that Mojevic interrogated fifty men, including T.R., who were
detained briefly in March 1992 on the road between Ustikolina and a village
called Jabuka. Most of these men were imprisoned thereafter and were then
taken away by the JNA.(147) According to two international persons currently
working in the region, Mojevic is currently director of the Foca primary school
Sveti Sava.(148)
579
the conduct of the troops under his command who carried out the arrest,
imprisonment, expulsion, and in many cases, executions, of the non-Serb
population in Foca.
Maggie O'Kane,a journalist for The Guardian, interviewed Commander Kovac
in the summer of 1992. She writes:
Six hundred Muslims are being kept in two prisons in the town, for their own
safety, says the commandant [Kovac]. The women and children are held
together in what looks like the old town hall. They have been in there for three
months. They live in peace, we protect the children from the Muslims in the
hills and we provide sanitary services, says the town's commandant Marko
Kovac, we are fighting to take back what is ours. We do not want to live in an
Islamic republic.
A highly-placed former Foca resident alleged that:
[Kovac] commanded the Serb army in the expulsion of Bosniaks from Foca,
disappearance of war prisoners from KP Dom to unknown places. Kovac was
the commander of the city defense, thus the commander of the Serb army in
this area. Kovac himself was one of the members of the Crisis
Committee.(149)
An international source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, reported to
Human Rights Watch that if local Serbs wanted to leave Foca during the
takeover, they had to have permission either from Kovac, or from the local
chief of police. Kovac repeatedly went on the record to foreign journalists with
inflammatory justifications for the actions of the soldiers under his command,
including statements that Muslims kill new-born Serbian babies and drown
580
them in the River Drinasexually assault Serbian childrenand they cut off
Serbian men's penises,(150) and that Bosniaks started the war with the aim
of carrying out genocide and throwing the Serbs out of their hearth and
home.(151)
Branislav Cosovic Wartime: Commander of Cosa's Guards / Current:
Police Officer
According to B.K., an international journalist, Cosovic, local commander of
the military police in Foca during the takeover, organized his own paramilitary
unit, in which Janko Janjic Tuta(152) (indicted) and Zoran Vukovic(153)
(indicted) fought.(154) According to S.D., another international journalist, a
former high-level Foca official named Cosovic as the key paramilitary leader in
Foca during the takeover, and the key link between paramilitary forces and
the Crisis Committee.(155)
A survivor of KP Dom, reported to Human Rights Watch that, on a daily basis,
he sawCosa's Guards taking prisoners away from KP Dom, after which
they were never seen or heard from again.(156) The ICTY indictment for rape
as a war crime against the eight publicly indicted persons from Foca says, in
speaking about crimes committed at theFoca High School, that:
[One witness], together with at least 72 other Muslim inhabitants of Foca, was
transferred to Foca High School. [This witness] was one of several women
who, from the second day of their detention, were sexually assaulted, including
gang-raped every evening, by groups of soldiers, either in the class-rooms or
in nearby apartments. The soldiers consisted of members of the military police
and referred to themselves as Cosa's Guards, after the local commander of
the military police, Cosovic.
581
Referring to the rape detention center in the Partizan Sports Hall, the
indictment reads:
Two groups of perpetrators operated at Partizan. One group described
themselves as Cosa's Guards, which operated at the Foca High School also
operated at Partizan.(157)
According to S.D., Cosovic was still functioning as a uniformed police officer in
Foca, as of May 1998.(158)
locally within Foca, or, as we have seen with Ostojic, Cancar, and Maksimovic,
they have been rewarded for their leading roles during the war by being
promoted to Bosnian or Republika Srpska-wide positions. Many were
candidates in the municipal elections which took place in September 1997 and
many will be candidates in elections which are upcoming.
The following section demonstrates the Foca authorities systematic effort to
restrict the rights of the current residents of Foca by preventing inter-entity
movement or projects designed to foster communication between the
residents of Foca and persons in the Federation, and by blocking the free flow
of information by censoring the media. They have regularly blocked all efforts
by the international community to establish inter-entity contact through
harassing representatives of international organizations who attempt to
establish such projects. Through a pattern of intimidation and threats they
have made every effort to ensure that the local population does not break the
wall of isolation which surrounds Foca by engaging in any inter-entity activities.
They have systematically blocked any discussion of the return of refugees and
displaced persons to Foca; they have failed to allow freedom of movement or
expression; they have denied the international community any information on
the persons who were disappeared during the war, denying even that a
campaign of ethnic cleansing took place in Foca; they have prevented
Bosniaks who fled from Foca from having access to documents, such as
marriage and birth certificates, drivers licenses, and educational transcripts,
which are held by the Foca municipal authorities; they have attacked and
threatened foreign journalists and international staff they feel might have come
to Foca to expose the dark truth about what happened during the war. In
addition, they have prevented Serb displaced persons from areas now in the
Federation from returning to their homes. The Foca authorities have created
583
find local Serb civilians, except in very few cases, who are willing to talk about
their problems. A few courageous individuals did share information with
Human Rights Watch, as did international personnel who have worked in Foca
at different times during the post-war period. Their stories have informed this
section of the report.
One courageous Bosnian Serb woman who lives in Foca today expressed
outrage at the local authorities and their mistreatment of the local population:
Every man will tell you all that I will tell you now. There are no rights here at
all. This woman, who shall be referred to for the purposes of this report as
S.R., is a displaced person from a village on the edge of the Foca municipality
which was granted to the Federation under the Dayton agreement:
We have three houses in [former village]. We had to leave when Dayton left
[the village] in the hands of the Federation. We have three houses, land,
gardens, I had all thatIn December 1995, our municipality called us to a
public meeting to tell us all to leave [the village] because it belongs to the
Muslims. [Among the officials were] Miro Stanic, Vojo Maksimovic, Radojica
Mladjenovic, Velibor Ostojic, and Petko Cancar.They did not give us the
option of staying therewe had to leave our housesWe stayed until
February 10, 1996..a Serb soldier came and asked us why are you still here?
You want to live with the Muslims? What are you waiting for?
Feeling that she had no choice but to leave her home, S.R. went to visit the
ministry for refugees in Foca in order to find a place to live in town, but she
received no assistance. We found this house which had pigs in it. It was
destroyed, no roof, and they had kept pigs here and chickens for four
years.(159)
585
The stench of the pigs was still palpable sitting in the cold room, the one room,
where S.R. lives with her husband and her two grandchildren. In the summer
of 1997, S.R. announced to the authorities her intention to return to her village,
which she told Human Rights Watch she is willing to do, regardless of the fact
that it is now in Federation territory. Since the day she announced to the Foca
authorities her intention to return to her home in the Federation, they have
denied her and her husband any humanitarian assistance. Referring to the
social assistance card which displaced persons who receive humanitarian aid
must hold, S.R. told Human Rights Watch:
I don't have this card because I announced to the authorities that I want to go
homeSo I do not get aid and I have to pay electricity, even though I am a
displaced person.people hated me. They would not have given me a glass
of water. They are afraid they will have to go home [too]. They have good lives
here in town, better than in their villages. They have the nice houses of the
Muslims.all the authorities tell me there are no more refugees here. What
am I then?(160)
S.R. described the situation prior to the September 1997 municipal elections in
Foca, reporting that persons who join Karadzic's Serb Democratic Party (SDS)
or the Serb Radical Party of Vojislav Seselj are taken care of by the Foca
authorities:
The SDS said that if we vote for them, we can get two pensions. People got
pensions after they voted for the SDS. Seselj came to Foca before the
municipal elections [September 1997] and gave out coffee to everyone to get
them to vote for the SRS. .. Anyone who has SDS membership will have work
586
and have a place to live. My [] had to join the SDS to get his job. If he had
not joined, he would not have gotten a job.
When Human Rights Watch asked S.R. why she is so willing to speak, she
replied simply, I dare to speak because I just want to live freely.(161)
Police Beatings
There are numerous reports of physical abuse and harassment by the local
police in Foca. In one case, five Bosnian Serb men reportedly robbed a
disabled man near Foca, allegedly beating and seriously injuring him.
According to the IPTF, the perpetrators were allegedly part of a mafia-type
gang with a history of violent robberies. The five men were arrested by the
Foca local police on December 9, 1997, and were taken to the local police
station, where two of the suspects were reportedly beaten by the local police.
One of the suspects who was most severely beaten claimed that he was
interrogated and beaten by the police for more than five hours, and that once
he lost consciousness during the beatings. This suspect identified three police
officers as having been involved in the beating. IPTF took photographs of the
suspect's injuries, taken three days after the interrogation, and one IPTF
monitor reported that, You could ask all IPTF officers in Bosnia, and over 90
percent would say they had never seen somebody beaten that badly in their
lives.(162) The suspect's back was completely bruised, from his neck down to
his thighs, and it was dark blue and black, with hardly a normal spot of skin
left.(163) According to the IPTF monitor who took the photos, the bruises
were the result of being struck with a blunt instrument. The suspect also had
bruises on his arms and a black eye. The other suspect had bruises on his
neck as if he had been grabbed by the neck, or as if the police had tried to
587
strangle him. The two were reportedly beaten in order to obtain a confession.
(The other three suspects did not report having been beaten.) After the first
had been beaten so severely, the police allegedly brought in the second
suspect to see his injuries, and told him that the same would happen to him if
he failed to confess. According to IPTF, the suspect thereafter confessed.
After this interrogation and beating, the suspects were taken to the court in
Trebinje, where the investigative judge decided there was enough evidence to
transfer them to the prison in Foca. They arrived in the Foca prison on
December 12, 1997, on the day IPTF made a routine visit. The suspect who
had been severely beaten requested a meeting with IPTF, and after IPTF
viewed his wounds and heard his story, the monitors took the two suspects to
the Foca hospital. This was the first medical exam the two had had. One guard
from the prison accompanied them to the hospital; but soon after they arrived
there, a police officer allegedly involved in the beating and two other
plainclothed men arrived at the hospital. The officer accused IPTF of
protecting criminals, and said that the news that the suspects had been taken
to the hospital had hit them like a bomb. In the hospital, the officer threatened
one of the suspects in the presence of IPTF and allegedly said to him, you did
not have to do this, why did you do this, now we are going to charge you with
everything we have.(164)
The local police, under the authority of Zoran Mandic, chief of public security,
and local Chief of Police Milun Milanovic, have failed to conduct an
investigation, according to IPTF. The police claim that the suspects were
beaten in the course of resisting arrest. However, the IPTF member told
Human Rights Watch It is kind of strange to put up a fight with your back
588
towards the officers. Both suspects are currently still in detention in the Foca
prison.
IPTF arranged for the suspects to get legal counsel, through UNHCR's legal
aid center (see section on Blocking Inter-Entity Projects, below), but the
suspects did not want to file a complaint with the court. IPTF then asked for all
information on the arrest from the Foca authorities and requested that a
prosecutor be informed; while they got the information they requested quickly,
to their knowledge the prosecutor was never informed of the incident or
allegations. IPTF then initiated its own investigation.
According to IPTF's investigation, all three officers accused by the suspects of
having beaten them are officers in the Foca criminal investigation unit, headed
by Zoran Vladicic (see section above on KP Dom Personnel for background on
Zoran Vladicic). IPTF informed Human Rights Watch that Vladicic himself was
one of those allegedly involved in the beatings, as was Miodrag Koprivica.
(Both men are mentioned above in connection with their involvement in the KP
Dom detention center during the war.) The accused officers alleged that they
were in Montenegro on that day. IPTF later received confirmation from the
Montenegrin border police that they had no record of the officers crossing the
border. No sanctions have been reported against the officers involved in the
beatings, who remain at their posts.(165)
According to IPTF, cooperation by the local authorities, in particular the local
police, did not extend beyond the bare minimum required, unless it suited the
local police.
IPTF is charged with responsibility for restructuring local police forces under
Dayton (and the screening and vetting procedures outlined in the September
589
591
to talk. One day, maybe, but not yet. He did say, though, that there is no
outside information..the media is closed. We live in darkness here.(168)
An IPTF report dated July 2, 1997, describes the restrictions on freedom of
expression in Foca, in speaking about the public reactions to the political
changes that were occurring in the Republika Srpska at the time. Around this
time, Republika Srpska President Biljana Plavsic was in a political struggle
with the SDS leadership loyal to indicted Radovan Karadzic. The report
describes the local reaction in Foca to this rift.
Most ordinary people are unaware of the power struggles, or even if they are,
the citizens expressed a nonchalant attitude to the situation. The population is
not informed through the local electronic or print media. Most of what people
know is gathered from reports in the international media, which is available
only to a small number of persons in the society.That lack of information is
responsible for the nonchalant attitude of the peoplea combination of fear,
bad economic condition, and insufficient information is responsible for the
indifference.(169)
Another international representative who works in the region told Human
Rights Watch that he asked a local Bosnian Serb woman in Foca what she
knew about what had happened in Srebrenica. The woman replied, Very
little. The person asked if the woman wanted to know, and when the woman
responded affirmatively, explained what had occurred in Srebrenica: that all
non-Serb women had been expelled and over 8,000 non-Serb men are
missing and supposed slaughtered in the hills around Srebrenica. When the
woman heard this, she reportedly began to shake, and, with visible shock, told
592
replied, No. First give [us] 270,000 DM and then I will trust you. The pilot
project was not implemented.(173)
Another return pilot project was planned soon after, in June 1997. It was to
involve the two-way return of Bosnian Serbs to the village of Nekupi in the
Federation and Bosniaks to the village of Marevci, in the Serb territory.
UNHCR organized an assessment visit to these villages. According to
UNHCR, six Bosnian Serbs visited Nekupi under their auspices. The visit was
successful. However, soon after the visit, all but one of the six backed out of
the project, stating that they were no longer interested in returning to their
homes in Federation territory. According to UNHCR, one of the six was beaten
up, and the others were threatened in Foca. According to UNHCR, shortly
after a visit by a UNHCR staff person, one of the Bosnian Serbs was visited
twice by the local Foca police, who interrogated him and asked for the name
and other information about the UNHCR staff person who had visited.
Following these incidents, the individual pulled out of the return project.(174)
Ljubo Veljovic, a member of Vojislav Seselj's Serb Radical Party, has been
the de facto mayor of Foca since November 1997.(175) According to
representatives of international organizations based in Foca, he is alleged to
have permitted and encouraged systematic harassment and attacks against
international personnel and on local people based for their political opinion,
and is reportedly responsible for the consistent failure to comply with the
provisions of the Dayton agreement, including blocking all discussion of the
return of refugees and displaced persons, and obstructing the exercise of
freedom of movement, expression and association. Veljovic has been even
more adamantly against cooperation with UNHCR on return issues than his
predecessor. During a meeting between Veljovic and UNHCR representatives
595
at the end of January 1998, UNHCR staff reportedly did not even mention the
issue of return, thinking it was too sensitive. They did, however, mention the
issue of the exchange of personal documents, such as drivers licenses and
birth and marriage certificates, between the entities. However, the mayor said
this should not be done in person (i.e. individuals should not travel inter-entity
to obtain the documents.) He reportedly told UNHCR staff that he would not
guarantee the security of any displaced persons who come to Foca to obtain
legal documents from the authorities. According to UNHCR staff, Veljovic
reportedly asked them at this meeting why UNHCR is trying to bring the
populations back together again, and why UNHCR is trying to start another
war. He reportedly told the UNHCR staff person leading the meeting to leave
Foca immediately, and to go back to his/her home.(176)
Not a single non-Serb from Foca has returned to the town since the war ended
in December 1995.
596
everything, having been cut off from any information from outside.(177) The
Miljevina coal mine directors did not want to cross the inter-entity boundary
line to enter Gorazde to receive their payment by the IRC, apparently due to a
fear of crossing into Federation territory. Radojica Mladjenovic, then president
of the executive board, went to Gorazde to get the money. IRC staff told
Human Rights Watch that after his visit to Gorazde and his return to Foca
Mladjenovic was threatened, though they were unable to identify who had
threatened him.(178)
Mladjenovic seemed to be the most cooperative of the Foca authorities. In
fact, he reportedly met with authorities from Gorazde in Foca on June 1, 1997,
to discuss questions of infrastructure between the two towns. A positive
atmosphere seemed to be developing until Milos Lazovic took over as mayor.
From that time on, all inter-entity cooperation ceased. De facto Mayor Ljubo
Veljovic has continued to pursue a policy of isolation and obstruct obligations
under the Dayton agreement.
In September 1997, the IRC attempted to provide the women in Foca with
access to micro-credits through the Bosnian Women's Initiative (BWI), which
was a grant by the U.S. government to provide Bosnian women with an
opportunity to use their skills for small income-generating projects. They had
already successfully begun BWI-funded projects in Gorazde, a nearby
Federation town, and wanted to offer access to these funds to the women in
Foca.
IRC, through the assistance of the OSCE office in Foca, made a public
announcement that they would visit Foca to explain the project, and that those
women who wanted to find out about the project should attend the meeting.
According to the IRC, fifty women attended this first meeting, and they came
598
full of ideas and energy. The IRC described the project and set a date to return
one week later, announcing that they would bring the appropriate forms with
them and assist the women in applying for the funding. When they returned
the following week, only one woman showed up. International staff in Foca
alleged that the women had been threatened by the local authorities and had
been afraid to participate in the project. The one woman who showed up had
apparently not heard the warning. The project was never initiated.
One IRC staff member reported to Human Rights Watch that the women were
pushed by the authorities not to take part in this project. This person alleged
that the women were interrogated by the authorities following the first
meeting.(179) Other international representatives also reported that the
women had been pressured by the authorities not to participate in the project.
599
said that IPTF requested that security be guaranteed for one Bosniak who had
been elected to the Foca municipal parliamentary assembly, so that the
member could travel to Foca for the assembly meetings. When Milun
Milanovic, local chief of police, was asked if he could provide such security, he
reportedly replied that I guarantee it but I have to check with Pale. The IPTF
source went on to say that Pale is above everything. They never agree to
anything without authorization from Pale.(180)
An IPTF report from July 1997 also describes the close relationship between
the Foca authorities and the Pale government loyal to the indicted Karadzic.
The report talks about the fear that this connection causes among the
population in the town, in this case a fear of supporting Biljana Plavsic's
political party, which is in opposition to Karadzic's hardliners, and which is
gaining strength in other parts of Republika Srpska:
Out of sheer fear nobody can dare at Srbinje/Foca come out openly to support
the President [Plavsic] if it would be contrary to Pale line. There is much
connection between Pale and the officials at Srbinje/Foca.(181)
The IPTF monitor responsible for advising several of the local chiefs of police
in the Foca region during the research for this report informed Human Rights
Watch that the police in Foca continue even today to depend on Pale. When
asked whether IPTF has raised the issue of vetting with the local police, the
monitor replied that they know about the vetting process, but there are no
orders from Pale. Even meeting with the Foca police officials can be difficult,
according to an anonymous IPTF source. The IPTF source said that on a daily
basis, the obstruction of the local police is demonstrated by the difficulty IPTF
has in meeting with the current local chief of police, Milun Milanovic, or with
the chief of public security, Zoran Mandic. We meet them once a week on
601
602
Under the influence and strict control of the Pale authorities, the Foca
authorities have made every effort to block international agencies from working
in Foca to assist the local population. For example, in 1997 UNHCR was
denied access to collective centers for displaced persons. UNHCR staff
reported that during the first half of 1997, while Petko Cancar was still mayor
of Foca, they were frequently denied access to the collective centers. This was
despite the fact that UNHCR was implementing the USAID-funded cash aid
program (in the amount of $1.65 million for 1997). UNHCR was providing this
funding to the Commission on Refugees and Displaced Persons, the
Republika Srpska government office that handles issues relating to refugees
and displaced persons in the Republika Srpska, for the care of the
approximately 9,000 displaced persons living in collective centers in the
Republika Srpska.
In September 1997, UNHCR in Gorazde received a letter from the government
of Republika Srpska prohibiting its staff from talking to displaced persons in
the collective centers and claiming they had been bothering people. They
were told to speak to the directors and local employees of the Republika
Srpska Commission on Refugees for information, and not directly to the
displaced persons housed in the collective centers. In April 1997, IRC access
to collective centers in Foca was also a problem. In recent months, according
to UNHCR, the problem of access by NGOs to the collective centers has been
ameliorated. However, a UNHCR staff member added that they are always
willing to talk about food as long as you don't ask anything else.(183)
Improvements
There have been some small improvements recently. In the past eight months,
UNHCR and IRC have opened legal aid centers in Foca and in other towns in
603
the region such as Rogatica, Visegrad, and Pale. These centers are
responsible for helping the local population with property issues, occupancy
rights, pensions, and helping displaced persons to gain access to documents
held in the government offices of the Federation. The legal aid centers are
primarily funded by the European Community Humanitarian Organization
(ECHO) but are administered by IRC and UNHCR. OSCE has a facilitating
role as well.(184) The centers also provide information on return to their places
of origin to the local population, and all legal services are free of charge. The
legal aid center in Foca has succeeded in gaining access to personal
documents for Bosnian Serbs from Gorazde Canton. However, the Foca
authorities, according to the Foca municipal government-in-exile, have refused
to provide any of the more than 570 documents requested by Bosniaks from
Foca now living in the Federation.
Although the legal aid center is functioning, interpreters working with several
international organizations in the region reported that they have more trouble
traveling to Foca than to any other town in the Republika Srpska, and all
experienced verbal harassment, including ethnic slurs and threats of physical
violence. One interpreter reported that s/he goes into the town, takes care of
his/her responsibilities quickly, and leaves as soon as possible.(185)
Harassment of Internationals
The July 1997 Prijedor Arrests and the Repercussions in Foca
Representatives of international organizations based in or working in Foca
OSCE, IRC, and IPTFhave faced numerous instances of harassment and
violence in the post-Dayton period. For example, following the July 1997
SFOR arrest in Prijedor, which left one indictee dead and another transferred
to the ICTY for trial, international representatives were harassed and were
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605
606
observer and published in the Wall Street Journal Europe a few weeks later,
Michas writes that while on the streets in Foca,
An individual suddenly appeared, ordered me to stop taking pictures and, in a
threatening manner, demanded to see my identity documents. This happened
in the presence of two local Bosnian Serb policemen who nodded approvingly.
Assuming by his demeanor that he was a local official, I obeyed. Only later did
I discover that he was wanted by the International War Crimes Tribunal at the
Hague.We met [him] on the street once more, and when we turned down his
demand for money he threatened to have us both killed for, as he put it, not
showing him respect.(191)
Harassment of Local Staff of International Organizations
The staff of an international organization active in the Foca region, who shared
this information on request of anonymity, reported that a Bosnian Serb
interpreter who works for them in the region was severely harassed and
threatened by the authorities in Foca in late 1996 and early 1997. The
organization for whom this person works reported that s/he felt extremely
unsafe, and requested special measures to ensure his/her safety.(192) In a
separate case, UNHCR reported that the driver and interpreter on the UNHCR
bus that runs between Foca and Visegrad asked for the bus route to start in
Visegrad and end there, rather than in Foca, because they were being
threatened in Foca.(193) The driver of the UNHCR bus had reportedly been
harassed before; once he was injured when the bus was attacked by angry
civilians throwing stones.(194)
Other Threats
607
telephone calls continued to plague her in her hiding place, forcing her to
move again with her two children.(196)
International Community's Failure to Hold the Local Authorities Accountable
The incidents of harassment and noncompliance described above have not
brought strong responses from the international organizations involved in the
implementation of the Dayton agreement. The threats against Takis Michas,
described above, led the international organizations in the region to ask the
local Serb police to please tell Janko Janjic, [the indicted person who
threatened Michas life] not to harass foreigners.(197) Incidents such as this
should have brought a strong condemnation from the international community.
The French SFOR troops in Foca continued peacefully to co-exist with the
indictees throughout much of 1998. The IPTF failed to expose publicly the
human rights abuses being committed by and under the auspices of the local
police. And Robert Frowick, then-head of the OSCE mission in Bosnia,
surrendered one of its most important tools against the ongoing influence of
the Karadzic loyalists. When the Election Appeals Sub-Commission (EASC)
struck the SDS party from the ballot for the September 1997 municipal
elections for violating the rule that prohibits persons indicted by the ICTY from
appearing on posters as leaders of political parties, Frowick overruled the
decision. From that point on, the international community has squandered its
leverage to effect compliance with the Dayton agreement. The election
decision had severe consequences for places such as Foca, where the SDS
leadership continues, in close collaboration since the November 1997
parliamentary elections, with the Serb Radical Party (SRS), to rule with
unchecked and uncontested authority. This has often resulted in severe
restrictions on political and civil rights for the present population as well as for
609
those who were displaced from Foca during the war. From that point on, these
authorities realized that the international community would back down when
threatened.
Takis Michas, the Greek journalist and OSCE election observer in Foca,
described the inaction of the international organizations in Foca:
The incident was only the latest, and by no means the most serious, of a
whole series of aggressive acts that have gone unanswered in Foca during the
last year. In December, two cars belonging to the OSCE were blown up. In
July, a car belonging to the European Community Monitoring Mission was
blown up by a hand grenade. In August, an Italian member of a
nongovernmental organization was dragged out of his car in the middle of the
city by a group that included some of the indicted war criminals and beaten up
in full view of an IPTF officer who did nothing. In August, an IPTF policeman
was stopped by the same group and they placed a hand grenade under his
armpit for fun. In all these incidents, according to witnesses, the same group
of indicted war criminals was involved. Yet no action was taken against
them.(198)
Lack of Access to Information from IPTF
Human Rights Watch was unable to gather information on post-war police
abuses in the Foca municipality from the IPTF, because its officials both in the
field and in its headquarters generally refused to provide such information. In
December 1997, when Human Rights Watch first visited the Foca area and the
IPTF stations in the region, the IPTF monitors expressed their hope that our
report would be able to expose the police abuses that are going on in Foca.
610
They reported in very general terms to Human Rights Watch that there had
recently been a beating case by the local police in the central police station,
that IPTF had pictures of the victim's wounds, and that there was allegedly
some high-level police involvement in the incident. However, Human Rights
Watch was unable to learn more details about the case, because the monitors
had apparently received an order. It is unclear who the order came from.
Human Rights Watch subsequently made numerous efforts to obtain
information on specific cases of police abuse in Foca from the Human Rights
Office at IPTF headquarters in Sarajevo. Although the head of the Human
Rights Office, Claudio Cordone, appeared willing to authorize the monitors in
the Foca region to share information, Human Rights Watch was later informed
by staff that ultimately only the regional commander has the authority to
authorize monitors to talk to Human Rights Watch.(199) The regional
commander at the time, however, had been willing to share information only
regarding IPTF's mandate and role in Bosnia and Hercegovina, and no more.
A staff member told Human Rights Watch that even when the Human Rights
Office needs information, it cannot make requests directly to the IPTF field
offices; it must go through the regional commander.(200)
Ultimately, on March 9, 1998, Human Rights Watch received a letter from
another IPTF human rights officer informing us that the IPTF field monitor had
received authorization from the Human Rights Office to speak with Human
Rights Watch, but only about the one beating incident from December 1997.
Human Rights Watch spoke with the monitor on April 26, 1998. A report on the
incident was never completed by IPTF, however, and the IPTF monitor was
hesitant to share details about any other cases of human rights abuse by the
611
police in Foca.
International Reconstruction Assistance and Investment in Foca
According to the International Management Group (IMG), an organization that
maintains a detailed database of all reconstruction projects throughout Bosnia
and Hercegovina and the progress of their implementation, within the past two
years, various donor governments and institutions have planned for,
investigated, and implemented projects in Foca involving the influx of
thousands, in some case millions, of German marks into the area. Policy
makers justify such assistance, notwithstanding ongoing human rights
violations and the obstruction of the peace process, as necessary in order to
coax compliance out of the local authorities. While such policies may be
effective in communities where there are local moderate leaders who need
international support and encouragement, they risk backfiring in areas such as
Foca that remain dominated by hardline extremists and war crimes suspects.
Even worse, they risk providing funds to administrators who will divert them to
uses intended to consolidate their wartime achievements.
Throughout Bosnia, donors must use extreme care to avoid rewarding the
architects of ethnic cleansing. Nowhere is this more apparent than in Foca,
where, as detailed in this report, the entire communitynot only local
government, but also local companies, the hospital, and other institutions
were ethnically cleansed and many of those responsible are still running the
show. To ensure that they do not benefit from or sabotage reconstruction
assistance efforts, international donors must carefully vet the recipients of their
aid and monitor and audit every aspect of project implementation. Under the
current political and economic power structure of Foca, which even SFOR is
disinclined to challenge, such scrutiny is not possible. Therefore, until the
612
EBRD confirmed to Human Rights Watch that it also has plans to finance
infrastructure projects in the Foca area.(202) The first project is, like the World
Bank's, a bridge reconstruction project, for which the EBRD originally
budgeted $3 million, an estimate that has now been reduced to $1.5
million.(204) The second EBRD project in the area is for rehabilitation of the
road between Foca and Ustipraca, at an estimated cost of $5.6 million.(205)
All three infrastructure projects are to be implemented by the Republika
Srpska Ministry of Transport in Banja Luka. According to the EBRD, contracts
for its projects were supposed to have been awarded in July 1997, but both
were delayed because of the move of the seat of [the Republika Sprska]
government to Banja Luka and logistical problems in the operation of the
Project Implementation Directorate [of the Republika Srpska Ministry of
Transport].(206) The EBRD now expects to have these contracts mobilized by
August 1998. In doing so, the Bank and the Ministry of Transport should
carefully vet contractors and subcontractors to ensure that they are not owned
or managed by those responsible for ethnically motivated dismissals,
disappearances, or ethnic cleansing. In response to Human Rights Watch's
inquiries about such vetting, the EBRD replied that its procurement policy is to
ensure that project funding is not applied in contravention of Section VII of the
Charter of the United Nations(207): provisions of the charter binding U.N.
members to apply sanctions adopted by the Security Council in response to
threats to the peace. There are no sanctions that preclude economic relations
with Bosnian entities or individuals implicated in war crimes or obstruction of
the Dayton Agreement, so this policy alone is insufficient to ensure that
EBRD's reconstruction projects in the Foca area will not benefit the architects
of ethnic cleansing.
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616
CONCLUSION
Human Rights Watch is concerned that the international organizations in the
Foca region, and in Foca itself, may not be doing all that is within their
respective briefs and capacities to hold the local authorities responsible for
past and present abuses and for noncompliance with the provisions of the
Dayton agreement. This is likely related to a fundamental contradiction
between attempts to maintain cordial relations and the idea of gently coaxing
the local authorities into complying, and the duty to arrest some among them,
while monitoring continuing human rights abuses, with a view to bringing the
perpetrators to justice.
617
There are many reasons the staff of international organizations in towns like
Foca might be unwilling to challenge local authorities that fail to comply with
the Dayton agreement, not least of which is the risk of harassment, attacks,
threats, or even of being evicted from the town that anyone who challenges
the local authorities may face. The examples described above demonstrate
clearly what has happened when international personnel have attempted to
engage in activities or programs which the local authorities believe threaten
their control in the town. But the tactic of reticence in withholding criticism of
the local authorities in Foca has neither won friends nor made them more
compliant; it has not brought freedom of expression or association; it has not
opened Foca to the return of refugees and displaced persons; it has brought
about a vetted police force that protects human rights; it has not even led to
the permanent resettling of displaced Serbs who live in atrocious conditions.
The international organizations have turned a blind eye not only to the
connection between the brutal crimes which occurred in Foca during the war
and the current leadership of the town, but also to their current noncompliance
with the most basic principles of the Dayton agreement.
The failure of the international organizations in Foca, including OSCE, IPTF,
and ECMM, and those whose mandates cover Foca and other towns, such as
U.N. Civil Affairs, to report publicly on the lack of cooperation of the Foca
authorities has accomplished nothing but, as one OSCE staff person reported
to Human Rights Watch, to present the illusion that things are very peaceful in
Srbinje. This portrayal of a town where indictees roam free, returnees face
bodily harm, and where the local population may be denied humanitarian
assistance because of their beliefs is dangerous and misleading. It is possibly
because of the lack of open and public reporting on the actual situation in Foca
618
that the World Bank and the U.S. government could have considered investing
large sums of money in the town, which, under present conditions, would
serve to entrench the power of those who are responsible for war crimes and
post-war noncompliance. It is imperative that the perpetrators of war crimes
and other gross abuses be held accountable for their crimes and that
obstructionist authorities be pressured into compliance with the Dayton
agreement. Most importantly, it is crucial that these persons do not benefit
from economic aid in their efforts to build walls to permanently separate Foca's
divided people. It is the responsibility of the international organizations present
in the region to ensure accountability.
APPENDIX I: Concentration Camp in Foca: KP Dom Foca
Legend
1) building for inmates (I)
ground floor solitary confinement cell
upper floor inmate cells number 11, 12, 13, 14, and 15
hospital and pharmacy in the attic
2) building for inmates (II)
ground floor solitary confinement cell
upper floor inmate cells number 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, and 23
3) -furniture factory
619
on the offices. In one instance, when a representative who had evacuated the
town following the arrest returned to his/her residence in Foca, s/he found that
his/her landlady and her children had been threatened and did not feel safe
with the representative remaining in her building. This international staff
person reported that s/he and the landlady had been threatened repeatedly
over the three months prior to the arrest of Krnojelac, but that the threats
became too serious for him/her to remain in this residence.
Further, while local police were praised by U.N. representatives for their role in
breaking up the protest, the role of local authorities in instigating the
demonstrations and attacks against international representatives remains
unclear. According to Bosnian Serb radio, de facto Mayor Ljubo Veljovic spoke
out publicly at a rally against the international community for undertaking the
arrest.(209) Duncan Bullivant, spokesman for the Office of the High
Representative (OHR), later appealed directly to Veljovic to stop the rallies and
announced that the mayor of Srbinje will be responsible for possible incidents
in this town.(210) Human Rights Watch has also received reports that OSCE
has asked the mayor for compensation for the equipment that was damaged
during the attack. These reports indicate that, at minimum, the international
representatives present during the demonstrations believe that the
spontaneous events were actually orchestrated by local authorities. If it were
true that the local Foca authorities were responsible for the covert incitement
of crowds of citizens into unplanned demonstrations, this would fit into a
pattern of similar behavior long-noted throughout the war and post-war period
in Bosniatactics popular because they sucessfully further the interests of
hardline officials without directly implicating them in the violence that inevitably
erupts during such incidents.
622
APPENDIX III: Excerpts from the ICTY Indictment Against Gagovic et al.
The following were indicted by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal
Tribunal of the former Yugoslavia:
Dragan Gagovic
Gojko Jankovic
Janko Janjic
Radomir Kovac
Zoran Vukovic
Dragan Zelenovic
Dragoljub Kunarac
(surrendered to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
on March 4, 1998)
Radovan Stankovic
with CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY, GRAVE BREACHES OF THE GENEVA
CONVENTIONS (HEREAFTER GRAVE BREACHES) and VIOLATIONS OF
THE LAWS OR CUSTOMS OF WAR, as set forth below:
In the case of Torture and Rape at Buk Bijela,
GOJKO JANKOVIC indicted for:
623
626
628
4. ICRC Special Report, The Issue of Missing Persons in BosniaHerzegovina, Croatia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, February 1,
1998.
5. The SFOR troops in Bosnia and Hercegovina are divided into three sectors:
British, American, and French. British SFOR troops, in an action in the Prijedor
region in July 1997, arrested one secretly indicted person and killed a second
when he resisted arrest. Dutch SFOR troops arrested Vlatko Kupreskic, who
was publicly indicted, and Anto Furundzija, whose indictment was sealed, in
Vitez in December 1997. American SFOR troops arrested the publicly indicted
Goran Jelisic in Bijeljina in January 1998. British troops also arrested Miroslav
Kvocka and Mladen Radicboth publicly indictedin Omarska, near Prijedor, in
April 1998. French SFOR troops did not attempt to arrest any of the indictees
in their region, in which Radovan Karadzic also allegedly resides, until June
15, 1998, when they arrested Milorad Krnojelac, under sealed indictment for
his role as manager of the KP Dom detention center. For more details of KP
Dom and on Krnojelac's role, see below.
6. During the Second World War, the Cetniks fought against the occupying
Axis powers and called for the restoration of the Serbian monarchy and the
creation of a Greater Serbia. The Cetniks also fought against the pro-Nazi
Ustasa forces of Croatia and Tito's communist Partisans and were responsible
for widespread atrocities against Muslims and Croats, primarily in Bosnia and
Hercegovina. Croats and Muslims both in Croatia and Bosnia commonly refer
to Serbian military and paramilitary forces engaged in the recent war in Bosnia
as Cetniks in a derogatory sense. Though some military institutions in Serbia
and the Republika Srpska vehemently reject the label Cetnik, claiming they
are merely defenders of their people and their land and that they are not
630
extremists, others, such as those loyal to the ultra-right wing leader of the
Serbian Radical Party, Vojislav Seselj, commonly refer to themselves as
Cetniks.
7. Hereinafter referred to as the U.N. Commission of Experts.
8. United Nations, Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts,
established pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 (New York: United
Nations, 1992), S/1994/674/Annex III.A., 17. 746, 413, p. 136.
9. United Nations, Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts,
Annex III. A., 17. 746, 413, p. 169.
10. For details of the crimes committed in the Partizan Sports Hall rape camp
for women, please see section on detention centers.
11. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 4, 1998.
12. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 21,
1997.
13. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 22,
1997.
14. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1997.
15. Human Rights Watch interview, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Hercegovina,
January 1998.
631
633
34. Ibid.
35. Human Rights Watch interview, December 20, 1997.
36. List of personalities of the Area of Responsibility (AOR), European
Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM), June 16, 1997, and interview with
ECMM/Foca, January 13, 1998.
37. Human Rights Watch interviews with survivors of KP Dom, namely E.D.,
interview December 21, 1997, F.E., interview December 22, 1997, and I.H.,
interviews 1997 and 1998.
38. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 21,
1997.
39. Human Rights Watch interview with IPTF, Bosnia and Hercegovina, May
30, 1998.
40. Human Rights Watch interview with staff member of an international
institution which has been functioning in the region of Foca throughout the war
and in the post-Dayton period, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 1997.
41. Human Rights Watch interviews, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 21,
1997 and December 22, 1997.
42. Human Rights Watch interviews, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December
1997 and May 1998.
634
43. This is a pseudonym for the witness friend, because naming the friend
might enable someone to identify the witness, who wished to remain
anonymous.
44. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 22,
1997.
45. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 21,
1997.
46. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1997.
47. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 22,
1997.
48. Human Rights Watch interviews, December 22, 1997.
49. Human Rights Watch interviews, Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1997 and 1998.
50. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 22,
1997.
51. Human Rights Watch interview, December 1997.
52. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 22,
1997.
53. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 21,
1997.
635
636
64. Roy Gutman, Rape Camps: Evidence Serb Leaders in Bosnia OKd
attacks, Newsday, April 19, 1993.
65. Gutman, A Daily Ritual, Newsday.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid.
68. Victoria Clark, Rape Thy Neighbour, Observer (London), February 21,
1993.
69. Roy Gutman, Bosnian Camp Plea Unheeded; Mitterand alerted early to
killings, witnesses say, but remained passive, Newsday, May 11, 1994, p. 6.
70. Clark, Rape Thy Neighbour, Observer.
71. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 1997.
72. The United Nations Commission of Experts report says of Velecevo that
Serb forces allegedly used the Velecevo women's prison in Foca as a
concentration camp for Muslim women. Women were reportedly held there as
late as April 1993. United Nations, Final Report of the United Nations
Commission of Experts, Annex VIII, p. 147.
73. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 1998.
74. United Nations, Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts,
Annex X, Mass Graves, December 28, 1994.
637
83. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 22,
1997.
84. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 4, 1998.
85. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 5, 1998.
86. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 4, 1998.
87. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 5, 1998.
88. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 4, 1998
89. Ibid.
90. United Nations, Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts,
S/1994/674/Annex VIII, pp. 147-8. The Karaman House is not the only private
accommodation that was used as a detention and rape center for women. In
fact, Human Rights Watch's interviews and the U.N. Commission of Experts
report both have produced evidence that many houses and apartments which
were confiscated by Serb forces during the Foca takeover were used as
private rape camps. See U.N. Commission of Experts report, p. 144.
91. Human Rights Watch interview with Foca municipal government-in-exile,
Ustikolina, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 14, 1998.
92. United Nations, Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts,
Annex VIII, p. 144.
93. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 4, 1998.
639
94. One witness interviewed alleged to Human Rights Watch that Milenko
Vukovic is deceased, however, we have received contradictory information
regarding this question, and have therefore included him in the list.
95. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 5, 1998.
96. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 4, 1998.
97. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 4, 1998.
98. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 5, 1998.
99. Human Rights Watch interview with Bosniak from Miljevina, Bosnia and
Hercegovina, January 14, 1998.
100. Roy Gutman, A Witness to Genocide (New York: MacMillan Publishing
Company, 1993), p. 157.
101. Final Report of the Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to
Security Council Resolution 780 (1992), Annex V: The Prijedor Report (New
York: United Nations, 1995) pp.49-50.
102. Hannes Tretter, Stephan Muller, Roswitha Schwanke, Paul Angeli, and
Andreas Richter, Ethnic Cleansing Operations in the northeast-Bosnian City
of Zvornik from April through June 1992 (Vienna: Ludwig Boltzmann Institute
for Human Rights, 1994).
103. Also referred to in the Ludwig Boltzmann report and the Final Report of
the Commission of Experts as the emergency staff.
640
104. Final Report of the Commission of Experts, Annex IV: The Policy of
Ethnic Cleansing; Tretter et al., Ethnic Cleansing Operations in the
northeast-Bosnian City of Zvornik from April through June 1992.
105. One of these documents was a certification that the male resident had
donated blood. Blood was taken from detainees at some regional camps;
additionally, some witnesses report that deaths occurred in the Zvornik
hospital as a result of people being literally bled to death. Final Report of the
Commission of Experts, Annex IV, n. 324.
106. Final Report of the Commission of Experts, Annex IV.
107. Roy Gutman, Rape Camps; Evidence Serb leaders in Bosnia Okd
Attacks, Newsday, April 19, 1993.
108. Simo Mojevic was allegedly a member of the Ustikolina Crisis Committee.
For details see below.
109. Green is a color used to indicate Muslim influence or control. Here,
Cancar is referring to a commonly used propaganda tool, which alleges that
the Bosnian Muslims were involved in a plot to connect different regions of the
former Yugoslavia where there is a large Muslim population. The Serb
authorities often described this plot in order to encourage the Bosnian Serb
population to defend itself against the Muslim expansionist threat.
110. Transcript of interview with Petko Cancar, 1996. Transcript was provided
to Human Rights Watch by the journalist on condition of anonymity. To date,
the interview has not been published.
641
111. Charlotte Eagar, Bosnia: Cavalier Doctor Plots Carve-Up From His Lair,
Observer, November 28, 1993.
112. Bosnia: Authorities To Send Documents On War Crimes to Hague, Hina
News Agency, Zagreb in English, 1650 gmt, April 26, 1995.
113. See section on Noncompliance by Foca Authorities in the Post-War
Period.
114. Radio Free Europe, Bosnian Serbs Define Borders, no. 142, July 28,
1992.
115. United Nations, Final Report of the United Nations Commission of
Experts, Annex III. A., 17. 746, 413, p. 169.
116. Roy Gutman, Rape Camps, Newsday.
117. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Genocide in Bosnia
Hearing, Fourth Congress, First Session, CSCE 104-1-4, Washington, D.C.,
Tuesday, April 4, 1995.
118. Roy Gutman, Rape Camps, Newsday.
119. Radio Free Europe, Bosnian Serbs Claim Thousands Executed in CroatMuslim Camps, August 5, 1992.
120. Roy Gutman, Rape Camps, Newsday. Gutman reported that he
received confirmation of this fact from Bosnian Serb sources, who shared the
information on condition of anonymity.
642
121. Tracy Wilkinson, Harsh Light Shines on Dark Bosnian Corner, Los
Angeles Times, September 27, 1997.
122. Ibid.
123. Roy Gutman, Rape Camps, Newsday.
124. Ibid.
125. When the Sarajevo suburbs were transferred to Federation control in
March 1996, most of the ethnic Serb population of these suburbs abandoned
their homes to settle into temporary accommodations throughout Republika
Srpska. Federation authorities failed to ensure the security of those Bosnian
Serbs who wished to remain in their homes in Sarajevo. In addition, the
Bosnian Serb authorities played a key role in encouraging the Bosnian Serb
population to leave, frequently offering them incentives for resettling in
Republika Srpska, a tactic that was part of Bosnian Serb efforts to move
populations in order to cement the ethnic divide.
126. State Commission for Gathering Facts on War Crimes in the Republic of
Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bulletin No. 4, April 1993, p. 28.
127. Bosnia: Ruling Party Reportedly Grooming Successor to President
Plavsic, Gradjanin, Belgrade, in Serbo-Croat, 1218 gmt, August 11, 1997.
128. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, February 1998.
129. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December
1997.
643
644
645
177. Human Rights Watch interview with OSCE staff in Foca, April 1997.
178. Human Rights Watch interview with IRC staff in Gorazde, April 1997.
179. Human Rights Watch interview with IRC, Bosnia and Hercegovina,
February 5, 1998.
180. Human Rights Watch interview with IPTF staff member, Bosnia and
Hercegovina, January 1998.
181. Public Reactions at Srbinje/Foca Municipality on the Political Struggles in
the RS, IPTF Gorazde, July 2, 1997.
182. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, December 21,
1997.
183. Human Rights Watch interview with UNHCR, Bosnia and Hercegovina,
January 5, 1998.
184. The legal aid center in Foca is in the Hotel Zelengora, as is the IPTF
station. Since the Hotel Zelengora is a publicly owned building, the Foca
authorities receive the rent paid for the spaces. This may be one reason why
the authorities have allowed the centers to open.
185. Human Rights Watch interviews with interpreters, Bosnia and
Hercegovina, January and February 1998.
186. ECMM report on the general situation in the AOR, July 21, 1997.
187. Ibid. A derogatory term for Muslim.
648
188. ECMM report on the general situation in the AOR, July 21, 1997.
189. Milos Lazovic was the mayor of Foca between April and November 1997.
He also ran as a candidate in the September 1997 municipal elections. He
was once the director of the main post office in Sarajevo, and during the war,
director of the Foca post office. Lazovic replaced Cancar as mayor. According
to U.N. Civil Affairs, Lazovic is currently president of a local governmental
committee.
190. ECMM Daily Report, July 29, 1997.
191. Takis Michas, Appeasing Criminals in Bosnia, Wall Street Journal
Europe, September 24, 1997.
192. Human Rights Watch interview, Bosnia and Hercegovina, January 1998.
193. Human Rights Watch interview with UNHCR, Bosnia and Hercegovina,
January 14, 1998.
194. It is unclear whether this was the same individual.
195. ECMM/Srbinje report, August 27, 1997.
196. Action Alert Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia), Serbian
Journalist Threatened With Death, Committee to Protect Journalists, October
29, 1997.
197. Takis Michas, Appeasing Criminals In Bosnia, Wall Street Journal
Europe, September 24, 1997.
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652
Od 10. aprila 1992. godine do poetka juna 1992. godine na podruju Foe i
njene okoline izvrena su masovna hapenja nesrpskih civila, mukaraca,
uglavnom Muslimana koji su odvedeni u KP dom.
Zatoenici su osim iz Foe bili i iz susjednih optina, Gorada i ajnia,
te iz mjesta s podruja optine Foa, Ustikoline, Tjentita, Miljevine i Jelea.
Svi zatoenici (mukarci, Muslimani, civili) su 17. aprila 1992. godine iz
zatoenikog objekta Livade prebaeni su u KP dom u Foi.
U maju 1993. godine jedan broj zatoenika iz Bilee prebaen je takoe u KP
dom u Foi.
Zbog stalnih hapenja Muslimana KP dom je tokom prvih mjeseci bio pretrpan.
Broj
zatoenih je ponekad iznosio i do 750 ljudi, a smanjivao se od jeseni 1992. do
1993. godine,
kada je ostalo 200-300 zatoenika.
U KPD-u Foa bilo je oko 1000 ljudi. Prema iskazima svjedoka, najgori je bio
august 1992., kada su ljudi najvie izvoeni i premlaivani, a najee nisu
vraani. FVS 119 najbolje se sjea Vidovdana 28. juna 1992., kada je
dovedeno oko 50 ljudi. Odvoeni su svaku veer od 17.30 do 22.00 sati. Ko
653
god je tad odveden nije se vratio, kazao je, dodajui kako smatra da su sva
tijela baena u Drinu. Napomenuo je da su prvo odvedeni intelektualci, imuni
ljudi ili lanovi SDA.
Sjea se i 17. septembra 1992. kada je straar Milorad Vukovi zatraio od
njih da se dobrovoljno popiu za branje ljiva. Odvedeni su Sulejman elik,
Avdo Hodi, Suad Borovina, Rasim Kajgana, Demal Vahida, Refik
Veiz, Murat Crneta i drugi. Na upit ostalih logoraa zato su ovi otili bez
osobnih odijela i stvari, tamonji straar je odgovorio da e oni tamo dobiti
druga odijela i da e se vratiti. FVS 119 zna da seSulejman elik nikada
nije vratio jer su njegovi posmrtni ostaci pronaeni pri ekshumaciji.
dolazila i prethodne godine, ali joj nije doputeno ui. Ovaj svjedok je kazao da
je pri dolasku te delegacije sakriveno 20 ljudi, meu kojima je Aziz Torlak,
koji je s njim bio zatoen u sobi br. 16.
uo sam da je Aziz 7. jula 1993. odveden rano na razmjenu, ali od tada ne
znam za njega. Dok sam bio u Kuli uo sam da su ga htjeli razmijeniti za
nekog vojvodu, ali je vojvoda ubijen pa su ubili Aziza, kazao je FVS 119.
su im uperili direktno u oi. Oni koji nisu mogli drati oi otvorene ili bi skrenuli
pogled od svijetla zadobili bi udarac. Duri je dobio tako snaan udarac nogom
u glavu da mu je lice skroz poplavilo, a do sljedeeg jutra pojavila se i
ogromna oteklina.
Sredinom juna 1992. godine Emir Mando je odveden do kapije KP doma,
gdje je brutalno pretuen od strane vojnika Zorana Vukovia iz Joanice i
straara KP doma Zorana Matovia.
Zoran Vukovi ga je udario vojnikom izmom u vilicu od ega se Emir
Mando onesvijestio.
Poetkom jula 1993. godine zatoenik (FWS 216) je pobjegao iz KP doma, ali
je ubrzo uhvaen i zatoen u eliji za izolaciju gdje je zadran 28 dana. Za to
vrijeme su ga Savo Todovi i drugi straari tukli lancem i golim rukama po
cijelom tijelu. Savo Todovi je zbog bijega ovog zatoenika rekao ostalim
zatoenicima da e za kaznu njima svima biti smanjene porcije hrane i da e
rad i ljekarska pomo biti zabranjeni.
Od juna do avgusta 1992. godine straari pod komandom Mitra Raevia, te
civilni i vojni policajci i vojnici koji su ulazili u KP dom, zatoenike u upravnoj
zgradi su udarali palicama, motkama i pesnicama ispitujui ih da li imaju
sakriveno oruje. Od juna 1992. godine do marta 1993. godine u najmanje dva
navrata, straari su teko pretukli Nurka Niia, prijeratnog slubenika
optinske uprave i lana Stranke demokratske akcije (SDA). On je
nestao iz KP doma.
Omer Kunovac je bio gluhonijema osoba iz Ustikoline koja je umrla od
posljedica premlaivanja. Kunovac je nakon premlaivanja imao strane
bolove u stomaku i unutarnje krvarenje. Zatoenici koji su bili medicinske
struke razgovarali su o njegovom zdravstvenom stanju sa straarima i
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658
izvor:Sud BIH,presude
fotografije:flickr ekranportal13/fb PutnikNamjernik/focanskidani
priredio:Kenan Sara
666
Jednu rtvu staru 24 godine silovalo je najmanje deset razliitih vojnika, i ona
se onesvijestila. Jednu djevojicu od 15 godina silovala su najmanje tri vojnika.
670
671
IZJAVA
Ja sam Foak. Najgore dane u svom ivotu proveo sam u ovoj ustanovi tj.
kazamatu muslimana. Ovo vam je KPD u Foi. Preivio sam hvala Allahu,
raznorazna ponienja, premlaivanja, odvoen na razno razne fizike i
naporne radove i tad mi je bilo najbolje mada sam i tad znao biti tuen.
Registrovan kod crvenog krsta uspio sam biti od razmjenjenih jer mi je
predhodno bila polomljena noga a vagao sam 49 kg odsvojih 1.80cm visine.
Kost i koa bio Haram bilo svima onima koji kau oprostiti i zaboraviti
treba dalje nastaviti sa ivotom. S.S.
tako blizu da su ovi mogli sve uti. Nisu dobivali dovoljno hrane, zbog ega su
mnogi od njih znatno izgubili na teini. Drali su ih u raznim prostorijama,
ukljuujui i samice. Neki su bili smjeteni u tako skuenim uslovima nisu
uopte mogli da se kreu elijom, ni da spavaju u leeem poloaju. Prostorije
nisu bile grijane i u njima je bilo izrazito hladno tokom otre zime 1992. godine;
odjeu koju su napravili od vika pokrivaa kako bi se ugrijali oduzeli su im
straari.
Higijenski uslovi bili su jadni, uslovi za pranje minimalni, a medicinska njega
bila je neadekvatna i lijekova je bilo u veoma ogranienim koliinama.
Osnovna zdravstvena zatita bila je obezbijeena, ali se za one kojima je bila
potrebna hitna medicinska pomo niko nije pobrinuo ili nisu dobili sve to im je
bilo potrebno. Najmanje jedan zatoenik preminuo je uslijed uskraene ili
zakanjele ljekarske njege.
Nesrpski zatoenici su veinu dana provodili u zakljuanim prostorijama, s tim
da im je bilo dozvoljeno da odu do kantine i natrag. Neki su, meutim, odlazili
napolje na rad znajui da e u tom sluaju dobiti jo hrane koja im je toliko
trebala.
Mnogi zatoenici su podvrgavani premlaivanju i drugim oblicima zlostavljanja,
ponekad bezrazlono, a ponekad je to bila kazna za sitne povrede zatvorskih
propisa ili sredstvo za dobivanje informacija ili priznanja od njih. Drugi
zatoenici su sluali krikove i zapomaganje onih koje su tukli. Postali su
nervozni i skloni panici, a nou nisu mogli da spavaju. Nisu mogli da
prepoznaju kriterije po kojima su ljudi izdvajani radi premlaivanja i neprestano
su se bojali da e sljedei puta izdvojiti ba njih. Neki su pisali oprotajna
pisma svojoj porodici u strahu da nee da preive. Neki su vidjeli kako izvode
lanove njihove porodice i uli kako ih nemilice tuku. Neki nakon premlaivanja
nisu danima mogli da hodaju ni da govore.
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674
675
Novislav Daji was indicted in Germany for participation in genocide, but the
Higher Regional Court failed to find that there was sufficient certainty, for a
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_____
DVIJE RATNE PRIE IZ FOANSKE BOLNICE
Doktor Veljko Mari je akter obje prie
I dok se mnogim Foacima u ratu sruio ivot doktor Veljko Mari je
ispunio svoj san i postao dekan novog Medicinskog fakulteta i
direktor Kliniko bolnikog centra u Foi. Kako je suraivao s
Karadiem i SDS-om u ratno vrijeme, danas Mari surauje s Miloradom
Dodikom, kao predsjednik njegove lokalne stranke u Foi SNSD-a, u koju je
preao 2010. godine.
688
PRIA PRVA
objavljeno 19.03.2013
O BONJAKOJ DJECI U FOANSKOJ BOLNICI
(Svjedok odbrane Radovana Karadia)
Kao novog svjedoka obrane, bivi predsjednik Republike Srpske Radovan
Karadi doveo je jo jednog biveg suradnika iz Srpske demokratske stranke
(SDS) foanskog kirurga Veljka Maria.
Nakon to je svom bivem predsjedniku potvrdio da u foanskoj bolnici nije
bilo diskriminacije prema bolesnicima i zaposlenicima nesrpske nacionalnosti
nakon to su vlasti bosanskih Srba preuzele vlast, Maria je hako tuiteljstvo
suoilo s neugodnim injenicama koje pokazuju drugaije.
689
690
691
692
PRIA DRUGA
objavljeno:30.10.2014.
RATNE PRIE IZ BOLNICE U FOI
(Svjedok odbrane Ratka Mladia)
Doktor i ratni naelnik foanske bolnice Veljko Mari tvrdio da u radu te
ustanove nije bilo diskriminacije po nacionalnoj osnovi i da su Muslimani
samovoljno naputali optinu, a tuiteljica ukazala da su civili meu kojima
su ene, deca, starci, ali i svedokove kolege lekari bili zatvarani, zlostavljani i
ubijani, i tako primorani da napuste svoje domove
Svedoei u odbranu Ratka Mladia, ratni hirurg i od 1993. godine naelnik
bolnice u Foi doktor Veljko Mari je tvrdio da su u toj ustanovi leeni
pacijenti svih nacionalnosti. Tako je nastojao da ubedi sudsko vee da
muslimansko stanovnitvo nije naputalo Fou zbog diskriminacije i pritisaka,
ve iz straha za bezbednost koji su oseali i Srbi.
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U bolnici je, kae doktor Mari, od aprila do kraja 1992. leeno vie od 1.900
pacijenata, od ega 300 Muslimana. Meu njima je bilo ranjenika, zatvorenika
KP doma kojima je bila potrebna nega, a zbrinuta je i grupa dece koja nisu bila
bolesna, ali su ostala bez smetaja. Deca su, kae, posle viemesenog
boravka u bolnici poslata u crnogorsko letovalite Igalo, a kasnije spojena sa
porodicama.
Tuiteljica Grejs Harbor/Grace Harbour je u unakrsnom ispitivanju predoila
spiskove iz kojih se vidi da je meu pacijentima bolnice bilo muslimanskih
ena, dece i staraca sa prostrelnim ranama nanetim vatrenim orujem. Budui
da je u izjavi odbrani tvrdio da je sukob prisilio ljude da idu tamo gde je njihov
narod, tuiteljica je sugerisala da su napadi u kojima su muslimanski civili
ranjavani bio jedan od razloga zato su naputali Fou. Mari se sa tim sloio,
ali je podsetio da su i Srbi bili rtve napada i da je u bolnici tokom rata ukupno
leeno 2.500 srpskih civila i vojnika.
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http://www.sense-agency.com/tribunal_(mksj)/ratne-price-iz-bolnice-ufoci.25.html?news_id=16239
_____
VIDEO:Bolnica u Foi
_____
priredio:Kenan Sara
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[193]
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su nae trupe pod komandom majora Ostojia, posle kratke i otre borbe,
zauzele Fou. Nai gubici etiri mrtva, neprijateljski oko 1.000 od ega ena i
djece 300.
[194]
[195]
SDA. U proljee 1990. godine ova partija organizirala je stranaki miting u ime
sjeanja na muslimanske rtve iz II svjetskog rata. Na tom mitingu naivno je
dato obeanje da Drina nee nikada vie tei krvava.
[196]
[197]
[198]
[199]
Nain
[200]
[201]
Bez obzira to su bonjaka sela u ruke srpske vojske padala praktino bez
borbi, ili uz minimalan otpor, stanovnici Bonjaci su okupljani na sabirna
mjesta, odakle su razvrstavani u zatvore i logore, gdje su brojni mukarci,
ene i djeca likvidirani i mueni na razne naine. Borbe, recimo, uope nije bilo
u selu Jele, koje je srpska vojske okupirala 4. maja 1992.
[202]
Prema izvjetaju
[203]
U selima Trnovae i
Trbue, juno od Foe, takoer nije bilo nikakvog otpora. Srpska vojska je u
ova sela ula koncem juna 1992. godine.
[204]
bez ijednog ispaljenog metka i bez ikakvog pokuaja otpora, pod prijetnjom
700
orujem, iz njihovih domova otjerali u razne zatvore i logore koji su bili pod
ingerencijom objedinjenih srpskih vojno-civilnih vlasti.
[205]
[206]
bilo politike volje, meutim, kulturocid jeste dio genocidnog procesa. O tome
svjedoe poruene damije i drugi objekti kulture bonjakog naroda. Samo na
podruju Foe srueno je 20 damija, meu njima i uvena Alada damija
izgraena 1555. i najstarija damija u Bosni i Hercegovini, Turhan Eminbegova damija koja je sagraena izmeu 1482.-1486.
[207]
701
[208]
[211]
[210]
[209]
[212]
Foa je u gradu i okolini imala razvijenu mreu logora u kojima su mueni i ubijani Bonjaci i silovane Bonjakinje na podruju Foe: Buk
Bijela, Srednjokolski centar Foa, Srednja kola u Kalinoviku (34 km
zapadno od Foe), Karamanova kua (u Miljevini), Lepa Brena
(soliter u Foi), Partizan (predratna sportska dvorana), kua u
702
[213]
[214]
[215]
[216]
703
NAREDBE O SILOVANJU
[217]
[218]
[219]
Kada
[220]
[221]
[223]
[225]
[226]
[227]
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6.2
6.3
6.4
Naredbe o silovanju
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709
U ovom gradu je tokom rata ubijeno oko tri hiljade Bonjaka, na stotine ena
silovano a zatvorenici u logorima bili su izloeni muenjima i
torturama.Istraivako dokumentacijski centar objavio je da je 2805 osoba
nestalo ili je smaknuto tijekom tog razdoblja.Od tog broja je za 1,899 ljudi
potvreno da su ubijeni, a ostali se jo uvijek vode kao nestali, iako je njihova
sudbina izvjesna.
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Bivi gradski zatvor u Foi (KPD Foa), jedan od najveih zatvora u bivoj
Jugoslaviji, postao je glavni koncentracioni logor za mukarce Bonjake, meu
kojima su bili i invalidi, maloljetnici, mentalno zaostali i teko bolesni ljudi.
Bonjaci u ovom logoru bili su rtve najbrutalnijih tortura, odvoeni su na
prisilni rad i koriteni kao ivi tit u minskim poljima. Do 5. oktobra 1994. kroz
ovaj logor je prolo 1.360 Bonjaka.
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713
714
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Pria i istina o genocidu u Foi 1992. 1995. izala je na mnogo vei nivo
nego to je bila prije nekoliko godina. Pria o golgotama bonjakog naroda
Foe obila je itavu planetu, to govori o tome da svijest muslimana/bonjaka
o njihovom stradanju raste. A Bonjaci Foaci se nisu umorili od traganja za
istinom o zloinima u Foi i okolini.
Oko ovih stvari ne bi trebalo biti kompromisa, jer novinski lanci, feljtoni,
knjige, video zapisi, haki optuenici, optuenici pred bh sudovima, sudionici
pogroma i progona, logorai, silovani, nee prestati sa priom, dok se ne
pronau kosti ubijenih. Tada e se porodice rtava i Bonjaci koji ive na ovim
prostorima osjeati kao pravi graani ove drave.
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717
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Negiranje holokausta se ne smije napisati nigdje niti objaviti bilo gdje, kada
takav status budu imali Bonjaci kada su u pitanju zloini nad njima bie
sigurni da se oni nee ni ponoviti.
Kao poslije 42. tako i poslije 92. godine Bonjaci su spremni da prue ruku i da i dalje
dijele isti ivotni prostor.
Bonjacima nedostaje vie samopotovanja i hrabrsti a Srbima da se odreknu Njegoa,
Pavla uriia, Drae Mihajlovia. Mi se moramo boriti i uspjeti da kultura pamenja
zaivi.
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priredio:Kenan Sara
fotografija:flickr ekranportal13
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Sud BiH izrekao je presudu kojom je bivi pripadnik tzv. vojske republike
srpske, Krsto Dosti, osuen na deset godina zatvora za viestruko silovanje
trudnice u Foi.
Prema prvostepenoj presudi, Dosti je duan isplatiti oteenoj 40.000 maraka
(20.000 evra) na ime nematerijalne tete, prenosi Birn.
Obrazlaui presudu, predsjedavajua Sudskog vijea Mira Smajlovi je
navela da Vijee smatra da je iskaz oteene apsolutno valjan i iskren, to su
potvrdili ostali svedoci u svojim iskazima.
Na ovu presudu postoji mogunost albe.
birn/srna
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Prema navodima optunice, arko Vukovi ara je, kao pripadnik vojnih
snaga Republike Srpske (RS), silovao ensku osobu vie puta.
U optunici je navedeno da je arko Vukovi ara sa jo dvojicom vojnika
nekoliko puta dolazio u porodinu kuu oteene i silovao je. Dvojica vojnika,
koja su dolazila sa optuenim, takoer su, prema navodima tuilatva,
jednom silovali oteenu.
Silovanje je ostavilo teke fizike i psihike posljedice na rtvu.
Iz Dravnog tuilatva je navedeno da je arko Vukovi ara ove zloine
poinio od poetka aprila 1992., pa do marta 1993. godine, u okviru irokog
i sistematinog napada usmjerenog protiv civilnog bonjakog
stanovnitva na podruju optine Foa.
Optunica je proslijeena Sudu BiH na potvrivanje.
izvor: BIRN BiH
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Naselje Tabaci, Foa. Podzida, gdje je bila Redina kafana, u tom istom
objektu je bila kovaka radnja Duri, Nusretova oca. Nusretovi roditelji su,
takoe, rtve genocida u Foi.Za njima se jo uvijek traga. Vode se kao nestali
ubijeni.
Mnogi Nusretovi roaci Durii su rtve genocida u Foi. I Zulfo Duri je meu
njima. Zulfo Duri je iz Zakmura. I on je rtva zloglasnog KP Doma u Foi
1992.
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726
Nusret Duri, Alija Matuh, Ahmo Durirtve genocida u Foi/rtve zloglasnog KP Doma u
Foi.U septembru 92. izveli su ih iz KP Doma, na branje ljiva u Jele i vie se nisu vratili.
Pronaeni su u masovnoj grobnici u Jeleu prije dvije godine
Denaze su im obavljene 23. i 24.10.2015
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FOA: Srpske snage u potpunosti su preuzele vlast u Foi 16. i 17. aprila
1992. i ve do sredine jula iste godine u toj, nekada veinski bonjakoj opini
vie nije bilo nesrpskog stanovnitva. Pravi logori formirani su u gradskoj
gimnaziji, sportskoj dvorani Partizan, u KP domu Foa, kao i u privatnim
kuama i motelima. U gradu i okolnim selima ubijeno je 1.650 ljudi, a do sada
je iz masovnih i pojedinanih grobnica ekshumirano 430, dok se jo uvijek
traga za 730 nestalih. Pored nekolicine javno optuenih, koji su mrtvi, u
pritvoru u Haagu, ili se skrivaju najee u susjednoj SRJ, Foa je proteklih
godina ostala utoite brojnih manje poznatih poinitelja ratnih zloina. Koji i
danas ravnaju puteve tamo gdje je do rata stajala Alada.
Milenko Burilo: Straar u logoru u Kazneno-popravnom domu. Jedan od
preivjelih logoraa u svom svjedoenju navodi da su zatvorenike od straara
najvie tukli Burilo, Zoran Matovi i Zeljovi. Nou su u elije iz kancelarija
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730
02.12.2016
BiH e zatraiti izruenje Nikole Bria, koji je uhapen u Srbiji zbog sumnje da je
poinio zloine na podruju Foe 1992. godine.
Iz Ministarstva pravde BiH su rekli da su o hapenju obavijeteni 29. novembra i da su
od Suda BiH zatraili da dostavi dokumentaciju radi pripreme molbe za izruenje.
U Viem sudu u Beogradu su potvrdili za Balkansku istraivaku mreu BiH (BIRN
BiH) da je Briu odreen ekstradicijski pritvor 23. novembra i da moe trajati dva
mjeseca.
Pritvor mu je odreen zbog opasnosti od bjekstva, i po zamolnici Suda BiH.
Osumnjien je za zloin protiv ovjenosti.
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Suad (Mustafe) Dervievi iz Foe, stanovnik Gornjeg polja zatvoren je u KPD Foa.
Odveden je sa osamdesetak zatvorenika na put bez povratka.
Posmrtni ostaci ekshumirani su u jami Piljak kod Foe.
priredio:Kenan Sara
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Jama
Dok je nad jamom, masovnom grobnicom, ovjek moe jo neto i kazati, uzdahnuti,
zaplakati Kada se u nju spusti, rijei nemaju vie nikakvo znaenje, suze i uzdasi
premali su znak patnje i uasa. U jami se samo uti. I stoji. to due. Samo tako se
onima koji dolje lee moe bar malo nadoknaditi uasna samoa. Bar tako se uinilo
novinaru Dana dok je stajao na dnu jame Piljak, okruen kostima 80 Bonjaka
zatvorenika KPD Foa.
Neupadljivi kolski put odvaja se od glavne ceste, i dok se automobil opasno naginje
as na jednu, as na drugu stranu, shvata da ne vodi nigdje, vijugajui deset
740
Na tom mjestu stajali su, valjda, delati. Ubijeni, od kojih su neki, kako se kasnije
vidjelo, bili vezanih ruku i nogu, nalazili su se u trenucima prije svoje smrti pored
samog otvora jame. Mjesto na kojem su stajale ubice je izdignuto u odnosu na otvor
jame, i onome koji tu stoji, usto naoruan, daje nevjerovatan osjeaj nadmoi, tako
snaan da je mogue zamisliti kako neki od njih otvara vatru, a tijela, jedno po jedno,
padaju, udaraju tupo o zidove otvora survavajui se na dno. Ubica e, ili vie njih,
kasnije, sa pitoljem u ruci vjerovatno, jer okolo su posijane i pitoljske ahure, proi
izmeu preostalih ljudi na povrini, opaliti po jedan egzekutorski metak u potiljak, i
gurnuti ih nogom nizbrdo.
Niz ljestve, osiguran na uetu, u bezdan se sputa Muhamed, nosei o rame objeenu
kameru: nekoliko asaka kasnije, na TV-aparatu namjetenom pored otvora vidi se i
slika odozdo, sa dna jame. Kamera prati Maovia. U kadru su samo njegove ruke, u
bijelim plastinim rukavicama, koje kopaju po mokroj zemlji, kopaju, prsti zagrebu o
neto tvre od zemlje, jo malo raskopaju okolo, prsti uzimaju etvrtasti predmet,
oiste zemlju sa njega, to je novanik, i otvaraju ga. Kamera se primie, unutra se,
ispod providne plastike, nazire neto, kamera se jo primie tome, vide se obrisi neije
ekovne knjiice, u vrhu pie: Privredna banka Sarajevo. Ime ispod prljave plastike je
za asak itljivo: Ekrem Hadimuratovi. Okupljenima na ulazu, od kojih se mnogi
jedva dre na strmini, otme se glasan uzdah.
Malo dalje od njih, Kemo i Hamza, zavaljeni u lie, naoruani metal-detektorom,
trae ahure oko jame. Hamza prelazi detektorom po netaknutoj povrini, a na svaki
njegov pitavi zvuk Kemo prilazi, razgre lie pronalazei sve nove i nove. Evo jo
jedne pitoljske. Je l devet milimetara?, pita podiui je uvis izmeu dva prsta.
Nije, ta je 7,62, kae Hamza, a Kemo opet sputa ahuru, i pored nje u meku zemlju
zabode jo jednu utu zastavicu. Ne znam koliko ih ima, veli zadihan i oznojen, mi
smo nali vie od dvadeset za ovo vrijeme. Oko same jame ve ih je bilo neto vie
742
od ezdeset, ali bilo ih je dosta i unutra, gdje su se skotrljale ili su ih nanijele padavine
i vjetar.
Unutra U samoj jami temperatura je negdje oko pet stepeni iznad nule: sa svakim
korakom niz metalne ljestve, privrene uz jedan dio stijene, zrak je sve hladniji i
memljiviji. One su privrene samo do onog bubrega, kae na ulazu onii mukarac
u plavom kombinezonu, a odatle vise, nismo ih mogli privrstiti! Sputam se ba
onako kako mi je kazao, pazei da ue ne zapadne izmeu ljestvi, koje su vezane jedna
za drugu, pazei na svaki naredni korak, drei pogled na ljestvama. Ovo je lake,
merdevine se ne miu, ali negdje na polovini jame, poslije one izboine, kada se otvor
jame vie ne vidi, ali se ne vidi ni dno, postaje neugodno. Ljestve se sve vie njiu,
svaki naredni korak oprezniji je od prethodnog. Odozdo dopire samrtna hladnoa,
moda bih se uplaio, ali se stidim jer znam zbog ega se sputam, slutim ta u vidjeti
na dnu i pred tim sebi ne smijem dozvoliti da se plaim.
Jo jednom gledam dolje, pitajui se ima li kraja nizu ljestava, koje su sve hladnije, pa
se i prsti u gumenim rukavicama skoro koe. Odozdo ipak dopire svjetlo, ali i dalje
sam obeshrabren i podiem pogled prema vrhu jame. Merdevine se sada ve opasno
ljuljaju: jedan dio, dugaak oko tri metra, iskoen je paralelno sa stijenom, pa je
mogue sputati se samo na rukama. Odatle nanie merdevine se sputaju u, tada mi se
inilo, blagom nagibu: blagom samo utoliko to nisu postavljene vertikalno.
Pored daske postavljene preko cijelog, nevelikog prostora na dnu, forenziarka Eva
Klonovski, pognuta nad kostima, prekopava po blatu. Sjedam na dasku i razgledam:
svodovi jame, niz koju stalno curi voda, visoki su, ali je povrina jame jako mala: troje
ljudi, koliko nas je u tom asu bilo unutra, ne moe se slobodno kretati. Miris te
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mokre, jo svjee iskopane zemlje polako prodire u nosnice; na lijevoj strani uta,
nevjerovatno ouvana cipela; tu, ispod daske, desno, gledam i, iz nekog razloga, ne
uasava me kima zagrljena ogoljelim i poutjelim rebrima.
Eva i dalje kopa, podiui glavu tek da odgovori na poneko pitanje. Kad bi ovdje bilo
osamdeset ljudi, koliko bi debeo bio sloj tijela? Ona se podie i rastavlja ruke, ne vie
od metar. Tijela se slegnu jedno na drugo, objanjava na bosanskom, sa primjetnim
poljskim akcentom. Kopa po zemlji i pronalazi plastinu kesicu. Pogledaj, ta je
ovo?, pita i prua mi vreicu. Gonjen ne znam ni sam ime, uzimam taj predmet, koji
je u grumenu zemlje izgubio oblik, i skidam zemlju sa njega. Ispod skorene zemlje
pomalja se noktarica, njen poklopac: na utoj podlozi ispod crne palme pleu crni
mukarac i crna ena. Oistim ga do kraja, i sjeivo i vadiep, i vraam u kesu. Pruam
ruke i, jo uvijek sjedei na mostiu, podiem ahuru kalibra 7,62 milimetra, gledam
je, pocrnjelu, tek tako je gledam, i sputam na zemlju. Kau, vrijeme je da se ide. Ali,
ja nisam htio ii.
Ne znam koliko sam bio dolje, ali znam da nisam htio krenuti, nisam nikad htio izai
odozdo, volio bih da su svi otili, da sam ostao tu, sam sa tim kostima, sa lubanjama
prema kojima sam osjeao takvu bliskost kakvu nikad nisam osjetio ni prema kome,
kostima koje su bile tako uasno usamljene svih ovih godina.
izvor:DANI br. 210, 15.jun 2001.
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Beta, 19.02.2013
HAG Zatieni svjedok RM-013 izjavio je danas na suenju Ratku Mladiu pred
Hakim tribunalom da su 1992-93. stotine Muslimana nezakonito pritvarane,
zlostavljane i ubijane u Kazneno-popravnom domu u Foi. Prema optunici protiv
biveg komandanta Vojske Republike Srpske, generala Mladia (69), Foa je jedna od
sedam bosanskih optina u kojima je progon muslimanskih i hrvatskih civila poprimio
razmjere genocida. RM-013 posvjedoio je da je poslije hapenja u aprilu 1992. dvije
godine bio zatoen u KPD, gdje su stotine Muslimana bile nezakonito pritvorene pod
tekim uslovima, zlostavljani i prebijani, neki i na smrt. Prije hapenja, kako je
posvjedoio, na lokalnom radiju uo je proglas Srpske demokratske stranke da Srbi
ne mogu vie da ive s Muslimanima i da je dolo vrijeme da zauvijek raiste s
balijama. Svi su bili civili, a meu njima je bilo i bolesnih i starih, napomenuo je
svjedok. RM-013 opisao je i kako su srpski straari izveli etiri grupe zatoenika iz
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KPD Foa na razmjenu zarobljenika, ali ih niko vie nije video ive. Tijela veine
tih Muslimana poslije rata su ekshumirana iz masovnih grobnica. Svjedok je izjavio i
da je sa grupom od jo 25 uglednijih Muslimana bio sakriven od delegacije
meunarodnog Crvenog krsta koja je posjetila KPD Foa. U unakrsnom ispitivanju,
Mladiev branilac Branko Luki upitao je svjedoka kako to da je od 25 osoba koje su
bile uhapene zajedno s njim samo pet bilo zadrano u pritvoru. RM-013 odgovorio je
da to ne zna ni danas. Advokat Luki ukazivao je i na razlike u imenima nestalih
pritvorenika u razliitim iskazima i izjavama svjedoka. Na pitanje predsjedavajueg
sudije Alfonsa Orija (Alphons Orie) da li je teza odbrane da odvedeni pritvorenici nisu
ubijeni, Mladiev branilac je odgovorio: Da nisu ubijeni i da ovaj gospodin o tome ne
zna nita. ta drugo moe biti naa teza. Upitan da li je lino video odvoenje ljudi iz
KPD, RM-013 je odgovorio da to nije mogao vidjeti. Dodao je, meutim, da je
pritvorenike video kako ih odvode u upravnu zgradu i kako su poela
premlaivanja i krici u dvoritu poslije ega je bio prinuen da pokrije oi i ui.
Naznaio je da su neki od pritvorenih premlaeni na smrt u upravnoj zgradi.
Posvjedoio je i da je prepoznao straare koji su ubijali pritvorenike.
izvor:Beta, 19.02.2013
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nekad bila velicine zalogaja. Matovic je cesto bio dezurni kuhar i pravio je i bez
masnoce ukusnije jelo, dok je za Mojovica kruzila sala da ce njemu biti najzalije i
najteze ako izademo iz zatvora: uzivao je da napravi rucak da ga nisu mogli jesti ni
macke ni psi. Kvalitet i kolicina hrane imala je za posljedicu da pojedini zatvorenici
nisu imali stolicu po trideset i pet dana.
Farsa od razmjene
Sedamnaestog jula prije podne Gojko je obisao dio spavaona. Pitao je ko je bolestan i
upisao Dzevada Loju koji je nekoliko puta pao u nesvijest prilikom podjele jela, te Enu
Hrnjcica, Hasana Glusca i Sanina Krdzaliju. Oko tri sata pozvase nas da se spremimo
sa nasim stvarima. Bilo nas je desetorica iz Foce i sestorica iz Gorazda. Kad smo se
sakupili pred glavnom kapijom gdje se vrsio detaljan pretres, cak i skidanje cipela,
vidjeli smo da medu nama ima i mladih i zdravijih ljudi. Poslije ceremonije pretresa
provedeni smo kroz dvoja vrata.
Cekao nas je kamion FAP sa ceradom. Nedaleko od njega bio je parkiran kombi pun
zena i djece. Strpali su nas u kamion. Bili smo zbunjeni. Uspjeli smo da doznamo da
idemo u razmjenu za srpsko stanovnistvo koje je zarobljeno u Gorazdu. Tako su nam
rekli nekolicina obucenih u maskirne uniforme koji su bili dio pratnje i koji su tvrdili
da su iz Cajnica. Nama je odmah bilo malo lakse, pusili smo vise nego sto smo navikli.
Cigarete nam je dao jedan od Cajnicana. Krenuli smo. Sjedimo na nekim
improvizovanim klupama. Iza nas ide kombi sa vojvodom, vozacem i trojicom
vojnika, svi dobro naoruzani. Upozorili su nas sta ce se dogoditi ako pokusamo bjezati.
Dok smo isli uz Bakic (brdo i prevoj za Zavait) vidjeli smo milicionersko auto. Poznao
sam milicionera u naocalima, bio je iz Bunova, neki Dostic.
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Los put i brza voznja, da se na vrijeme stigne na razmjenu, koja je, kako smo kasnije
saznali, zakazana za sedam sati navece, ucinio je da se osjecamo kao lopte, tako smo
skakali sa klupa da smo morali ustajati i drzati se za arnjeve. Kosti su nas boljele. Put
je vodio kroz sumu, prema Celebicima. Kroz Korlat se prosirivao i pripremao za
asfaltiranje. Taj je put star oko 30 godina i uglavnom se koristio za eksploataciju suma.
Trasu puta od Celebicke rijeke do Suplje stijene uradili su nabrzinu uz pomoc SDS-a,
te firmi Gradenje i Maglic. Ovaj je pravac objezbjedivao spajanje Foce sa
Pljevljima i imao je vise stratesko nego ekonomsko opravdanje. Put se koristio najvise
za transport naoruzanja i municije. Putem Radio Foce, u nekoliko navrata je
gradanstvo bilo obavijesteno da je otvoren, te da je uspostavljena autobuska linija Foca
Pljevlja. Koliko smo kasnije doznali, linija zbog nekih dogadanja u Pljevljima nije ni
radila. Nase vode puta imali su dosta problema na granici Crne Gore i BiH: jedva su
se ubijedili da prodemo, a onda su nas predali novoj ekipi iz Cajnica. Cekali su nas
dvotonci sa ceradom, i tako smo nastavili preko nekih brda i sela, kroz sumu.
Ne daju Muslimani
Stigosmo u Cajnice. Nema svjetla, tek u rijetko kojoj kuci. Produzili smo dalje. Jedan
od pratilaca, naoruzan, zajedno je s nama na karoseriji. Sjedi i cuva nas. Rece da
idemo u Miljevo. Tako i bi. Smjestise nas u osnovnu skolu. Klupa ima dovoljno.
Dobili smo i povece sendvice sa mesom. Odmah su nas domacini upozorili sta
smijemo, a sta ne smijemo raditi. Novi kucni red. Sutradan ujutru dobar dorucak, a jos
bolji rucak. Pozvase nas negdje oko deset sati. Napolju je vedro, nigdje oblaka. Mi vec
navikli na kisne dane. Izadosmo svi iz jednog razreda, a zene sa djecom iz drugog.
Iznenadismo se: ljudi sa kamerama i mikrofonima. Poznao sam jednog. Bio je iz
Gorazda. Svi su, kako nam rekose, zaposleni na novosadskoj i crnogorskoj televiziji.
Propaganda. Djeca placu, posjedala po travi, a neka su u krilima zena. Jadna slika.
Cekamo termin razmjene. Stalno dolaze iz cajnickog MUP-a i izvjestavaju nas dokle
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Corbo Zada: Po nekim izvorima, ubio je, a po nekim je ucestvovao u njenom ubistvu
Milenko Vukovic, poznat po nadimku Zeko, cetnicki vojvoda iz sela Rataji. Naknadno
su se pojavile i informacije da je ubijena u zbjegu, drugog oktobra u okolini sela
Izbisno.
Dolan Fatima i Dolan Serif: Ubijeni pocetkom maja.
Drinjakovic Murat, penzionisani imam. Star preko 80 godina. Zaklao ga, kao i Zehru
Drinjakovic i Murata Drinjakovica, nastavnik iz Miljevine Risto Trifkovic.
Dzinic Jusuf i Dzinic Mulija: Ubijeni pocetkom maja iz vatrenog oruzja.
Dzubur Habiba, Dzubur Kaduna, Dzubur Murat, Dzubur Osman i Dzubur Ramo: Po
svim izvorima, ubili su ih cetnici iz Jeleca, uglavnom njihove bivse komsije.
Hadzic Edhem, Hadzic Fata, Hadzic Senida i Hadzic Vahid: Svi ubijeni pocetkom
maja.
Mito Serifa: Stara oko 40 godina. Ubijena u zbjegu prema Tjentistu.
Musanovic Ismet: Ubijen u maju.
Niksic Ferid, Niksic Munira i Niksic Semsa: Ubijeni u maju.
Omeragic Murat i Omeragic Ramiz: Ubijeni u maju.
Paco Omer: Iz nekog sela sa Tjentista. Star ispod 50 godina. Ubijen u zbjegu prema
Tjentistu.
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Salaka Almasa: Stara oko 80 godina. Ubijena u maju. Kao izvrsioca izvori navode
nastavnika Dragu Krunica kao i za Salaka Avdu.
Salaka Hamid: Star izmedu 60 i 65 godina. Ubio ga je nastavnik Milos Krunic kao i
Salaka Zahida, starog izmedu 70 i 75 godina.
Sejdinovic Dzemail: Ubijen u maju, kada i vecina zrtava u Jelecu.
Srna Abid: Star 40 godina. Zaklan, kao i Srna Asim i Srna Elvedin.
Srna Enver i njegova supruga Jelena, Srpkinja, ubijeni iz vatrenog oruzja.
Srna Hadzid i Srna Hadzira: Ubijeni iz vatrenog oruzja.
Srna Hakija: Star oko 30 godina. Zaklan.
Srna Mustafa, star oko 50 godina; Srna Nedzad, star oko 20 godina; Srna Omer, star
oko 60 godina i Srna Zulfo, star oko 60 godina: Svi zaklani.
Suljevic Abdulah, zvani Kigen, star oko 30 godina, i Suljevic Nazif: Ubijeni u maju.
Suljuvic Resad: Ubijen u Sukovcu, sredinom aprila.
Suljevic Zejna: Stara oko 90 godina. Ubio je, sredinom aprila, Risto Trifkovic,
nastavnik iz Miljevine, kao i Suljevic Zejnila, starog oko 90 godina.
Sahbaz Habiba, Sahbaz Hakija i Sahbaz Haska: Ubijeni u maju.
Sarac Avdo: Penzionisani milicioner. Ubijen pocetkom maja.
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Sljivo Edhem, Sljivo Ejub i Sljivo Zada: Ubijeni u maju. Vise izvora je potvrdilo da je
clanove porodice Sljivo ubio Pero Elez.
Subasic Hasan: Ubijen tokom ljeta u Kozjoj Luci.
Sundo Fatima, stara izmedu 85 i 90 godina, i Sundo Mejra, stara oko 70 godina:
Ubijene pocetkom maja.
Tuzlak Tifa: Ubijena u maju.
Tuzlak Camil: Penzionisani imam. Star izmedu 85 i 90 godina. Ubio ga cetnik Zivko
Miletic. U ubistvu su ucestvovali i Pero Elez, Milos Krunic i Milenko Vukovic.
Tuzlak Ferida i Tuzlak Salko, star oko 20 godina: Ubijeni u maju.
Zametica Almasa, Zametica Ekrem, Zametica Fatka, Zametica Hida, Zametica Osman,
Zametica Seca, Zametica Velija i Zametica Zula: Svi ubijeni u istom danu, krajem
aprila 1992.
SPISAK ZLOCINACA
Spiskom su obuhvaceni izvrsioci i saucesnici zlocina, kao i ucesnici akcija u kojima su
ubijani civili koji su porijeklom iz Foce, ili iz sela oko Foce, ili su zivjeli u njima, a
koje je, upravo zahvaljujuci toj cinjenici, identifikovala rodbina ili komsije zrtava.
Milutinovic Rajko: Cetnik. Pljackao i palio muslimanske kuce u Jelecu i veoma
svirepo ubijao odrasle muslimanske muskarce, civile.
Mojevic Simo: Direktor Osnovne skole u Ustikolini. U ratu, cetnicki vojvoda. Najveci
broj ubistava u selima Odzak, Vina, Pilipovici, Mrdelici i selima prema Jabuci
izvrsena su po njegovom naredenju. Po njegovom naredenju ubijen je Andelija Salko.
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centar u Bosni i Hercegovini. Takvih lica priveli smo oko 92 ukupno, za zadnja tri
cetiri dana. Sudeci po razlicitom nacinu hapsenja i daljeg postupanja od strane
crnogorskih vlasti postojala su dva razloga zbog kojih je sprovedena ova policijska
akcija. Srbi su hapseni i deportovani u Republiku Srpsku zbog mobilizacije, a
Muslimani da bi se povecao broj talaca i zarobljenika za razmjenu.
izvor:DANI, broj 68, 29. JANUAR / SIJEANJ 1998.
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FENA,14.5.2007.
FVS 119, invalid od 1947. godine, dospio je u KPD Foa 20. aprila 1992. nakon
napada srpskih snaga na njegovo selo i zarobljavanja nenaoruanih mjetana. U KPDu je bio do 23. oktobra 1993., nakon ega je prevezen u zatvor Kula kod Sarajeva,
gdje je ostao deset mjeseci. U gotovo dvije i po godine svog logorakog zatoenja
jednom je u KPD-u Foa dobio udarac u potiljak, ali je boravei tu bio svjedokom
mnogobrojnih odvoenja ljudi navodno na razmjene. Odatle se nikada nisu vratili.
Danas je kazao kako je siguran da je uprava logora morala znati ta se deava u KPD-u
te da ih on sve okrivljuje za tamonja deavanja.
U KPD-u Foa je upoznao i Mitra Raevia i Savu Todovia. Susreta u logoru s
Raeviem sjea se kada je ovaj kazao logoraima da mu se obrate ukoliko neto nije
uredu. Ovaj svjedok to nije uinio iz straha da ne proe kaoSulejman elik, koji je
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Ne zna ko je dolazio helikopterom, ali po prii jednog logoraa koji je bio u blizini na
prinudnom radu rije je o Radovanu Karadiu, Veliboru Ostojiu i Momilu
Mandiu.
Delegacija MKCK prvi put je dola u KPD Foa krajem juna 1993. Navodno je
dolazila i prethodne godine, ali joj nije doputeno ui. Ovaj svjedok je kazao da je pri
dolasku te delegacije sakriveno 20 ljudi, meu kojima je Aziz Torlak, koji je s njim
bio zatoen u sobi br. 16.
uo sam da je Aziz 7. jula 1993. odveden rano na razmjenu, ali od tada ne znam
za njega. Dok sam bio u Kuli uo sam da su ga htjeli razmijeniti za nekog
vojvodu, ali je vojvoda ubijen pa su ubili Aziza, kazao je FVS 119.
Prema navodima optunice, Mitar Raevi je kao komandir strae KPD Foa bio
zaduen za nadzor nad najmanje 37 zatvorskih straara i nad njima imao efektivnu
kontrolu, dok je Savo Todovi u svojstvu zamjenika upravnika tog doma imao
ovlatenja i dunosti koje pripadaju komandantu logora. Obojica su navodno s
upravnikom KPD Foa Miloradom Krnojelcem te zatvorskim uvarima i drugim
osobama uestvovali u udruenom zloinakom poduhvatu iji je cilj bio da se zatoe
Muslimani i drugi nesrpski civili iz Foe i drani u nehumanim uvjetima u toj ustanovi
koja je imala sva obiljeja logora. Taj poduhvat podrazumijeva da su Raevi i
Todovi planirali, naredili, poinili te podstrekavali i pomagali u planiranju i
pripremanju progona nesrpskog stanovnitva na politikoj, nacionalnoj, etnikoj i
vjerskoj osnovi muenjem, premlaivanjem, ubijanjem, neovjenim postupanjem,
nanoenjem povreda tjelesnog integriteta i zdravlja, prisiljavanjem na prinudni rad,
prisilnim nestancima, deportaciji i zatvaranjem.
Tuiteljstvo smatra da su obojica optuenih kao nadreene i odgovorne osobe
propustili da preduzmu nune i razumne mjere u sprjeavanju injenja navedenih djela
i kanjavanju poinitelja tih djela. (izvor:FENA,14.5.2007)
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priredio:Kenan Sara
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PROTJERANI
Foacima
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
mi smo bili
onog asa, onog trena
kad je pokraj nas prolo
komijko nam ludilo srpsko
ostali smo prerezanih
grkljana i vena
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
mi smo bili
onog casa, onog trena
kad je pokraj tebe
i pokraj mene prolo
771
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
mi smo bili
dinamitom ruena si
kamen gori,ehotinom val se pjeni
gledali smo sve u sjeni
govorili nismo nita
jer smo
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
Zajedno smo grade posli dalje
i ti i ja
kasnim proljeem opijeni
ranim ljetom zaneseni
proveli smo sahate i sahate,
dane, noi,mjesece i godine,
kratka ljeta,duge zime
u izgnanstvu
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
772
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
mi smo bili
sa svog praga,
sa svog topraka
zalud enja
dua pati
ehotina,Drina,sastavci
Foa, mati
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
ostadosmo
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
da ekamo da nam svane
da vratimo se domu svome
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
nismo nigdje smirni
nit' dostojnoga ivljenja
svak' te tjera
svak te ganja
svak te gaza
svaka ua te omalovaava
sve dok smo
PROTJERANI,PROTJERANI,
glas nam drhti
iznenada to se zbilo
773
774
stolnotenisai.
I drugovi, a i drugarice stolnotenisaice,odbojkaice
Kino Drina prikazuje
I Sajo i Ekica (dvojac iz kina)
Partizanska Olimpijada, MOSI i vjetar pored Drine i ehotine, u kosi
Sastavci,sva ljepota i jedinstvo jednog grada
Riva, tako obino neobina
Riva, bez mora, sa nemirnom rijekom, uz ije obale su se ljudi okupljali
I skaline njene
Onako u sjenama vrba,joha i topola, iji bi sklad zaremetio po koji kesten
Rakite, u njima vrbe razne, kupine i odjednom cvijet jasmina
Spontano voeni eljom za slobodnim suivotom sa prirodom
Ljubav pobjeivala nedostatke svega i svaega
I kapetan (captain).
Kapetane, kapetane, tako su ga one zvale
I mrea, i lov na mriu.
I reket.I James Bond.
TANJUG javlja
Danas, danas sve to stane na jedan mali handy
I nije vie blisko, nit je toliko bitno
Samo malo uspomena ostalo je
Slika vremena prolog
Samantha
Trio fantasticus
ika ova
Ludi eirdija
A ispod mosta rijeka tee,
Hujta kod Begove (kue) kesten pee
Saug!Haug!
Auf Wiedersehen, auf Wiedersehen
Goodbye my love,goodbye.
Kenan Sara
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