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Dec '11 GO
AWARDS
Continued from left column...

You Can't Connect The Dots By the late 40s it could be said with certainty that an arms race had
begun, and with it came the knowledge that the threat of nuclear war
Looking Forward, You Can was real. By the early 50s that knowledge had morphed from a
question of whether nuclear war was possible into one of is nuclear
Only Connect Them Looking war inevitable? And during all of this, nary a thought was given to
conventional war. After all, why would anyone start a conventional

Backwards war again dont you remember the pain we all felt during World War
II?

"Living the past is a dull and lonely business; looking back Apparently not. Memories of pain being short, hubris and jingoism
strains the neck muscles, causing you to bump into people being in great supply (then, and even today), it was only a matter of
not going your way." time until social factors pushed two countries or in the case of the
Edna Ferber 1950s, the champions of two political philosophies, into open, direct,
and hot conflict with each other.
Now that the war in Iraq is officially over, it might be interesting to
pause and reflect on the views U.S. leaders held on Iraq when it
was just getting underway, and compare them to the views U.S.
leaders had on Vietnam during the same period. Perhaps there
are some parallels that we can learn from.
The transition from dictatorship to democracy will take time, but
it is worth every effort, Bush said of Iraq back then. Our coalition
will stay until our work is done.
It seems to me I heard the same said when I was in Vietnam.
"We'll stay for as long as it takes. We shall provide whatever help
is required to win the battle against the communist insurgents."
Robert F. McNamara, 1963.
Shortly after making this statement, McNamara returned to
Washington where he promptly told President Johnson that the
South Vietnamese army was collapsing, that the U.S. advisors in
SISTER SITES Vietnam couldnt help them anymore, and that the President must
immediately send more U.S. troops to Vietnam. Skeptical of how
he was going to extract himself from Vietnam once he got in,
Johnson asked an old friend and mentor, Senate Armed Services
Chairman, Richard Russell of Georgia, what his views were. This
is the conversation that ensued:

LYNDON B. JOHNSON: What do you think about this Vietnam
thing? What, what, I'd like to hear you talk a little bit.
RICHARD RUSSELL: Frankly, Mr. President, if you were to tell
me that I was authorized to settle it as I saw fit, I would
respectfully decline and not take it.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: [chuckles]
RICHARD RUSSELL: It's a, it's a, it's the damn worst mess I ever
ARMY MUSIC
saw, and I don't like to brag. I never have been right many times
in my life. But I knew we were going to get into this sort of mess
when we went in there. And I don't see how we're going ever to
get out without fighting a major war with the Chinese and all of
them down there in those rice paddies and jungles [...] I just don't
know what to do.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Well, that's the way that I've been
feeling for six months.
Play our music game. RICHARD RUSSELL: It appears our position is deteriorating.
See if you can find the And it looks like the more we try to do for them, the less that
hidden Army marches they're willing to do for themselves [...] It's a hell, a hell of a
on our site. Click the situation. It's a mess. And it's going to get worse. And I don't know
icons you find on each what to do. I don't think that the American people are quite ready
page. Some have for us to send our troops in there to do the fighting. And if it came
music hidden behind down to an option of just sending the Americans in there to do the
them, others do not. fighting, which will, of course, eventually lead into a ground war
Good luck! and a conventional war with China [...] If it got down to that or just
pulling out, I'd get out. But then I don't know. There's undoubtedly
Music courtesy USAREUR Band some middle ground somewhere [...]
To follow us on
Twitter, click here! LYNDON B. JOHNSON: How important is it to us?
RICHARD RUSSELL: It isn't important a damn bit, with all these
new missile systems.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Well, I guess it's important to us-
RICHARD RUSSELL: From a psychological standpoint.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: I mean, yes, and from the standpoint
that we are party to a treaty. And if we don't pay any attention to
this treaty, why, I don't guess they think we pay attention to any of
them.
RICHARD RUSSELL: Yeah, but we're the only ones paying any
attention to it.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Yeah, I think that's right [...] I don't think
the people of the country know much about Vietnam and I think
they care a hell of a lot less.
RICHARD RUSSELL: I know, but you go send a whole lot of our
boys out there-
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Yeah, that's right. That's exactly right.
That's what I'm talking about. You get a few. We had 35 killed-and
we got enough hell over 35-this year [...] The Republicans are
going to make a political issue out of it, every one of them, even
Dirksen.
RICHARD RUSSELL: It's the only issue they got [...] It's a tragic
situation. It's just one of those places where you can't win.
Anything you do is wrong [...]
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Now, the whole question, as I see it, do
we, is it more dangerous for us to let things go as they're going
now, deteriorating every day-
RICHARD RUSSELL: I don't think we can let it go, Mr. President,
indefinitely.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Then it would be for us to move in?
RICHARD RUSSELL: We either got to move in or move out. I -
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: That's about what it is.
RICHARD RUSSELL: You can make a tremendous case for
moving out [...]
LYNDON B. JOHNSON: Well, they'd impeach a President though
that would run out, wouldn't they? I just don't believe that-outside
Morse, everybody I talk to says you got to go in, including
Hickenlooper, including all the Republicans none of them
disagreed with him yesterday when he made the statement "we
have to stand." And I don't know how in the hell you're gonna get
out unless they tell you to get out.
-----
Reread the last sentence folks it seems to me thats exactly
what the Iraqis did a few weeks back tell us to get out.
Hell, they didnt even show up for the hand-over ceremony, thats
how little they thought of our effort to help them make a transition
from dictatorship to democracy.
Say, is that Yogi Berra I hear laughing in the background? Dj vu
all over again...
Happy New Year 2012
Why would the advocates of two different political philosophies end
up in hot conflict with each other? The answer is just as simple as it
was predestined: in 1950 the factors that most determined how
countries on opposite sides of these two political philosophies would
react to each other boiled down to just two. The first was that the
United States had touted to the world its mindset that it would contain
communism at all costs, and the second was that its Army was
reduced to little more than 600,000, down from the 8.3 million military
men it had in uniform during its peak in WWII. Clearly, i) if you were a
supporter of communism, you knew the United States was gunning
for you, and ii) if you were ever going to strike in a way that invited a
U.S. military response, you had better do so now, while the U.S. was
at its weakest.
On the U.S. side, looking out at the world, those countries with
designs on expanding communism were targets to be dealt with. How,
no one had quite figured out. But by God, the U.S. was not going to
let communism expand, even though we had no idea how we were
going to go about stopping it. Even so, the U.S. at that time was
determined that it would not happen, and even coined a new word to
define U.S. policy towards communism: containment.
Strategically, the word had a nice ring to it. Tactically, no one had any
idea how to implement such a policy. In the end, this inability to
convert a named strategy into a tactical policy would be the undoing
of nearly all of Americas post World War II military excursions. [2]
From the communist side, looking out one could only see the
menacing frown of Uncle Sams face, scowling at those who
espoused communist principles of government.
What was wrong with this whole scenario was that in the early 50s the
only place the U.S. was looking out towards was Europe. Somehow,
it neglected to look back over its shoulder at the new east, Asia,
rather than the old east, Eastern Europe.
The result was that with its eyes firmly fixed on Europe, and
diplomatic efforts focused on anticipating and preparing for an
outbreak of armed hostilities there, the U.S. was caught flatfooted
and bewildered when war broke out thousands of miles away, in
Korea.[3] One of the reasons for the shock of the event and the
bafflement that ensued was due to the role the Signal Corps played
or rather, the role the Signal Corps didnt play.
By orders issued at the end of the second world war, the Signal Corps
had begun to dismantle the global military communication network
that it managed at that time. By the time of the start of the Korean
War, communication to the U.S. from diplomatic outposts (which
depended on military communication links almost exclusively) in
Korea was reduced to that of a single telephone line that often simply
did not work. At that time, the only reliable means of communicating
with the U.S. from Korea was to either send sea born documents to
an interim location (e.g. Japan), from where they could then be
telegraphed back to the U.S., or ship them by boat directly to the
U.S., a transit time that could take between 18 and 32 days.
The relevance of this degradation in the physical means of
communication was an impact on the objective of communicationto
effect a transfer of information that allows the receiver to understand
the views of the sender. If one looks philosophically at the purpose
and function of communication, one quickly realizes that the purpose
of communication is to foster understanding between two

Its a strange thing about us humans we can remember that
we once felt pain, even though we cannot remember what it felt
like. Think of the last time you went to the dentist, and how even
today you can remember that it was painful, yet try as you might,
you cannot now recreate that pain in either your flesh or your
soul, in sufficiency to feel it again. Clearly, unlike our brain cells,
that supply us with painful memories long after the event and far
into the future, our nerve endings are not able to recreate
feelings they once gave to us, absence the presence of the
stimulus itself. If they did, perhaps we would not only be able to
remember something as being painful, but also feel that pain
again, deep within us and through this corporeal memory
avoid its cause a bit more assiduously than we are prone to do.
That seems to be the case
with the pain the world felt
at the end of World War II.
While the war dragged on,
the world suffered
immensely, full of the
unique physical and mental
pain that only war can
bring. People with both a
means and need were
unable to find food, dying of
starvation even while
others around them lived
on in ease. Across Europe
and Asia homeless
wandered the streets of one war torn city after another, walking
from bombed out building to bombed out building, clad in torn
clothing that only a few years earlier would have been thought of
as dirty rags. Displace persons, many from the concentration
camps of the Reich, walked the railroad lines of Europe, trying at
the end of World War II to get back to what was once home, in a
vain hope that somehow by going home again life would revert
back to the sunnier days of the pre-war period.
But it wouldnt. Family members were dead. Cities destroyed.
Governments decimated. And the very air people breathed filled
with all forms of noxious content from radioactive particles to the
stench of dead bodies. It didnt matter if you lived in the jungles
of Borneo, the nuclear bombed cities of Japan, or the suburbs of
London or Berlin, for many the end of World War II was the
beginning of a decade or more of misery.
And yet within a few short years of the end of the war, like the
pain of dentistry, while the remembrance continued, the pain that
communicants. Without a means to effectively communicate, not only
were U.S. diplomats in Korea at a disadvantage in terms of explaining
the scene on the ground to those back in Washington, but the U.S.,
China, and the two Koreas were unable to exchange views with each
other in a manner that could have precluded the Korean War. The
dismantling by the Signal Corps, under orders, of its Asian
communication links, effectively guaranteed that anything anyone in
Asia was saying was not being well heard in Washington and vice
versa.
As an example, on 30 September 1950, Chinese Foreign Minister
Zhou Enlai publicly warned The Chinese people will not tolerate
seeing their neighbors savagely invaded by the imperialists. As a
statement of intent on the part of the Chinese to intervene if a war
broke out in Korea, nothing could have been clearer. Yet no one in
Washington heard it, let alone tried to figure out what it meant.
These types of incidents are the causes of war. Fortunately, what we
now know about how wars are started is more than we knew then.
Among other things, today we know:
1) War is costly.
2) Leaders care more about issues than about people.
3) Leaders are unsure of the value other states place on an issue.
Focusing on these three items, one can easily see that the only way
to preclude war is i) for leaders to care more about people than
issues, and ii) for leaders to focus hard on understanding what an
opposing sides values are on each particular issue that can lead to
war. As shown above, without knowledge of what the Chinese were
saying about the Korean issue, it was next to impossible to foretell
that North Korea was on the brink of invading the south, and that the
Chinese were going to stand behind them.
As a refresher of the historic events that led to the Korean War, the
reader should recall that for nearly forty years (since the Russo-
Japanese War of 1904-1905) Korea had suffered terribly under
Japanese rule. After World War II instead of simply letting the Korean
people have their country back and fend for themselves, the United
States and the Soviet Union agreed to jointly occupy Korea, setting
the 38th Parallel as the dividing line between their areas of
responsibility. With the involvement of the Allies, it was agreed that a
unified, fully independent Korea would come into existence only after
elections took place. Unfortunately, as we all know, as in the case of
Germany, the provisional boundary that was set in place toughened
over time into a lasting boundary that still exists today. As in Germany,
on one side of the boundary the Soviets installed a Communist
government, on the other the U.S. attempted to foster a republic with
an elected president. By 1948 this task was completed on both sides,
with the U.S. and Russia beginning at that time to remove their
occupation forces. The U.S. was the first to complete its withdrawal,
taking all of its troops out by mid-1949, leaving behind only an
advisory group to help train a South Korean military force.
In the article at left we talked about the Signal Corps during the
Korean War. The piece is part of a three part series that began last
month with an overview of the Signal Corps and its role during the
Cold War, continues this month by looking at the Signal Corps
during the Korean War, and will finish next month by looking at the
Signal Corps during the Vietnam War. Each of these stories has
taken a historical perspective, looking at the Signal Corps from
50,000 feet, rather than at sea level. They are long on concept,
was felt and lived only a philosophy and purpose, and short on details. Much of what is
few years before receded written is derived from analysis of the facts at hand, drawing
from peoples minds, as conclusions about how the Signal Corps got to where it is today by
humanity began its march examination of its evolution from the Cold War period, through the
back again to the selfish Korean War, and into the Vietnam War. At some future time we
mindset that makes one hope to carry this analysis forward to the Signal Corps of today:
people want to dominate post-Iraq and Afghanistan.
another.
In looking at how the Signal Corps has grown through time one
By 1947 it was already must necessarily avoid getting bogged down in detail. Yet often,
becoming obvious; the that's where the fun and interesting things are found... in the
calm peace that all had details. In the article that follows we look at some of those details
hoped would carry on for the history of the Signal OCS training program at Ft. Monmouth
hundreds of years after during the second world war period.
World War II was showing
The core content of what follows was extracted nearly verbatim
signs of stress.
from a longer treatise called the History of Fort Monmouth, New
International tensions were
Jersey 1917-1946. Written and published at Fort Monmouth at the
on the rise. Something
end of World War II, this government book tells the story of the
called an Iron Curtain was
U.S. Army Signal Corps' schools and technology programs at Ft.
said to be descending,
Monmouth since the establishment of Camp Little Silver at the
creating an imaginary line
Monmouth site in 1917. While the book covers all facets of
that would
Monmouth's Signal efforts from training to carrier pigeons,
separate
technical development, aircraft radio communication, and other
Eastern from
forms of communication based tactical operations and strategic
Western
defense, what follows here covers only the Signal OCS program at
Europe for the
Monmouth during World War II.
next 43 years.
MAJ (R) Richard Green has kindly taken the time to extract what
In panic over follows from the original book's text and clean it up for presentation
perceived here. Only minor editing has been provided to what follows.
threats, the
countries of Signal Officer Candidates
Western
Europe began Leadership is a prerequisite in the successful prosecution of war.
to band Military operations require split-second decisions that must be derived
together to from a solid foundation of cogent reasoning to insure satisfactory
protect completion of a mission.
themselves
from the
emerging Soviet driven Warsaw Pact. In short time NATO was
formed, with the United States being drafted into it like the only
kid in the neighborhood with a baseball bat and ball, when a
sandlot game is formed after school.
Muscle flexing and tests of strength between countries broke out
everywhere with the Russians testing the commitment of the
west to Germany via the Berlin blockade (1948-1949), the Indo-
Pakistan War exploding across central Asia (1947), Mao Zedong
chasing Chang Kai-shek off the Chinese mainland to the island
of Taiwan (1949), Indonesia seizing Yogyakarta from the Dutch,
ire leaving the British Commonwealth and declaring itself the
Republic of Ireland, insurrection in the Philippines taking center
stage, with the former Philippine First Lady Aurora Quezon
being assassinated on her way to dedicate a hospital, Italy
taking control over Somaliland, Senator Joe McCarthy accusing
the State Department of being staffed with 205 Communists, the
Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China signing a
mutual defense treaty, Egypt demanding that Britain remove all
its troops from the Suez Canal (1950), Puerto Rican Nationalists
launching an uprising against the United States (The Jayuya
Uprising), China invading Tibet, and to top it all off, Russia
detonating its first atomic bomb.
It was almost like World War II never happened or worse, that
people had simply come to accept that war was an acceptable
means of settling world affairs regardless of the pain it caused
for them personally, or the death it brought to others. Clausewitz
was right. [1]
Continued at top of page, COLUMN AT RIGHT

Although the non-commissioned officer is a vital link in the chain of

This page last updated 6 January 2012. New content is constantly
being added. Please check back frequently.
Posted 6 January 2012 - New high resolution picture of WWII OCS Class
12-42. Click here and scroll down page to see. Use your computer tools to
zoom in for details. Photo courtesy Richard Marks, Class 09-67. Thanks Rich,
you're a great supporter of this website, and we truly appreciate it!
Posted 3 January 2012 - New links to a couple of interesting sites: one on
the history of the 8th Army, and the other on the truth behind some old
Vietnam War conspiracy theories. If you're tired of drinking New Year's
champagne, you can always take a break and spend some time poking through
these sites. Click on the "Other Links" tab above left, and then look for the
flashing red "New" icons.
Posted 1 January 2012 - New photo of Class 16-66, submitted by Myron
Leski. Worth the look... click here to jump to the Class Page and enjoy.
Got any old pics of your time in the Army in your socks
draw? Send them along to us and we'll post them too!
Posted 12 December 2011 - New info on the upcoming 2012 Class
command, it is equally important that an Army have qualified and well
trained commissioned personnel to implement the operational plans.
[At the beginning of the second world war it became obvious that] the
unprecedented size of the new Army following the passage of the
Selective Service Act would require an unusually large number of
commissioned officers and it was early recognized that the training of
suitable personnel would be a task of high priority. Looking to the
procurement of some thousands of new lieutenants in the first year,
the preparatory work on an officer candidate school was begun in
April 1941 when a group of officers in the Signal Corps School at Fort
Monmouth prepared a series of course outlines for a suggested
curriculum. This work was under the supervision of Captain Charles F.
Olin, assisted by 1st Lt. William B. Latta. The Officer Candidate
Department of the School was officially activated on 2 June 1941, with
Major George L. Richon's appointment as Director.
Planned as a three-month course, the first class began 3 July 1941
with 490 candidates reporting. Of these, 52 were denied admittance
and reclassified. The remaining 438 were divided into 12 academic
Reunion. This year it will be in Chattanooga, TN. Click on the Reunion Info link sections for instructional purposes.
above left to find out more, and sign up today!
Posted 8 December 2011 - New Class Picture for Class 43-25, submitted to us by
Peter McCormick, grandson of Classmate John McCormick. The photo will
bring back memories for all of those who went through OCS training or served
at Ft. Monmouth, as it shows the class at a graduating dinner celebration in a
place just off the Ft. Monmouth base, called Joseph's, in Eatontown, NJ.
Thanks Peter, for being so kind as to send in your Dad's class picture. It's a
January's Crossword Puzzle
great picture of a great group of America's greatest generation.

Posted 1 December 2011 - New Picture for Class 44-40, mailed to us from Israel
Theme: Signal Corps In Korean War
by Candidate Gerald Katz back in August, they just caught up with us due to
several months of international business travel on our part. Lots of interesting
stuff, including copies of WWII travel orders and more. Be sure to check them For answer key to this month's puzzle,
out. Click here to get to Gerald's Class Page, then scroll see icon at bottom of page
down and click on the Class Picture to see a full album of photos. You should
also click on Candidate Katz' last name in his class list, to read his own
comments about the pictures he sent. Thanks Gerald, keep your pics and This content requires the Macromedia Flash Player 7 or
memories coming... we may be slow at this, but we appreciate your efforts and higher.Get Flash
we will catch up!
Posted 1 December 2011 - New Class Picture for Class 07-67, and updated listing
of the status of all class members. Click here to enjoy them.

Posted 1 December 2011 - Great class picture for the Korean War era OCS Class
09-52 were sent along by Maj. Green. Click here to go to the Class 09-52 class
page, then scroll to bottom of page to see and enjoy them.

For those of you had a hard time coming up with a useful list of
New Year Resolutions, let us propose the following:
I will...
1. Start washing my hands after I use the restroom.
2. Stop drinking orange juice after I just brushed my teeth.
3. Switch my username to password and my password
to username to make each a lot harder for hackers to
figure out.
4. Only get divorced and remarried once this year.
5. Stop buying worthless junk on EBay, because QVC has
better specials.
6. Go back to school to avoid paying my student loans
from 1964.
7. Only eat white snow.
8. Keep it to myself that I have trouble with authority when
I'm being interviewed.
9. Spend less than $1,825 for coffee at Starbucks this
year.
10. Claim all my pets as dependents on my taxes.

All together now... Happy New Year !

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Footnotes:

[1] Carl Philipp Gottfried von Clausewitz (1780 1831), a Prussian soldier and German military theorist, studied and published a dialectic on the moral
and political aspects of war. His work Vom Kriege (On War) famously stated "War is the continuation of policy by other means." To return to your place
in the text, click here:

[2] As we know today, for one country to contain another countrys ambitions, a commitment of both military, fiscal, and popular support for the effort
must be made by the people of that country a commitment to stay the course in all three of these areas for a period in the order of 3050 years or
more. Time and again it has been proven that while the American people will allow a limited use of its youth (military) in support of a cause against
another country, and its money (fiscal), it will not support a 50 year commitment to the cause. Why? Simply because the cost in terms of youth and
money is too great for most Americans to stomach, no matter how worthy the cause. In simple terms, gone are the days of the American people
supporting the kind of 50 year occupation that it unknowingly set in motion, and therein allowed to happen, in the cases of Japan and Germany. To
return to your place in the text, click here:

[3] In addition to the two issues previously listed as a source of encouragement for a communist leaning country to undertake military action against US
interests, in the case of North Korea some also cite as an incentive for them to invade South Korea an address to the National Press Club on January
12, 1950, by then US Secretary of State Dean Acheson, wherein he described the boundaries of U.S. interests in a manner that made support for South
Korea appear ambiguous. Presumably, since the U.S., which was so hell bent on stopping communism that it listed all the areas of the world where it
would intervene militarily to stop its spread, did not include Korea, then that meant that the North could press its case by military means, with impunity,
and without fear of a military response from the U.S. To return to your place in the text, click here: