= cee E is Peurtaeiy ore eT ea cy Pree Atter Ni rantn Gilet) waneiCou na in Medigyal ianGiorgio Levi Dita Vida 1986196 Religion and Culture in Medieval Islam RICHARD G, HOVANNISIAN erty of Caer and CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESSGIORGIO LEVI DELLA VIDA CONFERENCES Religion and Culture in Medieval Islam George Makai has brought topeter sx ofthe most distinguished scholars in the feld to explore the region and ealtue of medieval Islam. Thit Promises to be an oil and stimulating excange: Maks ntoductory ‘haptr focuses onthe interaction between slison and crs in clase Jslamand Christendom, W. Montgomery Wat addresses the question of the Fut of Ila, posing @ parle wih the Jada reaction to Hellenistic culture, Molin Share analyes the homies of Ibm al-avz,Ifan Shab considers de implications of the Arabic character of the Qur'i, George Sale asseses Asante thovght in asteingy and astronomy, Roget ‘Amalder reflets on the eligi eles of meal Islam, and Mahmoud ‘Ajoub concludes the volume by drawing together the common. histoxe threads of Musim-Tevish and Muslin Christan popular worship RICHARD G. HOVANNISIAN it Pofestor of History and Holder of the ‘Armenian Edational Foundation Chait in Armenian History a the University of California, Los Angas ‘Groxors sanson is Profesor Emerita of Sociology atthe University of California, Los AngsiesGIORGIO LEVI DELLA VIDA CONFERENCES. “Gustave. von Grunebaum Conte for Near Faster Studs Universi of Caboria Los Angeles Religion and Cala tn Meal Iams May 7-9, 1993 Revrend GC. Amati, 0. Domiican Intute, Cabo ‘Amin Banani, Unies of Calor, Los Angeles raz Rosenthal, Yale Universit ‘Georges Sabah, Unersity of Calor, Lat Angler Berto Spl, Universi of Marbury ‘Andreas Tietze, Unter of Fama pero Ugo, Jr, ew Yn Unnersty ‘Ehsan Yarssteg Unversity of Colaba Recipient ofthe TrtenthGrrgio Lert Dela Vid Avan ‘nda Sues Fora eof conference proectigr ee end of book GIORGIO LEVI DELLA VIDA CONFERENCES ‘GastneE, von Grinebnum Cente for Near Eastern Stee University of Carmi, Los Angas “The Giorgio Lov Della Vids Meda the Gustave Evo Grunchaun Center for Near Eastern Stodies, University of California, Los Anges, is anarded biennial to an outstanding scholar whose work has siniicanly ad last ingly anced the stad of Islamic evizaton. The bola i selected by a committe appointed by the chanesir ofthe University of California, Los ‘Angeles meting under the harap ofthe dicetor ote Gustave on Grueoatim Center for Nese Easter Stes "The cd carr with ea bronze medal sad prize of mone, togetber wi the obligation fo preset in persona formal kcture as part of confer ‘nee atthe University of Calflora, Los Angels The recplent of the amar ‘honses the theme of the conference and sles the her patcpants. The proceedings of each conference are published in a spac sete of which his ‘ou i the force “Thelitst svat was made in May 1967 to Professor Robert Beunschvi of ‘the Sorbonne Sibsequent eipients ive en Profesor Joseph Scie Columbia Univeiy (196), Francesco Gubie ofthe University of Rome (G97I), Gustave E. von Gruacboum ofthe University of Calon, Low ‘Angas (1073, posthumously, Shlomo Dos Goltsin of Princston University (1995), Franz Rosenthal of Yale University (1977), Albert Houran of the University of Onfod (1979), W. Montgomery Watt of the Unites of [inbargh (1980), Fasur Rahman of the University’ of Chicago (198), Chaves sani of Princeton Univesity (1985), Anemarie Schimmel of Harvard Unisersity (1987), André Migel ofthe Cole do France (1989), and Ehsan Yushuter of Columbia Uaoxsiy (991),‘The Pit Baling, Tampingion Sue, Cuntrdge CBZ IRD Ualod Kaan ‘TheTnburh mn Satay Road. Conbs C82 200, UK a) Wes 20 Suet, New Yor NY 1 =| USA htpliewcapone Stamos How Oil Mabou lem, Attala ©The Reon ofthe Unity of Cali 19 “Ths tok in seprehtSuje to stattory een and wo the prvionsof van clase ing panes pe ooducon of ty ar yt ans ‘out he nites pemusion of Canbrdge Une Pres. Fi pts 198 ‘rine inthe United Kingdom the Usher Pre, Cabedee “ypestia Monotype Tins IMs A attr crf hs a saa ram he rah Library brary of Cans cating npn da at en: an cetores ISR 021 623502 ad CONTENTS List of tables page vi) Presentation of award to fourteenth recipient George Makdisi 1 Religion and elt classical Islam and the Christian West 2 The future of akan 3 Arabic hetore and heart ofthe homily n medieval sky 4 Mesiva slam: the hterary-coltural dimension '5 The Ash‘arites and the seience ofthe stars 6 Religion, religious culture, and culture 7 Caltand culture: common sents and shrines in Midale storm popular piety Indes 6 p 93 os lisTABLES. 1.1 Institutional structure ofthe scholastic movement 112 Guild law schools in Baghdad and Bologna 13 Intellectual movements and thet schools in eastern tnd western Christendom page 11 ” Presentation of award to fourteenth recipient GEORGE MAKDISI GEORGES SABAGH and RICHARD G. HOVANNISIAN Universi of Calo, Las Angeles Professor George Levi Maks isthe distinguished recipient of the fourteenth prestigious Giorgio Levi Della Vide Award in Islamic ‘Studies This award isin resognition of his internationally celebrated contributions tothe study of classical Islamic society and culture. George Makdisi has been a professor of Arabic and Islamic Civilization atthe Universit of Pennsylvania since 1961, Hewasalso the Chair of the Department of Oriental Studies, 1975-78, and has served asa visting professor at many prestigious academic insti tions including the Coltge de France, the Sorbonne, and the Ecole des Hantes Etudes He has published extensively ia Arabic, English, and Freach, not only on various aspects of classical Islamic society And culture but more recently on the Christian West as wel, ‘The fllowing ae afew ttle of his publications: fh ‘gift la réur- gence del slam traditionaite a XP sécle (1963); The Rise of Colleges: Institutions of Learning in stam and the West (1981); L'lstam harbal- sant (1983); Phe Rise of Humanism in Classcal Islam and the Chistian West (1990; History and Polis in Eleventh Conary Baghdad (1850) and Religion, Law and Learning in Clasicl Ilan (199), is presetation, “Reision and Cultue in Classical Islam and the ‘Christian West" is more than 4 briiant and novel scholarly contibu- tion. points toa beter understanding between Islam and the Christian West How many academiciansin the West re aware that dhe academic feedom that they cbersh and the doctorate that they’ prize hve ther origins in Islamic scholsic methods and institutions? To quote Professor Maki, “the typ of school, thet legal basis of perpetity, the basic scholarly method, the doctorate as symbol of academic freedom and authoritative opinion, bri, the very soul of professional © “the legacy of classical Islam and clasial ‘Chrstendom ...alogaey due oF interaction of rligion and culture” 1Georges Sabagh Professor Makdisi has brought together a group of his long-time and. very distinguished colleagues to explore various aspects of ‘medieval Islamie trate, society, and culture. They include Merlin Swartz (Boston University) who presents an insightful analysis ofthe literary forms of the homily in the writings of Ibn al-Java; Irfan Shatid (Georgetown) who unravels the comple literary implications of te main features ofthe Qu, its Arabness and ts incomparabil ity; George Salina (Columbia) who analyzes the evaluation of Ash‘arte thought in astology and astronomy; Roger Amalez ‘lastitut de France) who reflects on the perspectives of medieval slam. fn religious culture and on general culture; Mahmoud Ayoub (Temple University) who argues eloquently that thecommon worship of saints and shrines brought together Muslims and Jews in North Aiea and Muslims and Christians in Syria-Palestne, but that polit jeal events have put an end fo these practices; and W, Montgomery ‘Watt (University of Edinburgh) who boldly projets the future of Islam, draving an interesting parallel between the Judaic reaction (0 Hellenistic culture inthe early Cristian era and the Muslim reaction to.wester culture in recent times, 1 Religion and culture in classical Islam. and the Christian West GEORGE MAKDISI ‘Unnersity of Pens In the Middle Ages, theintimate elation between religion and culture |was nowhere more intimate or interelated than in a movement later hamed “scholastic.” This name, which was meant to be deroza- tory, was applied to the movement during the period ofits dectne, Tong after it had come into existence, With the passage of time the name acquired several meanings, and since the nineteenth century, has come to designate scholastic pllosopkn. As such it stands forthe ‘very antithesis of what the movement originally represented: that is, the exclusion of philosophy. Originating in Islam, the movement hogan inthe second half ofthe ninth century, vigorously developed in the tenth, and reacho its zenith te eleventh. Some ime in the fist decades of the tvellth century, it appeared in the Christian West ‘where t followed two diferent lines of development: one in Bologna, the other in Paris. In classical Islam, is institution par excellence was the eoleg; inthe Christian West, the university ‘The interest this movement has for us today is twofokt: itis a the basis of our own system of higher learning: and itis a key to the understanding of certain developments in religious and cultural history in modern times, as wellas in the Middle Ages. As such it has ‘claim on our atention atleast as great as any other intellectual ‘movement i history, for without it we would not ave some of the ‘most important institutions we have today. By inquiring into its origins, e are afforded & hotter understanding of certain religious and cultural developments in moder times, Scholasticim: a movement and a method For the present purpose, let us understand scholasticism as a move- ‘ment anda merhod: 4 movement of conservative traditionalist rele jon and intelectual culture, and a method of professional higher 34 George Maks learning, It was legal sienes, not philosopy, that lay atthe roots of this movement. As such, it found its way to the Christian West, 0 a Jw school in Bologna. The scholastic method it developed was applied fist in Bologna, then in Pars, cites that were to become the homes of Europe's two original university models 'AS movement and as method, scholasticism was shared by to ‘medieval civilizations ony, clasial Islam and the Christian West, to the exclusion of the Christian East. Dom Jean Leclercq, who has, ‘written extensively on Christian monasticism, came to the conclu sion, in one of his studies, that one could distinguish inthe Christian ‘West two Middle Ages, one monastic, the other, scholastic; thatthe ‘monastic Middle Age was closer in its mental structure (0 that of ‘astern Christianity than it was to that ofthe scholastic Middle Age. such a statement could be made itis because the scholastic Middle ‘Age was not orginally a Christian product. Both Middle Ages, the monastic and the scholastic, had arisen inthe East: the former, in (Christinity; the latter, in Islam, Christopher Dawson, historian who has written extensively on the relation between religion and culture, has said that “in meny respects the Christian culture of the past resembles the culture of Telim more than it resembles modern Western culture”? If such statement could be made its hecause Islam and Caristendom shared the scholastic movement’ religious intellectual culture. Theres good reason for considering, with Christopher Dawson, thetwelfth and the thirteenth centuries as constituting the classical period of western ‘Christendom for the twelfth was the formative century of schoast ism, and the tirtenth the period ofits zenith. The formative petiod ‘of samc scholastcis was that ofthe ninth ané tenth centuries. and ‘the zenith of its development the eleventh. Thus the classical periods ‘ofthe worlds of Islam and Christianity coincide with their respective periods of scholasticem. ‘Scholastician: a fiting mame All things considered, “scholasticism” was a iting name for the movement; for its adherents established new types of school, profes sionally organized forthe fis time in bistory and based on legal pes eluity, They ereate a legal seience, a method of research and writing Faised to an art and leading toa profesional license to teach in an ‘autonomous scholarly system which We call today “academic Freedom.” Ifthe name was meant to be derogatory it is perhaps because the humanists who nazned it had thet attention focused on (Classical Ilam and the Christan West 5 the period ofits dctng, when it had become cariature ofits former self they themselves had no such schools, und tended to prize sel teaching. But thet feelings toward the movement notwithstanding, the humanists eventually adopted the institution of scholastiism! ‘The same is tue of modern times, which have maintained the essex tial elements of the Islamic scholastic structure a structure the clase sical Christan Wiest succesfully preserved in perpetuity. Scholasticism is an excelent example of the two-way relation ‘between religion and culture, in whieh each had its impact on the other throughout the cours of theirdevslopmentin the Middle Ages Its history inthe land of its origin, the Isiamle Fast, lastrats the inflaence of religion on culture: in the land of its adoption, the (Christian West its history illustrates the fnfluence of culture on relig-, ion, For the frst ime in history, the interaction of religion ané culture led to the professional higher learning which we continue to enjoy today, But moder wester cultute has for centuries considered itself $0 directly related to classical antiquity thatthe notion of relating it to religion and the classical petiod of Christendom must soem very Tarfetched, let alone relating it the classical period of Islam, Yet this is what [shall attempt to do here, especialy with respect to the reception of scholastcism in Bologna ‘The objective of the western scholar who studies Islam isto make it known to members of bis own culture, Duriagmy student years, Thad no idee that I would change my field from wester to Islamic studies Coming to Islami studies at the evel ofthe doctorate, and after three ‘degree in American and European politcal and cultural history 1 ‘vas surprised to see that westea scholars introduced their students to Islamic eultare through the study ofthe Islamic religion. Many books were ailabl on the subject of Islamic belies and institutions This was for me a new experience; for in my introduction to westera culture religion had had no place; it was as though it had no connec tion with western culture In those first years afer the Second World War, the mid-fortis, fresh out of the American army from the European theate of operations and eager for university studies alter ‘wo years of trudging through Europe, applied forthe “GI Bill” for university studies, to learn more about the Europe I had come to know during the war. The courses I took, in one of our great uni- versie, included one thal eonsited in the works of five major tutors: Plato, Lucretins, Descartes, George Berkeley, and Wiliam James, essentially works of philesophy and psychologs. “Though I as later surprised atthe diference in approach to the6 George Makes ‘so civilizations it was some time before I ane to realize the Full sig- nificance ofthat difference. The cours I took on western thought is 8 perfect example of the notion that modem western culture was dirctytinked to classical antiquity: One will readily notice, in that course of readings the time gap between Lucretius and Descartes ~& Jeap over fifteen centuries of medieval thought. In one fell oop the entre Middle Ages, keystone of western culture, including the patristic period, were made to disappear. Moreover, from classical Antiquity Plato was chosen, not Aristotle, the favorit of the medieval Schooimen, to whom he was “the Philosopher” Since this was the attitude toward our own Middle Ages, the cor- responding period in Islam could bardly be expected to get a fair hearing, This atitude toward the Middle Ages reflects those of the Renaissance and ofthe Reformation, aculturel movement and a reli ‘ious movement that sought to skip the Midale Ages altogether: the Reformation, to establish a direct connection with classical antiquity To this end, they bypassed long centuries of religion and culture, of history and tradition, leaving asa legacy to modern times a prejuc- cial atitude toward the Middle Ages Fortunately since the latter part ofthe nineteenth century and the fiat decades ofthe twentieth, wester historians ofthe Middle Ages have been hard at work redressing the wrong in historical writing agiinst that period, Charles Homer Haskins challenged historians of the Taian Renaissance when he chose to entitle one of his books Zhe Renaissance of the Tveljeh Century Thanks to such scholarly efor, ‘medieval studies have boon enjoying well-deserved success throug ‘out our present contury. But scholarship has yet long Way 10 50 before bringing objectivity to all spools of medioval studies. For ‘while the medieval period of western intellectual history has found its advooites, the attitude of western historians toward religion, Islam as, ‘well as Christianity, has not quite shaken itself free ofthe legacy of the Renaissance and of the Reformation, further aggravated by the prejudice borne toward religion by the Enlightenment and the Revolution, Twas no uni the third decade of study and research in Islam that 1 began ta fea the need to turn back once again to western Furopean studies. I had become aware of a kinship, in form and content, ‘tween the sina on wan theology by te eleventh-century Tn “Aail of Baghdad in eastern Islam, and the mma on theology and Jaw by the thirteenth-century Thomas Aquinas of Roscaseccs and ‘Naples in southera Italy! The more | delved int the two intellectual cultures for background on these (v0 religious intellectuals, the more (Classical Isla andthe Christian West 1 1 was surprised to find that ther cultures threw light on one another ‘eh became, $0 to speak, a mireor in which the other could find its Feflecton, These two intellectuals had written thei two works in the Sam spirit, following essentially the same method and the same structure It was only a matter oftime to discover tha the institutions of fearing, in which the traning for such works was obtained, were fundamentally related ‘Unlike the fields of philosophy and scence, where the evidence for their reception in the Christian West is based on translations from “Arabic info Latin, the reception of Islamic scholastcism occurred. chiefly through silent ponotration. This reception is evident in the {sential elements of the scholastic structure. The claim that the institutions ofthis scholastic structure were the result ofa “natural and spontaneous development” ignores the nature of socal inttu- tions, which are the embodiment of entecedent traditions. The pres tence of institutions in a culture devoid of antecedents for them Suggests their ception [rom another culture with the requisite antc= cedents Sch isthe ease, in-my view, with respect tothe presence of Scholasticsm in the Christian West, the antecedents for which are ound nowhere but inthe Islamic Bas. ‘Scholastcis in classical Islam was based on a law which the famous jurist Shafi had raised to legal sciene. He mak this legal science to serve as a juridical theology, inorder to counter the Rationale thoology of his adversaries With the rise of Islamic col Jeges inthe tents century, i was this legal sciencejuidicl theology that constituted the scholastcism of the egal guilds taught in the ‘guilds’ colleges! It ai stress on te obligation of following the dic {ates of God's commands and prohibitions Juridical theology con- sisted in the study of the “roots of law" (ust! aligh), whieh were sently the roots of obligation (ok). I didnot speculate regard ing the divine source ofthe la God was nota subject of speculation; therefore, no philosophical theology. The advocates of juridical the- ‘logy, the legal senoolmen, di not, could not, banish philosophical Speculation from the minds of men; they simply excuded philosoph- ical theology Irom the process of determining orthodoxy. Orthodoxy consisted in translating Krowledge ofthe revealed Taw into the prac tice of obeying its dictates. t consisted in a positive correlation between knowledge (Hm) and practice (ama, applicable fist ofall tothe Prophet hinsel, and to his heirs, the reliiousintcllectuals. The ‘deal eligious intellectual was one who practiced what he preached” Islami scholastcism thus consisted in a traditionalist conservative lee science, While keeping the essential elements of the Islamic8 Geonge Makai structure, scholasticsm developed in Rologna along the Traditional ist lines of Islam, whereas in Paris it developed along the fines of Islamic Rationalism. Thus, what Islam had exshided from its guild schools was given droit de cié in the faculty of theology of the University of Paris These two lines of development produced two \ypes of universities: the University of Bologns, which served as the ‘model for universities in southern Europe; and the University of Paris the model for those of northern Europe Scholasticism in Bologna ‘The University of Bologna started as a center of studies in Roman, Jaw. This fact would seem to point tothe absence of influence from Islam; but the development in Bologna was typical of Islamic legal ‘cholasticism. Iis therefore inthe city of Bologna that the scholastic ‘movement should be examined to find the reason for its reception there from classical Islam, But historians hve generally concentrated ‘on the origin ofthe university rather than on that ef scholastici,” and have been attracted to Abelard and Paris rather than to legal science and Bologna, as one can see in Hastings Rashdalls The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages" The following headings are those ofthe first five chapters ofthat magisterial work: (I) "What isa University”: 2) “Abelard and the Renalssance of the twelfth century”; (3) "Salerno"; (4) “Bologna; and (5) “Paris” These chapter headings reflect Rashdall’s conception of the ctronological development of the university movement. He gives, precedence to Abelard and the twelfth century in Paris! because for him, a5 for other historians generally, seholasticism consisted of scholastic philosophy and scholastic theology, not of legal science ‘ete deals with Bologna before Paris, despite te fact that it taught legal scence, o the exclusion of boih philosophy snd. theology. Moreover, though he treats of Salerno befor Bologna, Rashdill docs not consider it 10 have been university, and rghily so; but the fact that he teat it among universities, by way of introduction to them, ‘has apparently prompted others to give it the status of a “proto-uni versity" The European university movement, like the Islamic college movement before it, owes its existence to the scholastic move- ment which created the phenomenon of the scholastic gui pro {enitor of the European university, as of the Islamic college; and scholasticsm was originally, and above all, a movement of guild schools for professional legal science. It would therefore be more in ‘eeping with historical chronology to place Abelard after Bologna (Classical Islam and the Ohnstian West 9 and before Paris As for Salerno it may usefully be kept in the place assigned tit, after the chapter on "Whats a University?” mainly to show what a university isnot "Rashdall accepted in the main the conclusions of his predecessor, Heinrich Deni, on the origin of universities, These two peat schol- arson universities in medieval Europe tend to emphasize the impor tanoe ofthe license to teach." The Latin term for this lense dcena sdocen lke so many other terms of scholastcim, isthe literal rans- lation ofthe Arabic term iat altars, This license was a he basis ‘of the motive within Traditionalist Islam to create the scholastic ‘movement; that motive was to monopolize, by means ofthe license, the authority to determine religious orthodoxy. An analysis of the ‘essential clement of the movement's structure Would ets dein tion ofthe college and of the university For such an analysis would point to the basi relation betwen ther, through the same schoas- tie fumetion they were ereated to perform, ‘Some misconceptions Before proceeding to this analysis, however, some misconceptions of 1medievalist historians of the West shouldbe clarified. These involve the college, te license to teach and the sence of law. To begin with, the fact that “the university, a a form of socal organization, owes nothing to the Wes,” as one author correctly quotes me, does not ‘change the fact that both the Christian university and the Islamic college were scholastic guild institutions, and performed the same ‘essential scholastic functions "The college was the ist institution of learning of the Islamic scholastic movement; it was as essential 10 Islamic scholasticsm as the university was 1o scholasticism in the Chistian West. The more permancnt of the two was the college, because ofits financial base, namely the endowment ofthe charitable trust, lacking in the university corporation, Without the eollee and itsendowments, the university eould not have survived, Endowments ‘enabled the scholastic institution to function independently, and its scholars to be tee of extemal pressures. The college asa guild sehool ‘ather than merely a hospice, was an Islamic creation, as the uni versity was a creation ofthe Cristian West, The Christian West pre= Served and porpetusted the scholastic structure for posterity by adopting the Islamic scholastic guild and the Islamic charitable ‘rust by incorporating them both, and by fusing the college and the university into one institution, and thus ereating the college university”10 Geonge Moke ‘Second, the authority for granting the license to teach in classical Islam was always in the hands of the professors themselves the same istrue of the Christian Westin the eatly period in Bologna, as well as ‘lewhere, as we shall have oecasion to see. Moreover, the license to teach, lke the colloge or the university, was product of the scholas- tie movement. The license fo teach was not simply a “teacher's ceri icate” as las boon suggested it dié not only give evidence of competence, but also of authorty:® a religious authority qualifying its holder to participate in the determination of orthodox doctrine, ‘and an intllstual authority qualifying the holder freely to profess Origin! opinions, based on individual, personal research, and (0 ‘make them public orally as well as in writing. That was its main ‘Purpose originallyin Isla, and later in the Christian West, where the ‘phenomenon of the Isami license to teach, the doctorate, was even {wally to become one of the factors leading to the Reformation, as wll, be son presently ‘And finally, legal science, believed to have been first developed in Bologna,” was achieved by ShafTin Baghdad, at the end ofthesecond ‘entry of Islam (the eighth of our er), as has heen made amply clear by Joseph Schacht! After the abortive mila inquisition, from which the Tradiionaist victims emerged victorious, the teaching of legal seienoe was professionalized in the colleges of the Traditional legal guilds asa juridical theology opposed tothe philosophical theology of the Rationalists In Bologna, it was the scholastic method of Islam that enabled the Talon jurists to develop their legal cence as wilalso be seen presently. Table 1.1 shows the institutional structure of the scholastic movement Sehoastcfsm: she institutional structure “The structure ofthe scholastic movement may be analyzed into four ‘sential elements the guild, the school, the method, and the license. ‘The first essential element, the scholastic gui, was, in classical Islam, designated by the term raadch; and in the Christian West, by the term universizas. As common tori, madhhab meant away or direc tion followed, a course adopted: and wniersgas meant an agsrezate of persons, the totality ofa group, Both common terms came to stand technically fora scholastic guild, an entity constituting the member- ship ofthe scholastic profession ina given city. Maula a a guild, ‘vas confined to legal science; this means tat the leense to teach was ‘ranted in Islam inthe field of law alone. Inthe Christian West, smi tersitas, asa guild, was originally confined to law in Bologna, but as (Classical Lk and the Cristian West n ‘Table 1.1, Institonalsructe of the seolat movement se ‘ld sola tote mu teat actos toto ac (desert) chariale corporation Mayland Madre oer cole ivi is secinon desis dsptaion Baghdad Baogse (otatsaies “dha ‘tori {it later included theology, medicine, and nally she eral art, the licens teach, granted first in a, was later granted also inthe other siscipiines. ‘The earliest guild schools, not onl in classical Islam but alsoin the Christian West, were colleges based on the law of the charitable rust. In the Christian West alone the university was based onthe lw of the corporation, tha is on fictitious juristic personality. At a tied stage ‘of development, the colege-aniversty was based on both forms of Jegal perpetuity the charitable trust and the corporation. The college ‘in Islam was fist the mosque-ian complex, then the madrasa; in the Cristian West, the university was known at fist as steten generale, and only later as “university” derived from unversitas, the term coined for “pull.”2 George Makati ‘The revolution in higher learning was not only in the types of schools it produced, but aso, and fundamentally, inthe scholastic ‘method, which led to the license 10 teach: the doctorate. It isthe ‘method and the doctorate that define the guild school beitan Islamic college ora Christian university. in the classical periods of these two religious and intelectual cultures” ‘The scholastic method's three ‘essential elements (Lethe sic et non, diafectic, and dsputaton) point {o the existonoe ofa scholastic guild, be it madihab or universtas. Where th method and the doctorate were not present, there could ‘be noclaim forthe existence of either an Islamic college or Christian ‘university. Th definition of either of these two institutions consist in its being a scholastic guild institution, n which the scholastic method was taught, leading tothe doctorate the license to teach “The license to teach in Islam represented two clemens: scientific competence and religious authority. The professor of law, as holder ‘of the Hence to teach, was judged comporent in the science of la, ‘which was also a juridical theology, and authorized to participate in the determination of religious orthodoxs; through the legal opinions he professed, He, in tur, represented the legitimate authority 19 rant the license fo teach. The legitimacy of his authority rested on the bass ofthe Prophetic Tradition, which says that “the religions Ingecetals are the heirs ofthe prophets” (ul-udam” warathatw cbiva’) "Thus scjentitie competence and religious authority, the two com- ponents ofthe doctorate, ere invested inthe professor of lw’ who, ‘was in turn, the person on whose authority the doctorate was granted tos succesful candidate, ln the early period in Bologna, asin Islam, the doctorate was granted on the authority of the professors of law: and in Paris, on the authority of the chancellor of the cathedral ‘hutch, The Bologna professors authority was based on scientific competence; that of the Parisian professor on religious authority This anomalous situation Ted to eifferent problems in Bologna and Paris solutions to which were found later ‘Rashdall treats these problems in the ease of both universities. 1 shall quote only few passages, with respect to Bologna and some ‘other universities, He states thatthe Bologna masters “conferred in their own name the Hence to teach and the stadent thus Hoensed ‘heeame an actual doctor” He then goes on to say that “this unfet- tered liberty of the Bologna masters was, however, out of harmony with hiracehial ideas. it was contrary to the great University of Paris, where the licentia docendi had liays been obtained from the chancellor ofthe cathedral church." This practice was also that of Classical Islam andthe Christan West 1B Montpellier where the bishop alone had “the right of conferring the licence" He had “control over the conferment of icences in canon and civil law which he ad always enjoyed in medicine: he procured a royal bref enforcing his claims, and authorizing him to demand of ‘graduates an oath of obedience to his see” At the Univesity of ‘Angers, according to Rashdal, the professors “could even venture 10 ‘grant licences on their own authority, without the sanetion of bishop, ‘or chancellor ‘What Rashdall considered the “unfettered liberty” ofthe Bologna masters was simply the Islamic practice of confersing the doctorate. ‘The scholastic gui functioned in the same way a8 craft guild. The student became a doctor when the master under whom he studied ‘considered that be had ule all the necessary requterents just as ‘the apprentice ina erall-guild shop became a journeyman when the master under whom he learned his craft considered that he had fal filled all the necesary requirements These included the production fof “masterpiece” whether bythe advanced apprentice ofa craft ot by the griduate-student docioral candidate "The supteme product of the university, as of the Islamic college before it, was the doctor. the scholastic intellectual, hokder of the license 1 tach, The doctor toda is stil the supreme product ofthe “university; and the doctorate, in the best cradition is sil the license ta teachin university, and still granted on the succesful comple- tion ofa thesis, a "masterpiece" based on original research in which the essential elements ofthe scholastic method are tll =cognizable ‘The scholasticmethod which appears o be, on the face of, amere school exercise a for lsscal slam, the only method use to deter- sine eligous orthodoxy; fr, as have often had oovasion to remark, ‘unlike Chnstinity, Islam had no ecclesiastical hierarchy co determine orthodoxy through councils and synods. In the Christian West, however, the method plaved two different roles: ist, in intellectual culture it served as the method of scholarship in higher learning which Jed tothe dignity ofthe doctorate, and second, in religion, where, in theology it played the role of rival tothe teaching authority alteady in plc, i the authority to teach oxthodex doctrine, held by the pope Jn tunion ith the bishops Thus the Heense to teach was far more potent insttation in scholastiism than a mere modem teacher's certificate As the earliest license to teach in the Chistian West was, like that ‘of classical Islam, granted on the authority ofthe professors of aw in Bologna and elsewhere, s0 also the earliest scholastic guild was lke that of Islam: a voluntary association, without incorporation. More4 George Maks ‘than that, the eariest typeof guild school was thesame type as that ‘of Islam based on the charitable trust without incorporation. The incorporation of the scholastic guild and ofits school was not 10 ‘come until later. Rashdall writes as fllows regarding the earliest type ‘of guild, in Bologna, before the year 1138, and therefore before the university “The gud was already in existence, but was meres s speak, a cuslomary society, which ete infact, though aot om paper Soh an inference i ‘Stony supported by the analogy of Pars where we have positive viene ofthe exience of a customary pik of masters some enor tWenty yeu Inte, though twas mot lt years afer that that a single writen saute ‘sted end not ia stil er eiod that he gl as sulicont organza lode oer or se a common seal” This early typeof scholastic puld in Bologna, an later in Paris was ‘dentcal with theIslamie model. Iwas the only typeof guild, without “statutes, fond in Islam where there were no corporation. Ilan aw ‘recognized justi personality fora natural, physical person only, not foranabstact entity. Rashdals statement thus confirms the existence ‘of this type of Islamic scholastic guild in Bologne and Paris Besides the license to teach and the scholastic guild, we find in Bologna the Islamic typeof law school, Unaware of the legal basis for ‘this aw school, Rashdall had doubis about it. Here is what he says: “A passage of the chronicler, Burchard of Ursperg, supplies us with ‘an important cive towards the solution of the problem.” The problem, isin reference to the jurist Imerius being the cause forthe University ‘of Bologta. Rashdall, who had avery high opinion of Abelard, had, arather low onc of Irerius who he elt was of lesser intelectual rank It was puzzling to him that Imerus could be the whole “eause” for the origin ofthe University of Bologna, while Abelard was on} ‘ofthe cases" forthe Univesity of Pars.” Rashdell goes on to quote the chronicler, who writes as follows Domina retusa the regust of the Countess Matta renewed the books ‘ofthe les which had een npected, an, in acordance withthe mannet Jaywhich they had boon compiled by the Emperor Justinian of divine memory, arranged them in divisions adding perebabse between he Lines a ew words here ad there Rashdall then comments: “The notion that Matilda founded the ‘School of Bologna, inthe sense ia which later emperors oF kings founded universities, is of course on the face of it untenable” Rashdall accepts the fact of the law school’ existence, but not 38 4 university, such a, for instanee, Frederick IT's University of Naples, (Classe Elam and ae Christian West 1s “Table 12, Gd law schools mn Baghdad and Bologna ‘ahdee Bolan ime veh trond oe ici ak ule sos ee outer Tsay (1063) eis found special for srg 1083) Imei 125 peor ofa rotor seating te veshing he stati sctolatc ced forthe roti fete leon of contig eg opi fies opions founded in 1224, He considers that Countess Matilde’s foundation was not a university, dnd he is ight it was not a corporation, it was ‘charitable trust, Such foundations in Tslam were ereated by private individuals without the prior authorization of the sovereign. This carly law school of Imerius in Bologna follows the model of ‘madhas- college in medieval Baghdad, as canbe seen in Table 1.2 "Notics, inthis table, thatthe fits kind of guild school founded in Bologna was a law achool based on the charitable trust, as in ‘Baghdad; that the founder was a person of financial means; that this person founded the school for a particular professor named to the ‘hair of law; and lastly, but most significaty, that the scholastic ‘method was taught forthe purpose of dealing with conflicting legal opinions. “The Digest ofthe Corpus lars Civili Lgl istorians have recently pointed out that the Taw. school founded for Tmerius was forthe study of Roman lav. thats, the Justinian Corpus Jure Chills which bad enjoyed an uninterrupted ‘existence in Italy, contrary to the previous notion that it had only been discovered inthe first half ofthe eleventh century. This means that the Justinian Corpus had been seaiy used, except for one ofits parts, the Dest, which had beon neglected. This interest in studying6 George Makilsi ‘the Digest, after the neglect mentioned by the chronicler Butchard, has intrigued western historians andthe answers recently given have already been declared inadequate In this case, asin others, Thelieve ‘that the Islamic scholastic method has an adequate answer. ‘The Justinian Corpus furs Cvs is composed of four pacts: the Code, the Novels, the Mnsttwes, and the Digest. The Code deals with lays under the emperors before Justinian, and the Novels with Justinian’s laws. The Ansiutes, a textbook, was studied by beginners jn Roman law. These thrce pacts of the Corpur were readily usable, But the Digest, greater than the other paris put together, was neglected because it consisted, not of imperial decisions readily usable, but of legal opinions of Roman jurists often conflicting. ‘The awakening of the Italian jurists to the Digest, in my’ view, points to the reception ofthe Islanic scholastic method in Italy in the ‘early twelfth century for ths method was speiially created to deal, ‘with conflicting egal opinions In other words, the study of the Digest, ‘was made possible by the eception ofthe Islami scholastic mothod, in Bologna. What gave rise to the scholastic guild school in the Christian West was therefore not primarily a mater of personalities, ‘whether that of Imeris or of Abela, but of the Islamic scholastic ‘method and its application to conflicting opinions This method was, ‘sed in three ¢ypes of such opinion: lea opinions in the Roman law fof the Digest, in the law school of Irerius; legal opinions in canon Jay, in Gratian’s Concordance of discordant canons, and theological ‘opinions in Abelard’ si er non, Sholastcim in Paris ‘The us of thescholasticmethod in Bologna, remaining ait did inthe field of fa secured it from the hidden danger in Paris, where the use ‘of the method ventured into the realm of religion, eeating a rivalry with ecclesiastical authority. For the reception of scholasticsm, in Paris, was a mixed blessing. Te was hoth for better, and for worse or Deter, in the realm of intelletual cultures for worse in the realm of religion. Besides Bologna, eastern Christendom also escaped the pif o Paris each nits own way: Bologna confined scholasticism to legal scenes, while the Christan est simply avoided Islamic schol ticsm. Table 1.3 shows the point at which the diferent ditectons in higher learning took place i eastern and westera Christendom. ‘The day of the monastic schools was on the wane, and with its passing the existing estrangement between caster and western (Christendom was further aggravated. An important factor contib- (Classical Islam and the Christan West 0 ‘Table 1.3, Intellectual movements and their schools in eastern and este Christendom spon stron sonic a leaned sated ei ay ul soos (cht acne ye) ted on the suis pesnaliy ners en att L 1 Anode orunertiee (model ruins feos Bion) ouednc Bi) ‘ting fo this estrangement was the rise of elericaism in the western cathedral school system, followed by scholastcism, as pointed out by om Jean Leclereq* Leadership in earning in the Christian West was pasting from the monastic to the cathedral schools in the leventh century, its beginnings having taken place in the previous century with Gerber of Aurillae. He as the first teacher inthecathe- Aral school system known to have come in contact with Islami larn- ing. Resides Reims, where Gerbert was the ofolasticus or principal of the cathedral schoo, there wer ther cathedral schools, suchas those of Liege, Chartres, Laon, Tournai and Paris where Abelard made use8 George Makai ‘of one of the essential elements of the scholastic method, the sic et, non already put to use by the Halian jurists in Bologna "There was time when intellectual culture, in eastern and western Cristendom, looked very much the sime: when learning. was soquited in their monastic schools. The aggravated estrangement between the two Christendom bepns with the advent ofthe leaned “clerks ofthe West, isin the cathedral schools of humanism and tater inthe guild schools of scholasticism, This entire development twas absent in eastern Christendom; and the scholastic theology of Paris was altogether foreign to the Concept of monastic theology in eastern Christianity ‘The affinity between classical Islam and the Christian Westin intel Jectual culture was not shared by che Christian East. The ninth- century Photius (d . 891), petsiarch of Constantinople, had made pointed oul.” Having served as ambassador of Byzantium 10 Baghdad, Photius had no doubt come in contact with the method in the disputations performed atthe caliphal cout, in honor of foreign cemissaies* But there was no sequel 10 the sleet non of Photius astern Christendom remained attached to its monasticism and monastic schools Its alienation from the Christan West preserved it from what was later to develop, Tn Pats the reception of the Islamic scholastic method was fraught with unsuspected peri, To begin with, instead of applying these er non method to conflicting legal opinions, asin Italy, Abelard applied it to conflicting opinions of the Church Fathers. He compiled over 150 of their apparently contradictory statements. When, a generation or two ater Abolard, the University of Paris came into existence, the scholas- ‘iemethod, now complete with lit essential elements, was applied to philosophical tology. The ninetenth-century scholar Charles Thurot ‘wrote on the significance of this development in theology at the ‘University of Pais, and on the religous importance given tothe opin- ions of the profesors of the faculty of Theology.” As already men ‘tioned the doctorate in Islam represented not only competence bt also religious authori jurisdictional authority to determine orthodoxy. Tvasnot long before the doctorate the Christian West recovered this ‘eligious teaching authority in the faulty of Theology ofthe University ‘of Pais, eventuly rivaling that of th eclesistcal hierar. When finally Martin Luther came upon the seone, with his theological theses as doctor of thology the ground had already been prepared fr him by, ‘the Parisian faculty tis ron that the doctorate, the highest achieve ‘ment of scholastic learning, learning that Luther held in contempt CClasseal Islam and the Christian West 9 (sept for the doctorate to which he attached great importance), should have been the scholastic element providing the spark to ignite the Reformation, Another itony was tha of the humanists of the Inter IHalian Renaissance, who made use ofthe entire structure of thescholas- ‘iesystem guild, school, method, and doctorate ~ products of the very ‘ovement that they, oo, generally held in contempt ‘Scholastic in the structure of power of classical Christendom “The scholastic movement not only revolutionized higher learning, it also introduced a third poster in the rligio-political structure of ‘westera Christendom, Until the thirteenth century; the principal ele rents of the power structure had consisted of the papacy and the ‘empire By the second hal of the century scholastiism had provided, f4 thied clement to the equation, represented by the faculty of “Theology of the University of Paris The spiritual andthe temporal ‘were thus joined in the person of the professional religious intellec- tual, forming the famous triad of power ofthe thirteenth century: the scacerdotven, the imporiam, and the seudiom tbat isthe papacy, the ‘empire, and the scholastic system of higher learning. Tis on the basis of this new clement in the medieval power strue- ture that Rashdall, though unware ofthe reason for the emergence of this power, declares his history of medieval European universities te beas justifiable as histories of the papacy and of the empire. Fort ison the basis ofthe power of the tui that the faculty of Theology of the University of Paris passed judgment on problems involving CCaristin doctrine, aad the popes and bishops ratified the opinions ‘hat had teseved the consensus ofthe university professors as doctors of theology. Its this authority thatthe contemporary St. Thomas ‘Aquinas identified as the professorial teaching authority in religion, ‘while identifying the ecclesiastical authority as that of the pootif ot pastor Itis on the bass of this same doctoral-profesorial authority that Luther, as doctor of theology, could justify his opinions 3s ‘authoritative. This authority, which made its appearance in the Christian West in the thirteenth century, introduced the principle fof individualism in the centuries-old ierarchieal principle of (Christianity, and its consequences remain with us today, in our ‘modem Catholic universities, in the ex cashedra pronouncements of the professor doctor occupying the chair of sacred theology ‘To sum ups inthis chapter Ihave attempted to show how the intr setive relation of religion and culture in the Middle Ages gave rise to» George Makes ‘the scholastic movement, soure of our modern structure of profes: sional higher leaning. It began with the impact of elasical anti uitys culture on Islam, causing the reaction of the Traditionalis jurlsconsults to ereate an intellectual culture, which in turn had is Jmpact on the intellectual culture ofthe Cristian West, and this in tur, on the Christian religion. Christopher Dawson was right in Stating that “itis impossible co understand the culture unless we ‘understand she religion that lies behind it." The scholasti method was a product of the Islamic religious development, vital for the In contrast to the ura, the admonition expliily acknowledges Arabic rhetoric andthe art of the homily 45 the presence of an audience through the liberal use of sueh rhetorical Zann, 48), In Kitab Khan, a portion of whose introduction is eprodace by Hartmann, Ton al-lct tts expel thatthe abo Mog had rignall been intended we olletion of poems (thou commentary) died the Qur'an and squarely atsicked the concept of He; exam- pes are al-Farid and ai-Taj!! (Close to Ibn ar-Rawandin sme and origin vas another, who also rejected thea: of the Qur'an and was equally explicit in efuing ity none other than Aba Bakr ar-Ra, the famous physician and philosopher of Medieval Islam." [Needless tos; orthodos Islam did not take Kindly to all these diss Sseniers, and naturally branded thet as heretics "The wocon group isropresented by Arabs rather than Persians by figures who were not philosophers and scientists as were ar-Rizi and Ton ar-Rawand, but literary artist, who rather than write aginst the (jas actually composed works in Arabic that purported to be16 Jrfan Shad ‘succesful imitations of the Qur'an, These are represented by two figures: the tenthcentury poet al-Mutanabbt; and the prose writer Abit al’AIt’al-Ma'art, ofthe eleventh centr. The litter wrote a book entitled al-Fus wa al-Ghdya 71 Mura as-Stawar wa al-dya ‘There is uch controversy bout the authenticity of the book, tle ff which has survived. However, the balance is in favor of is authenticity since one who should know, namely al-Bakhara, who composed the celebrated anthology Dremu al-Qasr, preserved an excerpt of Ma‘ari's al-Fusid wa al-Ghdyat in his work! Furthermore, Ma‘arri composed many a plainly blasphemous verse, also noted by his contemporaries, where at worst he appears at a downright atheist, aad at best as an agnostic ‘What has survived in its entirety isthe work ofthe frst figure, al- ‘Mutanabbi, who within this group, noted for is ireverence and impiety is the outstanding representative. Much has been written on ‘Mutanabti, but to my knowledge, no one has done justice to the fact that he took this sobriquet serious, and that he considered himself ota would-be prophet, a mucanabbr, the pejorative term applied t0 him, bat a nab of some sor. His early escapades as a young man are not taken seriously and reference to them is usually dismissive while his Diwan is thought to be fll of intolerable bombast, vanity, and self-promotion. This had boon my impression oft befor, but it snot now. [have recendy re-read the Diva in its entirety fom this one point of view! his sl-image as one possessed by extraordinary, falmost supernatural powers of expression, om which he now ‘depended to prove his claims, after renouncing non-lteraty endea= ‘ors which had led the authortes to put him behind bars in Him in his youth. In addition tothe shar which ho composed in imitation of the Surahs of the Qur’in and which significantly he Himited to 114, ‘the number ofthe Quranic Surah, he composed the poems that con: situte the massive Din, verses oft mantic poet who considered is, verses a successful mu Yada ofthe Holy Scripture of Islam, This ma ally led him to confrontation with the Prophet himself, the recpi- ent of the Koranic revelation, and ths is expressed in verse that sometimes smacks of impiety and sometimes fiercely reflects it His, mage asa murid-pualade and asa mantic poe sexpressed in the ign in various ways: fist, in his plriication of the South Arabs, ‘the Qabiinis to whom the Prophet did not holong, atthe expense of the‘Adnfnis the North Arabs, to whom the Propet did belong: but more decisively in verses that rofeet sheer insolence toward the person of the Prophet. Such isthe verse that addresses one of ‘mands an tell him tat The iterary-cdtral dimension n Watabiara dy atTikimipy anna sik wa” Staak mia mang ‘This image is also maintained in verses that express sel glovfcation, attributing to himeslf posers and achievements that clearly ecal ‘descriptions of those of God in the Qur'n, such as kant daar ‘abarda® paraphrasing an ayo in Siar an-Nazt'3 wal anda bdo ‘dhalika dahaha.” He clinches bis claim to having. succesfully ‘ocepted the tahadéf when he addresses one of his mans by sy “You kaow best what we have of discourse and you area better guide twitsincomparability.” In this verse he uses term azitselin desrib- ing his achievement Ata ade bia Laan mina Lge soa laa a “This represents the climax of Mutanabby’ claim to poetic excellence; he had accepted the zahadi, undertook the ma rada, an produced ‘what in his opinion was a discourse to which the coveted term ia can be applied. That kindred spirit, his incorrigible admire, Abra “AIR, who rowed with him inthe boat of sandaga, and on whom, too, the problem of 2 worked its fascination, understood what his pre- ecessor had wanted and hd considered he had achieved wen he entitle his commentary on Mutanabbts “Dian Mui Ahmad nas here may be ransated “miracle which it can mean as ite. ary locuton, but more accuetely and literally itis here the technical term that involves the whole problem of Qur'Bnic aad and 3 of Tour centuries earlier, which Mutanabbi revived and took on, and thus Maar ttle reflected both Mutanabbts seltimage’ and Maar’ own perception ait. ‘The isis alive and holy debated,” and has been so since the death of Mutanabbi, a sur sgn thatthe problem of 2 has proved torbe the matt enduring of Quran issues throughout the ages and one that hs erated a cultural tension within Musi society, as that fociety reacted to one of the cardinal articles of faith in Islam, the ‘ae, Muslim society is still asking the same question that has been asked for the last fourteen centuries: what does the fj: consist in? Notes This et is substantial the sme asthe paper desea the conference; certain featars peculiar o oral dalivery have bee altered forts publeaton in waten form, 1 Themost recent work on alpraphy with fl bbogapty i8 Iefion Shad Annemarie Schimmel sCaligapy and samie Cult (New Yor: ‘New York Univesity Press 198), 2. Forthe stn thi se David mes, Quran af the Mamas (Condon: Aleandra Pres, 1988) 3 Siva ar-Nir 28: 36 4 See “Another Contribution to Korane Exegesis the Sr ofthe Poets ural of Arable Literature, 14 (1983), p. 1-2 5 Sarat a Fag 81-5 6 Sec Shahid, “Another Contibution,” pp. 6-12, 7 Recent scholarship on the gustion of Im and poets dese length na forthcoming ook based on ree chars Swrah 26-227 ‘Amostusefil work that bing ll these thinkers opether and ncdes| arcs by such eminent Orientals a F. Gabriel. A. Nalio, and Kraus is"Abd arRahmin Badan (ed). Mn Tavkh ald ale Jin (Cairo, 1988), tis therefor eonvenint oct this work when ‘fering to them 10 Buda (el), An Tas, pp. 40-71 11 dh p. 75-18 tis atc by P Kraus concentatss on Tb ads book, or-Zunea Bada). Min Tard shad, pp 198-228.5p pp 216-25 ‘Asc Yagil Foralakhara see Adam Mets, The Renasance of {ios trans. Kha Bukhsh and D.S: Margliouth (London, 193, Mi for Vig, se Micjan al iaba'(Dir aN min), so pat 1. Inspired by W. Heinrichs aril on him in “Phe Meaning of ‘Mutanabr" in James L. Kugel (6), Petry and Propey ace, 1990), pp. 120-39, 15 The Down with a commentary by ‘Abd a-Rafmn al-Baranl (Car, 1950), sol op IIL and 319 this note, the commentator guotesIbn- Sina on thi vers, which he ater describes as sha a2. ‘Ts notenorly that Ibn al Muga deroptvely wed the epithet aeTinas” applied tothe Prophet Mulrma and al-Qaida Ded in is ar Rad answered him. Ths was anaod into Kis With commentary by M. Guid, La Lotta asta Manteno. Un lbvo ditna- tua contro W Corano eamfuato da a-asie Itrahin (Rowe. 1927) onthe llercation ever “at-Tikn™ between Tha aleMtugli and aL Qin iba Ibahin, se pp 66. 68and Gases. 3 conse 16 Div ol p34, 17 Satan 07950, 18 Divan, vo I, 377 19 Taka usay cussed iin Mi at and there are to massive somes by ‘Abd al- Karim a-Khatty: Fas a- Quran (Cairo 1968, 5+ The Ash‘arites and the science of the stars GEORGE SALIBA Columbia Unversity Introduetion (On a diferent oecasion, while explaining the confit in medieval times between Islam as a dogma and Greck philosophy: I empha- sized ina very general way the role played by astrology in that con- fice when astrology was understood tobe part and pareel of Greek philosophy and since. I summarily desribed astrology then as the ‘main culprit of Greek philosophy, because I laimed that the primary isrucs, which were supposed to be the subject matter of astrology, ‘were tthe same time considered to be within the domain of religion In specific, Tas thinking of isues suchas human destiny fre wil, eternity ofthe word, et In thischapier Tiniend to look atthe same problem from sight diferent angle, namely tha of Aristotelian natural philosophy. What want to dois to consider the Aristotelian theory of ehange in the sublunaeeegion, taken throughout medieval times as the scientific explanation of natural phenomena, and then to explain the reeeption ‘thought. The thesis that L would ike to proposes tha ‘with that ofthe astrologers and thus could not be accepted within the framework of Islamic dogma. ‘Tollustate this, Iwill develop this connection between the theo ‘of change and astrology in the works of the ensly Ash‘arite al-Qil ‘Abs Bakr al-Bagilln (2. 1013), who aooording to Thn Asikir was a ‘and then pursue the status of astrology in the works of Ghazzait (4. 1111), the most famous ‘Asbarte who could distinguish clearly between astronomy and ‘astrology. and Sayfad-Din al-AmigT (4. 1233), the author ofthe most Sophisticated Ash‘aite attack against astrology »80 George Saliba ‘The reason I chose these representatives of the Ash'atte school is ‘because, my opinion, it was this school that had set the tone forthe image of Greek scence within orthodox Islam. Bigs Asad a-Tarmird In onder to understand the development of Bigillans thought, and thus the diction of the Ash‘arite schoo! in its confrontation with Greek science, 1 need only mention the place occupied by the Aristotelian theories of change in the genetal scheme of Ash’arte thought. In Bagillins major work, Kitab al- Tami, the Aristotelian theories of change were given the highest riot. fle thee general Introductory chapters, one on the nature of ‘ub (seensa) and the various divisions of the seiences, one on the known and existent things (-ma tana wa-t-manjdai, and one on the existence of God and his attributes, Bigilfant devotes the remainder of his book, in a ‘ery general sense toa critique ofthe various theories of change and coming-io-be known to him (OF these theories, the first two are obviously Aristotelian and as such are the oves that conoern us here. The fist, chapter 4 of ar Tami, is devoted to a refutation ofthe action of the Aristotelian ‘qualities (here called ‘ob2¥=natures) and is thus @ denial of the Aristotelian concept of causality! The second (chapter 5) 8 devoted, {oa refutation ofthe astrologers (a-muayimn) Within the general sclieme ofthe book, these r80 chapters teat two alternative theories ‘of change and eoming-t0-b, which can be directly related to Greek, philosophy, and can then be undersiood a representine Balan Critique of Greek scientific thought. ‘The astrological. doctrines ‘eccupy 2 similar postion in the work of Ami, as we shall on see. “The refutation of causality (chapter 4) ‘The main argument in this chapter is directed aguint those who believed that change and comingcto-bein this world are caused by the action ofthe “natures” (fab). Those natures as used by Bagi fare to be understood sometimes as the Aristotelian four qualities hot, cold, wet, and drs, while at other times as principles imparted to certain bodies in which they seem to havea cause-and-effect elation- Ships for example, food seems to produce satiation, an watering seems to produce plant growth ® ‘While both of these interpretations of the tm “nature” (fab) could easily be documented within the Aristotelian corpus, iis not ‘The Asvartes andthe scence of the stars al ‘ite as easy to identify, within Islamic thought, the persons othe ‘doctrines using ths term, and thus to isolate the ones intended in [agillan’satack. After a careful review ofthe various Islamic doc- teins, which were known to Bagillir, the two thinkers who emerge as excellent candidates for such views axe Mu'ammmar Ibn ‘AbbSA (4 $30) and his contemporary Ibrahim an-Nazzim (4 §35/45), both associate in one way or another with the Mu'tazilites™ In brief, what Muammar and Nazzim seem to have sai is that there are certain actions that are not created drsely by God, but are procced in deterministic sense by the nature ofertain bodies Fire, for example, will ays burn cotton, and does not need God to inter fere inthe burning. Their main proot is that we always see this phe- ‘nomenon take pice when cotton isbrought near a fie Similarly, they say, whenever one drinks (alcabol) one i sen to get drunk, by the fet of the alcohol, 0 to speak, and not by the aetion of Ged, Such relationships between cause and eet (ll warma Ti) are necessary fand are produced by this ildefned “principle” inherent in certain Doves and referred to as “nature” In response Biqilliny argues, on sheer logical grounds, that such “natures” could not possibly be responsible for bringing anything into being. For these natures themselves are ether existent entities {nanan maviid) or non-existent ones (ma‘tima). He dismisses the non-eistent ones for they cannot cause anything, and argues that ‘even the existent ones cannot do so either. For they themselves sre ‘eithereteral(gadima) or created (idatha), Whey are eternal, the the world would have issued from them necessarily = for there is nothing to stop the deterministic process — and it itself would be ‘ternal ‘oo ~ contcay to what he had already proved in chapter 3.1 they’ are created, then they ae either created by another nature or by something other than a natue. If by natures, then the chain of res- tion either infinite~and no world can come into being from an int rite chain that cannot be atualized - or else interrupied by an agent, ‘hich e would call God, ater a lengthy argument, But if they were crated by other than natures, then the opponent would awe adi {ed that creation could possibly take place by other than nature ~ ‘which was the wanted proot “The next argument is directed at those who interpret “natures” to sean the Anatotelian qualities. To those Bagillint says that these ‘ualiies could not be brought together into the same body to create 4t for they are contradictory, and the coming-to-be of heat, for ‘example, can take place only when cold has been removed. Then the ‘opponent has to admit that either another quality ~other shan the2 George Saliba four ~ could force them to mix in the same body, oF that thre is another agent that can do so, whom Bagillint would call God in end, The option of another quality will lead to the infinite chain again “Afler several arguments ofthis nature, which I will not reproduce haere he finaly attacks the problem of the deterministic bond between thecause and the effect as judged by observation. To that he says that iis tru that we see fire burning cotton, and alcohol producing drunkenness, but what we rally >is the change in the condition of, the body (ighayyur Al a-jism), and we neither see, nor fel, the agent that causes the body o change, for that must be comprehended, not seen or fel. In order to prove thatthe agent isnot really fle oF seen he gives list of verious opinions about te nature of thal agent. He then asks: “How could one comprehend by the senses alone the truth of something upon which there has been so much dilfernce of| opinion?” At this point, someone ike Ghazz.afifh-generation, Astarte, would approve ofthe remark, and would develop his own, theory of eustom (ida) to explain the observable succession of evens ‘that looks lke cause-and effect chains In the concluding section ofthis chapter, BEQilnt questions the ‘whole Aristotelian dogma of the main division between earthly and Jneaveny things onthe bass ofthe kind of motion observed in these {wo realms by saying “Who informed you that itis impossible forthe heavenly sphere to stop one day, or that tis impossible fort to move. in one of the six linear direction, despite the fact that you had not seen this before?” Takenas. unit therefore, this chapter attempsso dispel the notion that the worl, or ansthing that eomes-to-be init, could be brought intoexistenceby anything ther than a knowing, capable, and intend- ingagent (‘lin, gad qd, which Biqillin would lke to call Ged. [Refutation ofthe astrologers (chapter 5) In this chapter, Bigilli uses te term musnajinn to designate the astrologers a term that could also include the astronomers as well, {uring this period, But fom the contents of the chapter we ean det ‘mine with certainty that he intended the astrologers onl." ‘At this point astrology, as a means of explaining evens inthis world, is taken by Bagillint to be another altemative theory for explaining what comes-to-be and he attacks it at that level only, unlike the Church Fathers and other Muslim writers, who sain it, among other things, an interference in the destiny of man and bit The Ackarite and the stence ofthe stars 8 freedom of choice! Asa physical theory astrology could be used to explain generation and corruption in this work! asa direct result of {he influence ofthe celestial spheres Bagi begins chapter S by rejecting the concept shat the seven spheres and ther planets could be responsible for the creation ofthis, ‘world, because they are themselves created. Next he argues that t= spective of whether these spheres and planets were eternal or created, they could not caus the event in his world because they cannot be ‘apuble (qddira) of doing so. For if they were capable, then each ofthe Planets would have ts own will, and itcoukl come into confit with the other plants Movoover, any astrologer wiho claims that these planets were eeated, but that they were alive, capable, and wilful (haya, gra, qdsida, isto be told that he only has his on claim 884 proof ofthat and nothing es Tr they say that we know thatthe movements of man are du ois actions, and so must be the movements of the planets then they should be tld that not all of man's movements ace by his own voli ‘ion or knowledge, such as when heis pushed or when he moves under the influence of fever By the persistence of custom (‘ld wad" al'ada) ‘ve can only tel ofthe courage of the courageous and the cowardice of the coward when they perform certain acs ~ these are not the ‘causes of courage and cowardice — by a necessary knowledge, which ive derive from our ability to speculate that we would be capable of bing courageous or cowardly ifwe dd the same sets. But heres n0 ‘necessary knowledge tht informs us about the ability of the planets, and thus they (ie the astrologers) have no way of knowing thatthe planets are alive and capable. And it would be bester 10 agree with ‘those who assert the role of natures (ashab atti) and say thatthe influence of the planes not any diferent from the influence of fie ‘or ce t heat or coo, for they seem to fallow only one course in their ‘motion ané could not have any volition, ‘As or those who claim life for the greatest sphere on account ofits brightness and magnificence, shey ought to be told thatthe size of & body eno indication ofits life asin the case of the fea and the ant. (One should also reject the claim of those who say that heat and cold are produced in this world by the action ofthe sun, in the same way fone reets the claim of those who assert the role of natures by saying that ie causes eat and ice causes cold "The proof that these planets have no influence on earthly evens is rived from the fact that they must do so ether by themselves or by the fact oftheir being in a specific zodiacal sian. IFthey exercise that cffectby themselves, then they should do thatas bodies, wherever they4 George Saliba are, and there should not be any diffrence between one planet and, another Similarly, ently bees could then produce the same effect ascelestial hodes If, onthe other han, they produce thee elects by virtue oftheir being in specific zodiacal signs, then the presence of any planet asa body in that sign should produce tha effec. Since none ofthat is claimed by them, their claim is then false, Some of them claim tht these events are related to the planets in thesame manner that an aserton (lon i elated to tscavse (la), asin the case of a knowledgeable man who is elated to knowledge ot when a moving object is related to motion, not as products of action (A oF nature (ab). They should be told that their eam is false, because the aserton is itself the cause. The assertion “a knowledge able man” or “a moving object” does not mean anything more than the existence of knowledge and motion, That would mean then that earthly events have identical significance to the planes ot the sig. nificance of their position in the zodiac, which is totally absurd ‘Moreover, the assertion should never besaparated from is cause, nor from the essence in which the causes found. Therefore motion coud not necessarily exst in other than the moving hody. And the planets therefore, couk! not cause any events except in themselves, which is not what the astrologers lim, Tf ihey say that actions could exist without being ntheit doers they should then be fold that although justice exists ~ and iis not n God, ‘who acts justly ~ that only means that justice exists {Mon the other hand, any one of them sys that these earthly evens are related to the planets in the same way acts are related to their cases by “generation” (anal), then he should be told that his ‘aim is false for soveral reasons, for example: “We do aot believe in generation”; "These events ar either generated by the planets them- selves or by theirpositionsin the zodiac.” If they are generated by the planets chemseles, then itis contrary 1 the eammon belief that bodies do not generate things by themselves. If, on the other hand, they are generated by virtue of their postion inthe zodio, then the Sun, the moon, ec. would generate the same events when they arein, ‘that position, which is not their claim, Moreover any agent that acts ‘upon another by virtue of generation does so through contactor by boeing in touch with another object that is in contact, And since no such thing happens here, the planets could not therefore be te cause of earthly events Finally, thee are those who belive in Islam, and claim thatthe planets are ereated, but they believe that God has cteated them as signs (della for the times of the events that take place in this world. ‘The Ash‘ortes and the scence of the stars 85 ‘This opinion too is sheer folly. For the sgn that indicates something rust be clearly related tothe object that it indicates, asin the ease ‘hen writing indicates the existence of a writer. And since there is no ‘ear indication about the relationship between these signs ~ if they fret be taken as such and the events that ake place in the work, be train, gtowth, depletion, rise in prices the spilling of blood, the subsidence of tumult and corruption, the knowledge of what people Koop sere, oF the awareness of ther intentions, then these signs do not indicate anything. ‘The chapter then concludes with Qur'inic statements tothe effect that God only knows the unknown (ghai), and by the repeition of the prophetic tradition, which affirms that “anyone who believes a iviner (ahi), a soothsayer arraf) ~ and according to some an astrologer (muuati) ~ he would then be denying what had been ‘revealed unto the heart of Muammad.” ‘GharzA and the science of the stars ‘Ghazzalt was quite aware ofthe complex nature of the science ofthe stars, He knew that tn anni was in fact of two pats: one dealt with astronomy proper, while the other dealt with astrology. In hyd” “Ulin ad-Din, and while discussing why a certain science would be blameworthy, he draws the istintion between astronomy and astrol- ‘ogy inthe following terms ‘Secon tha he since woul be harmful its eer in geeral suchas the sino of the slr. Ln ie this sence isnot blsmeworty fori {iid into two part computational (ie) one snd a hat seg the ‘Quin has staed thatthe moon ofthe sua and the moon is eomputed for ‘the Exaltes andthe Mighty is sid “the un and the moon are compres” tnd He aid may he be exalted As forthe moon weave appointed mansions {lla etaru like at old shriveled pallet” [72 Sin, 9} The second hat ‘ofthe dcr aan) which in shore smounts to deductions retarding the ‘vets based on causes andi smile to the deductions ofthe physician ‘Rend the future the dsc rom the ps. Italo the knowledge of Godson and abit (sma allh wads wth esac to hiscreton But the canonical law shar) has disapproved of it He goes on to say that “astrology is pure gusssing.” Wiscleat that Ghazal saw nothing wrong with astronomy, But as far as astrology ws concemed, be apparently held. the ambivalent ‘positon that although i nad some kind of vali, simiat to that of ‘medicine, it was leeally disapproved of. OF grater significance i his Sater regarding astrology as indicating Gods custom and habit86 George Saliba | ake it to mean that Ghazz was f the opinion that physical sci- fences like medicine and astrology could be studied as exhibiting ‘God's custom, where that eustom could be interpreted as natural laws Inal- Mung min a- Dall Chazz pivesa brief description of ‘the sciences, and under philosophy he says of the mathematical sci ences the following: [As forthe mathematical sciences, they iol the siences of arthmet, geomet and astronomy (haat ela), and noae of them has ‘hing to do withthe rious sence, ther fo support or to deny them Rather they are demonstrated mates nr burt) that could 301 be dened onc thay were known and understood. Howexe, hey generat 0 mishaps ja” ‘The Mist concerns the danger that one may admire all the philosoph- ieal sciences on account of the demonstrative powers of the ‘mathematical sciences. Thus one may think thatthe metaphysics of ‘the ancients which was always guesswork was as solid as the demon- strative science of geometry, for example The second mishap has greater importance for our purposes for in ite save: “This socond i dus to an ignorant friend of slam, ho thinks that ion shouldbe supported by te denial of al the since atibuted to them fe the mathomutial since), He would then deny all of tee sens and ‘woul clam theirignorance so muchs tat he Would even dns hee ate ‘ments regarding solr and lanar eclipses. He would cla that thi tate ‘mentsare contrary 1 eigous lx. When such atements teach he one who [enowsthesemattees wth indelible roo, he would no doubt his on roo, rather he would Hees tha Islam ix ased on ignorance and the Sal of indelible proofs. His love or philosophy and his hatred for [lam would then incre Anjone who citime that Islam exn be supported by ening tase scienoer comnts a gester ere towards eligion, Tere i nothing in ouslaw thateonfirms or dens these scenes nor sthereanything in these Scienes hat confirms or dens eligious mater And when may peace hd ayers be upon him he says The sun andthe moon are tw of g's sigs, they are not eclped for the death of aye noc fr his, aad when ou ‘se them rush to mention god and to pra” tht does aot mean that one sould deny the sine of arthteti whi ads othe knowlege of the motions ofthe son andthe moon, tee comjuneton aod he opposton in artieula” ‘This positon of Ghazzaiis not only important frit insistence on including astronomy, but not astrology sons the mathematical i= ences, but in its defense of astronomy against the ignorant, and is ‘The Askavtes andthe scence of the stars a7 insistence thatthe mathematical siences~ in the medieval sense of ‘mathematical seences ~ were indood neutral vist vis religion, Sayf ad-Din al-Amidt ‘The last Astrarte” 1 wish to consider here has left us at leas vo works oa kal: one isan apparently very voluminous unedited work known as Abkir al-afar, and the other isin abridgment ofthe first, called Ghyatal-Murin fn al-Kalim. 1 only have accesso the Second work In thie work Amid too attacks the astrologers, but his argument i slightly diferent from those ofthe earlier Asb‘arites. In fact he says ‘that his earlier friend (ahabena) were soft on the subject, and their attacks were more ik chien’ play. Inthe context of discussing the ‘etions ofthe necessary existence (wid al-wugid) he approaches the fargument under tee main sections. The first section, whch he call, rule ida), asserts that there is ao creator besides God. He says that thisrulewasheld by the Muslims, and theonly ones who difered with them in ts regard are some of the metaphysicists (Udhiyin), some of the dualists and the Mu‘tailites, and the astrologers Iwill oly discuss his attack agains the astrologers, Inthe presentation of the opinions of the astrologers, he character- ‘esthem as “those who hold that the stars and the planets are the cre ators and tat there sno ereator other than them.” His responses t0 state thar those planets and spheres are either of necessary existence ‘or ae only posible, or some are nevessary and some are possible. IF they are necessary then their mere multiplicity would argue against them, for themetaphsiciss havealeady demonstrated that you could not have more than one necessary existence. Moreover, ifaie were 10 assume the non-euistenee ofthe necessary existence then a contradic ‘on would ensie in rogard to jt. But its obvious that if a reasonable man Were to assume the non-existence ofthe planets and the spheres, that assumpion by itself would not produce a contradiction in his mind, In the same way, such a contradiction would not arise if one were toassume the existence of another planet oranother sphere How ‘could anything that isin this fashion be of necessary existence intel? IMorcoves if they were necessary, then all that would shane with them the essence (mana) of subsiance would also be necessary ‘Accordingly it would be impossible to deny the ereatedness of the Substances of fixed forms pertaining to the bodies of the elements (inti al-qavel bi-hadeth ab jewair ay soxdriyaath-hdbital-baieam ‘a tgurtya). That would lead to a contraction.88 George Saliba In this fashion he demonstrates that ts not posible that some of them should be necessary and some possible rather they should all be possible If that were so, then there must be somthing outsie them that would enhance their possibilty and its not possible that they would not havea begianin. He goes on to say that the astrologers have no way of proving tht the planets cause the evens i the sublunar region even when they admit that God has created those planets It could very well be that God would set his eustom that such events would follow each other. This text of Amid not only brings to mind the doctrine espoused bby Ghazzltin regard to Gods custom, but challenges the astrologers ina manner that, as far as I ean tll, has never been done before ts no longer elevaat to attack the astrologers on the grounds that thei slseipline is dificult to achieve, because their discipline has no bask even if they could achieve all the provision they so desired, Amid

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