he Herald is a daily morning newspaper published in Rock Hill, South Carolina, in

the United States. Its coverage is York, Chester, and Lancaster counties. In 1990,
the paper was bought by The McClatchy Company of Sacramento, California. The Herald
is also available from coin vending boxes in the extreme southern portion of
Mecklenburg County, North Carolina adjacent to York County. The General Manager of
The Herald is Angela Joines.

Contents [hide]
1 History
2 See also
3 References
4 External links
History[edit]
The paper became a semi-weekly in 1893. In 1911, it was converted to a daily
afternoon paper except Sundays and renamed The Evening Herald. That name and
production schedule would endure for 75 years through several ownership changes.

In March 1985, the company was purchased by the News & Observer Co. of Raleigh,
North Carolina, then owned by descendants of Josephus Daniels. The new owners
changed the Saturday edition to morning and got rid of the Evening part of the
name. In 1986, they launched a Sunday edition and two years later switched to
morning publication seven days a week. In 1990, the Daniels family sold the paper
to McClatchy. The purchase of The Herald and two other dailies in South Carolina --
The Island Packet in Hilton Head, and The Beaufort Gazette of Beaufortmarked
McClatchy's first foray into the Southern United States. The Herald was reunited
with the N&O when McClatchy bought the Raleigh paper in 1995.

McClatchy's purchase of most of Knight Ridder's properties, finalized in June 2006,

made The Herald a sister publication of its longtime rival, the Charlotte Observer.
The papers plan to remain separate, and the publisher of the Observer has said the
paper has no plans to close its Rock Hill bureau.

On November 7, 2007, it was announced that Valerie Canepa, publisher of the Herald
for the past four and a half years, would be moving to Columbus, Georgia, to become
publisher of the Columbus Ledger-Enquirer. At the same time it was also announced
that Debbie Abels, 34-year veteran of the Charlotte Observer, would take over as
publisher beginning November 26, 2007. Debbie Abels will also report to the
publisher of The Charlotte Observer, Ann Caulkins, instead of the McClatchy
Regional Vice President as Canepa did.

In February 2009, it was announced that as of March 2, the Herald would be going to
a regional printing arrangement, in which the newspaper would be printed on The
Charlotte Observer's presses in NC.

In February 2016, it was announced that Angela Joines, a 20-year veteran of The
News & Observer (Raleigh, NC) would take over as General Manager/Advertising
Director, filling vacancy left by former publisher, Debbie Abel's retirement in
December 2015.

Jim Hoagland, a nationally syndicated columnist for The Washington Post and a
winner of the Pulitzer Prize, began his career working summers at The Evening
Herald.

See also[edit]
List of newspapers in South Carolina
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Our Markets". Sacramento, California: McClatchy Company. Retrieved March
26, 2017.
External links[edit]
flag South Carolina portal
Journalism portal
heraldonline.com official site
Official mobile site
Herald Sports
The McClatchy Company's subsidiary profile of The Herald
[hide] v t e
The McClatchy Company
Newspapers
The Beaufort Gazette Belleville News-Democrat The Bellingham Herald The Bradenton
Herald Centre Daily Times The Charlotte Observer Columbus Ledger-Enquirer Florida
Keys Keynoter Fort Worth Star-Telegram The Fresno Bee Rock Hill (S.C.) Herald The
Herald-Sun (Durham, N.C.) The Idaho Statesman Hilton Head (S.C.) Island Packet The
Kansas City Star Lexington Herald-Leader The Telegraph (Macon, GA) Merced Sun-Star
Miami Herald The Modesto Bee The Sun News (Myrtle Beach, S.C.) El Nuevo Herald The
Olathe News The Olympian The News & Observer (Raleigh, N.C.) The Sacramento Bee The
San Luis Obispo Tribune The State (Columbia, S.C.) The Sun Herald The News Tribune
Tri-City Herald The Wichita Eagle
Partnerships
CareerBuilder (14.4%) The Seattle Times Company (49.5%) Topix (11.25%)
Acquisitions
Cowles Media Company Knight Ridder
Categories: McClatchy publicationsNewspapers published in South CarolinaYork
County, South CarolinaRock Hill, South Carolina1872 establishments in South
Carolina
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This page was last edited on 26 March 2017, at 09:18.
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License;
additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and
Privacy Policy. Wikipedia is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation,
Inc., a non-profit organization.OPHTHALMOLOGY helped free Zimbabwe from white
minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic election as prime minister, served
as a symbol of African self-determination, urged reconciliation with white
residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If helped free Zimbabwe from white
minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic election as prime minister, served
as a symbol of African self-determination, urged reconciliation with white
residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.the aging president is unable to perpetuate his rule through his
spouse or other family members, the nation faces rule by the military, its puppet
or at least its chosen candidate, likely Mnangagwa, who previously headed the
secret police and is implicated in ethnic massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.OPHTHALMOLOGY helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a
legitimate and democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African
self-determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders
and proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If helped free Zimbabwe from white
minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic election as prime minister, served
as a symbol of African self-determination, urged reconciliation with white
residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.the aging president is unable to perpetuate his rule through his
spouse or other family members, the nation faces rule by the military, its puppet
or at least its chosen candidate, likely Mnangagwa, who previously headed the
secret police and is implicated in ethnic massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.OPHTHALMOLOGY helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a
legitimate and democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African
self-determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders
and proceeded to run his country into theOPHTHALMOLOGY helped free Zimbabwe from
white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic election as prime minister,
served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged reconciliation with white
residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If helped free Zimbabwe from white
minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic election as prime minister, served
as a symbol of African self-determination, urged reconciliation with white
residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.the aging president is unable to perpetuate his rule through his
spouse or other family members, the nation faces rule by the military, its puppet
or at least its chosen candidate, likely Mnangagwa, who previously headed the
secret police and is implicated in ethnic massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention. ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If helped free Zimbabwe from white
minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic election as prime minister, served
as a symbol of African self-determination, urged reconciliation with white
residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.the aging president is unable to perpetuate his rule through his
spouse or other family members, the nation faces rule by the military, its puppet
or at least its chosen candidate, likely Mnangagwa, who previously headed the
secret police and is implicated in ethnic massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.
But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to
manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
 a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.
The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.
Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.
Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and democratic
election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-determination, urged
reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and proceeded to run his
country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.
Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.helped free Zimbabwe from white minority rule, won a legitimate and
democratic election as prime minister, served as a symbol of African self-
determination, urged reconciliation with white residents and former leaders and
proceeded to run his country into the ground.

Rich in natural resources and human capital, the nation once known as Africas
breadbasket was ruined by Mugabes harebrained economic schemes and his systematic
smothering of dissent. An autocrat who has dominated the countrys politics for 37
years, Mugabe has refused to cede power or plan for succession even as he has
blithely violated human rights.

Mugabe is the countrys founding (and so far only) top leader. Now a doddering 93,
he last week sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa for supposed disloyalty and
boosted the succession prospects of his own wife, the widely reviled Grace Mugabe.
As a result, the army finally moved against him, putting Mugabe and his wife under
house arrest. That leaves the once-wealthy and at least marginally democratic
nation with a set of depressing possibilities all too familiar among countries
still struggling with their colonial legacy: If the aging president is unable to
perpetuate his rule through his spouse or other family members, the nation faces
rule by the military, its puppet or at least its chosen candidate, likely
Mnangagwa, who previously headed the secret police and is implicated in ethnic
massacres in the nations early years.

The short-term prospects for Zimbabwe look dismal.

Yet it remains a nation rich in resources. Its agricultural output has long been in
decline but its soil remains productive. Many Zimbabweans have fled from its
stunning hyperinflation but retain ties to their home country and are well educated
a result of a good system of grammar schools and higher education, one of
Mugabes few successful contributions. It has good roads. Its legal and judicial
systems arent the regions best, but neither are they the worst.

But it needs competence in banking and financial management, and expertise to

manage farmlands that were wrested from white ownership and awarded to Mugabe
supporters who lacked farming know-how. Above all, it needs a government that
focuses on freedom and economic recovery rather than on clinging to power by
oppressing opponents.

Post Mugabe, Zimbabwe is likely to get renewed and substantial assistance from
China, which invests heavily in Africa but in recent years soured a bit on Zimbabwe
as its leader grew older but no wiser. Success will require broader buy-in from
Zimbabwean expatriates, who have expertise to contribute along with remittances and
a devotion to their homeland and from Western powers, including the United
States, which would be wise to leverage aid to encourage free and fair elections
and a political infrastructure that discourages either family rule or military
intervention.