1.

•贫困对儿童成就的不利影响已经在大量研究中确定（参见例如 Duncan and

Brooks-Gunn，1997，Gregg and Machin，2000）。 •同样，父母与子女的受教
育程度之间的积极关系，使得受过良好教育的父母的子女获得更高的教育成果
，在文献中被发现是强大的（Feinstein 等，2004）。 •儿童的家庭学习环境对
认知发展的关键重要性在于一些研究（Feinstein et al，2004，Sylva et al，2004
）。 •母亲的精神健康和抑郁症已被证明对儿童的行为发展有特别的影响（
Murray，1992）。 •在一系列国家，已经记录了对儿童发展学前班和平均上班
率高的儿童的积极影响（见 NICHD，2002，Sylva et al，2004）。然而，Sylva et
al。研究结果表明，尤其是高质量护理方面更具实质性和持续性更长。我们无
法在研究中有效地处理护理质量问题。
1. • The adverse effect of poverty on children’s attainment has been established in a
large number of studies (see for example Duncan and Brooks-Gunn, 1997, Gregg and
Machin, 2000). • Similarly, the positive relationship between parents’ and children’s
educational attainment, such that children of better educated parents achieve
higher educational outcomes, has been found to be robust in the literature
(Feinstein et al, 2004). • The key importance of the child’s home learning
environment for cognitive development is pointed to by a number of studies
(Feinstein et al, 2004, Sylva et al, 2004). • Maternal mental health and depression
has been shown to have a particular influence on children’s behavioural
development (Murray, 1992). • The positive effects on children’s development of
pre-school attendance and having above average attaining children attending the
same pre-school have been documented across a range of countries (see NICHD,
2002, Sylva et al, 2004). However, Sylva et al. findings suggest more substantive and
longer lasting effects especially for high quality care. We were unable to address
quality of care issues effectively in the study.

2. 对未来研究的影响本研究对于了解儿童早期学习差异的起因及其在入学时的持
续性作出了重大贡献。随着这些孩子的年龄的增长，ALSPAC 将继续提供一种追
踪早期学习和行为如何通过童年和成年时期传播的独特方法，并评估其他影响
的出现 10 来减轻或突出早期的差异。这些数据还将能够跟踪最近的政府举措
是否可以改变这一进程，例如这些孩子在 7 岁以后将经历的扫盲时间计划，或
反社会行为社区信托基金等方案。观察到家庭背景与学校进入的成就和行为的
重大差异有关。这些家庭背景影响跨越家长教育，家庭收入，出生时母亲年龄
和家庭中兄弟姐妹数量的层面。在贫困和受教育程度较低的家庭中，早期的学
习赤字在过去的头两年仍然基本保持不变，但肯定不会继续恶化。这些早期的
学习缺陷主要源自家庭背景的衡量标准与从数据中得出的一组近端影响之间的
联系。关键的近端影响在行为和早期学习成果之间有所不同。对于收入和父母
教育来说，对早期行为结果最重要的调解影响是母亲的身心健康（包括焦虑，
压力和控制的弱点）。纪律行为也很重要。为了早期学习，身体家庭倾斜环境
（书籍和玩具），对儿童的家长教学和阅读以及在学前设置中的同伴群体的组
成是关键的近端影响。通过头两年的学业教育，孩子们早期学习的模式大体上
保持不变，因为在入学两年后，大部分早期学习差异的驱动因素仍然没有减少
 。与十几岁的母亲相比，赤贫和少数民族的赤字在七岁以前平均比白人做得更
好，但是我们没有足够的样本来分裂成特定的族群。学前设置影响学童进入儿
童发展的证据，包括参加学前同伴小组事宜的学生组合的证据表明，在前两年
的学校教育中，学生的明显迹象已经逐渐减少。然而，这项研究没有其他研究
中可用的学前设置的质量证据。

3. Implications for future research This research makes a substantive contribution to

the understanding of the origins of early learning differences in children and their
persistence on entry into school. As these children age, ALSPAC will continue to offer
a unique method of tracking how early learning and behaviour are transmitted
through childhood and into adulthood and to assess how other influences come
forward 10 to mitigate or accentuate early differences. The data will also be able to
track whether recent government initiatives can alter this process, for instance the
Literacy Hour programme, which these children will have experienced after age 7 or
programmes such as the Community Trust Fund on anti-social behaviour. Family
background is observed to be associated with major differences in attainment and
behaviour on school entry. These family background influences cross the dimensions
of parental education, family income, age of mother at birth and numbers of siblings
within the family. The early learning deficits of those from poorer and less educated
families remain largely intact through the first two years of schooling but they are
certainly not continuing to worsen. These early learning deficits substantially stem
from the association between the measures of family background and a set of
proximal influences drawn from the data. The key proximal influences differ
between behaviour and early learning outcomes. For both income and parental
education the mediating influences which are most important for early behaviour
outcomes are the mother¡¯s mental and physical health (covering anxiety, stress and
a weak locus of control). Disciplining behaviour is also important. For early learning,
the physical home leaning environment (books and toys), parental teaching and
reading to children and the make up of peer groups in pre-school settings are key
proximal influences. Through the first two years of schooling the pattern of early
learning across children remains broadly intact, in that most of the drivers of early
learning differences before entry to school remain undiminished after two years of
school. The deficits associated with having a teenage mother weaken and those
from ethnic minorities are doing better than Whites on average by age 7, but we do
not have large enough samples to split into specific ethnic groups. The evidence that
pre-school setting influences child development on school entry, including evidence
that the mix of pupils attending the pre-school peer group matters shows clear signs
of diminishing through the first two years of schooling. However, the study does not
have the evidence of quality in the pre-school setting available in other studies
4.
5. 产妇健康和背景的结果我们估计每个产妇健康和背景措施对 EA 评分的独立影
响。表 7 中的结果表明，母亲来自较差的背景（儿童财富低，外婆教育水平低
），母亲社交网络差，健康状况差，母亲的 EA 评分较低，母亲感到她几乎无
 法控制她的生活。然而，一旦我们允许这些产妇保健措施与其他母亲健康措施
之间的联合关系，身体或心理健康与 EA 测试分数无关。再次，这些措施与 EA
的相关性低于上述育儿和育儿部分的相关性，母亲在自己的童年时期经历的心
理健康相关事件似乎没有持久的影响。这表明，一旦我们适应了她的教育水平
和其他基本的人口和家庭结构控制，母亲的身心健康，母亲背景和家庭冲突的
方面，并不是幼儿认知发展的实质性驱动因素。表 7 还提供了个体母亲健康与
其孩子行为之间关系的细节。该表显示了母亲健康和儿童行为问题之间的强烈
联系。具有更多安定童年的母亲 - 在自己的童年时期的不良事件较少，与母亲
有更好的关系，来自更稳定的家庭，没有多年的逃学经验，谁觉得学校是有价
值的 - 更有可能让孩子的行为问题较少。同样，身心健康的母亲也有较少的行
为问题的孩子。这些相关性非常大。拥有更好社交网络的母亲拥有较少的行为
问题的孩子。最后，对他们的关系更加满意的母亲，有较少的行为问题的孩子
。一个身体健康状况不佳或 CCEI 评分最高分数或低自尊最高分数的母亲的孩子
平均可能比母亲的孩子有更高的行为表现（即更差）身体健康，CCEI 评分最低
，自尊水平最高。所有这三者的结合将使孩子几乎达到整体标准差。这些都是
非常实质的效果。然而，这些关于精神卫生和儿童问题的数据都是母亲报告的
，而在我们查看老师报告的 7 岁以下子样本的数据时，发现类似的模式，这些
报告中有很多测量错误。此外，母亲的自尊心评分并未显示为七岁以上老师报
告得分的 40 个重要预测因子。这提高了母亲在自尊心低下的偏见报道的前景
。

4. The results for maternal health and background We estimated the independent impact of
each of the maternal health and background measures on the EA scores. The results in Table
7 show that a low EA score is associated with the mother coming from a poorer background
(having low financial resources during childhood and low educational attainment of the
maternal grandmother), with the mother having poor social networks and poor health, and
with the mother feeling she has little control over her life. However, there is no association
of either physical or mental health with EA test scores once we have allowed for the joint
correlations between these maternal health measures and other measures of the mother’s
health. Again, the correlations of these measures with EA are lower than those in the
parenting and childcare sections above and there appears to be little enduring impact of the
mental health related events experienced by the mother during her own childhood. This
suggests that facets of the mother’s physical and mental health, the mother’s background
and family conflict are not substantive drivers of early childhood cognitive development,
once we have conditioned on her education levels and other basic demographic and family
structure controls. Table 7 also provides details of the relationship between individual
maternal health and her child’s behaviour. The table shows strong association between
mothers’ health and child behaviour problems. Mothers with more settled childhoods – with
fewer adverse events in their own childhood, with better relationships with their mothers,
from more stable household, with little experience of truancy and who felt school was
valuable - are more likely to have children with fewer behavioural problems. Similarly,
mothers in better mental and physical health have children with fewer behavioural
problems. These correlations are very substantial. Mothers who have better social networks
have children with fewer behavioural problems. Finally, mothers who are more satisfied
with their relationship have children with fewer behavioural problems. A child with a mother
in very poor health or in the highest quintile of the CCEI score or in the highest quintile of
low self esteem is on average likely to have a behavioural score substantially higher (that is,
worse) than a child whose mother is in very good health and has the lowest CCEI score and
the highest level of self esteem. A combination of all three would move the child almost a
whole standard deviation. These are very substantial effects. However, these data on mental
health and on children’s problems are both mother reported and whilst we looked at
teacher reported data for a sub-sample at age 7 and found similar patterns, there is
evidence of a lot of measurement error in these reports. In addition the mothers’ self-
esteem score did not appear as an 40 important predictor of age 7 teacher reported scores;
this raises the prospect that the mother is reporting with bias where she has low self-esteem