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Child-Wiches in The 17th C PDF
Child-Wiches in The 17th C PDF
108
NUMBER 167
Ibid., pp. 139, 144, 152; and see discussions in council (unpaginated) appended to
Cod. Aug. 289.
5
Ibid., p. 239. A further two boys were denounced by their mothers for witchcraft
in 1728, transferred to the Catholic workhouse and subjected to beatings for their
godlessness. They were finally freed in 1730 According to the council minutes,
Gottfried Betz was still confined in the hospital as late as 1729: Stadtarchiv Augsburg,
Reichsstadt, Ratsbuch 1729, 30 Apr. 1729, p 322.
6
On child witches, see Wolfgang Behrmger, 'Kinderhexenprozesse Zur Rolle von
Kindern m der Geschichte der Hexenverfolgung', Zeitschrtft fur histonsche Forschung,
xvi (1989), Robert Wahnski-Kiel, 'The Devil's Children. Child Witch-Trials in Early
Modern Germany', Continuity and Change, xi (1996); Rainer Walz, 'Kinder in
Hexenprozessen. Die Grafschaft Lippe 1654-1663', m Jurgen Scheffler, Gerd
Schwerhoff and Gisela Wilbertz (eds.), Hexenverfolgung und Regwnalgeschichte. Die
Grafschaft Lippe im Vergleich (Studien zur Regionalgeschichte, IV, Bielefeld, 1994);
Hartwig Weber, Kinderhexenprozesse (Frankfurt, 1991); and Hartwig Weber, 'Von der
verfuhrten Kinder Zauberei'. Hexenprozesse gegen Kinder tm alten Wurltemberg
(Sigmaringen, 1996).
7
See, on the town in the eighteenth century, Leonhard Lenk, Augsburger Burgenum
im Spathumamsmus und Fruhbarock (1580-1700) (Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der
Stadt Augsburg, xvii, Augsburg, 1968); Ingnd Batori, Die Reichsstadt Augsburg im
18. Jahrhundert. Verfassung, Ftnanzen und Refornwersuche (Veroffenthchungen des
Max-Planck-Instituts fur Geschichte, xxii, Gottingen, 1969); Franz Herre, Das
Augsburger Burgenum \m Zettalter der Aufklarung (Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der
Stadt Augsburg, vi, Augsburg, 1951); Etienne Francois, Die unsichtbare Grenze
Proteslanten und Kathohken in Augsburg, 1648-1806 (Abhandlungen zur Geschichte
der Stadt Augsburg, xxxui, Sigmaringen, 1991); and, on the earlier period, Bernd
Roeck, Etne Stadt in Kneg und Fneden Studien zur Geschichte der Reichsstadt Augsburg
zwischen Kalenderstreit und Pantdt (Schnftenreihe der historischen Kommission bei
der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, xxxvii, 2 vols., Gottingen, 1989).
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113
and were told in this connection the story of the Catholic boys
of Alexandria who hated the Arian heretics so much that when
the ball with which they were playing was touched by the donkey
of one of the heretics, they cast their plaything in the fire.19
Lutherans and Catholics adopted different stances towards
these diabolic children. For Protestants, the whole affair might
be viewed as a plot by the Catholic clergy to stage yet another
dramatic set of exorcisms, and one contemporary Protestant
chronicler certainly thought it possible that the Catholic clergy
had put the children up to it, threatening them and forcing them
to make all kinds of false confessions.20 Throughout the case,
Weng's memorials of advice persistently pointed out the contradictions in the children's testimony, and he could barely contain
his scorn for the 'nonsense' to which the children confessed.
Protestant and Catholic councillors could not agree on what to
do with the children or how to punish them, Protestants stressing
the expense the whole affair was costing the city and insisting
that advice be sought from a biconfessional law faculty while
Catholics wanted to get to the bottom of the matter by confronting
the witnesses, taking yet more children into custody and interrogating all the suspects.21 Because the only agreement they could
get was to continue questioning the children and witnesses, the
affair multiplied into a larger and larger tangle of stories and
counter-accusations, each interrogation generating yet more
loose ends.22
And yet this was no simple battle between rational Protestants,
sceptical of the Devil's power on the one hand, and superstitious
Catholics on the other. Neither Weng nor the anonymous
Protestant chronicler can be taken to represent all Lutheran opinion. Pietist Lutherans, members of a movement only beginning
to gather strength in the town, might fervently believe in witches:
19
R. P. Marco Eschenloher, Ktnderlehren I Oder Leichtbegretffliche Auslegungen Uber
den gantzen Romisch-Kathohschen Catechismum I Vorlangst offenthch bey Wochentlicher
Kmder-Versamblungen an denen Sonntagen vorgelragen
(Augsburg, 1706), with an
Approval from 1701, pp. 39, 36.
20
SSBAugs., Cod. Aug. 103, p 525
21
See, especially, memorial of Catholics, 3? Apr. 1724, text in Weng, SSBAugs.,
Cod. Aug. 289, pp. 162-4. The Catholics wanted to take a further sixteen children
into custody in addition to the number almost certainly seven who were there
already.
22
This was further complicated by the decision to refer the whole matter to the
emperor, and then to the law faculty at Heidelberg, because no final decisions could
be taken.
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115
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Ibid., p . 9 7 .
Ibid., pp. 49, 71-2, 82, 83, 142.
117
Devil's salve was made and did not mention feasts of unbaptized
child flesh. It is as if the latent content of the witchcraft fantasy
had been stripped of its mythic overlay to reveal the crudest
primary structure of infant psychology underneath. The children
seem to be using bodily products, excrement-like material and
sharp cutting objects as harmful substances with which to attack
God and injure their parents.
In particular, the object of attack often appeared to be the
parents' sexual relationship, sometimes the father's potency,
sometimes the mother's fertility. Maria Steingruber suffered from
the attacks of witches while in childbed, and discovered this was
caused by her stepson.33 Franz Joseph Kuttler bewitched his
parents' bed, and his mother stated that her husband had lost his
strength as a result.34 Martin Steiner claimed his stepdaughter
knew how to make lice and beetles, and she confessed to putting
diabolic powder in his bed after he had kicked her.35 Johann
Sebastian Fischer admitted putting black powder into brandy
casks and in the parental bed: his father begged for him to be
taken into custody.36 Time and again parents, especially fathers,
reported the progress of their maladies to the council as strange
objects appeared in their beds. Weng conscientiously investigated
and confirmed the presence of strange substances in one of these
cases, finding 'straw, dirt and uncleanliness'. But he offered a
class-bound, naturalistic explanation: these things 'occur in all
the bedclothes of poor people, who do not always keep their
bedding clean'.37 In the Betz household anal attacks, the parental
relationship and the fertility of the marriage were woven into a
tight symbolic nexus which ultimately led to the dissolution of
the household. Evil stuff was found in the bed. The children's
mother suffered during pregnancy 'as if pure knives were inside
her'; the father endured terrible toothache and, as his wife
noticed, could no longer carry the armchair; the whole family
lived 'like cat and dog', and the children put powder in the beer
(which doubtless did not help matters). The powder looked like
mouse excrement. When it was removed from the bed, peace
returned between the parents. But shortly after, when the father
33
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119
ibid.
Ibid., p . 72 According t o Bartholome S t e g m a n n , David K o p f also took a sheep
and p u t it in the press, again suggesting a half-understood concrete symbolization of
central religious imagery in which Jesus is not the shepherd b u t a sheep.
43
O n Christ in the winepress a n d the host mill, see Miri Rubin, Corpus Chnsti:
The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991), 3 1 2 - 1 6 ; and for its
reworking in Protestant woodcuts, R. W Scribner, For the Sake of Simple FolkPopular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge, 1981; rev. Oxford,
42
1994), 105-7.
44
This makes the processes of symbolization at work seem rather like what Hanna
Segal describes m patients who are unable to dream properly. See here the work of
Hanna Segal on concrete thinking and the absence of symbolization: Dream, Phantasy
and Art (London, 1991). Witchcraft can be seen as comprising a vivid symbolic system,
well suited to expressing psychic conflict; though we would also consider it to be a
delusional system. Here, as witchcraft began to lose credibility, the symbol formation
is also unpaired.
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47
touched her all over her body, except for her heart. This little
girl died not long after. Her hair seemed to be being pulled out
by the Devil: as one witness noted, 'the child did not have as
much hair as previously: one did not know where it had got to'. 48
The spectacle of the suffering girl was utterly terrifying; and yet
the council and perhaps the parents presumed that the
source of evil was the girl herself, who had an insatiable appetite.
The council advised that the mother should moderate the child's
food intake. She did. As the childminder reported, the child was
'fed the leftover soup scraps for the dog'49 and sometimes given
nothing at all. Convinced the child had been starved to death,
the childminder eventually accused the mother. The mother, she
said, had said to her that 'she had not given her nothing to eat
for more than one day, yet she still didn't perish'.50 In this case,
it seems very likely that the mother was so disturbed by her
daughter's behaviour that she starved her to death, a total misperception of the child's need which implies the complete failure of
the parental relationship.51
What were the responsibilities of parents in all this? Weng and
the Protestant jurists saw the matter in straightforward terms:
these children of artisan families were the parents' responsibility,
and if they insisted on handing them over to the council, then
they should be made to foot the bill for the costs of their attendants. The parents, however, strenuously insisted that they ought
not to pay, the poorer parents pleading poverty, the richer claiming that they had already spent money on the children. Implicitly
they regarded the city as responsible for the godless children.
The same issues were raised throughout Europe by the growing
importance of workhouses and orphanages, whose inmates might
47
'dass das Magdlein ganz n u t blut uberloffen, u n d das blut aus Nasen, M u n d und
O h r e n geschossen': SSBAugs., Cod. Aug. 289, p . 49, ' d e r Satan habe sie bey der Nacht
gekusst, u n d in die Ohren geblasen, bringe ihr auf dem T a n z das essen, und esse n u t
lhr, greiffe ihr liberal hin, als an das herz nicht' 4 9 - 5 0 .
48
'das Kind habe nicht mehr so vil haar, wie vorhin, man wisse nicht wo hin es
k o m m e n ' : ibid., p p . 50, 134
49
' I h r T o d werde von d e r M u t e r aushungerung h e r k o m m e n . . der Vater geb ihr
doch noch bissweilen von der Suppen, so dem H u n d aufgebracht werde'. ibid., p . 136.
50
' m e h r als 1 T a g dem Kind nichts zuessen gegeben zuhaben und doch crepiere es
nicht': ibid.
51
Throughout, the father is regularly referred to as the 'stepfather' of the child. It
is possible that his wife was also the stepmother of the girl. She is only described as
the child's 'mother', but occasionally he is described as the girl's 'father', so this is
not conclusive. The girl was listed by the Lutherans amongst those to be punished,
and she would have been taken mto custody in 1724 had she not died
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NUMBER 167
include not only vagrants and poor families but children whose
families could not afford to keep them or even, by the late
eighteenth century, children of middle-class or aristocratic families whose parents could no longer control them.52 In demanding
that the council deal with their incorrigible offspring, parents too
were taking metaphor literally. From the Reformation on, in
Augsburg (as elsewhere), the council had developed an elaborate
system of fatherly control over its citizens, intervening in marital
disputes, punishing its citizens for sexual lapses, and instructing
them in their moral duties in endless proclamations.53 They were
insisting that the council, who in well-worn rhetoric described
itself as its citizens' father, should actually take over the paternal
role of punishing children.
And what were the limits of fatherly punishment? Because all
relationships of authority were naturalized through the metaphor
of fatherhood the prison governor was known as the 'iron
father', the head of the orphanage was the 'orphan father', and
the authority of the 'confessional father', the teacher and the
master was understood as a parental relationship this vexed
question went to the heart of the relations of obedience in general.
Whipping and beatings were themes which recurred in the children's description of their activities, sometimes even apparently
sexualized, as in the case of the little girl who, in the games of
sexual exhibitionism which had occurred behind the church, was
whipped on her bare bottom; while David Kopf said that as part
of the sexual games, each of the children had to give the other a
hiding in turn.54 Discipline and authority were troubled matters
in early eighteenth-century Augsburg. In 1726, during the course
of the case, there was a dramatic demonstration of the hollowness
of natural authority when the Augsburg journeymen cobblers
staged a revolt against their masters and decamped to the neighbouring small town of Friedberg while their masters looked on
s2
Thomas Safley, Chanty and Economy in the Orphanages of Early Modern Augsburg
(Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1997), 235, Bernhard Stier, Fursorge und Disziphnierung im
Zenalter des Absoluttsmus. Das Pforzheimer Zucht- und Waisenhaus und die badische
Sozialpohuk im 18 Jahrhundert (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Stadt
Pforzheim, l, Sigmaringen, 1988); and Sandra Cavallo, Charity and Power in Early
Modern Italy: Benefactors and their Motives in Turin, 1541-1789 (Cambridge, 1995)
53
See L y n d a l R o p e r , The Holy Household
Women and Morals in Reformation
Augsburg (Oxford, 1989).
54
SSBAugs , Cod Aug 289, p 41.
123
55
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127
prey of the witch, the fact of the child's separate identity mattered
little. Identification with the child victim thus practically annihilated recognition of childhood and children in this context as
separate from the accuser. (This could even structure perception:
in a late seventeenth-century witch case, one elderly man saw a
little bewitched child all shrivelled up, as if as he put it the
child were an old man.64) But once this identification became
prised apart, once the old woman was no longer unproblematically
the source of evil and once psychic merging in fantasy with the
child was no longer possible, then a space opened up, preventing
a complete identification with the child as victim.
Identifications, of course, still operated; but the kinds at work
seem to involve split-off elements of the self. Parents found their
children's behaviour intolerable and were unable to dismiss it as
childish play. The children's world of fantasy with its unmediated
aggression was disturbing to parents because it forced them to
encounter childish emotions hatred of a new partner, fascination with sexuality in situations where parents were implicated.
Their attitudes throughout the case indicate that they felt a sense
of helplessness in the face of their children's behaviour, an impotence which led themfinallyto resign their parental responsibilities
altogether, taking the council's own rhetoric about its paternal
role towards its citizens at its word. Something seems to have
gone seriously awry in these parents' relationships with their
children, making them, too, unable to deal with childish aggression: instead, they seem to have become sucked into their children's imaginative worlds, responding by becoming ill from the
dirty objects in their beds, beating their children to excess, viewing the children's activities as diabolic and in one case starving
them to death to drive out the Devil. Their participation in the
fantasy suggests that the children may have been expressing some
of the parents' own unacknowledged confusions, ambivalences
and hostilities. In the short run, recognition of the separate nature
of childhood, we might say, opened up a space for negative
projective self-recognition. Parents saw their own dilemmas in
their children without recognizing them as such, and reacted by
being unable to continue to care for their children.
This shift had its correlative in a fascination with children's
64
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67
129
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131
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133
Origins of Compulsory
Schooling,
64,68
87
Isabel V Hull, Sexuality, State and Civil Society in Germany, 1700-1815 (Ithaca,
N Y , 1996).
88
Samuel-Andre Tissot's famous Onania was first published in 1758, and not translated into German until 1785. However, there was a seventeenth-century literature
which discussed the sm of masturbation, and Karl Braun shows that a concern with
masturbation was typical of Pietists in Germany. Among t h e writers whose works on
masturbation were influential were the Swiss Calvinist Johann F n e d n c h Osterwald
(Traite contre I'impurete (Amsterdam, 1707; German edn 1717), the compiler of the
English work Onania (1710?, first extant copy from 4th edn, 1717; first German edn
1736) and the Saxon Pietist Christian Gerber, who wrote Unerkannte Sunden der Welt
(1692), in which, however, the sm of Onan means coitus interruptus. See Karl Braun,
Die Krankheit Onania Korperangst und die Anfange modemer Sexuahtat im 18.
Jahrhunden (Frankfurt, 1996)
89
See, for example, Jean Bodin, De la demonomame des soraers (Paris, 1580), fo. 108 r
on those w h o give their seed to Moloch; while, as B r a u n notes, J o h a n n Ellinger in a
treatise on witchcraft similarly says that the Devil often stole the seed of
'Samenflussigen Leuten / dessgleichen von stummen Sundern und Weichhngen',
quoted in Braun, Die Krankheit Onania, 159; Johannes Elhnger, HexenCoppel I Das
tst Vhralte Ankunfft vnd grosse Zunfft Der Vnholdseligen Vnholden oder Hexen
(Frankfurt, 1629), 47
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135
V
In Augsburg it was not just the councillors and the jurists whose
growing scepticism about witchcraft led them to develop the case
against the children in new directions. Catholic parents continued
to deploy the old-established remedies against the diabolic, blessing their children, using protective scapulas, and even in one case
lacing their children's food with St Philip's water; but these did
not work. When parents failed to get the seamstress executed, a
deed fervent believers in witchcraft would have expected to end
their troubles, they were faced with having to deal with their
'incorrigible children'. After all, no witch had been executed in
Augsburg since 1699; and even a case of 1701, brought by powerful merchant parents, had ended with the acquittal of the witch.91
The involvement of large numbers of children and the focus on
the content of their fantasies took the material of the witch fantasy
into new realms the objects in the parents' beds, the sexual
games of childhood and confronted the children's parents with
the problems of bringing children up, dilemmas which could not
credibly be blamed on the witch. Some parents became convinced
that their children were no longer infected with witchcraft: for
instance, Johannes Wilhelm Kuttler tried to get the council to let
his son Franz Joseph out of custody and requested a certificate
from the council that his son was 'witch-free'. The boy had been
told he could not take up a prestigious apprenticeship with a
clockmaker in nearby Friedberg because of the witchcraft allegation. Convinced his son was no witch, Kuttler apparently said,
91
In 1699 Christina Haber had been freed after having been accused of killing
babies and newly delivered mothers. She worked as a 'lying-in maid' (Kindbettkellertn)
and came from the nearby village of Lechhausen. This case followed the classic pattern
of accusations brought against older rural women who worked as lying-in maids when
mothers and babies died m childbed Stadtarchiv Augsburg, Reichsstadt, Straf buch
des Rats 1654-1699, 12 Dec. 1699, p. 725. Ehsabetha Memminger, accused about the
same time, was not so lucky: she died in prison and her body underwent the dishonouring rituals of execution, carried publicly through the streets on the 'shame cart'
and buried under the gallows since it was thought there was sufficient proof that she
was a witch: tbid., pp. 722-3 In the 1701 case, a young girl had been bewitched to
death. The accused, probably an old woman at the time of the case, who was cited
together with her daughter, died shortly after in 1703: Stadtarchiv Augsburg,
Steuerbiicher 1703, fo. 89a. The man who brought the case, Andreas Huber, was
described as a 'Specery handels herr' and he paid 10 gulden tax in 1700-2, a not
inconsiderable sum: Steuerbucher 1700, fo. 86b, 1702, fo 85c; but even so, for him
these must have been hard tunes, for he had paid as much as 60 gulden in 1699.
Steuerbuch 1699, fo. 86b. For the case, see Urgichtensammlung 1701 b 3, 6 Aug
1701; Verbrecher Buch 1700-1806, fo. 31, 20 Aug. 1701.
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NUMBER 167
'he knew from experience, that such children often confess more
than is true because of their incomprehension'.92 By April 1725
some parents were petitioning to be allowed to take their children
back as cured: this time the council refused.93 And when the
other parents werefinallytold that they had to take their children
back again, they had to live with children who had lost their
families for some of the key years of their growing up; and who
had finally come to learn or persuade the council they
accepted that their troubles were caused not by a witch but
by their own 'evil imaginings and fantasies'.94
In the old fantastic economy of witchcraft, witchcraft accusations formed a way of dealing with unbearable illness and death,
particularly the deaths of young children and babies; and their
prime targets often tended to be older women. As many historians
have noted, this is also reflected in numerous features of the stuff
of the accusations. Milk, blood, causing harm through food and
drink, midwives and cauls make regular appearances in witchcraft
accusations; and a significant group of accusations against older
92
SSBAugs., Cod. Aug 289, pp. 154, 169: 'Er es aus der Erfahrung wisse, dass
dergleichen Kinder aus Unverstand mehr bekennen als wahr seye'. When the council
did not supply such a certificate, Kuttler got one from the priest at Pfersee, a village
near Augsburg. The whole Kuttler family had been caught up in the allegations in a
major way Kuttler's three sons and one daughter all confessed to involvement m
witchcraft and were taken mto custody; so Kuttler's scepticism marked a significant
shift Kuttler petitioned agam m Feb 1726: p. 182. Similarly, when the council came
to take Joseph Reischle, aged ten or eleven m 1725, into custody, his mother informed
them that he was in Ancona in Italy. This boy had also confessed to being one of the
godless children back in 1723, but had added that he was now free of the evil. He
had been listed by the Catholic jurists as one of those who should be taken mto
custody, and by the Protestants as one who should be whipped It seems likely that
his mother had made sure the boy was out of reach of the council's justice a far
cry from the hard-line attitude of some parents convinced of the reality of witchcraft
at the start of the panic: pp. 56, 161, 170
93
Ibid., 21 Apr. 1725, p. 175: the matter had to await the arrival of the opinion of
the Heidelberg law faculty.
94
Ibid., pp. 195, 199 Only the Kuen family and the guardians of Juliana Kopf
refused to take their supposedly cured children back, the Kuens simply failing to
appear after having asked to be excused; the Kopf guardians, because they already
had many children themselves When the children were returned to their parents,
they were meant to be kept under strict supervision and periods of confinement at
home; but, contrary to the council's instructions, many parents in fact let their children
even leave town, a fact which suggests they no longer took the matter very seriously
p. 208. However, in 1728 two new accusations were made against supposedly diabolic
children by their mothers, and the by now standard procedures were carried out with
questioning, beatings, confining the children in the hospital and arranging spiritual
supervision for them. These children were freed in 1730. See also Stadtarchiv
Augsburg, Reichsstadt, Ratsbuch 33, 31 May 1729; Ratsbuch 34, 23 Feb 1730, p. 27
137
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sides, adults and children, seem to have felt the attacks were real,
whether caused by the 'diabolic' children themselves or by a
witch. But the old symbolic structure of witchcraft was starting
to crumble, and this was partly why the material of this case was
so poorly symbolized, the latent content of the fantasies sex
and excrement barely disguised at all. The elaborate demonological science which had converted such powerful hatred of the
mother into mythic form, taking it out of the realm of real
motherly relations and translating it into the language of witches,
sabbaths and diabolic hierarchies, was losing credibility. And
when the children drew on the repertoire of witch beliefs, they
formed their own childish versions, telling of devils who came
down the chimney on a donkey, who told them not to obey thenparents and who instructed them to drop their trousers and kiss
each other's shameful parts. What had always been the source of
all witchcraft fantasies the fears and obsessions which spring
from childhood emerged in more direct, and therefore more
troubling, fashion.
The shift of focus of attention onto the child away from the
mother figure also brought with it an interest in children's imaginative worlds, and in play. For the gradual disintegration of the
belief in witchcraft also entailed redrawing the boundary between
the realm of fantasy and the realm of reality. Play is about the
intersection between these two worlds.98 What went on in children's heads what they imagined as they played, what fantasies
surrounded their sexual games became an object of parental
concern. This transition was only partial, for at the same time as
Weng was convinced he was dealing with childish imaginings
none the less wicked for that other parents were equally
passionately persuaded of the Devil's real activity, their children's
diabolic activity or the mysterious seamstress's guilt. However,
even the jurisconsult believed that the Devil was at work in the
case. The children's 'fantasies' on the whole accorded with what
was culturally known about the Devil and witchcraft," and so
they could not be dismissed out of hand. This meant that their
interrogation entailed redrawing the line between fantasy and
accepted cultural reality; and this was partly why the process
''See, in particular, Donald W. Winnicott, Playing and Reality (London, 1971)
" T h e r e were some wonderful exceptions, carefully noted by Weng one child
insisted his Devil was called Jesus; another claimed that the Devil had boiled him in
oil; while one child said the Devil had come down the chimney on a donkey
139
Lyndal Roper