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Seneca Falls Convention

Information and Articles About Seneca Falls Convention, an important event
in the womens suffrage movement (/womens-suffrage-movement/)
Seneca Falls Convention Facts
Location
Seneca Falls, New York

Dates
July 1920, 1848

Famous Attendees
Elizabeth Cady Stanton (/elizabeth-cady-stanton/)
Lucretia Mott (/lucretia-mott/)
Frederick Douglass

Convention Accomplishments
Declaration of Sentiments
Beginning of Womens Suffrage Movement

Seneca Falls Convention summary: The Seneca Falls Convention was the rst womens rights convention in the United
States. It was organized by a handful of women who were active in the abolition and temperance movements and held
July 1920, 1848, in Seneca Falls, New York. Intended to call attention to unfair treatment of women, the convention was
attended by about 300 people, including about 40 men.

An Idea Is Sparked in London

Two of the conventions organizers, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, met at the World Anti-Slavery Convention
in London in 1840. The other delegates had voted to exclude women before the convention started and required them to
sit in a sectioned-off area. At the time, Mott was in her mid-forties and a Quaker minister, feminist, and abolitionist.
Stanton, a young bride and active abolitionist, admired Mott and the two became friends. At one point during the
convention, they discussed the possibility of a womens rights convention.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton And Lucretia Mott Meet In Seneca Falls

Eight years later, Stanton was living in Seneca Falls, New York, when Lucretia Mott was visiting her sister, Martha C.
Wright, in nearby Waterloo, New York. During a social visit on July 14, Stanton, Mott, Wright, and Mary Ann McClintock
and Jane Hunt decided that it was time "to discuss the social, civil, and religious condition and rights of woman" publicly
in just ve days time. They publicized the convention mainly by word of mouth, although they did place a small notice i
the local paper. They knew it would be a comparatively small convention, but as Mott told Stanton, "It will be a start."

The Seneca Falls Convention Begins

Stanton took the task of writing the document that would be debated and signed by the attendees. She based the
Declaration of Sentiments on the Declaration of Independence, listing 18 grievances and 11 resolutions demanding the
recognition of women as equal members of society. The ninth resolution, which argued for "elective franchise," proved to
be the most radical, even to Mott. Stanton, the daughter of a lawyer and judge, had studied law in her fathers o ces and
often debated issues with his clerks; she "saw clearly that the power to make the laws was the right through which all
other rights could be secured."

The Declaration Of Sentiments Is Debated And Rati ed

Over the two days of the convention, presided over by Lucretias husband James Mott, the Declaration of Sentiments wa
read and its resolutions debated. The ninth resolution continued to be the most controversial, particularly because the
attendees were predominantly Quaker, and Quaker men often declined to vote. Freed slave and newspaper editor
Frederick Douglass argued for approval of the resolution and convinced the audience of its necessity. At the end of the
convention, about 100 of the attendees signed the declaration, although some removed their names later due to
criticism.

The Aftermath Of The Seneca Falls Convention And Womens Suffrage

The convention and another meeting a few days later in Rochester drew ridicule and criticism from the press. Although
Stanton was dismayed by the coverage, she recognized the value of any attention"It will start women thinking, and men
too; and when men and women think about a new question, the rst step in progress is taken."

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The Declaration of Sentiments became the blueprint for the womens rights movement and for the suffrage movement,
which soon gained national attention. Stanton, who was 32 at the time of the convention, would spend the rest of her life
ghting for the right to vote. When the 19th Amendment giving them that right was rati ed in August 1920, only one of th
women who had signed the Seneca Falls Declaration of Sentiments was aliveCharlotte Woodard Pierce. Unfortunately
on election day in 1920, the 92-year-old Pierce was ill and was unable to vote. At the time of the Seneca Falls Convention
she was 19 and a glove maker, sewing pieces at home sent to her by a manufacturer. She had been deeply dissatis ed
with the opportunities available to her and became an active member in the suffrage movement.

Banner image Ye May session of ye womans rights convention ye orator of ye day denouncing ye lords of creation, published in Harpers
Weekly, Library of Congress.

Articles Featuring Seneca Falls Convention From History Net Magazines

Featured Article
Seneca Falls Convention: First Womens Rights Convention
The announcement of an upcoming Womans Rights Convention in the Seneca County Courier was small, but it
attracted Charlotte Woodwards attention. On the morning of July 19, 1848, the 19-year-old glove maker drove in a
horse-drawn wagon to the Wesleyan Methodist Chapel in the upstate New York town of Seneca Falls. To her surprise,
Woodward found dozens of other women and a group of men waiting to enter the chapel, all of them as eager as she
to learn what a discussion of the social, civil, and religious rights of women might produce.

The convention was the brainchild of 32-year-old Elizabeth Cady Stanton, daughter of Margaret and Judge Daniel Cady
and wife of Henry Stanton, a noted abolitionist politician. Born in Johnstown, New York, Cady Stanton demonstrated
both an intellectual bent and a rebellious spirit from an early age. Exposed to her fathers law books as well as his
conservative views on women, she objected openly to the legal and educational disadvantages under which women of
her day labored. In 1840 she provoked her father by marrying Stanton, a handsome, liberal reformer and further de ed
convention by deliberately omitting the word obey from her wedding vows.

Marriage to Henry Stanton brought Elizabeth Cady Stantonshe insisted on retaining her maiden nameinto contact
with other independent-minded women. The newlyweds spent their honeymoon at the World Anti-Slavery Convention
in London where, much to their chagrin, women delegates were denied their seats and deprived of a voice in the
proceedings. Banished to a curtained visitors gallery, the seven women listened in stunned silence as the London
credentials committee charged that they were constitutionally un t for public and business meetings. It was an insult
Cady Stanton never forgot.

Among the delegates was Lucretia Co n Mott, a liberal Hicksite Quaker preacher and an accomplished public
speaker in the American abolitionist movement, who was also disillusioned by the lack of rights granted women. A
mother of six, Mott had grown up on Nantucket Island,so thoroughly imbued with womens rights, she later admitted,
that it was the most important question of my life from a very early age. In Mott, Cady Stanton found both an ally and
a role model. When I rst heard from her lips that I had the same right to think for myself that Luther, Calvin and John
Knox had, she recalled, and the same right to be guided by my own convictions . . . I felt a new born sense of dignity
and freedom. The two women became fast friends and talked about the need for a convention to discuss womens
emancipation. Eight years passed, however, before they ful lled their mutual goal.

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For the rst years of her marriage, Cady Stanton settled happily into middle-class domestic life, rst in Johnstown and
subsequently in Boston, then the hub of reformist activity. She delighted in being part of her husbands stimulating
circle of reformers and intellectuals and gloried in motherhood; over a 17-year period she bore seven children. In 1847,
however, the Stantons moved to Seneca Falls, a small, remote farming and manufacturing community in New Yorks
Finger Lakes district. After Boston, life in Seneca Falls with its routine household duties seemed dull to Cady Stanton,
and she renewed her protest against the conditions that limited womens lives. My experience at the World Anti-
provided the opportunity to take action.

On July 13 Cady Stanton received an invitation to a tea party at the home of Jane and Richard Hunt, wealthy Quakers
living in Waterloo, New York, just three miles west of Seneca Falls. There she again met Mott, her younger sister,
Martha Co n Wright, and Mary Ann McClintock, wife of the Waterloo Hicksite Quaker minister. At tea, Cady Stanton
poured out to the group the torrent of my long-accumulating discontent. Then and there, they decided to schedule a
womens convention for the following week. Hoping to attract a large audience, they placed an unsigned notice in the
Courier, advertising Lucretia Mott as the featured speaker.

Near panic gripped the ve feminists as they gathered around the McClintocks parlor table the following Sunday
morning. They had only three days to set an agenda and prepare a document for the inauguration of a rebellion.
Supervised by Cady Stanton, they drafted a Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions, paraphrasing the Declaration
of Independence. The document declared that, all men and women are created equal and are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable rights These natural rights belong equally to women and men, but man has usurped
the prerogative of Jehovah himself, claiming it as his right to assign for her a sphere of action, when that belongs to
her conscience and to her God. The result has been the establishment of an absolute tyranny over her.

There followed a speci c catalog of injustices. Women were denied access to higher education, the professions, and
the pulpit, as well as equal pay for equal work. If married, they had no property rights; even the wages they earned
legally belonged to their husbands. Women were subject to a different moral code, yet legally bound to tolerate moral
delinquencies in their husbands. Wives could be punished, and in a case of divorce, a mother had no child custody
rights. In every way, man has endeavored to destroy [womans] con dence in her own powers, to lessen her self-
esteem, and to make her willing to lead a dependent and abject life. Above all, every woman had been deprived of her
inalienable right to the elective franchise.

Eleven resolutions demanding redress of these and other grievances accompanied the nearly 1,000 word Declaration.
When Cady Stanton insisted upon including a resolution favoring voting rights for women, her otherwise supportive
husband threatened to boycott the event. Even Lucretia Mott warned her, Why Lizzie, thee will make us ridiculous!
Lizzie, however, refused to yield.

Although the gathering was a convention for and of women, it was regarded as unseemly for a lady to conduct a
public meeting, so Lucretias husband, James Mott, agreed to chair the two-day event. Mary Ann McClintocks
husband, Thomas, also participated. Henry Stanton left town.
When the organizers arrived at the Wesleyan Chapel on the morning of Wednesday, July 19th, they found the door
locked. No one had a key, so Cady Stantons young nephew scrambled in through an open window and unbarred the
front door. As the church lled with spectators, another dilemma presented itself. The rst days sessions had been
planned for women exclusively, but almost 40 men showed up. After a hasty council at the altar, the leadership
decided to let the men stay, since they were already seated and seemed genuinely interested.

Tall and digni ed in his Quaker garb, James Mott called the rst session to order at 11:00 A.M., and appointed the
McClintocks older daughter (also named Mary Ann) as secretary. Cady Stanton, in what was her rst public speech,
rose to state the purpose of the convention. We have met here today to discuss our rights and wrongs, civil and
political. She then read the Declaration, paragraph by paragraph, and urged all present to participate freely in the
discussions. The Declaration was re-read several times, amended, and adopted unanimously. Both Lucretia Mott and
Cady Stanton addressed the afternoon session, as did the McClintocks younger daughter, Elizabeth. To lighten up the
proceedings, Mott read a satirical article on womans sphere that her sister Martha had published in local
newspapers. Later that evening, Mott spoke to a broader audience on The Progress of Reforms.

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The second days sessions were given over to the 11 resolutions. As Mott feared, the most contentious proved to be
the ninththe suffrage resolution. The other 10 passed unanimously. According to Cady Stantons account, most who
opposed this resolution did so because they believed it would compromise the others. She, however, remained
adamant. To have drunkards, idiots, horse racing rum-selling rowdies, ignorant foreigners, and silly boys fully
recognized, while we ourselves are thrust out from all the rights that belong to citizens, is too grossly insulting to be
longer quietly submitted to. The right is ours. We must have it. Even Cady Stantons eloquence would not have carried
the day but for the vocal support she received from Frederick Douglass, the ex-slave and abolitionist editor of the
North Star. Right is of no sex, he argued; woman is justly entitled to all we claim for man. After much heated debate,
the ninth resolution passedbarely.

Thomas McClintock presided over the nal session on Thursday evening, during which he read extracts from Sir
William Blackstones Commentaries on the Laws of England that described the status of women in English common
law. Short speeches by young Mary Ann McClintock and Frederick Douglass followed the reading of a poem by Cady
Stanton, which was in reply to a pastoral letter signed by the Lords of Creation. Lucretia Mott closed the meeting with
an appeal to action and one additional resolution of her own: The speedy success of our cause depends upon the
zealous and untiring efforts of both men and women, for the overthrow of the monopoly of the pulpit, and for securing
to women of equal participation with men in the various trades, professions, and commerce. It, too, passed
unanimously.
In all, some 300 people attended the Seneca Falls Convention. The majority were ordinary folk like Charlotte
Woodward. Most had sat through 18 hours of speeches, debates, and readings. One hundred of them 68 women
(including Woodward) and 32 mensigned the nal draft of the Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions. Womens
rights as a separate reform movement had been born.

Press coverage was surprisingly broad and generally venomous, particularly on the subject of female suffrage.
Philadelphias Public Ledger and Daily Transcript declared that no lady would want to vote. A woman is nobody. A wife
is everything. The ladies of Philadelphia, . . . are resolved to maintain their rights as Wives, Belles, Virgins and
Mothers. According to the Albany Mechanics Advocate, equal rights would demoralize and degrade [women] from
their high sphere and noble destiny, . . . and prove a monstrous injury to all mankind. The New York Herald published
the entire text of the Seneca Falls Declaration, calling it amusing, but conceding that Lucretia Mott would make a
better President than some of those who have lately tenanted the White House. The only major paper to treat the
event seriously was the liberal editor Horace Greeleys New York Tribune. Greeley found the demand for equal political
rights improper, yet however unwise and mistaken the demand, it is but the assertion of a natural right and as such
must be conceded.

Stung by the public outcry, many original signers begged to have their names removed from the Declaration. Our
friends gave us the cold shoulder, and felt themselves disgraced by the whole proceeding, complained Cady Stanton.
Many women sympathized with the conventions goals, but feared the stigma attached to attending any future
meetings. I am with you thoroughly, said the wife of Senator William Seward, but I am a born coward. There is nothing
I dread more than Mr. Sewards ridicule.

But Cady Stanton saw opportunity in public criticism. Imagine the publicity given our ideas by thus appearing in a
widely circulated sheet like the Herald! she wrote to Mott. It will start women thinking, and men, too. She drafted
lengthy responses to every negative newspaper article and editorial, presenting the reformers side of the issue to the
readers. Mott sensed her younger colleagues future role. Thou art so wedded to this cause, she told Cady Stanton,
that thou must expect to act as pioneer in the work.

News of the Seneca Falls Convention spread rapidly and inspired a spate of regional womens rights meetings.
Beginning with a follow-up meeting two weeks later in Rochester, New York, all subsequent womens rights forums
featured female chairs. New England abolitionist Lucy Stone organized the rst national convention, held in Worcester,
Massachusetts, in 1850. Like Cady Stanton, Stone saw the connection between black emancipation and female
emancipation. When criticized for including womens rights in her anti-slavery speeches, Stone countered: I was a
woman before I was an abolitionistI must speak for the women.

Quaker reformer Susan B. Anthony joined the womens rights movement in 1852. She had heard about the Seneca Falls
Convention, of course; her parents and sister had attended the 1848 Rochester meeting. Initially, however, she deemed
its goals of secondary importance to temperance and anti-slavery. All that changed in 1851 when she met Cady
Stanton, with whom she formed a life-long political partnership. Bound to the domestic sphere by her growing family,
Cady Stanton wrote articles, speeches and letters; Anthony, who never married, traveled the country lecturing and
organizing womens rights associations. As Cady Stanton later put it, I forged the thunderbolts and she red them. In
time, Susan B. Anthonys name became synonymous with womens rights.

Womens rights conventions were held annually until the Civil War, drawing most of their support from the abolitionist
and temperance movements. After the war, feminist leaders split over the exclusion of women from legislation
enfranchising black men. Abolitionists argued that it was the Negros Hour, and inclusion of female suffrage would
jeopardize passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which enfranchised ex-slaves. Feeling betrayed by
their old allies, Cady Stanton and Anthony opposed the Fifteenth Amendment. Their protest alienated the more
cautious wing of the movement and produced two competing suffrage organizations.

In 1869, Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howewell known as the author of the Battle Hymn of the Republicand others
formed the moderate American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), while Cady Stanton, Anthony, Martha Wright and
the radical faction founded the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA). Lucretia Mott, now an elderly widow,
sought in vain to reconcile the two camps.

Both organizations sought political equality for women, but the more radical NWSA actively promoted issues beyond
suffrage. Guided by the original Seneca Falls Resolutions, the NWSA demanded an end to all laws and practices that
discriminated against women and called for divorce law reform, equal pay, access to higher education and the
professions, reform of organized religion, and a total rethinking of what constituted womans sphere. Cady Stanton
spoke about womens sexuality in public, and condemned the Victorian double standard that forced wives to endure
drunken, brutal and licentious husbands. Anthony countenancedand occasionally practicedcivil disobedience; in
1872 she was arrested for illegally casting a ballot in the presidential election.

By the time the two rival organizations merged in 1890 to form the National American Woman Suffrage Association
(NAWSA), much had been accomplished. Many states had enacted laws granting married women property rights,
equal guardianship over children, and the legal standing to make contracts and bring suit. Nearly one-third of college
students were female, and 19 states allowed women to vote in local school board elections. In two western
territoriesWyoming and Utahwomen voted on an equal basis with men. But full suffrage nationwide remained
stubbornly out of reach. The NAWSA commenced a long state-by-state battle for the right to vote.

NAWSAs rst two presidents were Cady Stanton and Anthony, both now in their seventies. Old age did not mellow
either one of them, especially Cady Stanton. Ever the rebel, she criticized NAWSAs narrow-mindedness, and viewed
with increasing suspicion its newly acquired pious prohibitionist allies. NAWSAs membership should include all
types and classes, races and creeds, and resist the evangelical in ltrators who sought to mute the larger agenda of
womens emancipation.

Cady Stanton had long advocated reform of organized religion. The chief obstacle in the way of womans elevation
today, she wrote, is the degrading position assigned her in the religion of all countries. Whenever women tried to
enlarge their divinely ordained sphere, the all-male clerical establishment condemned them for violating Gods law.
Using the Scriptures to justify womens inferior status positively galled her. In 1895, she published The Womans Bible,
a critical commentary on the negative image of women in the Old and New Testaments. Even Anthony thought she
had gone too far this time, and could do little to prevent conservative suffragists from venting their wrath. During the
annual convention of NAWSA, both the book and its author were publicly censured. Henceforth, mainstream
suffragists would downplay Cady Stantons historic role, preferring to crown Susan B. Anthony as the elder
stateswoman of the movement.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton died in 1902 at the age of 83, and Susan B. Anthony in 1906 at 86. By then a new generation of
suffrage leaders emergedyounger, better educated, and less restricted to the domestic sphere. The now respectable
middle-class leadership of NAWSA adopted asocial feminist stance, arguing that women were, in fact, different from
men, and therefore needed the vote in order to apply their special qualities to the political problems of the nation.
 However, more militant suffragists, among them Quaker agitator Alice Paul and Cady Stantons daughter, Harriot
Stanton Blatch, continued to insist upon womens absolute equality. They demanded a federal suffrage amendment as
a necessary rst step to achieving equal rights.

Victory on the voting rights issue came in the wake of World War I. Impressed by the suffragists participation in the
war effort, Congress passed what came to be known as the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in 1919. Following state
rati cation a year later, it enfranchised American women nationwide in the form of the Nineteenth Amendment to the
Constitution.

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It had been more than 72 years since that daring call for female voting rights was issued at the Seneca Falls
Convention. On November 2, 1920, 91-year-old Charlotte Woodward Pierce went to the polls in Philadelphia, the only
signer of the Seneca Falls Declaration who lived long enough to cast her ballot in a presidential election.

This article was written by Constance B. Rynder and originally published in the April 1999 issue of American History
Magazine. For more great articles, subscribe to American History (http://www.historynetshop.com/901ah1.html)
magazine today!

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