LENOIR FAMILY SLAVES AND SLAVERY

Added since the last sent to you:

Gwen,
I have reviewed many of the letters, diaries, journals and memorandum books of General
William Lenoir and his descendants in my possession. I have taken excerpts from these
papers here in an attempt to give what information I could find regarding the slaves of the
Lenoir family. This is a work in progress (which will probably not be completed within
my lifetime) as there are still hundreds, if not thousands, of documents which I have not
yet reviewed. And I’m sure there are more slave references in documents already read
before undertaking this project which I have not yet returned to. I apologize for some of
the spelling of names, if incorrect and of which I am unsure, but it’s the best that I can
read these handwritten documents. Other spelling I have left as it was written whether
correct or not. I have attempted to copy these documents here exactly as they appear,
even if confusing.

I don’t think I explained how I came to have these papers. I am the GGGGgrandson of
Gen. William Lenoir and descended from his son Thomas & Selina Louisa Avery Lenoir.
Thomas Isaac Lenoir’s brother Rufus who remained at Fort Defiance was my
GGgrandfather. Family members knowing my interest in history and genealogy have
graciously passed documents to me upon their deaths. There are thousands of original
Lenoir family documents which I have spent an embarrassing amount of time trying to
organize and archive. In addition there are documents relating to hundreds of other
families of NC, VA & TN which I’m trying to organize. These Lenoir family documents
are in addition to the documents located in the Lenoir papers in the Southern Historical
Collection at Chapel Hill, although copies of some of these documents are located there.
If you would like a listing of what I’ve archived to date just let me know. Hopefully
what I have so far regarding the slaves will be of some value to descendants of the slaves
as well as the Lenoir family. Slave names are in bold type. I will continue to look for
references to slaves for you as I review these documents so I hope you don’t grow tired of
my messages.

I have found at least a mention of each of the names you gave me. I will mention
something about Romeo; there were two Romeos (father and son) who were slaves of the
Lenoir family. The first was purchased by General William Lenoir (Thomas’ father) at
Fort Defiance or perhaps was the offspring of one of his slaves. He was driving General
Lenoir’s carriage as early as the 1820’s and evidently remained a trusted carriage driver
at least until 1859 as evidenced by one of the letters below (Gen. Lenoir died in 1839).
Romeo was perhaps unable to serve in other capacities due to the severe injury of his leg
after falling out of the upstairs window of the mill carrying a load of grain. The other
Romeo was born January 7, 1855, son of Caroline & Romeo as listed below. I wish I
knew more for you – but will continue to note what I find. - Ike Forester.
Memorandum book on slave families written by Selina Louisa Avery Lenoir, wife of
Thomas Lenoir and daughter-in-law of General William Lenoir – residing at Fort
Defiance, Caldwell County, NC - dated 1861:

Ages of Betty’s children by her last husband Jess – Betty born about 1800:
Eliza – born Dec. 1823
Adeline – born 1824 (loan to L.N.)
Erwin – born winter of 1826 – Jan.
Emily – born 1828
Judy – born 1830
Purvis – born 1832 or 1833

Emily’s children:
Joseph – born October 1847
Eveline – born 25 May 1850
One born & died in about May or June 1852
Burton – born June 1853 – died in 1856
Inbaty – born 13 September 1855
Emily – born 5 December 1857
Emily (the mother) died on the 9th December 1857

Ages of Judy’s children:

Fanny born August 17th 1847
Athaline – born June 7th 1850
Sidney – 31st January 1853
Harriet 9th March 1859
Eliza 5th May 1861

Fairby, ages of children:

Matilda born March 1825 – died about 1833
Maria – Sept. 1826
Polly – June 1828 – dead
James – 4th July 1830
Delia – 30th June 1832
Edmund – 5th June 1835
Eliza – 8th June 1838
Milly – summer or fall of 1842
Another sold with her mother

Janis’ children:
Martha born October 1847
One born dead winter of 1851
Polly (suppose) born in 1830
Polly’s child, Ellen born in November of 1852
Edmund born 22nd October 1857
LunnAnn born 29th Aug. 1859
Ages of Maria’s children:
Lost one before Jenny
Jenny spring of 1844
Delia June 1846
Jacob 19th Feby 1848
Albert 14th May 1850
Clarissn Apl 1852
A Byrum 18th March 1854
Miles 16th June 1856
John 29th May 1859

Sarah’s family ages:

Ester born suppose about 1815
Alice 22nd May 1822

Ester’s children:
Calvin (sold by WAL (William Avery Lenoir)) born Jan 1833
Sonberly (sold) born fall 1835
Mary (sold to W.A.L.) born June 1837
Terry (died) born summer 1840
Lou born winter of 1843
Ledney dead June 1847

Alice’s children:
Lizzy born 9th March 1841
John born 24th Apl 1844
Mose born 30th Nov 1846
Henry born 12th May 1849
One born dead in winter of 1851
Fanny born 1st March 1854
One born June 1857 died 7th August 1857

Note – Lou was either born in Dec. 1842 or Jany 1843

Ages of Lucy’s children (Lucy born Dec 1807):

Larkin – dead – born in 1823
One born and died in 1825
Viney (Wm. Gwyn) born 1827
Martha (sold) born 1829
One died in 1832
Burton born 11th March 1833
Linda born June 1835
(Some lost between these two)
James born June 18th 1842
Mira born 30th August 1844
Harriet born Nov 28th 1846

Ages of Sally’s children (Sally born about the fall of 1815):

Oldest one died of Whooping cough in winter of 1833
Joshua born 1834
Lucinda born 30th March 1837
Adeline born June 1839
Matilda born Dec 1841
(Two died between these)
Bactlitte born October 1847
Robert born 13th August 1850
Mary born in November 1853
Bill born 1st November 1856
Cyrus Washington born November 1859

Dinah’s children:
Wash was born 15th May 1835
Suppose Orilla was born in 1833 in Dec. about Christmas

Ages of Caroline and her children:

Caroline born July 1824
Washington born Feb 1841
Isaac born 1st Apl 1843
Rebecka born May 1845
Jenny born March 1847
Henderson born May 23rd 1850
Soloman born 3rd Feby 1852
Romeo born 7th Jany 1855
Jane born 27th Aug 1857 – dead

Negroes’ Ages:
Billy born 1821, died 15 Dec 1854
Adeline born 1824 died July 1853
Myranda born 1841 sold to Lancaster 10th Nov 1854
Edmund born 5th June 1835
Louisa born Dec 1843
Purvis born Dec 1842
Martin born July 1845
Simpson born July 1848
Martha Ann born June 1850
Margaret born July 1852

Agreement between General William Lenoir & son Thomas on establishing a common
household April 28, 1823 (When Thomas & family moved back to Fort Defiance from
the Haywood County farm):
Gen. Lenoir’s negroes: Jacob, Jake, Dave, Martin, Jack, Ruffin, Fonzo, Virgil,
Reddin, Amy, Silva, Jerry, Zelpha, Sener, Esther, Avy, Anthony, Louis, Margaret,
Will, Miles, Beth, Peter, Leah and their increase.

Thomas’s negroes: Peter, Anthony, Burke, Mose, Sign, Sam, Sarah, Betty, Fereby,
Sid, Luce, Dinah, Mary, Esther, Sal, Jo, Darkey, Sarah’s young child and their
increase.

Slaves sold by the Estate of Gen. William Lenoir. William Lenoir maintained what he
referred to as his “Book of Forms” in which he began noting items of interest in 1768
at the age of seventeen. He continued adding entries to this book throughout his life
although not frequently in later years. After his death on May 6, 1839 his Estate was
administered by his son Thomas Lenoir. Thomas listed in the “Book of Forms” all
items sold from the Estate (most of which were to other family members), purchaser
and price. There are 578 items listed as sold from the Estate. The following slaves are
listed as being sold on November 11, 1839:

Slave Sold To Price

Girl Caroline Thomas Isaac Lenoir $740.00
Bill Thomas Isaac Lenoir $850.00
Cyrus Joseph Tucker $790.00
Milly James Harper $745.00
Mira William Ballard Lenoir $650.00
Harriet William Ballard Lenoir $515.00
Dilcey Wm. McKesson $300.00
Note on Dilcey – failed to comply with terms and sold to Dr. Jones
Jonas Dr. L. G. Jones $481.00
John William Ballard Lenoir $492.00
Jacob Thomas Jones $250.00
Martin & Esther Col. William Davenport $160.00
Lewis Thomas Jones $69.00
Jack bid off by Gen. Edmund Jones for Saml. F. Patterson $500.00
Dave & Amy James Harper (note given) $286.00
Dilcey – a black girl (see above) Dr. L. G. Jones $175.00

(Note – all of the above slaves were sold to Lenoir family members, either sons,
grandsons or son-in-laws of William Lenoir. The sale of Dilcey to Wm. McKesson was
disallowed by Thomas as McKesson did not have cash in hand at the sale. Thomas notes
that McKesson had a terrible reputation regarding the treatment of his slaves and was a
drunkard. He refused to honor the sale and Dilcey went to Dr. L.G. Jones, his nieces’
husband, which pleased Thomas very much. You’ll notice that Thomas took a note from
James Harper on the sale of Dave & Amy.)

BOX #1:
Negroes sold by Gen. William Lenoir and son Thomas – a memorandum:

March, 1831 William Lenoir sold:

Jacob, Virgil, Reddin, Wash & Jerry. Also sold Sylphia, Semar & Margaret which I
would consider equal to 6 hands but as Virgil & Semar were to be under the command
of their mistress Eliza Mira (Gen. Lenoir’s daughter) when she chose to sell them at any
thing she wished down count the whole at 4 hands 8 1/8 years at $40.00 per year.
Proceeds = $1306.66.

July, 1835 William Lenoir sold:

Peter, 4 ¼ years Proceeds = $170.00

May, 1836 William Lenoir sold:

Sylvia, Avy, Leah & Mily (4 say) 3 hands 3 years. Proceeds = $360.00
Gave Anthony to Ann ? which will balance against Mose that T. L. sold.
Entire proceeds = $1836.66 less 280.00 to TL, less ¼ off = $1167.50.

May, 1835 Thomas Lenoir sold:

Burke in 1832 or 1833 say 32 count of years (this is the 280.00 which William deducted
from his proceeds above).
Peter, Mary in May 1836 and Jo & Darky, July 1836. Sydia in April 1835 and in Dec.
1837 he gave to his daughter Laura, Dinah, Eliza and Add and has at various times
brought from his farm in Haywood the following negroes, Henry, Turner, Romeo, Elias,
Lason, George, Isaiah, Fanny & Betsy, whose service will more than balance for all
sold Burke excepted.

Additional memorandum regarding the above sales:

WL sold Mar. 1831, Jacob, Virgel, Reddin, Wash & Jerry – 5 males
Sylphia, Semar & Margaret – 3 females
WL sold Feb 1835, Peter – 1 male
WL sold May 1836 Sylvia, Avy & Leah – 3 females
Alphonso – 1 male
WL sold July 1836 Miles – 1 male
Exchanged with T.L. Ruffin for Anthony & gave him to Ann ? – 1 male
T.L. sold Mose, Burke, Peter & Jo – 4 males
Apr 1835 Lydia, Mary & Darkey – 3 (Peter & Mary sold May 1836, Darkey
sold July 1836)
T.L. sold Dec 1837 Leah, Dinah, Eliza & Add – 3 and he has brought from Haywood,
Henry, Turner, Romeo, Elias, Lason, George & Isiah – 7 males Fanny & Betsy – 2.

Various letters with references to slaves:

June 28, 1818 – To wife Selina Louisa Lenoir at her parent’s home Swan Ponds
(Waightstill Avery’s home near Morganton, NC) from Thomas Lenoir at the Haywood
County farm:
“Some complaints among the Negroes before and since my return but all are well now
that are at home. Harry, George, Jack, Peter, Jonathan & Lucy are all at the camp
meeting, from which I’ve heard no particulars.”

April 24, 1826 – Note to General William Lenoir from his son Thomas:
“Owning to Eveline & Caroline both being unwell Alira wishes to stay until tomorrow
in hopes by that time she can leave them better satisfied and I’ve concluded to stay and
go with her.”

January 8, 1846 – To Thomas Isaac Lenoir in Wilkesboro, NC from his father Col.
Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance preparing to leave for the Haywood County farm:
“Turner and Isaac are improving slowly, Turner able to walk about the yard some for
the last few days, Isaac not able to set up. Fanny has been quite sick for near a week and
her case thought a doubtful one, she is perhaps better last night and this morning. Isaiah
has been quite sick again since Friday last, is thought to be better this morning; Athelina
is quite sick and has been 2 or 3 days and her child thought to be dangerously ill for about
a week, appears some better yesterday and this morning, but its recovery is thought at
least doubtful, not much complaint among the other Negroes.”

June 30, 1848 – Receipt from Thomas Lenoir to son William Avery Lenoir for sale of 8
Negroes:
“Received of William A. Lenoir Two Thousand and Seven Hundred Dollars, In Lower
Creek Lands for Eight Negroes. One woman Adaline and her three Children now at Jos.
C. Norwoods, One Negro man Bill, Boy Calvin about 14 or 15 years old and Edmund
about 13 years old – and a Girl Mary about 10 years old – 30th June 1848.”

October 9, 1848 – To Thomas Lenoir visiting the Haywood County farm from daughter
Sarah Joyce Lenoir (Aunt Sade) at Fort Defiance (note- I feel that Sarah, Mary & Sile
must be slaves as there are no Lenoirs of those names who would have been living at the
Fort at that time other than Sarah Joyce Lenoir who was the author.):
“It is unpleasant to commence my letter with bad news; but when I think how much
worse it might have been, there is no ground for complaint, but great reason to be
thankful. As Sarah was returning from Lenoir on Wednesday evening, the carriage
tongue came out, while they were coming down the hill on this side of Gen. Patterson’s
Brickyard branch, & the carriage ran upon the horses & Nelson jumped several times &
kicked once & upset the carriage by running it on the back of the road. Sarah was hurt
bad enough to have kept anybody else in bed a week or two, but she was up and at
breakfast next morning, without having any Doctor, except Mother & Sister Jane, to ? her
wounds.
She had a deep cut over her right eye, and the brow & one just in the edge of the hair
above that, & two bad bruises, one above her left eye & the other above her right knee &
two slight scratches on her face. The blood settled about her left eye, making it very
black for a day or two, but has almost disappeared, & she says she will be well & have
forgotten it before you get home. Mary & Sile came over with her. Mary’s arm was
hurt smartly. Poor little Sile was hurt very little, but she & Mary were frightened almost
to death. Romeo strained his ancle, he does not know how, & can’t walk well enough to
plow; but has not stopped working. The body of the carriage is a perfect smash but the
running gear is not injured. The horses worked as well as if nothing had happened. Gen.
Pattersons boys were going home from his Buffaloe field & were not far off when the
carriage turned over. They helped turn the carriage up and one of them brought Sile
home in his arms; she was so much frightened, she declared she could not stand up.
Sarah & Mary walked home, all arriving between sun-down and dark. And as for how
we all looked & what was done I will leave you to imagine. Sarah’s brow may be
disfigured slightly but not enough to be noticed much.
Isaiah cut himself slightly with an axe and took cold in it through ? and I suppose
suffered a great dele from it for two or three days.”

January 30, 1849 – To Rufus Lenoir at Fort Defiance from his brother Thomas Isaac
Lenoir at the “Bachelor’s Retreat” (Haywood County farm):
“I am sorry to hear that Jonah has been attacked with the yellow fever, but as silver is so
good a conductor of heat, I hope that frequent applications of the $48.00 will effectually
draw it out. Most of my patients are recovering. Ike has been out at work today & seems
well. Jacob has not able to work any yet, & until yesterday complained a good deal of
pain in his back, & still coughs some but is improving evidently & walking about.
Caroline is still on the grunting list, but Esther thinks that she is improving a little.
Lark was laid up for an hour or two this morning with a pain in one eye, but it got easy
& he has been fencing this evening. He was complaining yesterday of a pain in one
ancle, which has lammed him occasionally for 2 or 3 years. The others were all at work
today but some of them have colds & coughs.
When I see the wagons if I think it will do my plan will be to get him (Samuel Reece) to
haul some dried apples & wool to Caldwell, & bring Jenny back & if the negroes there
all get well again, then try to get off myself & take Lark with me, for whether he stays in
Caldwell or not, I would like for him to take the trip as it would probably be of service to
him.
If he returns to Haywood he could come on with Reece & Jenny & bring Rover.
There seems to be no prospect of buying Lark’s wife. Riley is still looking out for a
Master, & says that he wants one of Osborn’s girls for a wife, but has no notion of
belonging to Ephraine.”

January 13, 1852 – To Sarah Joyce Lenoir “Aunt Sade” at Fort Defiance from her
brother Thomas Isaac Lenoir at “Bachelor’s Den”, the Haywood County farm:
“One of the negroes was at Waynesville Christmas & said that Jo. Benner told him that
our friends there were well.”

March 9, 1852 – To A. Lawrence from Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance:

“From all the information, yet acquired, in regard to the health and soundness of the
Negro, (Esther) sold to you by my sons, I am induced to believe, that you must have
been imposed on by the man to whom you sold her: Mrs. Lenoir, nor any of my children
appear to have any knowledge, or suspicion, of her being otherwise that sound and
healthy: - some one of the Family recollects, of accidentally hearing, some of the other
Negroes, laughing at her, about getting some man to rub and cure by charm, some little
Tumor or rising on some part of her body; of which they thought but lightly at the time,
and supposed, as she had never complained, that if there was there, anything the matter,
she had long since got well. The man (Joseph Gaines) to whom she was hired, at the
time, and long before you purchased her, considered her sound, and was anxious to
purchase her.
I have no apprehensions that you could by law recover any damage from me; but as I
wish all my transactions, with fellow man, to be fair and honorable, am willing that all
the facts and circumstances, should be fairly and truly stated, and submitted, to
disinterested, intelligent and honorable men, and abide their decision.”

July 30, 1853 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir at the
Forks of the Pigeon farm in Haywood County, NC (The Den):
“The negroes & white folks at The Den are as well as usual.”

December 31, 1853 – To Rufus Lenoir at Fort Defiance from Brother Thomas Isaac
Lenoir at the Haywood County farm:
“Patsy has been complaining a little lately & Old Jenny has not quite so well of late.”

October 6, 1855 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir at
Haywood County farm (The Den):
“The Negroes are as well as usual except Jenny – she has something like rheumatism in
one knee.”
“I had Isaac tried for stealing before a Justice of the Peace. He was found guilty & was
whipped. A good many neighbors were summoned as witnesses”.

November 21, 1855 – To Rufus Lenoir from Brother Thomas Isaac Lenoir at Haywood
County farm:
“Tom will start with the oxen on Monday morning. Circumstances have now convinced
me that it will be absolutely necessary for another Negro (Gabe) to leave Haywood. He
must return with you or I must take him with me – but would prefer his going sooner than
I can get off which will not be before middle of January.
He is probably one of the stoutest men in the County & one of the best hands to work that
is on the place & I could send him off now with a tolerable fair characteristics. He is not
expecting it & I don’t wish you to mention it to any of the Darkies.
I will write to Father in full upon the subject soon. If you have a boy not over 13 or 14
years old that you wish to send, send him. If not I must arrange business to do without.
If you come & have an old saddle that would suit for Gabe to ride back on, it would be
well to bring it.
I see as I fear, a good many little troubles ahead, but I am trying to be both patient &
quiet & haven’t time now to discourse upon the evils incident to slaveholders that are
surrounded such a population as some of those about me. Patience is a fine thing.”

November 24, 1855 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac at the
Haywood Co. farm (The Den):
“On Wednesday morning I wrote a few lines to Bro. Rufus in which I mentioned the
necessity of sending from Haywood another Negro. The tendency to insubordination that
was displayed here on last Tuesday morning has weighed heavily upon me ever since & I
have been made to feel deeply, & regret my inability to properly govern negroes when
surrounded by certain influences & to deplore my lack of those Christian virtues which
alone can enable poor humanity to perform cheerfully all the duties of life & in like
manner subtract to all it little crosses.
On Tuesday morning Caroline spoke impudently to me. I threatened to whip her. She
did so again and went home. I took the cowhide & walked slowly to her house & had
been talking to her perhaps about two minutes when Gabe (who was down at the creek)
rushed up & in an insulting manner asked me what was the matter. I ordered him off. I
had nothing in my hand except a small cowhide, or I would have struck him. He stepped
back a few yards & said with a very significant motion of the head, “there’s always a fuss
here, & that aint all, & this is not agoing to be the end of it” and then walked off
immediately after that. Erwin who was working at least a quarter of a mile from the
house, came almost out of breath (I suppose a runner had gone for him) & commenced
speaking to me in a more insolent manner than any negro ever spoke to me before. I
picked up a very heavy fire shovel & ordered him off. He did not seem much disposed to
back, but did not venture in at the door. I knew there would be danger of injuring, or
perhaps killing him if I struck him with that weapon & I knew also that it would be
useless for me to attempt to cowhide him at that time, unless I first knocked him down,
but for one time in my life, as I now think, I wisely delayed to strike. He stood a moment
at the door, & then ? off probably only around the corner of the house. I continued my
lecture to Caroline. She only about half-way acknowledged that she had been in fault, &
promised that she would try to do better, & so escaped without a blow.
It will be out of the question for me to maintain my authority here without punishing both
of those boys – perhaps sending Gabe to Caldwell may suffice in his case but Erwin
must be soundly thrashed, but I will consider for several days, perhaps weeks before I act
in the punishment.
There are too many of that family together and perhaps it would be better for none of
them to leave. Erwin has generally been about the best hand among them for work, &
until lately one of the most polite & agreeable – but I have noticed that he has been for a
good while, gradually changing for the worse. His wife was always a petulant
discontented creature & I have thought that Homy’s family was nearly all disposed to be
dissatisfied with their station in life.
If there are any matrimonial alliances projected among them, I am not aware of it. The
only boy that visits here often is Co. Cathey’s Jim, a notorious drunkard, & when drunk
very insolvent to his master & fond of blustering when sober & has often said that no
man should ever whip him. I don’t see how the Col. can put up with him. He is
remarkably strong & is a considerable crony of Gabe’s & I fear is exerting an
unfavorable influence on Gabe & if so you may know not that influence will extend to
the negroes here. Your Gabe is head man among them.”
“As the mail has not arrived, I will add a little. I have sometimes feared that Gabe had a
little too much love for liquor & that he was in the habit of bringing it to the Quarter, but
have had no positive proof of it & never heard of his getting drunk. I was once told that
he had stolen corn & traded it for liquor, but as I have had no corroborating evidence, I
hope it was not true. He does not know that I ever suspected him, neither have I
mentioned it to anyone before – but perhaps others have heard the report, yet I think his
general character is very good.
If he were away & Erwin brought to his senses, perhaps I can manage the balance a
while longer. But think it would probably be better to send one of the girls away also.
The youngest, Rebecca, is a stout, hearty looking woman, but a very awkward looking,
ill shaped creature & I think the most trifling and lazy of the whole family. Aveline is a
larger healthy looking wench, rather likely, & I think decidedly the best of the three – the
most industrious, cleanly & best disposed & if Mother is lacking a house servant I think
she would suit this after a little training. If it were not that I think it would be better for
her to go, I would rather spare either of the other two. But I think it probable that she is
in some danger here now. You will recollect that there were some bad reports about her a
year or two ago but they have never been substantiated.”

March 8, 1856 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir at
Haywood Co. farm:
“On Monday evening at 7 Oclock I arrived at the Den, & found the negroes as well as
usual except that several of them were complaining of sore necks, but none of them as yet
have been laid up with it.” “There was a considerable smallpox alarm in Asheville on
Monday morning”. “It is not very probable that either Isaac (probably overseer Isaac
Pless) or myself had any chance to catch the disease. He has a scar on his arm from
vaccination – and I vaccinated nearly all the negroes here four or five years ago.”

November 22, 1856 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir
at Haywood Co. farm:
“In my last to Rufus I mentioned that Isaac had run away from Patton, & was probably in
this neighborhood. I have not heard a word of him yet, but have no doubt of his being
about here & harbored by these negroes & others, and it will be a difficult matter to have
him retaken. If it is not done before January, had I not better have him outlawed & send
his old mother off to Caldwell? I am quite at loss.”

February 6, 1857 – To Thomas Isaac Lenoir at Fort Defiance from Col. Cathey in
Haywood County, NC (T.I.L. visiting parents):
“Two of your negro girls was here on Monday and said the balance of the negroes was as
well as when you left them. They cannot yet decide whether they have Hooping Cough
or not. They say some of them are better than first had the cough, I suppose they are no
worse or I would have heard it. Turner is better of his sore leg but not well yet, and on
account of his condition I will go to Curtis’s today and there mail this on tomorrow. I
hope Burton & James will meet me there tonite with the wagons from Greenville.”

July 20, 1857 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir at
Haywood County farm:
“When I reached the Den I found all as well as usual except Jacob. He has been more
than usually afflicted with aches & pains but is well enough to walk about this morning.
The negroes have cut most of our wheat. That which is to cut has some rust. They say
that the other is very good.”

December 7, 1857 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir
at Haywood County farm:
“I sent Branch directly home from Hendersonville, but came by way of Asheville
myself, & staid one night at Char. McDowels.” (This was on a return trip to
Spartanburg).

December 12, 1857 – To Rufus Theodore Lenoir at Fort Defiance from his brother-in-law
James Gwyn (Sarah’s brother) in Elkin, NC:
“I will send George up about Christmas & he can take your buggy & the little girl, if they
wish it. I wish you & Col. Thomas (Rufus’ father) to consult your own interest & do as
you may rather as to sending George back to me. It will make no great difference with
me either way. I have plenty for him to do & would like very well to keep him, if it suits
all around. If you send him back & allow for me to keep him I would like to buy his wife
if she is a stout healthy negro & not evil disposed, nor too saucy & if she can be had at a
reasonable price, of course I would not give trading prices to Rufe. When our old Johney
is obliged to sell perhaps he would take something pretty near what would be right for
her. You must judge that if you please. I have 7 or 800 & expect to get some more soon
so that I could pay the money for her I reckon any time after 1st Jany. I have said nothing
to George about it either as to his returning or getting his wife. I will ask him about her
before he goes up & write you then again.”
March 15, 1858 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir at
Haywood County farm:
“The sick negroes all seem to be getting well except Mary (Patsy’s little girl). Her pulse
is 130 this morning & her tongue looks badly, but she is said to be better than she was
yesterday.
They have all been sick except Harry & Jenny, Branch, Ike, Caroline & Patsy.
Several of them are looking very badly. Avaline has had the severest attack & it will
probably be a good while before she is entirely well again. Jacob has been quite low &
was quite sure that he would die & I believe some of the others thought so too.
Avaline is able to walk about the house a little & her cough is not so bad as it has been &
the others (except Mary) are all able to walk about.
Lark will probably get here tonight & the time of his starting back will depend on the
weather, etc. Everything is so much behind hand here that I will feel like keeping Lark a
week or two, so you need not be uneasy if he does not come soon.”

April 15, 1858 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac Lenoir at
Haywood County farm:
“Avaline improves but little & the doctor is not giving her medicine. Rebecca complains
of her back & is not able to work, but looks as well as usual. Jenny is scarcely able to
hobble about her house. Lizzie & Caroline are both well & have to do all the washing,
cooking, milking, etc. Jake & Harry do a good of grunting but are both at work. The
others all seem well & hearty.
I heard on day before yesterday & suppose it is true that several negroes in Asheville
formed a plot to fire Hugh Johnson’s store & during the fuss to break into & rob the other
stores & set out for a free state. Several have confessed their guilt & ten have been sent
South. It is said that the negroes say that a respectable physician was the instigator but
we are pretty much in the dark here as yet.”

June 26, 1858 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac at the
Haywood Co. farm (The Den):
“The negroes here are as well as usual”.

July 26, 1858 – To Thomas Lenoir at Fort Defiance from son Thomas Isaac at Haywood
Co. farm (The Den):
“We are all as well as usual here this morning except the regular grunters, (Jenny &
Patsy) & they are not much worse off than is common. Patsy was very sick a few days
ago & seemed a good deal like dieing for a while, but has got about again without the aid
of a Doctor. It has been but a few weeks since I paid a considerable Doctor bill (mostly
on her account) making over $90.00 that I have paid them since I returned from Caldwell
in March. I miss Patsy as a cook when she is sick – for Jenny has been too old & blind
for a cook, for the last twelve months, & Lizzie does not know much about it, but has to
do of late. Avaline seems quite well again & she & Rebecca work out pretty regularly, &
Lizzie too when Patsy is able to cook. Harry is about as usual – walks with too sticks
until he gets hold of his hoe, & then seems to chop away diligently. Jacob seems more of
a cripple than he did last year, & I think is failing faster than Harry. The other boys all
seem stout & healthy & have (I think) considerable improved in their ways within the last
twelve months & have become more polite, & obliging & industrious, & a little more
careful & now have the credit of being the best set of negroes in the County & I hope
they deserve it. Patton has sold Isaac & he has been taken south. Myself & three others
captured him in May. We found him in on the Nelson ridge, between the road & river, on
a smooth hillside, in open woods, in a cave that he had dug & nicely covered leaving a
door at one end & a chimney at the other, the chimney opening just under a large log. We
suppose he had burrowed there for several months – perhaps all winter, & been fed by his
Mother & Patsy principally. I do not believe that any of the other family knew where he
was. Patton’s overseer came out & we called them all up & questioned them carefully
but could get no positive evidence against any except Jenny, Patsy & Lizzie. Jake came
pretty near getting into a difficulty. We found out from Ike himself that he had seen &
talked with Jake once & this Jake acknowledged but we could prove nothing more
against him & I was very glad to have a chance to let him off, but told him & the others
that it was only his precious good character that saved him & in this way I excused Old
Jenny also, but told the others that I thought her more guilty that any, but as Patsy &
Lizzie had not established quite so good characters, they must take the lash and I paid
Williams $5.00 for tieing up the two last & whipping them scientifically. When I
commenced writing on this little paper I had no idea of filling even one sheet for I did not
expect to say anything about that runaway. It was a subject that had worried me a great
deal but I hope I have managed it for the best, & acted my part well in the whole matter
& am glad to think that it has had a good effect on the others.”

June 28, 1859 – To Sallie (Sarah) Lenoir at her parent’s home in Elkin, NC from husband
Rufus Theodore Lenoir at Fort Defiance:
“The road is so very bad between here & Wilkesboro that I am not willing to trust to
Wash & will take Romeo to drive the carriage. One of the mules did not behave well as
we came up but I think he will do better by changing them.”

November 23, 1860 – To Rufus Lenoir at Fort Defiance from Brother Thomas Isaac
Lenoir at the Haywood County farm:
“There is about as little complaint as usual among the Darkies excepting Caroline. She
has been quite sick for a few days but seems to be better & is able to sit up a little.
We are behind with our corn. It is not turning out so well as I expected. Our roads in bad
order – not half of those fine turnips are housed yet. The three Negro Cabins all to cover.
Settlements to make with all of Father’s tenants about fencing, building cabins, etc. An
unusual amount of small jobs to be done about the farm & winter seems to be
commencing & I fear I can’t get to see you all near so soon as I wish. Perhaps these
small matters prevent my thinking & grieving as much about the foolery of our Southern
neighbors, and the danger of our government, as I otherwise would do.”
December 28, 1860 – To Sarah Joyce Lenoir at Fort Defiance from Sister Mary Ann
Gwyn in Elkin, NC:
“It doesn’t seem like Christmas, or at least Christmas used to be in days long since. Nor
does it seem like the days when we spent Christmas as Mother Church teaches her
children to keep it for we have not even so much as sung a Christmas hymn. Even the
Negroes have got so worldly minded, they are hard at work for themselves instead of
frolicking and enjoying themselves.”
“Some weeks after the ? Sally came to me several times to inquire about that man that’s
going to be hung and what he had done. I told her his name and in answer to the other
question said he had done a great many bad things. I know by Sally’s manner that she
was sent and she came right from Bets. Now I believe that Betsy and others here know
all about that matter before she sent Sally to ask for other Negroes about here had heard it
talked about. I never knew any one so changed as she is of late. She seems so elated! So
perfectly good humored, so king and obliging to the other Negroes! She has quit
persecuting poor Jane and is a perfect queen bee among them all now. She helped me
make up the coarse clothes and did very well too, but she won’t look me in the face and I
know she hates me. Sima is very insolent & disobedient, and some weeks ago she
seemed like one in ecstasies all the time.”

June 10, 1861 – To Rufus Lenoir at Fort Defiance from Brother Thomas Isaac Lenoir at
the Haywood County farm:
“Romeo’s leg seems a little better just now. The second blister is still running but Dr.
Allen says that it is probable that he will never be well. Frank has been quite sick for
several days. His pulse at 120 this morning but I think is probably only worms.”

June 18, 1861 – To Rufus Lenoir at Fort Defiance from Brother Thomas Isaac Lenoir at
the Haywood County farm:
“We are all about as usual here. Dr. Allen has been to see Romeo several times & has
blistered his leg twice. Romeo thinks it is better but the Doctor says that he thinks it will
probably never get well.”

March 27, 1864 – Letter from Walter Waightstill Lenoir (brother of Thomas Isaac &
Rufus Theodore Lenoir) at the “Crab Orchard” farm in Haywood County to his sister
Sarah Joyce Lenoir “Aunt Sade” at Fort Defiance. This was written approximately 1 ½
years after Walter lost his leg at the battle of Chantilly serving as a Captain in the
Confederate army:
“I would like very well also to know if you can inform me without too much about what
amount of spinning and weaving you get done by the Negroes in this corner of the year
and who am engaged in it all the time.
Don’t concern yourself too much, I beseech you, about the trouble that my negroes give
me. It is probably much less than you suppose. Andy and Uriah are first rate boys, and
are doing very well. The others are what I took them to be. I hear some faint whisper
that under favorable circumstances I could make them a great deal better. I can’t say that
those hopes have been weakened or strengthened owed to my experience so far. My
system is at present, and would perhaps be under any circumstances, impracticable. It
would promise [sic] sacrifice rather than profit. I am not attached to it, or anxious to try
it. You know that I had made up my mind before the war that I would not be again a
slave owner, not from doubt that it was right for the people of the south in this age to
continue to own their slaves, but because I prefer to avoid the trouble and worry of
owning them. Circumstances have made me a slave owner, but without changing
maternally my personal inclinations about it, and without placing me under any
obligations as I conceive to continue the notation to my great personal discomfort. The
tie that binds ? it is so slight that my slaves can’t habitually trouble me much. I ? in that
behalf, and am prepared at any time to exercise the right of concession. It is a great bore
to have to wait this weary ? of this war before knowing how to decide these things, or
whether it be necessary to decide them, but that is no man to me personally than other
slave owners and probably troubles me less. Indeed I take the whole war patiently and
am I suppose far more cheerful and hopeful than most persons North or South.”

1864 – To Sarah Joyce Lenoir “Aunt Sade” at Fort Defiance from her sister Mary Ann
Gwyn in Elkin, NC:
“Is Tom of any service to you? And how do the rest of the negroes do? I see no change
in ours, or at least very little. Some of them are more humble and obedient than they ever
were, but they seem confused and troubled in their mind. You don’t hear the merry laugh
and song among them now that was heard six months ago.”

An undated list of the cooking utensils being used by each of the slave families:

Betty’s: 1 large flat skillet

1 small dinner pot
2 deep skillets, one large and one small and one lid pretty good
1 med. size pot

Alice’s House: 3 small pots, one deep skillet, one flat skillet with handle, one
broke oven, one lid, one deep and one flat skillet of her own.

Maria’s one good dinner pot, one good flat skillet, one med size.
1 good large oven no lid
One deep skillet, no handle
3 other pots, 2 large, 1 small

Caroline’s 1 good dinner pot

1 good flat skillet and lid, one oven of her own, one old flat
skillet broke, and one frying pan.
1 deep large skillet broke
Sally’s to cook in: 1 small dinner pot
1 large deep skillet cracked
1 flat skillet broken a little
1 small lid
1 large pot
1 old broken flat skillet

Kitchen: 4 pots, 1 large piece and three smaller of different sizes.

9 ovens, 3 large deep, 2 med deep, 2 small deep, 2 large flat,
10 lids, 6 of them good, 1 large, 2 med, 2 small, 2 very small.
4 flat skillets, 3 large and one small
2 deep skillets
2 stove pots, one cover
2 brass kettles
1 stewpan
3 tea kettles
3 large kettles and 2 very large pots besides the different setts
set down.

The following information is taken from an undated letter (approximately 2003)

written by Allan Lenoir Poe, noted genealogists and historian, to Becky Phillips, the
Executive Director of Fort Defiance, Inc.

Allan lists the slaves sold from the estate of General William Lenoir (I’ll not repeat this
here as it is listed above). Allan also states: “Since Col. Thomas Lenoir, as executor,
conducted the sale he was unable to bid, so his son Thomas Isaac acted as his agent, who
subsequently complained in a private letter that he was forced to pay “very high prices”
for Caroline & Bill. Most of the purchasers were members or connections of the Lenoir
family except for Joseph Tucker and James Harper, both friends of the family. Two
elderly married couples, Dave & Amy and Martin & Esther, were sold together as pairs
to prevent them from being separated.
An unwelcome “outsider”, William F. McKesson of Burke County, also attended
the sale and attempted to buy a slave but Col. Lenoir disallowed the sale because
McKesson “failed to fulfill the terms of the sale”, and the slave (Dilcy) was resold to Dr.
Jones, whose wife was a granddaughter of Gen. Lenoir. Although McKesson was a
merchant and large landowner who became the largest slaveholder in Burke, he had a bad
reputation, and it is evident that Col. Lenoir took advantage of a technicality to prevent
the slave from falling into his hands. A few years later a niece of Mrs. Thomas Lenoir
wrote in a letter that “Mr. McKesson has added drunkenness to his other vises.”
 The large price paid for Cyrus was due to the fact that he was a blacksmith, a
talent that made him particularly valuable, especially to his purchaser, Mr. Tucker, who
was a prominent ironmonger.
To modern eyes these prices may not seem large, but it must be remembered that
the purchasing power of a dollar in 1839 was enormously greater than it is today. To put
these figures in perspective, a farm of moderate size and value could then be purchased
for less that the amounts paid for most of these slaves. The most valuable land was
seldom sold for more than $2.00 an acre.
In 1860 the Fort Defiance plantation was valued at $12,500 (according to the
1860 census), but the slaves there were valued at over $30,000 (Col. Lenoir’s personal
property valued at $34,000, of which perhaps $4,000 might be other kinds of property –
livestock, household furniture, etc.). These figures do not include the value of his land
and slaves in Haywood County.
The following list of the slaves belonging to the estate of Col. Thomas Lenoir is
taken from the inventory of his personal property dated 20 January 1861 and returned by
his executors (Walter W. Lenoir and Rufus T. Lenoir for property in Caldwell County and
Thomas Isaac Lenoir for property in Haywood County) to the Caldwell County Court at
May term 1861:
Cash on hand $1,075.11
Slaves (at Fort Defiance): Value
Andy aged 43 $600
Maria aged 34 $533
Children of Andy & Maria:
Jenny aged 16 $350
Delia aged 14 $400
Jacob aged 13 $575
Albert aged 10 $575
Clarissa aged 8 $550
Birum aged 6 $425
Miles aged 4 $300
John aged 1 $150
Romeo aged 42 $550
Caroline aged 36 $533
Children of Romeo & Caroline:
Rebecca aged 15 $775
Jenny aged 13 $633
Henderson aged 10 $550
Solomon aged 8 $475
Frank aged 6 $337
Lark aged 30 $933
Tom aged 28 $933
Aveline aged 26 $666
Turner aged 43 $775
Elsey aged 39 $350
Children of Turner & Elsey:
Mose aged 14 $350
 Henry aged 11 $575
Fanny aged 7 $400
Betty aged 60 $300
Grandchildren of Betty:
Joe aged 13 $600
Eveline aged 10 $550
Lou aged 5 $250
Emily aged 3 $225
Judy aged 30 $500
Children of Judy:
Sidney aged 8 $475
Harriet aged 2 $150
Polly aged 28 $666
Children of Polly:
Ellen aged 8 $450
Edmund aged 3 $225
Ann aged 1 $150
Lucy aged 53 $1,000 (Lucy & Harriet
valued together)
Children of Lucy:
Jones aged 18 $500
Harriet aged 14
Sally aged 45 $250 (Sally & Cyrus valued
together
Children of Sally:
Tilda aged 19 $700
Bart aged 13 $600
Bob aged 10 $550
Mary aged 6 $450
Bill aged 4 $300
Cyrus aged 1
Making in all forty-seven Negroes at Fort Defiance.

Slaves in Haywood County – Thomas Isaac Lenoir, executor; includes 15 slaves:

Jenny aged 64 $1,000 (Jenny & Jacob
valued together)
Jacob aged 47
Patsy aged 44 $300
Larkin aged 6 $450
Mary aged 12 $600
Erwin aged 35 $734
Caroline aged 37 $166
Jesse aged 9 $500
Henry aged 8 $375
Harry aged 73 $300 (Harry & Rebecca
valued together)
 Rebecca aged 21
Branch aged 30 $866
Uriah aged 25 $800
Isaac aged 17 $700
Purvis aged 32 $750

Total value of slaves $29,725

There are numerous earlier records of Thomas Lenoir’s slaves, showing that a
majority of them were acquired by his marriage to Selina Louisa Avery, youngest
daughter of Col. Waightstill Avery of Swan Ponds, Burke County, a large slaveholder,
who at various times gave groups of slaves to his daughter, among them were two of the
older women on the 1861 inventory – Betty and Lucy, who had numerous descendants.
Others were purchased from owners elsewhere; the first two slaves that Thomas Lenoir
owned were purchased in 1805 (before his marriage) from Willis Arrington of Warren
County, NC, a friend and neighbor of his maternal Aunt Mrs. William Bunt.
Thomas Lenoir’s father-in-law Col. Avery owned 75 slaves in 1820, the year
before his death; this compares with Gen. Lenoir’s 41 at the same time, his largest
number at any time. Gen. Lenoir divided most of his slaves among his heirs some years
before his death, the greater number going to his daughters or their heirs, as was
customary in most families, as the sons usually inherited most of their father’s land.
You will notice several married couples among the slaves. These marriages were
not legally binding contracts since the parties involved did not have the exercise of free
will but were merely voluntary associations which could be ended at will by either party;
however, to their credit, most such marriages seemed to last. Some of the female slaves
at the Fort had husbands on nearby plantations; for instance, Lucy was married to Henry,
a slave of Gen. Patterson’s at Palmyra. Slave society, however, was essentially a
matriarchy, and the houses they lived in were designated the woman’s house, even if she
had a husband.

The following information is taken from “The Many Faces of Fort Defiance”, A report
submitted to Fort Defiance, Incorporated by Maurice C. York, Chapel Hill in August,
1979 (Since this report was done for the Fort and is not found in libraries or known to
the public, etc., I thought you may want this information – references are provided in
York’s work for everything which is reported here. Most of his research was done on
the Lenoir papers at Chapel Hill and his report on life at the Fort is extensive – 392
pages.):

Page 22 – (William) Lenoir supported a large family at Fort Defiance. He had seven
children by the time his house was finished, and Sarah Joyce (Sally) Lenoir arrived in
1796. Ann Lenoir undoubtedly required assistance in raising these children (though
Mary was old enough in 1792 to marry Charles Gordon), and it appears that a woman
named Keziah or Kizia assisted her in the capacity of “mammy.” It is not clear whether
Keziah was a slave, however.
Page 31 – Lenoir owned slaves for the entire time he lived at Fort Defiance. Originally
he viewed the peculiar institution as protection of the slaves from the “harmful
uncertainties of freedom.” Eventually, however, he considered slavery to be morally just
– reasonable punishment for the transgressions of the slaves’ ancestors. Though he sold
large numbers of slaves only on one occasion, he did prefer to buy young ones since they
could be purchased at low prices. Then, if their behavior merited it as they grew, he
might train them in smithing, carpentry, or leatherwork, thus increasing their productivity.
Though occasionally he gave slaves to his sons and daughters, the number of slaves at
Fort Defiance grew steadily. In 1798 he purchased Easter, a twenty-five-year-old slave
woman, and her child, bringing the total number to twenty-five. Sixteen-year-old Nancy
and her infant son, Moses, joined the family in 1806, and by 1814 Lenoir owned forty
slaves. Of course, slave births, which occurred regularly, lengthened the roster.
The slaves may have received considerable care and attention to their needs, but their
living conditions probably were not ideal. In 1798 the slaves lived in four log cabins
which were located on the same two-acre lot as Fort Defiance (probably southeast of the
house). Lenoir in 1811 went to great lengths to save an ailing slave named Dav. Dav
had complained of dizziness and had a large lump two inches left of his navel. Lenoir
brought him “home”, placed him up to his chest in a large tub of warm water, and began
to bleed him. Then three or four men struggled to make him lie down on a pallet they
had prepared for him. Finally Lenoir administered turpentine, which helped Dav, though
sometime after the initial attack he still staggered. Often Lenoir’s efforts failed. Writing
to William Ballard Lenoir (his son) in 1816, the general tried to console his son after the
latter’s loss of some slaves:
“I have experienced many more losses of the same kind than you have, and I think
set an example of Patience and Reconciliation worthy of your imitation. I lost 18
Negroes in five years & 3 or 4 months 9 of which in their prime & have lost many
before & since that period. I think that those I have lost with their probably
increase might have amounted to a hundred by this time, & I also think if a
hundred Negroes were now added to my stock it would very little increase my
happiness.”
The slaves probably received direct supervision from the overseers Lenoir hired.

Page 44 – (This is a discussion of William Lenoir dividing his assets between his children
in August, 1822). Lenoir gave Martha Pickens (his daughter who married Israel Pickens
and later moved to Alabama) six slaves and their offspring.

Page 48 – Ann Lenoir and Mira continued to supervise their slaves’ thread-spinning
work, but owing to the death of Jenny, their best spinner, they depended upon Louisa to
provide them with one-fourth of the spinning hired out to spinners.
In September 1832 the “great, Great, news” of Ann’s trip to Walnut Fountain and
Palmyra, at each of which she stayed a day and night. Her departure caused as much
“fuss as if it had been an elephant show, the Negroes all came out to wish her a pleasant
trip”. (This occurred after the general’s wife Ann had fallen in the rose garden, breaking
her hip. She was pretty much confined to her day-bed from that point until her death on
October 9, 1833).
Page 56 – (This is regarding the settlement of Gen. William Lenoir’s estate through the
sale of his assets). At least one valley resident uttered a gloomy note concerning the
impending sale, however. Edmund W. Jones informed his son that “Thomas Lenoir
wants Bill, Jack, Caroline, and everything else that’s valuable; I fear he is too selfish”.
The Lenoir’s took care to insure the proper distribution of General Lenoir’s slaves, and
most of them were satisfied with their new owners, all of whom were either friends of the
Lenoirs or members of the family. James Harper, for example, bought Amy and Dave,
an elderly couple, for $286, and they became house servants at Fairfield in Lenoir. Bill
and Caroline remained at Fort Defiance because they wanted to be Thomas Lenoir’s
slaves. Lenoir gratified their wishes, but had to pay $850 and $740 for them,
respectively.
Thomas only purchased about $2,200 worth of the items auctioned. That amount
included Bill and Caroline, who sold for exorbitant prices. He submitted a note, with
security, as his payment. Dr. Larkin G. Jones and William Ballard Lenoir also had a
dispute over a slave boy, Jonah, who Dr. Jones purchased for $481 because he already
owned his mother.

Page 128 – Walter Odell worked as blacksmith (at Fort Defiance) for much of the time
between 1845 and 1848, and for at least the period between 26 June, 1846 and 15
February, 1848 was assisted by Thomas’s slave, Turner.

Page 138 – The mill (grist-mill located at Fort Defiance, on Buffalo Creek) may have
proved irritating for Thomas. Early in 1854 Romeo, one of his slaves “fell out of the
upper door of the Mill House with four bushels of wheat on him, which came very near
making a cripple of him for life.”

Page 139 – The Lenoirs were able to maintain such an extensive plantation largely
because they owned many slaves. In an area of the state where small farms, operated
with few or no slaves, were predominant, Fort Defiance was a striking exception.
Though they bought or sold slaves occasionally and gained or lost them owing to natural
causes, the Lenoirs seem to have owned between forty and fifty slaves during the
antebellum period; forty-three in 1820; forty-six in 1850; forty-six in 1860.
The slaves worked in several capacities. Most of the male slaves – there were
eighteen in 1850, ranging in age from two to thirty-five- worked in the fields and tended
the livestock. There were exceptions, however. Romeo seems to have been a favorite
with the Lenoirs, as he served as a carriage driver and personal servant, perhaps in
addition to other duties. He was trusted to transport guests to and from the Fort. Shie
Bingham in April 1853 arrived at the Fort in a carriage driven by Romeo. When Bishop
Thomas Atkinson concluded his visit with the Lenoirs in August, 1859, he was sent to
Wilkesboro in a carriage driven by Romeo. When Thomas Lenoir in 1858 was too ill to
turn over in bed, Romeo slept in his room to attend his needs.
The female slaves performed lighter duties than those of their male counterparts.
Much (but not all) of the spinning of cotton into thread was done by the female slaves.
Some of them were also responsible for cutting out cloth or even sewing. Scattered
references in the Lenoir family papers reveal that some of the females served as domestic
servants. Mira Lenoir in late 1829 lamented the recent death of Jenny, “the best servant
we had.” Many of the valley neighbors felt the same way, for they visited her during her
illness and treated her “with as much respect as if she had been white.” Lydia in 1835
was responsible for washing and ironing, and she may have been lucky enough to have
used the washing machine with staves which was in use by 1845. Polly was another
house servant.
Considerable irony surrounds the Lenoirs’ attitudes about their slaves. Though
the slaves were perceived as burdensome, and often presented many problems for their
owners, their numbers were seldom reduced. Apparently resigned to maintain their labor
system, the Lenoirs paid careful attention to the physical and emotional welfare of their
chattel.
The slaves worried the Lenoirs for many reasons, perhaps the least of which was
their occasional displays of vexatious behavior. For a time during the 1830s Thomas and
Louisa had to contend with Dinah, “an artful, deceitful, & lazy negro, willing to decoy
others into Mischief, & therefore a dangerous fellow-servant for young Negroes, & an
unprofitable servant to the owner.” The unseemly wench was transferred to the home of
Laura and Joseph C. Norwood in Hillsboro where she continued her poor behavior. Sal,
Fenby, and a few other slaves made complaints during July 1846, but were not
considered dangerous. On one occasion when he was a boy, Rufus (Lenoir) ate lunch by
himself in the dining room. One of the slave girls was there to serve him, but every time
he asked her to pass the beans she would push them toward him and then snatch them
away. After several warnings he threw his fork at her with such force that it stuck in the
wall.
Though the Lenoirs trusted their slaves they were, on rare occasions, forced to
discipline them. One male in March 1856 received “a thrashing” for going off on Sunday
without permission & not getting back in time to feed the cows.” Rufus explained to
Thomas Isaac that the offender:
“said he had rather be sold than whipped. And I told him that I had rather see him
sold than have him to whip, but as he had been whipped once before for the same
offense, I would whip him again & then father could sell him if he wished it.”

The overall number of slaves at the Fort remained fairly constant, but Thomas did
sell slaves occasionally. Usually he did so only after careful thought and with good
reason. Early in 1835 Lewis J. Patterson offered to purchase Lydia, the wife of one of
his slaves. Not wishing to be responsible for their continued separation, Thomas
consented to sell Lydia and her three children for $950. Two years later Thomas sent
some of his East Fork plantation slaves to Alabama with William Avery. He gave him
permission to sell them at fair Alabama prices, provided that they were “willing to be
sold.” In July 1850 Walter Lenoir asked Thomas Isaac to help him persuade their father
to give them two families of Negroes to sell. Apparently, they had been causing trouble
for some time, but Thomas was reluctant to sell them. Walter must have been
convincing, for by 30 September the family had sold Calvin, Ruffin, Esther, Suberty,
Lucinda, Malinda, Isaiah, and “Old Sally” for a total of $3,475. Jane, Milly, and Mira
were sold in 1856 for a total of $2,600, though the reason is not clear.
Despite their obvious aversion to such a large group of Negroes, the Lenoirs made
adequate provision for their well-being. Indeed, it is likely that the constant necessity of
meeting the Negroes’ physical and emotional needs contributed significantly to the
Lenoirs’ sense of frustration at owning them.
The Negroes were fed, clothed, and housed adequately, as the Lenoirs developed
over the years formulas for providing for their servants. The Negroes received periodic
allocations of bacon and corn meal based on their ages. Grown men received the largest
portions. Grown women received no more than boys and girls aged thirteen to fifteen
years, however. By the time of the Civil War grown men were given three pounds of
bacon and three gallons of unsifted meal each week. Grown women and teenage children
under sixteen received two pounds of bacon and two gallons of meal. Boys and girls
between the ages of ten and twelve could expect one and one-half pounds of bacon and
two gallons of meal. The Lenoirs deemed a pound of bacon and one gallon of meal
sufficient for seven to ten-year olds, and a half pound of bacon and a gallon of meal
adequate for all children under seven. Louisa cautioned Walter that “When the bacon is
all midlings and they get milk they can do with some less. The above is enough when it
is Shoulders and Jaws.” The slaves were allowed to cultivate fenced-in gardens of their
own, and they probably used them for growing some vegetables. These gardens did
produce grain though, for on 25 November 1843 Thomas noted in his account book that
“The Negroes gathered & measured their corn & I paid them all off (to wit) Romeo,
Andrew, George, Turner, Bill, Isaih, Ruffin, Ed, Erwin, Burton & Josh (all amounted
to $6.50 in Silver)”.
Years of experience enabled Louisa to explain to her son, Walter, in the early
1860’s how his slaves should be clothed. She thought that, provided the cloth used was
strong and washed with care, men could be clothed well for a year with two shirts, two
pair of woolen pants, two pair of cotton pants, two pair of coarse socks, a coat, a hat, and
a pair of shoes, the leather for which was tanned at the Fort. If the coats were made of
good material and mended with care, Louisa thought, they would last for two winters. As
a result, the male slaves at the Fort usually had an old coat to be used for the dirtiest
work. Women were provided with three frocks, two shifts, two pair of stockings, “One
woolen [sic] under skirt every other winter giving them two at first and capes and aprons
and bonnets when needed.” They, too, received a new pair of shoes each year.
Experience taught the Lenoirs how much cloth certain types of clothing required.
A man’s shirt could be made from three yards of cloth, while a coat required about two
yards. One and one-half yards of cloth sufficed for a boy’s coat. Pants for men
consumed two and one-half yards, but boys’ pants required only two yards. A woman’s
shift could be made with two and one-half yards of cloth, and a medium-sized frock
required five and one-half yards. Frocks for eleven or twelve year olds required only
three and one-half yards of cloth. Large stockings were made using two “cuts” of coarse
yarn, but smaller sizes might consume only one cut. Louisa informed her son that
“Winter pants and blankets for negroes at Ft. Defiance are woven with a thread of wool
and a thread of cotton quilled together, not twisted. It is much warmer and lasts better. It
answers very well for coats also, but don’t last as long quite as the Jeans made at
Patterson.”
The Lenoirs continued to provide housing for their slaves. William Wells on 29
January 1845 helped to “raise a Negroe House”, and was paid thirty-seven and one-half
cents for his services. James M. Nelson received fifty cents for working on another slave
residence during most of 11 May 1849. The slave quarters probably continued to be built
in the “Lower Yard” southeast of the Fort.
The slaves received careful medical attention from the Lenoirs or their physicians.
When Dr. Larkin G. Jones submitted to Thomas Lenoir in May 1836 a bill for medical
services, it included charges for attention to the slaves. Thomas had to pay $128 for the
medicine Jones prescribed for Peter, Betty, Henry and Alphonso. Betsy Fletcher on
five occasions in 1844 and 1845 served as midwife when Lucy, Sally, Atheline,
Caroline, and Fereby prepared to give birth. Thomas paid her $1.50 on each occasion.
Louisa suffered from fatigue early in 1842 because she had been busy attending fifteen
sick slaves as well as several members of her own family.
Unfortunately, the Lenoirs and their doctors often failed to heal the ailing
Negroes. Matilda, a young girl who in 1834 contracted influenza, was by 24 January
1835 “low with the consumtion” and was expected to die. Two years later another child,
George, died of whooping cough. An epidemic of typhus and pneumonia ravaged the
slaves during the winter of 1845-1846, resulting in the deaths of Fanny and Harvey.
Typhoid fever also took its toll, removing from the scene in 1854 one of the Lenoirs’
favorite servants. On such occasions Thomas paid local craftsmen to construct coffins
for the deceased. Samuel Wells and Edmund Wheeling made coffins for the corpses of
Harvey and Fanny in December 1845 and January 1846 respectively. The slaves who
died were buried in the “negro grave yard”.
The Lenoir family supported familial relationships among their slaves, and this
support probably contributed to any happiness the slaves may have experienced. When
in 1848 Lark expressed a desire to marry a female slave belonging to Ephraim Osborne,
Thomas considered buying her. Lark, though owned by Thomas, was then working on
the East Fork plantation. In response to Thomas Isaac’s request for advice, Thomas
replied, “He (Lark) is a fellow and of a famely [sic], that I have thought well of, and
wished to be the servant of my children; and would therefore, (although averse to
purchasing negroes) willingly buy the Girl, that he thinks he loves so much provided, She
is likely, healthy and of good character.” The girl was opposed to the match, however,
and Thomas later suspected Osborne of wanting to eventually own Lark and his wife, so
the deal never was consummated.
Family life was firmly entrenched at the Fort by the end of the antebellum period.
When a child of Romeo and Caroline died in 1858 they were very upset. Rufus
commented that they never considered “how much better off it is.” In May 1861 eight
slave families lived at Fort Defiance. Three couples – Andy, forty-three and Maria,
thirty-four; Romeo, forty-three and Caroline, thirty-six; and Turner, forty-three and
Elsy, thirty-eight – supported a total of sixteen children ranging in age from one to
sixteen. Five women ranging in age from twenty-eight to sixty had seventeen children or
grandchildren. Twenty-eight year old Polly had given birth to three children. Betty, then
sixty years old, had four grandchildren. Thus, of the forty-seven slaves at Fort Defiance
in 1861, apparently only three – Lark, thirty; Tom, twenty-eight; and Aveline, twenty-six
were not members of family units.

Page 149 – (Discussion of the mass amounts of cloth produced at Fort Defiance). After
the material was made or purchased, Louisa had the responsibility of making clothing
from it. She did have some assistance, however. A female slave named Lydia in 1835
was described as “a good seamstress.”

Page 155 – (Settlement of Thomas Lenoir’s estate in 1861). Eliza, a slave whom Thomas
had given to Laura (Laura Lenoir Norwood who lived in Lenoir, NC), was considered an
advancement.
The forty-seven slaves were thought to be worth $21,675, a sum considerably less
than the slaves’ value before the election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency.
All but twenty of the slaves were divided among William Avery, Joseph & Laura
Norwood, James and Mary Ann Gwyn, and Thomas Isaac.

Page 159 – Rufus (Rufus Theodore Lenoir) had difficulty controlling some of his
Negroes as early as 1862. Early in September he considered sending Andy and his
family to the East Fork plantation because of the sassiness Andy’s daughter, Delia, had
shown the aging Louisa. After one such occasion Louisa complained to Rufus, who
warned Delia to desist from her impudent activity. But, according to Rufus, “she gave
Mother impudence again & I ordered her to the house. She went but when she saw that I
intended to whip her she ran to the kitchen – saying she could not stand that. Well I
followed her on & ordered her back and she would not go & resisted twice & during the
time of it her Mother came up & said she wished Delia might fall dead & left & not any
too soon either. Well I told Delia that she might take her choice – to go to the house &
take a whipping or take a knocking down. And after telling her three times that I would
knock her down if she did not go – I gave her a tap which she will probably remember for
some time. And if I had been near her Mother (Maria) I do not expect she would have
been here to send off now.”
The situation worsened by 1864. Late that year Rufus complained of the
dishonesty of some of his slaves, which he thought had been caused by Erwin. Realizing
the weakening hold the South had upon the “peculiar institution,” he expressed a desire to
divest himself of his recalcitrant slaves. Several of them obliged him before the end of
the war. On 31 March 1865 Larkin, Erwin, Jerry and Joe joined “a considerable
number” of male slaves who left the area for Tennessee. Rufus probably did not anguish
over their departure, owing not only to his desire to free himself of troublemakers, but
also to his decreasing need for labor (only a month earlier he had rented Eveline and
Sidney for a year to Isaac Oxford for $400).

Page 162 – (spring of 1863) The Ninth Battalion of Georgia Cavalry camped at the Fort
early in March. Aunt Sade characterized the officers as “right clever”, but she
condemned the enlisted men as “awful.” It was of great concern to the family that, upon
orders from General Longstreet, the soldiers took 100 bushels of corn, 100 pounds of
bacon, and “various wagon loads of hay” without payment, but they were upset because
the men stole chickens and potatoes under cover of darkness. Sade did not approve of the
soldiers who were discovered to be “making themselves comfortable and agreeable in our
negro cabins”.
Page 167 – (After the Civil War) – Although Polly, her husband, and their three children
were still at the Fort, she (Aunt Sade) expected them to leave when their house was
completed about the end of the year (1865).
Avaline, the daughter of Polly, remained at Fort Defiance at least until 7 January
1866, and although a widow did the family’s washing.

Letters Written by Slaves or on Behalf of the Slaves:

December 21, 1862 – To Louisa Lenoir (widow of Thomas Lenoir) at Fort Defiance from
slave Andy Lenoir at the East Fork of the Pigeon River (Thomas Isaac Lenoir’s farm in
Haywood County, NC). Thomas Lenoir had died in 1861. Andy was listed in Thomas’
estate inventory as being at Fort Defiance. Andy would have been about 44 years old at
this time, Mrs. Lenoir would have been 74 years of age:

Mistres, I take the present opportunity of righting you a few lines to let you no that
myself and family is well and doing well at this time and is very well satisfied. I hope
these lines may safely retch your hand and find you enjoying the best of health. I wood
like the best kind to see you and all the rest give my best respects to Master Walter tell
him that I want to see him the worst kind and hope I will see him out hear before long as
I no I shood bee better satisfied if he was hear tell him wee have not moved on his farm
yet nor I don’t know when wee will I wont to git there as soon as I can as I suffer som
what dissatisfaction in regard to the way ramey treats mother and sister Patsey he and his
wife treats them very badly in deede. Pleas redd this to brother Larkin and sister Polly
so they may no too the are [?] thare olde mother and hir going on hir crutches. I want
you to pleas tell them to right to me how Jacob and Ginney is doing and raise them up
right and keepe them out of all mischief as fair as the can. I want brother Larkin to right
to me as soon as possible the condition of my children if the are still at home or where the
are. I hope the will remain there. Pedly enjoys hir health here better than she did there.
Unkle Harry is in good health except the rheumatic pains. I am not comberend with
thare fusses hear nor hope I never will bee. I am going to try to live up to the promise I
maid when I left you. I will right again as soon as conveynient. Master thomas has bin
confined to his bed for some time. I think he is slowly mending. I hope he will soon bee
up able to attend to his affairs so no more at present only remding as ever your obeidient
servant Andy Lenoir

November 4, 1878 – A letter of reference written by Thomas Isaac Lenoir for former
slave Henry Uriah Lenoir declaring Uriah to be faithful, honest and truthful and still
sustaining these good characters. This was provided by Gwen Cradle, descendent of
Uriah.

To all whom it may concern – I hereby certify that I have been well acquainted with
Henry Uriah Lenoir from his boyhood and that he was under my care & direction nearly
twenty years as a slave, & that I have employed him as a laborer a great deal since the
year 1865 and that I have always found him faithful, honest & truthful & that he still
sustains this good character in Haywood County North Carolina.

January 23, 1884 – Letter to Walter Waightstill Lenoir from Henry Uriah Lenoir (former
slave) wanting to buy corn, hay and rent land.

Lenoir, Caldwell Co, N.C.

Capt. W W Lenoir Dear sir I could not get to the place that were speaking to me about
until today but he got word some days ago that I were comeing an that business Mr Raby
says that he has a note from you dated Oct & stating that Scott Crag could have the place
for the yer 84 if he desired & as he did not have notice 10 days before new year it would
be impossible for you to move him this year but Mr Raby charges me very carfuly to not
mention what he had to say about it. I found that they had him pasted an the matter,
though he did not say that he would not leave: he say that if he could buy he would leave
& after pulling it out of him he said that I could have the Meader & that he intended to
stay until autumn. I were very well pleased with the place if I could have got it all but I
don’t think that all that a man could make an the meader after this time in the year would
pay him that is unless it had ben turned in Aug or Sept. Uncle Joseph Miller says that he
will write to Mr Norwood & get what he owes him & pay you for the corn that he got &
the in trust of those notes & he don’t want you to let Geo Collett have that land above
him for he left the Yadkin for bad conduct & if myself don’t want him in there & I have
reasons for it.
I have the promises of a little money & I want to get some of your rent corn & I can pay
you in trust on what I cannot pay down for, Mr Ralby says that you have 40 or 50 bushels
at his house & I would like to have some hay also you will please let me hear soon very
respectfully yours H.U. Lenoir

Miscellaneous Slave References:

Undated – (This is written on the back of surveying notes which appears to be in General
William Lenoir’s hand. I’m uncertain that this refers to a slave of the Lenoir family).
“Samuel says be belongs to Wm. Alexander in Spartingburg who owns a mill a store & a
still – he was sold to Alex. by Wm. Shoot & Thos. Shoot, they said they lived in
Cumberland – Sam came from Blackwater County in Maryland Eastern Shore – formerly
belonged to Peter Grimes & sold by him to Jos. Slacum & by him to the Shoots.”

The following information is taken from the Lenoir papers included in the Southern
Historical Collection at UNC – Chapel Hill:

January 15, 1773 – Agreement between Henry Collier & William Lenoir for the sale of
“one negro woman named Jude about forty-two years old, Guinea born” to Lenoir.
September 20, 1787 – “I Elizabeth Hulme agree that Negro Jim shall work for William
Lenoir one year beginning the first day of January next for nineteen pounds to be paid in
a horse & other trade at the expiration of the year”.

July 14, 1790 – Sale of “A certain negroe boy named Martin aged eleven years last fall”
to William Lenoir by Rhoderick Loyd of Edgecomb County, NC.

March 10, 1792 – Sale of “A certain negroe boy about fifteen years old named Peter
(formerly Heckter)” to William Lenoir by William Graham of Rutherford County, NC.

January 1793 – Bill from Stephen West of Newborn, NC for boarding William Lenoir and
a servant for 49 days. (assume while Lenoir was attending legislature).

June 11, 1798 – Sale of “a Negroe woman named Easter about 25 years old and her
Daughter Edey about six months old” to William Lenoir by William Duly of Wilkes
County, NC.

April 3, 1799 – Sale of “Lucy a negro girl about fourteen years old” to William B. Lenoir
by Rich Allen, sheriff, Wilkes Co., NC.

February 13, 1806 – Sale of “a Negroe woman named Nancy about sixteen years old and
her child named Moses about eight months old as healthy sound slaves” to William
Lenoir by Alexander smith of Ashe Co., NC.

April 1, 1812 – Sale of “a negroe woman named Nancy about twenty-seven years old and
her three youngest children (to wit) Fereby about six years old the 24th Dec. last, Liddy
four years old the 24th Dec. last, Letty about six months old. Also a negro boy named
Jack between eleven & twelve years old” to William Lenoir by William Dula of Wilkes
Co., NC.

February 1, 1814 – Sale of “a negro woman slave named Lucy about twenty-two years
old (the same being the Negro which my son Samuel Carter purchased for me of Jess
Gordon of South Carolina)” to Thomas Lenoir by Samuel Carter of Haywood Co., NC.

July 29, 1814 – Sale of “a negro boy named Toney supposed to be twelve years of age”
to Thomas Lenoir by Andrew Erwin.

January 20, 1817 – Sale of “a Negroe woman named Jane aged thirty-six years and her
Daughter named Jane two years old the 27th day of December last and a negroe boy
named Isaac nine years old the fifth day of May last” to William Lenoir from William
Hagler of Wilkes Co., NC.

March 28, 1818 – Sale of “a Negro man slave for life named Jack about twenty-seven
years old” to Thomas Lenoir from Henry Gurly of Haywood Co., NC.
September 28, 1820 – Gift of “Isaac a negroe boy slave about the age of thirteen years
and Vilet a negroe girl about sixteen years old” & “ Bridget a negro woman and her four
children Nicey, Mary, Moriah & a ? boy child Maves” to Thomas F. Jones from William
Lenoir.

April 25, 1835 – Sale of “a Negro woman slave Lydia about twenty-six years old and her
three children (to wit) Sophia about five years old, Charles about three and Edmund
about one year old” to Lewis I. Patterson by Thomas Lenoir.

November, 1836 – Thomas Lenoir’s slaves taken by his son William Avery Lenoir to
Alabama – “William agrees to go by Thomas’ quarter in Haywood County and take
therefrom to Alabama Thomas’ Negroes Jack, Lewis, Ann, Orilla and Franklin”.

March 12, 1841 – Sale of “a Negroe man slave named William about twenty-one years
old, a negroe woman slave named Caroline about nineteen years old and her boy child
who is about two months old” to Thomas Lenoir by his son Thomas Isaac Lenoir of
Caldwell Co., NC.

April 3, 1843 – Sale of “negro slaves, Viz, Nancy & her two children Hecter &
Christopher – Nancy is now 16 years old and her mother says still growing, Hecter
born 10th July, 1841, Christopher born 5th Feb. 1843” to Willaim A. Lenoir from J.C.
DeBole.

Various notes from William Lenoir’s memorandum book:

16 Oct 1793 – Gave Wm. Dula 200 Dollars and aim to give him 20 Dollars more for 2
ten year old Negroes.

7 Nov 1796 – (On a trip to Philadelphia) Delivered our horses to Geo. Ward tavern
keeper to keep for us at 2 Dollars per week he is to give them 9 quarts grain per day &
have good care taken of them etc. He likewise agreed to give Hector 4 ½ dollars each
week to find us firewood & board.

4 Jan 1797 – Gave Antony a butcher knife, Jude, Keziah, Amey the same. Brister a
jack knife, Jim & Hector the same.

8 Jan 1797 – Recd. A Negroe girl Fullace of Meredith Ballon.

11 June 1797 - ? gave me a bill of sale for Easter about 25 years old & Edy about 6
months old & a note for 30 dollars for the 2 ten year old Negroes he owed me.

31 May 1804 – Let son Thomas Lenoir have in Silver, Gold and bank Notes 730 dollars
that I had of my own and fifty dollars that Edmd. Jones sent me by sd. Thomas yesterday
makes 780 dollars & he is to get 250 dollars more he got of Jones as he goes along to buy
Negroes makes 1080 dollars.
31 May 1804 – Let Wm. B. Lenoir have a note on Wm. Dula for a 12 year old negroe
which note he gave to Dula for a Negroe woman named Rachel & her youngest child
named Polly & he gave sd. Dula 600 dollars for Rachels other 4 children (to wit) Jim,
Ryer, Peggy, Polly. I intend to let him keep said Rachel & her child Polly for his own as
part of his portion counting them equal in value to a likely well-grown Negroe girl of 12
years old.

16 Oct 1805 – Gave Wm. Dula in cash $250 for a Negroe girl Nance between 11 & 12
years old & he agreed before Tho. Lenoir to give me $260 for her when he returns if I
will take it.

13 Feb 1806 – I purchased a Negroe woman named Nancy about 16 years old & her son
Moses a Mulatto about 7 or 8 months old for 400 dollars.

1810 – Settled with Wm. B. Lenoir about the 9 Negroes that we had here in partnership &
he took 6 at 1540$ & I kept 3 at 650$.

1810 – Recd. Of Wm. Hulme for W.R. Lenoir $106 Wm. Hulme recd. It for a Negroe
Jane sold to Col. R. Lewis, being W.R. Lenoir’s part of $370.

1810 – Purchased for $2405 in partnership with W.R. Lenoir & Wm. Lenoir 12 Negroes.
July 19, Jack died.

22 June 1810 – Walter & Wm. Returned from Norfolk & from the Eastern shore of
Virginia having made the following purchases (to wit) Easter $245, Bridget $230,
Rachel $155, Jim (Tucker) $190, Black Jim $166.66, Nelson $150, Caesar $250, Betty
$212.50, Dinah & Rore (Rore 9 months) $275, Molley & Jack (Jack 4 years) $300
Jack died 19 July 1810. Total cost $2405.16. Dinah & Molley ran away about 40 miles
on this side of Norfolk.

Various notes from Thomas Lenoir’s Memorandum Book:

20 Dec 1805 – Bought of Willis Arrington negro Molly & her daughter Violet for which I
gave him the following notes…

Taxables 1809 – Jude, Jim, Stephen, Jesse, Jacob, Lenir, Amy, Abraham, Martin,
Easter, Donor, Jenny, Nancy, Jacob, David.

1 April 1812 – Capt. Wm. Dula delivered me 5 Negroes (to wit) a negroe woman named
Nancy about 27 years old and her three youngest children Ferely about 6 years old the
24th of Dec. last Liddy 4 years old the 24th of Dec last & Letty about 6 months old, and a
boy named Jack between 11 & 12 years old.

6 Feb 1816 – Edmund Jones, Wm. Hulme, Wm. R. Lenoir, Ben Howard & myself
Commissioners by Order Court proceeded to divide 12 Negores of the Estate of Chas.
Gordon Decd. between Nancy B. McDowell & Polly B. Gordon the daughters of said
Charles, we assigned the value of said Negroes Rore at $222, Cloe 312, Jane 385, Moses
389, Collens 279, Omay 193 /// Viney 285, Saley 404, Tener 355, Rachel 337, Allen
266, Haley 132.

19 Jany 1817 – bought 3 negroes of the Hagters.

27 June 1817 – Measured a Colvant (or Cribbage) in Jude’s garden 4 feet 6 inches across
just as it grew without moving the leaves.

26 Sept 1820 – Sold Jese to George Tucker for $1,000.

15 Aug 1821 – Paid Dr. Bouchell $20 for doctoring ?, Lewis, Stephen & ? for something
like the nervous fever or Typus fever & for giving some children worm powder.

25 Apr 1822 – This day gave said Wm. B. Lenoir a negroe man Stephen near 30 years
old a negroe woman Rachael near 22 years old and her 3 children Viz Winny, Tom, &
Milly Lucisa.

4 Apr 1823 – While I was gone to Holston Wm Lenoir sent Negroe Jess to Walter R.
Lenoir according to my directions.

12 Apr 1823 – Sent Dilsy and her two daughters Harriot and Sally to Nancy Jones &
intend to send Ben soon, Ben was sent accordingly.

21 Aug 1830 – “A list of Negroes belonging to Wm. Lenoir: Jacob, Zilpha, her son John
& her Daughter Clarisa Lenoir & her son Calvin, Virgil, Redding, Margret,
Washington, Caroline, Jenny, Rebeckah, Martin, Easter, Avey & her son John,
Peter, David, Amy, Silvey, her daughter Mira, Harreott & Dilcey, Elfonzo, Miles, Bill,
Tyrus, Milley, Anthony, Jacob, Lewis, Leah, Jack. – 34 Negros & 4 Whites. Thos.
Lenoir’s family 28 Negroes and 10 Whites makes 38 total. The aggregate number 76
jointly.

August 1831 – “12 Negroes sold by Wm. Lenoir to Robt. S. Gracy:

Age
Jacob 50 $200
Zilpha 20 260
Lenor 18 300
Virgil 16 400
Ridden 14 375
Margaret 12 275
Washington 10 300
Jesse 6 210
John 3&1/2 200
Clarisa 1&1/3
Calvin 2&1/2 200
 Elijah 1/3
Total $2,720

17 Jan 1835 – Sold Peter about 15 years old to John Moore of S.C. for $575.

13 July 1836 – I sold Miles about 19 years old to Robt. Garson for $1,000.

16 Feb 1839 – Sold Rebeckah about 12 years old to Mrs. Mills and Wm. McEvlson?

The following is taken from Thomas Lenoir’s Journal in Haywood Co., NC.:

29 May 1833 – Sent Negroe Fanny to Col. Nin. Edmistons to cook for him, the length of
time nor wages not fully agreed on.

21 Sept 1833 – Negroe Boys Andrew & Romeo brought home from Presley’s the 2
steers I bought of him.

22 Sept 1833 – Went to Col. Edmistons & we agreed privately that Negroe Fanny should
make out her year with him & he to pay me $30 & the ? & I to let her mother or someone
else wait on her in her expected confinement.

14 Oct 1833 – Measured the Linsey cloth made this & last year to take to Wilkes –
Nancy 27 ½ yds wt 16 ½ lbs, Janis 26 yards wt 16 lbs, Esther 25 ¼ yards wt 16 lbs.
directed them to make use of part or all Nancy’s piece.

16 Oct 1833 – Negroe Harry says he owes me two Dollars I lent him in August last.
Hagler for 75 cents Negroe Jack owed him & lent him ½ Dollars. Bal. corn of Jake &
Riley for which I told them they might each of them have a hunting shirt & pr.
Pantalooms off the piece Linsey cloth that contains 27 ¼ yards (made by Nancy) & gave
Riley ¼ Dollar and told Hagler if any of them got very bad off for clothes he might lend
them the balances of ? etc. Left with Hagler 7 ? and 6 Doz. Buttons for use of Negroes.

21 August 1834 – Bought of Elyah Dever a Negroe man Harry for $500.00.

18 Oct 1834 – Mark Bennett & Negroe boy Andrew carried the chain running those 2
lines and all the surveying I done yesterday & today.

25 Oct 1834 – Paid James Patton in Asheville $4.00 for Coffee & ? for the use of Mrs.
Luther and Negroe Esther and 50 cents for 1 pr. Wool cards for Negroe Esther, which
articles were taken to E.F. by Michael ? and also 37 ½ cents for 3 ¼ yds domestic sent to
Negroe Boy Isaac.

5 March 1835 – Recd. A letter from Mr. Luther dated 15 Feby informing that Negroe
Nancy died on the night of 30 January.
20 April 1835 – Mr. Luther says there is about 41 yards linsey cloth made for Wilkes. I
told Jack he might have 4 yards of it & I expect more of it will be needed here.

24 Oct 1835 – Sent Negroe Andrew to Waynesville to carry letters and bring home the
pot & ? purchased of W.H. Johnston.

29 Oct 1835 – Negroe Harry gathered his crop of corn (about 9 bus) for which I gave
him $2.50 in Silver & 3 yards cloth worth 25 cents per yard. Paid Jacob 3 yards cloth &
10 cents for his corn and pd. Andrew 45 cents for his corn.

1 Jan 1836 – Gave to Jane the 8 handkerchiefs I purchased of I.T. Poor to be divided
between her, Esthers & Jacks families.

2 Jan 1836 – Harry and Jack cut up & salted the 6 hogs killed yesterday with about 1
1/3 bus salt & Jack says he put about 2 ½ bus on the other killing – the other negroes
hauled 5 waggon & 5 cart loads corn from meadow field.

4 Jan 1836 – Negroe Jacob came in to make a fire at 15 minutes past 3 am & said it was
day & the 2 Allisons got up put on their knapsacks and pursued their journey in the rain –
they ate their supper but would not stay for breakfast.

4 Jan 1836 – Jane says the 2 mids of the hog killed 15th Dec (wt. 143) are yet in the
Smoke House and that Luthers family eat one ham & part of one shoulder thereof.

7 Jan 1836 – Rained nearly all night & is cloudy & raining some this morning. Luther,
Big Harry, Andrew, Gabe and Jason were until 11 oclock this morning making a square
rail Hog-pen floored with punishens that were previously split and near the place. The
other Harry, Jake, Riley & Elias hauled 3 old logs for firewood. Jack making shoes.
Jackson hunting sheep. Lewis George etc. doing nothing – about 1 oclock all hands
went to shucking corn and finished & cribbed the corn hauled yesterday.

14 Jan 1836 – (talking to Luther the overseer) I then asked him how or by what right he
claimed the skin of a bear that my Negroe Harry killed. He appeared to have but little or
no recollection about the skin; but seemed to conclude that if he did take a skin, it must
have been one that he and Harry killed when hunting together.

14 Jan 1836 – Harry came down in a great hurry and said James Evans had moved and
his house was empty and he wished to move into it that evening as next day was Friday.
He started with his plunder & oldest children in the Ox cart (Violet & child on old Beck)
and took with him 1 Sh. Meat 17 ½, 4 ¾ lbs tow, some mealy cabbage, a jugg cider, some
apples etc.

15 Jan 1836 – Was driving to the Quarter when we got down to the house into which
Negroe Harry had moved. I took Jackson to help drive my cattle.
16 Jan 1836 – (A cold rainy morning), Riley & Gabe took some straw & frost bitten corn
to Crabb Orchard, in wagon, to feed stock on there. Riley & Gabe returned in the rain
from Crabb Orchard about 2 Oclock, said they put their straw & corn in the stable where
it would be safe, that all were well there etc.

21 Jan 1836 – Paid Negroe Harry 105 cents in part for a Bearskin he has and is to keep
for me.

17 Feb 1836 – After dinner went to the Hopper Field where Riley and Jacob were
ploughing & Harry & Gabe & Leveris at work at fence & old logs.

10 May 1836 – Left Fort Defiance with Negroe boy Romeo.

13 May 1836 – Negroe Harry says that he this morning marked 2 Ram Lambs & 11 Ewe
Lambs, and that he also cut and marked 14 Ram Lambs, making in all 27 marked this
morning, and that there was one or two Lambs & a few old Sheep that were not up.

22 May 1836 – Elias & Jason each had a shirt off of the 12 Yards domestic got at
Asheville….told Jane & Riley they might have a pr. Shoes & Patsy some cloth to make
an undercoat.

31 July 1836 – Went with negroe boy George & 1 bus. Salt to Young Bennetts….on my
return called at Long Harry’s, his crop looks well for the season, directed him to quit his
cleaning, to sow some turnip seed in part of his corn, make his fence better, take care of
his wheat etc.

4 Aug 1836 – Returned to the Hopper Field about 11 Oclock where the negroes had just
begun to tie oats and they finished tieing in that field just as it commenced raining a long
hard shower about 1 Oclock. Jake had made a ? to mow meadow after the rain finished
pulling Flax at meadow, chopped some weeks in corn etc. Harry made hinges for barn
door.

5 Aug 1836 – Negroes killed a large Ram for mutton.

7 Aug 1836 – Gave Harry a silver dollar which he said I agreed to give him for a
bearskin that is still here.

12 Jan 1837 – Settled with Josiah Anderson and allowed him 216 1/3 cents for his wifes
weaving 26 yards cloth last fall for W.A. Lenoir’s negroes – 50 cents for two weavers
shuttles which he said my negroes had borrowed & not returned, and 145 cents which he
said my Negroes Riley & Andrew owned him.

17 Aug 1837 – About 6 am Curtis, Harry, Andrew, Gabe & Larken started to haul &
stack my part of the Oats made by Ben & John Simmons.
20 Aug 1837 – Directed Curtis & his wife to let Harry, Jake, Riley, Gabe & Tom have a
shirt each & also for Jane, Esther & Patsy to have each a shift off of the 35 ½ yds
Lincoln Domestic I bot. of Col. Cathey and to distribute the balance among the other
Negroes as circumstances might seem to require. I gave Harry 125 cents in Silver and
told him to give Jake & Riley 25 cents each & keep the balance except he thought proper
to give Gabe some of it.

16 May 1838 – Called in Jake, Riley & Andrew and settled with them about the corn
they raised last summer & put in my crib last fall. I paid Riley 43 ¾ cents, Jake 50 cents
and Andrew 62 ½ cents in Silver & directed Curtis to pay (when he collected money)
Riley 150 cents, and Jake & Andrew $2.00 each in full for their crops.

23 June 1838 – Gave Riley & Andrew papers to go to Waynesville to sell two cribs etc.
Harry cut & marked the Calves, nine bulls & 6 heiffers & curtis branded the Colts etc.
Rained a few showers this evening. Sent Gabe to Js. Andersons for Cabage Plants, got
1000 which the negroes finished planting by torch light.

13 Sept 1838 – Sent Negroe Boy Larkin, early to Col. Catheys with a few pounds butter
to help feed the company that may call on him at the big Presbyterian meeting which
commences today. Negroe Jane being laid up, by abuse as she says, given her by Curtis,
with a stout stick (which she showed me) of Basket wood. I went to her house and gave
her, Jake, Andrew & Gabe (Harry & Riley being gone to pulling fodder) a scolding &
some advice, and then set out for home (Curtis started with me) at ford of River met
Larkin returning from Col. Cathey’s with a note from him requesting me to send a
Negroe woman or girl to help Mrs. Cathey cook this week; I told Curtis notwithstanding
it was a busy time about fodder to send one.

3 Feb 1839 – Esther came in with Harry’s big Bible to get sat down the age of their
daughter Becky Jane (born 13th Dec. 1838). Gave Esther 1 Silver Dollar to give to
Harry. Gave to Jake ¼ Dollar for bottoming 2 chairs.

29 Jan 1840 – Negroe Patsy came in and claimed of Curtis about 70 cents, a balance
which she said Curtis owed her for corn etc. I gave Jane a Dollar & told her to pay
Patsy & keep the balance herself.

1 Dec 1840 – Went to E.F. meeting house and heard B.F. Wells a circuit preacher preach a
tolerable sermon, to a small orderly congregation. Mrs. Hartgrove and Negroe Esther
walked to meeting.

13 Dec 1840 – Started Reily about dark to Jo. Andersons to inform him that I intended
starting home early tomorrow morning, but would detain long enough to settle with him
if he would certainly come down for that purpose. Riley returned about 9 oclock & said
Jo. Anderson said he would be down soon in the morning. Harry came in & said he had
raised & measured to me 9 ¼ bus. Good corn & 4 ½ bus. nubbing, and that he owed Col.
Cathey & wished me to settle the worth of the corn with him and I directed Capt.
Hartgrove to do so, and to allow Harry 40 cents per bus. for his good and 20 cents per
bus. for the short corn, all of which would amount to $4.60. Gave Harry 37 ½ cents in
money and forgave him a debt he owed for some iron got of Hartgrove. Mon, Dec. 14th –
Rose at ½ past 4, a warm pretty morning – Harry went hunting & caught a very large
wildcat that had lately caught several pigs.

22 Dec 1843 – Continues very warm & cloudy. Weighed the 20 hogs killed yesterday
(aggregate 3616 lbs, average 180 16/20) and Harry, Riley, Jacob, Larkin, Isaac & Sam
commenced cutting & salting about 9 am & finished about 3 pm (Gabe Sicken) with 3 ½
bus. salt.

27 Mar 1846 – Gave Negroe Esther over 4 yards brown jeans in lieu of Harry’s new
coat that was too small, and which she wanted to send to her son Elias.