Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Cautio Criminalis
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contents
Translator’s Acknowledgments vi
Translator’s Introduction vii
Notes on the Translation xxxvii
Index 229
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translator’s acknowledgments
I would like to thank all those who have read and commented on all
or parts of this project: Michael J. Buckley, S.J., Luce Giard, Belinda
Hause, Frances Hellyer, Grahame Hellyer, John Marino, H. C. Erik
Midelfort, John W. O’Malley, S.J., as well as the two anonymous
readers. Thanks are due also to Cheryl Walker for her assistance in
translating several particularly challenging passages of the text.
This project was completed with the generous support of a
Brandeis University Bernstein Junior Faculty fellowship and a Vis-
iting Fellowship from the Jesuit Institute at Boston College.
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translator’s introduction
In the late 1620s a wave of witch-hunts swept across large areas of
Germany. Their ferocity rivaled anything that Germany, which had
already endured the very worst excesses of the European witch-
hunts, had ever seen. Although Protestant areas were also affected,
the regions that suffered the most trials and executions were the
territories along the Main and Rhine rivers governed by Catholic
prince-bishops, such as Bamberg, Würzburg, Mainz, and Cologne.
In each of these small territories hundreds, or even over a thousand,
women, men, and children were brutally tortured and executed, usu-
ally by being burned at the stake. It was not until the early 1630s
that a measure of calm was restored and the trials, for a while at least,
suspended.
In 1631, at the peak of the trials, a remarkable book appeared in
the tiny university town of Rinteln. Its title, Cautio Criminalis, was
generic, simply meaning a warning in a matter of criminal law. But
its subtitle, or a Book on Witch Trials (seu de Processibus contra Sagas
Liber), identified its real content. Unlike many books published in
the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, however, it did not
encourage the princes to hunt, try, and burn witches or instruct judges
and inquisitors on how to identify witches and force them to con-
fess. Rather, it argued that the plague of witches supposedly infesting
Germany was the product of the trials themselves and urged princes
to supervise trials closely, to regulate the use of torture strictly, and
even to end witch trials entirely. Although the book appeared anony-
mously, its author was immediately identified as Friedrich Spee, a
forty-year-old Jesuit priest and professor of moral theology who had
spent his whole life in the regions worst hit by the trials.
Since then the Cautio Criminalis, a cry of conscience from the
very epicenter of the witch-hunts, has become known as one of the
most stirring examples of an individual speaking truth to power. Its
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author drew on personal experience, telling arguments, unerring
logic, love of complete strangers, and a commitment to defend the
innocent to produce a work that retains its enduring appeal almost
four centuries after it first appeared.
Friedrich Spee, S.J.
Friedrich Spee was born on February 25, 1591, the eldest son of
the nobleman Peter Spee von Langenfeld, in the castle of Kaisers-
werth near Düsseldorf where his father was castellan in the service
of the archbishop-elector of Cologne.1 The family’s ancestral home
of Langenfeld was itself located between Cologne and Düsseldorf.
Around 1602 Spee began his studies at the university in Cologne,
the bustling commercial metropolis on the Rhine. Spee probably
enrolled at the Montanum college rather than the Jesuit Tricorona-
tum college, as is commonly thought. He was a talented student,
winning the first prize for Latin in 1604. Spee was awarded the
bachelor’s degree in 1608 but did not complete the philosophical
curriculum to earn the master’s degree while at Cologne.
Cologne was not a quiet university town. It had also experienced
a long history of social and political tensions in the wake of the
Reformation. Protestantism found fertile ground in Cologne, as it
did in most of Germany’s commercial towns. But by the time Spee
studied in the city, the old faith had prevailed and Cologne had be-
come a bastion of Catholicism in northern Germany. Although this
occurred in part through military action, just as important were the
committed pastoral activities and the revitalized educational system
brought by the Society of Jesus.
In contrast to the older monastic orders, which favored the con-
templative over the active life, the Jesuits actively engaged with this
world whatever its flaws. Founded in 1534 at the University of Paris
by the Basque soldier-turned-student Ignatius of Loyola and ap-
proved by Pope Paul III in 1540, the Society of Jesus sought to serve
God’s glory and save souls wherever it found them, from Europe’s
princely courts to hospitals and prisons to missions scattered across
the colonial empires.
Although it is well known for being extremely active in missions
throughout the world, in Europe itself the Society became increas-
ingly involved in education from its founding. By the beginning of
the seventeenth century, the Society of Jesus dominated higher edu-
cation throughout Germany’s Catholic territories. Their colleges,
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which taught a three-tiered curriculum of liberal arts, philosophy,
and theology, had been fused onto the moribund Catholic universi-
ties, not merely revitalizing the Catholic educational system but
enabling the Catholic lands to halt the spread of the Reformation
and, in many areas, reverse it.2 The Jesuits had been particularly
active in Cologne since the Society’s earliest days in Germany, and
the fruits of their efforts to revive the Catholic faith would have been
particularly striking to the young Friedrich in that city. Further-
more, Ignatius had impressed upon the Society as a whole his dis-
tinctive combination of a shrewd worldliness and an intense spiritu-
ality. Spee’s life was also marked by this combination, so it is perhaps
not surprising that when he left the Montanum and decided to
become a priest, he chose the Society of Jesus.
On September 22, 1609, Spee became a Jesuit novice, and from
this point on, his career, so closely tied to the Jesuit colleges, was in
many ways typical of a seventeenth-century German Jesuit. To be-
gin the long process of formation as a Jesuit, Spee was first sent to
Trier, where the Lower German province of the Society of Jesus had
its novice house. Forced by the plague to move, Spee completed his
two-year novitiate in Fulda, where he made his first vows as a Jesuit.
From 1612 to 1615 Spee completed the standard three-year philos-
ophy course at the Jesuit college which served as the philosophy
faculty of University of Würzburg, earning the degree of master of
arts. As in all Jesuit colleges, the curriculum consisted of a year each
of logic, natural philosophy, and metaphysics. The Aristotelian syl-
logistic logic that provided the foundation of the curriculum was
deeply engrained in Spee’s thought, and in the Cautio Criminalis he
used it repeatedly to expose and demolish his opponents’ arguments.
Before Jesuits embarked on their theological education, they
customarily taught the “lower” tier of studies, consisting mainly of
Latin and Greek grammar, poetics, and rhetoric. Spee spent four
years, from 1615 to 1619, teaching at the Jesuit colleges in Speyer,
Worms, and Mainz. In 1617, no doubt feeling a call from distant
lands and peoples waiting to hear the Gospels, he wrote to the gen-
eral superior of the Society of Jesus, Muzio Vitelleschi, asking to be
sent to serve in the overseas missions, but his request, like that of
many other young Jesuits, was refused. The general consoled Spee
by saying there was as much good work to be done in Germany as
there was in the Indies. In 1619 Spee began his theological studies
in the Jesuit college at the University of Mainz. He completed them
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in 1622 and in March of that year was ordained as a priest at the age
of thirty-one.
As was usual for young Jesuit priests with scholarly talents, Spee
was assigned to teach the three-year philosophy curriculum. He was
sent to the Jesuit University of Paderborn and accompanied one
class of students through the triennium. In addition to their aca-
demic duties, all Jesuit priests also engaged in pastoral activity, such
as hearing confessions, visiting prisons and hospitals, teaching cate-
chism to children and adults, and preaching in the city’s churches.
Spee himself taught catechism at the Church of St. Pankraz. This
combination of academic and pastoral missions featured throughout
Spee’s life.
Around this time Spee also began his literary activity in earnest.
He wrote many devotional songs, of which around a hundred ap-
peared anonymously in collections of hymns between 1621 and 1637.
He still has more hymns in the modern Catholic hymnal in Ger-
many than any other author. His authorship of many others is
still debated. Spee also wrote a collection of devotional poems, the
Trutz-Nachtigall (roughly, Despite the nightingale), a work of con-
siderable importance in the history of early modern German litera-
ture in which he consciously sought to show that poetry could be
written in the German vernacular, so that “God would have his
singers and poets in the German language.” In it Spee created a
Christianized “parody” of the pagan genre of pastoral poetry or
eclogue in which Christ often appeared as a shepherd suffering
for his flock, or as bridegroom whose bride, the Christian’s soul, he
had transfixed by the arrow of love.3 Spee’s Güldenes Tugend-Buch
(Golden book of virtues) was a catechetical work for women written
in the form of a dialogue between a confessor and a penitent struc-
tured around the cardinal virtues of faith, hope, and love or charity.
He continued to work on both books throughout his life. Both were
published posthumously in 1649 and continue to be published to-
day. Although his works are notable in many ways, the theme that
permeates them more than any other is love: the infinite love of the
Creator for his children, their love for him, and the love his children
should have for each other, that is, the virtue of charity. Spee’s faith
in God’s boundless love and his own love of his neighbor were to
permeate the Cautio Criminalis also.4
In 1626–27 Spee completed his training as a Jesuit with the ter-
tiate, the third year of his novitiate, in Speyer. At the end of 1627 he
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returned to the Tricoronatum in Cologne to stand in temporarily as
professor of philosophy. Although the local Jesuit provincial wanted
Spee to stay and teach philosophy in Cologne when the year was
over, the university rejected him because he had not graduated in
philosophy there. Instead he was sent in October 1628 as a mission-
ary to the town of Peine near Hildesheim to convert the region’s
Protestant inhabitants back to Catholicism. His aristocratic lineage
granted him access to the local nobility, and he seems to have had
considerable success in leading them back to the Catholic Church.
He also traveled constantly, visiting villages to say mass, hear con-
fessions, and teach catechism. On one of these trips, in April 1629,
he was ambushed by an unknown man and brutally attacked. Al-
though the assailant’s initial shot missed, he pursued Spee, severely
wounding him with numerous sword blows to the head. Staying on
his horse, Spee somehow managed to escape and reach the church
where he had been heading, but then he collapsed.
After spending several months recovering, Spee was sent back to
Paderborn to teach moral theology and conduct the moral theolog-
ical seminar at the Jesuit college. At the time, instruction in moral
theology focused on casuistry. Despite the negative connotations at-
tached to the term nowadays, casuistry is simply the application of
general moral rules such as the ten commandments to particular
cases (hence the term casuistry, from the Latin casus for case). Hear-
ing confessions from people at all levels of society, priests would reg-
ularly have to advise and judge people who were confronted by
moral dilemmas. But it was impossible to say whether a particular
act was sinful without situating it in context. Stealing was forbidden,
for example, but in particular circumstances it could be permitted.
Even killing was acceptable in particular cases. Training in casuistry
enabled priests to develop the moral virtue of prudence, with which
they could determine whether an act was a sin. Prudence features
throughout the Cautio Criminalis, for this, Spee argued, was the
virtue that allowed wise men to see the true sinfulness of witch trials.
Spee was a particularly skilled teacher of moral theology. Her-
mann Busenbaum, whose Medulla Theologiae Moralis became one of
the most frequently reprinted manuals of moral theology ever writ-
ten, acknowledged Spee as an influential teacher.5 Again, Spee’s
identity as a moral theologian permeates the Cautio Criminalis. In
many ways, the book can be seen as a skilled practitioner’s applica-
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flagrant violation of a Jesuit’s vow of obedience. However, General
Vitelleschi accepted Spee’s protests that the book had been printed
without his knowledge, and in October 1631 the local provincial
Goswin Nickel appointed him professor of moral theology at the
Jesuit college in Cologne.
However, just when the controversy was dying down and Vitel-
leschi was writing to Nickel to say that he was completely convinced
that the book had appeared without Spee’s knowledge and he could
make his fourth and final vow as a Jesuit, a second edition of the
Cautio Criminalis appeared, in the middle of 1632. According to the
title page it was published in Frankfurt, but recent scholarship sug-
gests that it was more probably published in Cologne itself. Al-
though the edition contains a foreword from Johannes Gronaeus of
Austria saying that he was financing the reprinting of the work at his
own cost, there is no record of such a person either in Frankfurt or
anywhere else; and the watermarks are those of Cologne printers.
Furthermore, in addition to the correction of the numerous typo-
graphical errors that plagued the first edition, there were several
minor textual additions.6 In any case, several of Spee’s Jesuit broth-
ers were appalled. Peter Roestius, professor of theology in Cologne,
wanted the book put on the papal Index of Forbidden Books.
Vitelleschi was now convinced that Spee was responsible for the
publication of the book. He thrice suggested to Nickel that he expel
Spee from the Society, but the provincial once again showed his sup-
port for Spee. He gave Spee the option to leave the Society and when
he declined, Nickel moved him away from the furor in Cologne and
appointed him once again professor of moral theology, this time in
Trier. One should note that Jesuits were not bound to obey an in-
struction if in conscience they felt that following it would mean com-
mitting a sin. As an experienced professor of moral theology, Spee
may well have thought that trying to save the hundreds and thou-
sands of innocent people executed in the witch trials justified this
particular act of disobedience. Nickel himself seems to have under-
stood this and may well have even approved of the content of the
Cautio Criminalis. Later, when Nickel was general superior of the
Society, he prohibited a Jesuit father in Paderborn from engaging in
exorcisms of witches and transferred him out of the city when he
refused to obey.7
Spee’s life was much less turbulent in Trier. He continued to
work on his Güldenes Tugend-Buch and Trutz-Nachtigall. In 1634 he
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present in Würzburg and perhaps the nearby city of Bamberg dur-
ing the persecutions of 1628–30, which must rank among the most
outrageous of the witch-hunts, claiming hundreds of victims, in-
cluding priests, young children, and even members of the bishop of
Würzburg’s family. However, the chronology of his career makes
this impossible. Also Spee had completed his philosophical educa-
tion and departed from Würzburg before the round of witch trials
that began there in 1616.
However, as was the case in much of Germany, the trials in the
Bishopric of Paderborn were reaching a peak between 1629 and
1631. This coincides exactly with Spee’s stay there. The surviving
archives are sketchy, but there are records of several trials in local
courts in the bishopric in 1629 and 1630. In the town of Büren, a
classic panic of the kind Spee described so accurately occurred dur-
ing which fifty people were executed in the space of one month from
mid-March to mid-April 1631.8 But as the Cautio itself appeared
around April 1631, it was probably completed by the time of this
particular persecution.
Furthermore, the Duchy of Westphalia, the unhappy site of some
of the most unscrupulous witch-hunting commissioners in Germany,
bordered directly on the Bishopric of Paderborn. Both territories
were ruled by the archbishop-elector of Cologne, Ferdinand von
Wittelsbach, a fanatical witch hater and supporter of trials. Many
small towns in the duchy which were only ten to twenty miles from
Paderborn suffered tremendously from the ravages of the commis-
sioners: Rüthen had 6 executions in 1629 and a further 5 in 1630;
Alme endured 12. Balve, admittedly further away from the border,
endured a horrifying 243 executions in 1628–30.9 After being re-
lieved of his teaching duties and having only the task of confessor,
Spee may well have been able to minister to the victims in these
neighboring towns. Thus there is no reason to doubt the authentic-
ity of his direct testimony, particularly since his account of the ori-
gin and conduct of trials agrees so closely with modern historical
scholarship.
Witch Trials in Germany
Although modern scholarship has sharply revised earlier esti-
mates of the total number of executions for witchcraft in Europe
downward to a hundred thousand or even fifty thousand for the core
period of trials from the late fifteenth century to the late seventeenth
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century, these persecutions were not spread evenly across time and
space. Germany was undoubtedly the center of the witch-hunts, with
perhaps half of all deaths occurring in the mosaic of territories mak-
ing up the Holy Roman Empire.10 Furthermore, even in Germany
periods of extended calm marked by small-scale or no trials were
punctuated by waves of large hunts taking place simultaneously in
numerous territories and claiming hundreds of victims. Spee was
himself acutely aware that the trials were a particularly German
problem, to its misfortune and shame: “Behold Germany, mother of
so many witches!” (Question 21; see also Question 2).
Spee was reporting from the center of one such massive per-
secution. To understand how the persecutions could occur and to
grasp Spee’s strategy, we need to be familiar with how witchcraft was
conceived of in early modern Germany. Spee was an accurate ob-
server, and his analysis of how witch-hunts exploded out of control
largely agrees with recent research. He was familiar with the wide-
spread superstition of the people, who saw witches behind every
unusual natural event (Question 2). Their fear, envy, gossip, and
malice were crucial in setting investigations in motion.11 But these
accusations would not have resulted in trials and burnings unless the
educated judges and lawyers who conducted them were not only
convinced of the existence of witches but also possessed of a partic-
ular conception of their crime. However irrational they may seem to
us today, learned conceptions of witchcraft were a completely coher-
ent and meaningful part of early modern constructions of reality.12
It was this coherence that prevented opponents of witch trials from
making much headway for so long.
Several elements were absolutely crucial to what has been termed
the cumulative conception of witchcraft.13 The first was the convic-
tion that the devil had the power to act physically in this world and
God actually allowed him to exercise this power. The devil was God’s
instrument in testing or punishing his flock. The sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries were a period in which people were increas-
ingly obsessed with the devil’s power and presence on earth.
The next element was the witches’ pact with the devil. This was
their real crime. Women may have been denounced to the authori-
ties by their neighbors for spoiling milk or cursing children, but once
they were brought before learned judges, the nature of their crime
shifted. For judges and lawyers, witchcraft was primarily a spiritual
crime. By making a pact with the devil, witches had renounced God.
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Furthermore, since the social and political order was divinely sanc-
tioned, treason against God was also treason against his secular rep-
resentative on earth, the prince. Therefore, even witches who had
not actually harmed anyone could still be executed for the much
more severe crime of betraying God and allying with the enemy of
humankind. Contrary to modern misconceptions that the trials were
conducted by “the Church” or the Inquisition, throughout Germany
the trials were conducted by secular judges and commissioners, even
in territories ruled by Catholic prince-bishops.14 But even secular
legal officials shared the view of witchcraft as primarily a spiritual
crime. And while witchcraft theory stated that the witches were
usually seduced by the devil in disguise and lured into the pact—a
sequence of events often confirmed in the witches’ own testimony—
the witches were still held responsible for their crimes, since the devil
sought out disciples whose malice toward God and ill will toward
their fellows predisposed them toward him.
A further essential element of the cumulative conception in Ger-
many was the reality of the witches’ sabbath. This was where witches
sealed their pact with the devil, often by a kiss on his ass or sexual
intercourse. At these wild dances they celebrated with their master,
often performing inversions of Christian rituals such as desecrating
the host or murdering children for their blood. But it was the sab-
bath that permitted judges to identify witches. Since all the witches
saw each other there, if one witch could be made to name her accom-
plices, then all the witches could be detected. So the investigators’
main goal was to get the suspected witch to denounce her accom-
plices. The inquisitors often kept meticulous records of the number
of times a person was denounced. It was this element, absent from
learned conceptions of witchcraft in many other countries such as
England, that endowed trials in Germany with the potential to ex-
plode into mass hunts as ever widening circles of denunciations im-
plicated more and more suspects who had supposedly been seen at
the sabbath.
Aside from the occasional disturbed person who confessed vol-
untarily, nobody would willingly admit to being a witch. Since
witchcraft was a spiritual crime that left little or no physical evi-
dence, inquisitors had little to prove that someone was a witch. Thus
suspects had to be persuaded to confess through torture. Again, in
contrast to modern conceptions of the unrestrained brutality of
medieval and early modern criminal procedure, legal codes such as
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and more people were implicated by confessions as the trials spread,
the stereotype broke down. Suspects denounced members of the
elites, in particular the families of town councillors, often as con-
scious form of resistance. Although Spee lamented that the bonfires
would eventually consume everyone (e.g., in Question 8), at this
point the authorities suffered a “crisis of confidence” in the enter-
prise and its methods, to use Midelfort’s term; the use of torture was
restricted, allowing increasing numbers of suspects to maintain their
innocence, thereby further undermining faith in the trials, which for
a time were suspended.
There was no shortage of legal and clerical authors who sup-
ported witch trials and the use of torture. Perhaps the best known
today is the infamous Malleus Maleficarum (The hammer of witches)
of 1486, written by the German Dominican inquisitor Heinrich
Kramer. Although Spee referred to the Malleus Maleficarum, he de-
voted more attention to refuting two more-recent texts. Among the
many Jesuits who supported trials, the most prominent was the Bel-
gian Martin Delrio. His widely read Disquisitionum Magicarum Libri
Sex (Six books of magical investigations), which first appeared in
1589, was one of Spee’s chief targets. But the author who more than
any other was the subject of his withering critique was the suffragan
bishop of Trier Peter Binsfeld, who wrote the Tractatus de Confes-
sionibus Maleficorum et Sagarum . . . An, et Quanta Fides Iis Adhibenda
Sit (Treatise on sorcerers’ and witches’ confessions . . . whether and
how much they are to be trusted), which first appeared in 1591. Not
only had Binsfeld been one of the key figures behind a particularly
vicious round of witch-hunts in the Bishopric of Trier in the late
1580s and early 1590s, but he actively suppressed opposition to trials
by imprisoning Cornelius Loos for writing a critique of the trials
and forcing him to recant.
Opposition to Hunts
Loos was not the only skeptic in Germany. In fact, one of the
most valuable aspects of the Cautio Criminalis is that it functions as
a compendium of the most telling arguments against witchcraft cir-
culating in Germany in the early seventeenth century. Spee relied
heavily on a small number of sources. One should not overstate his
legal qualifications; most of the vast number of legal authorities he
cites are in fact taken from only two authors, the Italian jurists Pros-
per Farinacci and, much less frequently, Julio Claro. Furthermore,
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most of his citations from the Corpus Juris Civilis, the legal code
derived from Roman law widely used throughout Germany, are also
taken from a small number of authors. For example, the block of
seven citations from the CJC for excepted crimes that he gives in
Question 4 is taken almost verbatim from Binsfeld.15 He often im-
ports errors into his citations from his sources. The only section of
the CJC from which Spee cites directly is title 18 of book 48 of the
Digests, “De Quaestionibus” (On interrogations), which deals with
the use of torture.
Many of Spee’s arguments were in wide circulation. For exam-
ple, the parable of the tares (or weeds) from the Gospel of Matthew
is the traditional proof text for toleration of heretics. However, by
the seventeenth century it was being applied to witch trials.16 But
one specific source that Spee used was very important, for it gave
him access to the debates over witch trials which had had great suc-
cess in limiting witchcraft persecutions in Bavaria. In the wake of a
brutal round of trials in the 1590s, an influential group of Bavarian
jurists, noblemen, and government officials argued that the use of
torture in witch trials should be closely regulated in order to prevent
the false confessions which allowed the circle of suspects to widen.
Despite the strenuous efforts of a party committed to carrying out
trials, the skeptics were able to prevent individual trials from becom-
ing large-scale persecutions. As a result, Bavaria was spared the bru-
tal persecutions of the late 1620s which wracked many neighboring
territories.17
Although the members of the Society of Jesus in Germany had
on the whole been in favor of trials, one Jesuit theologian, Adam
Tanner, had had the opportunity to witness this debate while he was
a professor at the Jesuit college in Munich and at the Bavarian Uni-
versity of Ingolstadt. Tanner incorporated many of the arguments
against trials, and torture in particular, into the third volume of his
theology textbook, Universa Theologia Scholastica, which appeared in
1627.18 Spee drew heavily on Tanner’s work, and many of his most
important arguments can be found in the Theologia Scholastica: that
the use of torture makes the death of innocent people inevitable,
that several denunciations are not sufficient to warrant torture, that
torture may not be repeated, just to mention a few.19 Spee also cited
the Theologia Moralis of another southern German Jesuit, Paul Lay-
mann, who was himself influenced by Tanner.
The opposition to hunts in the northern German territories
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seems to have been much less vocal and effective. Early in the sev-
enteenth century, some universities had issued rulings recommend-
ing that torture be used only with great caution, but this was not
sufficient to prevent an outbreak of major persecutions in the later
1620s. In the Electorate of Cologne, for example, special witch-
hunting commissioners armed with virtually unlimited power and
the enthusiastic support of the archbishop-elector, the fanatical Fer-
dinand von Wittelsbach, had thrown all caution and restraint to the
wind. Spee was no doubt writing about the elector of Cologne’s com-
missioners when he wrote about inquisitors who said they would tor-
ture Adam Tanner if they caught him. Such threats were actually
made; the superior of the Jesuit house in Lippstadt, Johannes
Quinken, reported to the provincial that the elector’s commission-
ers had decided not to allow any more Jesuits to tend to accused
witches because they suspected these confessors of witchcraft, and
one commissioner had even said that he would prosecute Tanner if
he could get his hands on him.20
But even at this time doubts were still being voiced, and there
was a thriving market for books on the question of witchcraft and
witch trials. For example, in 1629 a Cologne printer published a vol-
ume containing excerpts from various authors on the question of
witch trials, including substantial passages from Tanner and Lay-
mann.21 As Spee himself indicated, there was a heated debate at the
time over the reliability of the so-called witch’s mark or stigmata as
a method for detecting witches (Question 43). So Spee was by no
means alone in his criticism of trials, but his work remains the most
compelling. Let us turn to an examination of the content of the
Cautio Criminalis to see why this is so.
The Argument of the Cautio Criminalis
To follow the argument of the Cautio Criminalis, it may help to
regard it as the work of a moral theologian who must advise princes
confronted by a particularly knotty moral dilemma. The structure of
the quaestio, which had been used in university disputations since the
Middle Ages, was particularly well suited to treat such issues. In each
chapter a question is put, generally in a yes-or-no form, which Spee
answers with a range of evidence. Often an imaginary interlocutor
raises objections that Spee must overcome. Sometimes the inter-
locutor is not satisfied, resulting in a brisk cut-and-thrust of oppos-
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xxiv t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n
people. Such was the confidence of the times in the validity of trials
that Spee had to demonstrate that not only was it possible for inno-
cent people to be convicted but that this had in fact occurred (Ques-
tions 10 and 11). The appendix to the work is a historical illustration
demonstrating that for whatever reasons God did allow innocent
people to be unjustly killed, as had happened during the Roman per-
secutions of the early Christians. Spee nowhere stated that trials must
be ended outright; rather he simply insisted that trials must be halted
if there were insufficient safeguards in place to prevent innocent peo-
ple being harmed (Question 12). Thus much of the first half of the
Cautio outlines general procedural protections that all prisoners are
entitled to, even those accused of excepted crimes. This section con-
cludes with Question 17, which provides twenty corollaries listing
the prisoner’s rights: the presumption of innocence, the right to a
lawyer and the opportunity to mount an effective defense, the oppor-
tunity to appeal the decision to use torture, and so on.
However, Spee was well aware that the fundamental conditions
that allowed trials to spread without limit were the unregulated use
of torture, the use of denunciations made by confessed witches for
arresting and torturing further suspects, and the use of rumors and
reputation to justify arrest and torture. Not surprisingly, these three
issues occupy the bulk of his attention: Questions 20–31 address tor-
ture itself; Questions 32–50 discuss the evidence used to justify tor-
ture, in particular rumors and denunciations. Spee argues that once
all limitations on the use of torture have been eliminated, then no-
body can uphold their innocence. We cannot be sure whether some-
one who confessed under torture truly is guilty or whether she did
so only to avoid further suffering. In the end, it all boils down to this
question: how can a truly innocent person exonerate herself once
she has been brought in to be tortured? As Spee remarks, the judges
themselves could not answer this question (Question 20, Reason
16). Thus the princes were bound by the Christian virtue of charity
to suspend trials until they instituted procedures that guaranteed
innocent people the ability to defend themselves successfully.
Spee knew that most trials were initially based on rumors, and
the circle of suspects was then widened ever further by denuncia-
tions. But he insisted such evidence was legally insufficient for tor-
turing someone. If a rumor was unproven, then it had absolutely no
value as evidence. Consequently, several or even many rumors com-
bined still had no value. Far from conducting trials on the basis of
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rumor, the prince has a duty to prevent slander. One suspects that
Spee is making a black joke when he writes that the prince “should
investigate those poisonous tongues and cut them out of the slan-
derers and liars and nail them to the pillory” (Question 34).
Spee also questions the validity of denunciations made by con-
fessed witches. First of all, judges often asked prisoners leading ques-
tions, mentioning suspects by name, thereby violating all norms of
judicial procedure; an innocent person who confessed under torture
would implicate the suspects named just to escape further pain. On
the other hand, what value was a witch’s testimony? Since a witch
was the servant of Satan and the sworn enemy of humankind, if she
knew that she was herself doomed, then she was much more likely
to take some innocent people with her to the bonfire rather than her
fellow witches. And who could say whether a confessed witch was
telling the truth, even if she wanted to? Perhaps what she claimed to
have seen at the sabbath was merely an illusion created by the devil
(Questions 47–48). Thus rather than openly rejecting contemporary
demonology, Spee used it to undermine the key evidence in trials. In
short, it seemed contrary to justice to torture people on the basis of
denunciations, no matter how many times they had been denounced.
In his efforts to undermine the reliability of denunciations ex-
tracted from accused witches, Spee questions the witches’ credibil-
ity. Since in Spee’s experience most of those tortured were female,
he denigrates women’s credibility in a way we today find quite cal-
lous. In Question 8 he asks what kinds of women are tortured: “Often
delirious, insane, fickle, babbling, changeable, cunning, lying, per-
jurous ones.” Elsewhere he questions the ability of women to with-
stand torture: “Who does not know how feeble an animal woman is,
how intolerant of suffering, how prompt her tongue? Indeed, if men,
even pious ones, as we have said above, are so weak in spirit that
they would prefer death to torture, what are we to presume of that
fragile sex?” (Question 20).23
It is difficult to know whether this represented his own views on
women, in which case he simply shared the prejudices of his time, or
whether he was consciously drawing on those prejudices in order to
save innocent women, much as he pragmatically accepted demono-
logical doctrine in order to undermine the validity of denunciations.
In other places Spee could emphasize women’s strength. He noted
that some women manage to hold out against three or even more
sessions of torture—a striking contrast to his assessment of own
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xxvi t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n
capacities: “if I were brought in to be interrogated I would not hes-
itate right at the beginning to declare myself guilty of any witchcraft
whatsoever and embrace death rather than such torments” (Ques-
tion 20).
A crucial aspect of the Cautio is that Spee refuses to relax judicial
procedures in cases of excepted crimes (Questions 36–38). He grants
that the punishment meted out in excepted crimes may be more
severe than in others, but judges are still bound to follow normal pro-
cedures in trying them. They may not use a lower standard of evi-
dence to employ torture, they may not use longer or more severe
tortures, they may not convict on a lower standard of proof. In fact,
the more severe the accusations made against someone, the stronger
her claims to basic rights; not only is a person accused of witchcraft
permitted a lawyer, but she must have one imposed on her whether
she wants one or not.
Such then is an outline of the content of the Cautio Criminalis,
but we should also note how Spee makes his case. First, he appeals
to personal experience and thus endows his work with an immediacy
and power that can still move readers today, almost four centuries
later. Repeatedly he refers to what he himself has encountered (a
woman rushing to him for advice after she was denounced) or to what
he has learned in direct conversation with those who have had first-
hand experience (the judge who could no longer serve on the bench
because he realized that none of those he had condemned were
guilty). Spee, the former student and professor of rhetoric, makes
good use of the dichotomy between those who have witnessed trials
themselves, and consequently have recognized their futility, and
those scholars who, even if perhaps well intentioned, blithely rec-
ommend the harshest methods of proceeding against witches from
the heated comfort of their studies, blissfully unaware of the filth of
the prisons and the brutality of torture (Questions 16 and 48, for
example). If one compares Spee’s text with the vast erudition of works
such as Martin Delrio’s Disquisitionum Magicarum, with its endless
tales of witches, werewolves, and other magical and demonic crea-
tures, Spee’s learning seems paltry. But his use of textual authorities
is deliberately limited; to add source after source would be to wage
the battle on his opponents’ turf. He is not trying to wear his oppo-
nents and the reader down by the weight of his erudition, but to win
another way. When he does appeal to authorities, it is not to let them
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make his argument for him, but to show that his view is not novel or
unique.
Spee was aware that his appeal to his own direct experience of
trials, however moving to us who instinctively agree with him, was
not sufficient to convince his contemporaries. After all, some inquisi-
tors, including the highly respected judge and author Nicolas Rémy,
had sent hundreds of women and men to the bonfires and were not
troubled by the slightest doubts. There were numerous local exam-
ples in the Electorate of Cologne of judges with similar records.
Their experience dwarfed Spee’s. Thus he had to do more than just
recount his experiences; he had to directly refute his opponents’
arguments. To do this, he differentiated between the intrinsic and
extrinsic weight of arguments. The former refers to the strength of
the argument itself, the latter to the authority of those supporting
the argument. Spee conceded that his opponents might have been
able to deploy arguments with greater extrinsic authority, but for him
that counted for little. The extrinsic authority of an argument was
worthless if its intrinsic authority had not been examined and shown
to hold up: “Authority alone does not render an opinion very prob-
able or safe unless its authors have embraced it only after consider-
ing the evident weight of the arguments that can be deployed against
it” (Question 8). Thus Spee repeatedly addresses and demolishes the
intrinsic weight of his opponents’ arguments.
Whatever his talent for writing mystic poetry and devotional
songs, Spee was no fuzzy thinker. Repeatedly he appeals to reason
and natural law, as opposed to the authorities his opponents rely on.
I argue with reason rather than endless examples, I argue with rea-
son rather than jeers, he states, once again rhetorically distinguish-
ing his approach from his opponents’. In his withering use of formal
logic, we again see Spee the professor at work. After all, he had stud-
ied and taught logic at Jesuit colleges, and moral theology was based
just as much upon natural law, the order of the world which God
created and which the sound mind could detect and follow, as it was
upon Scripture. So Spee frequently sets out his own or his oppo-
nents’ arguments in the form of a syllogism, that is, a conclusion that
follows inevitably from two correct premises. He is thereby able to
reject his opponents’ arguments either because their major or minor
premises are not valid or because the conclusion does not necessar-
ily follow from the premises.
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xxviii t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n
In other places Spee notes that his opponents’ reasoning is cir-
cular, that is, it assumes as true the very thing it is attempting to
prove. In Question 48 Spee exposes his opponents’ claim that God
would not permit the devil to create images of innocent people at
the sabbath who are actually not present: “Why are those seen at a
sabbath validly considered guilty? Because God does not permit
innocent people to be represented there. Why, however, does God
not permit it? Because misfortune follows, since those seen there are
regarded as guilty. See how little attention my adversaries pay to
dialectics today! A because B, and B because A. Has no one recog-
nized this circle until now?”
Spee was also a skilled rhetorician. We have seen this in the way
he constructs binary positions: direct experience versus empty eru-
dition, reason versus authority. His skill can be illustrated with a fur-
ther example, his use of a standard rhetorical tool, the concessio: I
grant what you claim but nevertheless your argument does not hold,
in fact it even supports my conclusion. Take for example his grant-
ing for rhetorical purposes of his opponents’ claim that those who
confess under torture to being witches are actually witches. Who
then are they more likely to denounce as their accomplices and
thereby send to the bonfire? Fellow witches and servants of Satan,
or the truly innocent? The combination of all three—experience,
logic, and rhetoric—makes the Cautio Criminalis a remarkably clear-
sighted attempt to cut through the intellectual quagmire surround-
ing witch trials.
While many of Spee’s arguments may strike us as being blind-
ingly obvious, they certainly could not be taken for granted at the
time. For most of his contemporaries, what was blindingly obvious
was that witches could be detected through the use of torture and be
compelled to denounce their accomplices. Real witches would not
denounce innocent people because torture compelled them to tell
the truth, the supporters of torture and trials argued. So Spee probes
further, methodically pulling their arguments apart, subjecting them
to the test of the syllogism. By what power does torture make some-
one tell the truth? How does someone whose testimony is inher-
ently unreliable, such as a witch, suddenly become reliable once they
have been tortured? He has seen the power of torture and knows
that it can force anyone, himself included, to say whatever the tor-
turer wants.
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t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n xxix
Yet Spee had to steer clear of one last trap. As a Jesuit moral the-
ologian, he adhered to the doctrine of probabilism, that is, when con-
fronted by a choice of actions one need not choose the one that is
more morally safe or probable, but one can choose the lesser, pro-
vided that it has some probability, which means that it is supported
by reputable authorities. This is one reason Spee did not need to
show that more authorities supported his view, but only that some
did. Probabilism, however, was a double-edged sword. His opponents
could also argue that their view did not lack its own probability, so
the princes could continue to torture and burn witches in good con-
science. Here Spee played a trump card: “In doubtful cases the safer
path must be chosen. Even if this rule has only the weight of advice
in other cases, it nevertheless acquires the force of a maxim when
there is any danger that some harm will otherwise come to our neigh-
bor, as the casuists teach” (Question 50). Thus in the end it is the
Christian virtue of charity, the duty to keep our neighbor out of
harm, that rules out trials. The Cautio is an examination of the moral
dilemma of whether the princes should try witches or not. The
answer Spee reached was that if they could not ensure that trials will
not harm the innocent, then they must halt them. In the end, their
own salvation was at stake.
The Enduring Appeal of the Cautio Criminalis
If Spee relied so heavily on other authors such as Tanner, what
then is the significance of the Cautio Criminalis? Identifying sources
does not in any way diminish the work’s importance—novelty is not
the only measure of work’s value. The continuing appeal that makes
this book stand out among the shelves of works written on the sub-
ject of witchcraft stems from a combination of many factors. We
have noted its moving use of personal experience, its relentless logic,
its skilled if understated rhetoric. In addition, Spee deploys irony to
good use: the witch-hunters say that witchcraft is the most secret
and occult of crimes, but “I ask you, how hidden is it if we can so eas-
ily perceive it that there is no other crime in the world for which so
many criminals have been brought to light and continue to be daily,
as my adversaries themselves think?” (Question 50). There is also
the lively disputation format, which holds the reader’s attention.
Disputations in which students argued opposing sides of a particu-
lar thesis were a fundamental part of Jesuit pedagogy, and Spee
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xxx t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n
shows himself here to be a master of the art. The cut and thrust of
argument and counterargument elevates the work above a dry, text-
book discussion.
But more than anything, we are moved by Spee’s willingness to
stand up and criticize those in power. Spee is not the ivory tower
professor he so despises. He takes upon himself the duty of moral
theologian and confessor. He concludes the work with a reference to
the Prophet Isaiah: “They [the princes] should not be astonished if
I harshly and boldly admonish them from time to time, for it is not
fitting for me to be among those whom the Prophet calls mute dogs
who are not strong enough to bark” (Question 51). Throughout
the Cautio Criminalis we see Spee the moral theologian barking in
various ways. No one involved escapes his reprimand—bishops, the
superiors of religious orders, confessors, highly respected scholars,
his fellow Jesuits, virtually the entire legal profession with its judges,
inquisitors and lawyers, the mass of the people for their gossiping,
slander, envy, and superstition. Even the emperor himself is not
spared.
But Spee lays the prime responsibility for the unjust executions
of innocent people on the princes. In early modern demonology the
reign of the devil and his minions the witches was a reflection of this
world turned upside down.24 Yet Spee argues that, through their
negligence, the princes themselves were creating the witches and
inaugurating the inverted kingdom of the devil in this world. Be-
cause of the witch-hunts, Spee lamented, true Christians were being
forced to hide their piety and ignore their obligations of Christian
charity; others were forced to flee Christendom and live among the
Moslems rather than stay and be tortured. Spee himself had to ad-
vise upstanding women to admit that they were guilty of making a
pact with the devil. Was this not what the devil himself would have
wanted? In short, while the princes justified the trials by saying they
were trying to save their states, they were actually destroying them.
It is to the princes and their advisers that the book is directed,
for they are the ones with the power to stop the trials, although Spee
laments in the preface, in some of his most powerful ironical writ-
ing, that those who really need to read the book will not, while those
are willing to read it already possess what they will get out of it. The
princes will be called to account for their willful, culpable ignorance
of how trials are actually conducted, if not in this world, then the
next: “At the final judgment of the living and the dead I will reveal
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t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n xxxi
how I know it to those rulers who should also know these things and
whom so many innocents will justly summon before the tribunal that
day—and I will summon them too” (Question 49, Argument 10).
His love of his neighbor, so prominent both in his other writings
and in a career spent ministering to high and low, stands out again
here. Spee was seeking to save the innocent who were being perse-
cuted without reason. He warns us that it is better that ten guilty
people go free than that one innocent person be punished.25 The
trials did not just put people in physical danger, but in moral danger
as well. That is, fearing for themselves they could be driven to sin by
denouncing others. Trials also endangered innocent people’s salva-
tion because they could lead them into despair.
The instructor of future priests, Spee devotes a substantial chap-
ter to teaching witches’ confessors what they must know to fulfil their
ministry properly (Question 30). Perhaps no one earned Spee’s scorn
more than the priests who broke the seal of the confessional to pass
information on to the prosecutors. Confessors had to do whatever
they could to ensure that the prisoners, whether guilty or not, made
a sincere sacramental confession, and if the prisoners could not trust
the priest then they would not confess and would die in sin. If the
priest could not save their lives, then he could still save their souls.
But Spee was also seeking to save the princes and judges who were
endangering their own salvation by conducting trials recklessly. It
was this love or charity—the most important of the three theologi-
cal virtues of faith, hope, and love—that drove him not only to write
the Cautio Criminalis but to skirt the Society of Jesus’s censorship,
which might have prevented it from ever appearing.
In his admonitions to the princes and the judges, Spee’s work
still has relevance for our times. Some of his recommendations may
sound obvious to us: that the accused must be granted a lawyer and
the opportunity to prepare a defense, to know the charges and evi-
dence against her. But even in modern democracies, when dealing
with the most heinous crimes —the excepted crimes, to use Spee’s
term—we are often tempted to sacrifice such procedural guarantees
in the hope of protecting society. Terrorism and the sexual abuse of
children, for example, are such horrible crimes that surely we may
relax the standards of proof required for a conviction if it means pre-
venting such crimes from occurring again. Spee was familiar with
this seductive argument but cautions us against it in Questions 36–
38. If you accuse me of a minor crime which smears my reputation
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xxxii t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n
mildly, you grant me a lawyer, yet when you accuse me of the most
horrific crime possible and threaten me with death and dishonor you
deny me the right to defend myself. Natural law and right reason
reveal the inconsistencies in this reasoning. Does the fact that Spee
was sure there were no witches, or virtually none, whereas we are
equally sure that terrorists and sexual predators are actually working
their evil, undermine his contention that even when trying the most
atrocious crimes we must adhere to the norms of judicial procedure?
The Effect of the Cautio Criminalis
Even though Spee never published a German translation of the
Cautio Criminalis, the vernacular translations he hoped for soon ap-
peared in several European languages: German in 1647 and 1649,
Dutch in 1657, and French in 1660.26 Nevertheless, we should be
cautious about overestimating the influence of the Cautio Criminalis.
Despite the foreword to the second edition, claiming that the first
edition had been enthusiastically received and was already prompt-
ing people to reconsider trials —which is probably more a brilliant
piece of self-advertising than truthful reporting—the Cautio cer-
tainly did not end trials throughout Germany, although particular
princes, such as the archbishop of Mainz Johann Philipp von Schön-
born, may well have been prompted to exercise more caution, if
Leibniz’s account is to be believed.27
There was no one book or event that ended witch trials in Ger-
many. Midelfort has argued that, in their orgies of destruction, the
German witch trials burned themselves out. The trials that spread
until no one was safe created a crisis of confidence in the reliability
of trials resting on torture and denunciations.28 The skeptics gradu-
ally won the upper hand. The Imperial Chamber Court in Speyer,
which had always been moderate in its attitude to trials, granted the
appeals made by those threatened with torture, and even the em-
peror intervened against particularly brutal princes such as the bishop
of Bamberg. Across Germany, increasingly strict restrictions were
placed on the use of torture, as had been the case in Bavaria around
1600. Certainly trials continued past the middle of the century—a
persecution of some magnitude broke out in some German territo-
ries in the 1660s, and there were isolated trials and executions well
into the eighteenth century—but excesses on the scale of the late
1620s did not return.
It is more accurate to regard the Cautio Criminalis as expressing
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xxxiv t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n
Notes
1. There is very little on Spee’s life in English. The most accurate biograph-
ical data is provided by Theo G. M. van Oorschot, S.J., “Die Lebensdaten,” in
Friedrich Spee im Licht der Wissenschaften: Beiträge und Untersuchungen, ed. Anton
Arens (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchenge-
schichte, 1984). Emmy Rosenthal’s full-length biography, Friedrich Spee von Lang-
enfeld: Eine Stimme in der Wüste (Berlin: W. DeGruyter, 1958), is now rather
dated, and no biographical treatment taking into account modern scholarship on
witch trials has yet been written.
2. On the founding and early mission of the Society of Jesus, see John W.
O’Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993).
James Brodrick’s Saint Peter Canisius (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1962)
covers the activities of the most important of the first Jesuits in Germany.
3. In some manuscripts of the Trutz-Nachtigall there are fifty-one poems, as
opposed to the fifty-two in the printed editions. One wonders if it is mere coinci-
dence that there are fifty-one questions in the Cautio Criminalis, but if there is a
link it has remained obscure.
4. For a brief treatment of the Trutz-Nachtigall, see Robert M. Browning,
German Baroque Poetry, 1618–1723 (University Park: The Pennsylvania State
University Press, 1971), 46–55. Theo G. M. van Oorschot has also produced crit-
ical editions of the Güldenes Tugend-Buch (Munich: Kösel, 1968) and the Trutz-
Nachtigall (Bern: Francke, 1985).
5. Recently a student’s manuscript of a two-year lecture course in moral the-
ology given in 1633–35 was found and published by Helmut Weber as Theologia
Moralis Explicata: Ein Friedrich Spee zugeschriebenes Werk aus der Zeit des Dreißig-
jährigen Krieges (Trier: Spee Buchverlag, 1996). Despite initial hopes that the
course was given by Spee, it has been firmly established that the lectures were not
his (whatever the subtitle of this edition may suggest) but were delivered by a
Jesuit who had studied under Spee. It does, however, permit considerable insight
into the way moral theology was taught in Spee’s day.
6. Gunther Franz persuasively argues that the second edition was published
in Cologne with Spee’s complicity in “Friedrich Spee und die Bücherzensur,” in
Friedrich Spee zum 400. Geburtstag, ed. Gunther Franz (Paderborn: Bonifatius,
1995).
7. Bernhard Duhr, S.J., Die Stellung der Jesuiten in den deutschen Hexen-
prozessen (Cologne, 1900), 78–84.
8. Rainer Decker, “Die Hexenverfolgungen im Hochstift Paderborn: For-
schungsstand, Quellenlage und Zielsetzung,” Westfälische Zeitschrift 128 (1978):
315–56.
9. Gerhard Schormann, Hexenprozesse in Nordwestdeutschland (Hildesheim:
Lax, 1977), 92–107; Schormann, Der Krieg gegen die Hexen: Das Ausrottungspro-
gramm des Kurfürsten von Köln (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991);
Rainer Decker, “Die Hexenverfolgungen im Herzogtum Westfalen,” Westfälische
Zeitschrift 131/32 (1981–82): 339–86.
10. Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (London: Long-
man, 1987), 22, estimates around 100,000 executions. Wolfgang Behringer, Hexen:
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t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n xxxv
Glaube, Verfolgung, Vermarktung (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2000), 66 and 75, estimates
little more than 50,000 executions, of which 25,000 were in Germany.
11. On village life and accusations of witchcraft, see Robin Briggs, Witches
and Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context of European Witchcraft (New York:
Viking, 1996).
12. Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Mod-
ern Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997).
13. H. C. Erik Midelfort, Witch Hunting in Southwestern Germany, 1562–
1684: The Social and Intellectual Foundations (Stanford: Stanford University Press,
1972), chap. 2; and Levack, Witch-Hunt, chap 2.
14. Even when Spee uses the term “an inquisition,” he is referring to a secu-
lar court, not an ecclesiastical one.
15. I have tried to keep footnotes to a minimum in this translation. For more
complete notes on Spee’s sources, see Theo G. M. van Oorschot’s critical edition
of the Cautio Criminalis (Tübingen: Francke, 1992).
16. Roland H. Bainton, “Religious Liberty and the Parable of the Tares,” in
Early and Medieval Christianity, Collected Papers in Church History, Series 1
(Boston: Beacon Press, 1962).
17. Wolfgang Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria: Popular Magic,
Religious Zealotry and Reason of State in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1997).
18. On the Society of Jesus and witch trials, see Duhr, Die Stellung der
Jesuiten, esp. 45–53, on Tanner. Also see Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions, 245ff.,
on Tanner.
19. See Johannes Dillinger, “Adam Tanner und Friedrich Spee: Zwei Gegner
der Hexenverfolgung aus dem Jesuitenorden,” Spee Jahrbuch 6 (2000): 31–58.
20. Schormann, Der Krieg gegen die Hexen, 132.
21. The volume, published by Constantus Munich, was titled Diversi Tracta-
tus de Potestate Ecclesiastica: Coercendi Daemones circa Energumenos & Maleficatos, de
Potentia ac Viribus Daemonum. De Modo Procedendi adversus Crimina Excepta; Prae-
cipue contra Sagas & Maleficos . . .
22. An exception would be Question 30, which offers practical advice to con-
fessors and does not directly contribute to the development of the argument.
23. Although the ratio of male to female victims varied from region to region,
modern scholarship suggests that in Germany around 75 percent of victims on
average were female. Spee usually uses feminine pronouns or generic names (e.g.,
Gaia, Titia, or Sempronia) to refer to the victims, but not exclusively (e.g., some-
times Titus, Sempronius). Also, in many cases Latin pronouns do not distinguish
between genders.
24. Clark, Thinking with Demons, chap. 5.
25. Again, this was a common trope. Even Martin Delrio, who was in favor
of trials, warned that it was better for ten guilty people to avoid punishment than
for one innocent to be condemned.
26. For a complete list of all editions and translations, see van Oorschot’s edi-
tion, 497–548.
27. On the reception of the Cautio Criminalis, see Hugo Zwetsloot, S.J.,
Friedrich Spee und die Hexenprozesse: Die Stellung and Bedeutung der Cautio Crimi-
Hellyer FM 4/14/03 12:51 PM Page xxxvi
xxxvi t r a n s l at o r ’ s i n t r o d u c t i o n
nalis in der Geschichte der Hexenverfolgungen (Trier: Paulinus Verlag, 1954), in par-
ticular chap. 9.
28. Midelfort, Witch Hunting, chap. 6. On the general decline of trials, see
also Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions, chap. 5.
29. E. William Monter, Witchcraft in France and Switzerland: The Borderlands
during the Reformation (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976), 84–85.
30. Christian Thomasius, De Crimine Magiae (1701) (Munich: Deutscher
Tachenbuch Verlag, 1986), 40–43.
31. Christian Thomasius, Processus Inquisitorii contra Sagas (1712) (Munich:
Deutscher Tachenbuch Verlag, 1986), 214.
32. A view that is still widespread. See, for example, the introduction to the
German edition currently published by the Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag trans-
lated by Joachim-Friedrich Ritter.
33. Most prominently in Rosenthal’s 1958 biography, Friedrich Spee.
Hellyer FM 4/14/03 12:51 PM Page xxxvii
to read.
second edition.
frankfurt,
1632.
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When the first edition of this book, furnished with the permission
of the Faculty of Law at Rinteln,* was published some time ago by
Peter Lucius, the university printer in that town, it prompted the
minds not only of many extremely pious men but also of extremely
learned men to think that the question of the multitude of witches
in Germany should be examined carefully and without prejudice,
and, following the example of Daniel,† that the highest authorities
should now seriously investigate the trials conducted so far. Since
the book pricked the consciences of several states and princes, they
immediately suspended the trials after they had seen and carefully
read it, especially once it was revealed to them how little their com-
missioners and judges upheld the Criminal Code of Charles V,‡ even
in certain matters of great importance, which virtually no one had
noticed until now. So it appeared expedient to many people, even
several at the Imperial Chamber Court in Speyer§ and at the Impe-
rial court, that it be printed again at once to pave the way for further
examining and eliciting the truth, especially since this is a question
of human blood and of the reputation not only of Germany but also
of the Catholic faith. As all the copies of the first edition were quickly
4 cautio criminalis
sold out within a couple of months, none could be had at any price.
Therefore, in order to meet the great demand, I had it reprinted at
my own expense, using a copy of the manuscript that a close friend
sent to me from Marburg. Enjoy it and farewell.
Johannes Gronaeus of Austria.
I.C.*
Now then, O kings, know and be warned, you who are rulers of the earth.
The words are David’s, Psalms 2:10.
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Author’s Preface.
I wrote this book for the rulers of Germany, at least for those who
will not read it, not those who actually will read it. The reason is that
those rulers who are concerned enough to think that they should
read what I have written here about witch trials already have what
they are supposed to get out of the book, namely care and conscien-
tiousness in examining these cases. Therefore there is no need for
them to read this book and learn from it. Those rulers, however,
who are so negligent that they will not read and take notice of such
things are the ones who really should read this book and learn how
to be careful and conscientious from it. Thus those who will not
read it, should read it; those who will, should not.
Nevertheless, whether someone reads this book or not, I hope
that there is no one who does not at least read its last Question and
weigh it carefully in his mind. In fact, it would be neither pointless
nor in the wrong order to read this last Question before the others.
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Index
to the Doubts or Questions of this Book.*
* In the original text, the titles of the Questions provided in the index are not
always identical to those at the start of the Questions themselves.
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10 cautio criminalis
13. What if danger threatens innocent people through no
fault of my own, whether we should also cease persecuting
the guilty. 44
14. Whether it is beneficial to incite princes and rulers
into an inquisition against witches. 47
15. Who in particular are the people who continually incite
the rulers against witches. 49
16. How can care be taken in witch trials so that innocent
people are not put in danger. 52
17. Whether prisoners in cases of magic should be permitted
a defense and granted a lawyer. 58
18. What corollaries should one gather from the preceding
discussion? 63
19. Whether prisoners accused of witchcraft should
immediately be presumed to be completely guilty. 68
20. What should be thought of tortures, whether they put
innocent people in moral and frequent danger. 72
21. Whether someone accused of witchcraft may be tortured
often. 86
22. Why many judges hardly acquit any suspects these days,
even if they clear themselves through torture. 90
23. Under what pretext does it appear that one may repeat
torture without any new evidence. 91
24. How a scrupulous judge, who does not dare to torture
without any new evidence, can easily find some. 95
25. Whether the sorcery of silence is new evidence. 98
26. What is usually alleged by the malicious and ignorant to
be signs of the sorcery of silence. 101
27. Whether torture is a suitable method for revealing
the truth. 104
28. What are the arguments of those people who immediately
think that the things which the accused confess under
torture are true. 106
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cautio criminalis 11
12 cautio criminalis
44. Whether much should be made of denunciations of
accomplices in the crime of magic. 170
45. Whether denunciations should at least be believed
because of the denouncers’ repentance. 180
46. Whether denouncers should at least be believed if it is
infallibly certain that they have truly repented and want
to say the truth. 184
47. Whether the devil can represent innocent people at
witches sabbaths. 187
48. What are the arguments of those who say that the devil
cannot represent innocent people at dances. 189
49. What are the arguments of those who consider
denunciations by witches to be completely trustworthy,
and say they suffice for torturing those denounced. 198
50. Whether a judge can safely embrace either opinion:
those people’s who reject denunciations or those who
think much of them. 212
51. What is a brief summary of the method used by many
judges in witch trials today, fitting for the noble emperor
to comprehend and Germany to study. 214
52. Appendix: What can tortures and denunciations achieve. 223
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* This is a reference to the Canon Episcopi (ca. 906), which stated that the noc-
turnal flights of women on beasts with the goddess Diana were nothing more than
superstition.
† Nicholas Rémy (ca. 1525–1612), also known as Remigius, was a witch-hunting
judge in the Duchy of Lorraine. His work on witches and their demonic crimes,
Demonolatry, first appeared in 1595 and was soon translated into German. He
boasted on the work’s title page of having executed 900 witches. The persistent
rumor that he eventually went insane and was executed after accusing himself of
witchcraft is false, despite its appealing message of just desserts. Martin Delrio
(1551–1608) was a Jesuit and author of a widely read encyclopedic work on magic
in all its forms, Disquisitionum Magicarum Libri Sex (Six books of magical investi-
gations) (1599). Jean Bodin (1530–96), the influential French political philoso-
pher, was also a bitter enemy of witches and wrote De la démonomanie des sorciers
(The demonomania of the sorcerers) (1580), a work widely read by witch-hunters.
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16 cautio criminalis
matter with judgment and reason, and not pressure me with his pas-
sion and shouting or with his authority, will not easily convince me
to believe it either. This, I greatly pray, is what my reader will want,
through the love which Christ our Lawgiver ardently wished to kin-
dle among his followers. If anyone zealously gnashes his teeth at the
crime of witchcraft, let him restrain himself for a moment and add
to his zeal the knowledge and contemplation which he perhaps does
not yet have. Not every passion comes from virtue, for certain ones
come from nature alone. Virtue is moderate and modest and loves
to be instructed, and therefore does not fear becoming less when she
is more learned. For if we are overcome by passion and imagine that
we know everything, we refuse to learn. How then is it remarkable
if the truth escapes us in many matters? So with your prejudices
modestly put aside, Reader, follow me where I will lead you step-by-
step with your hand in mine. You will not regret considering many
matters deliberately and thoroughly.
Question II. Are there many witches or sorcerers in Germany and
elsewhere?
i answer, this question deals with a matter of which I am igno-
rant. However, I will state briefly, in order to avoid idle words, how
it appears to me. There do at least appear to be, and there are
thought to be, more witches in Germany than elsewhere.
this is the reason. First of all, it is well known that across
Germany bonfires are burning everywhere which should consume
this plague—this is a clear proof anyhow of how thoroughly conta-
minated everything is acknowledged to be. Indeed Germany’s name
has been considerably disparaged among our enemies, and, as Scrip-
ture says, Exodus 5:21, you have made our odor stink before Phar-
aoh and his servants.
Next, we foster this opinion about witches among our common
folk through two sources, which are worth noting.
the first is the ignorance or superstition of the common folk, which
I will reveal this way. All natural philosophers teach that even those
things which from time to time depart from the regular order of
nature and which are usually called extraordinary, such as a very
heavy downpour, particularly harsh hail and frost, imposing thun-
der, and the like, have completely natural causes.
Doctors also teach that animals, no less than humans, suffer from
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question ii 17
their own diseases, and often many new dispositions exist in humans
and animals which the doctors themselves have not explored suffi-
ciently; that there are many marvels hidden in nature which from
time to time burgeon forth into the light to the wonder of those
who are ignorant of the richness of nature; that the greatest sage of
any past century has not been able to grasp all of nature’s powers in
his investigations. Doctors teach this, but should anything of the
sort appear in Germany—particularly among the peasants —should
some plague infect cattle, should the sky storm and rage more vio-
lently than usual, should a doctor not know the cause of some new
disease, or a very old disease not obey his art, in short, should any-
thing inauspicious happen which is thought to be out of the ordi-
nary, then some sort of shallowness, superstition, or ignorance im-
mediately leads us to turn our thoughts to sorcery and conclude that
witches are the cause. Then we exclaim that we hold the source of
the evil in our hands. In a sinister interpretation, we lay the blame
on anyone we perhaps saw walking by, standing around, or coming
while it was happening, or by chance doing or saying this or that (for
something will always have happened just before, during, or after),
and—this is our spiteful nature—we stir up suspicion throughout
the whole district. So it is not surprising if within a few years such
growing rumors make us rich in witches, especially since preachers
and clergymen do not rouse themselves against such tales, but rather
are themselves equally at fault. Furthermore, no ruler has yet been
found in Germany, as far as I know, who has devoted his energies to
those pestilent mutterings, which I will speak about below, in Ques-
tion 35. Other nations are more cautious, and it is to our shame that
we have been surpassed by them, for among them if a boy or a cow
sickens, or a tree is struck by lightning, or a crop suffers disaster, or
a storm causes poverty, or locusts or mice consume a field, they
attribute the origin of the evil entirely to God or nature, and only
ascribe to witches those things which they manifestly perceive, and
scholars judge, to surpass the laws of nature.
the second source is the jealousy and malevolence of the common
folk, which I will show this way. Every other nation admits that there
are always some people upon whom God bestows some greater
blessing in worldly goods, so that they can sell all their things faster
than anyone else, buy with more good fortune than anyone else,
and, in a word, grow wealthier than anyone else. But should this
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18 cautio criminalis
happen among the common folk in Germany, then immediately a
couple of people in the neighborhood from whom luck has shied
away put their heads together and stir up the suspicion of magic with
their fictitious mutterings. Then, if they should see one of the peo-
ple of whom they are jealous being more devout in church, saying
his rosary anywhere other than in church, or kneeling in prayer in a
field or prostrate in his room, they grow bolder. There is no short-
age of examples that make me ashamed of the Germans’ reputation.
It is an unworthy matter, and one clearly unheard of among other
nations, who have blocked up both of these springs, so that there are
fewer witches among them than among us. However, I will not say
that there are no witches at all. I concede that there are, but I will
add, as the prudent reader will easily understand from the things I
will say below, that if people act in the way that I say they now do
everywhere, then it is absolutely inevitable that among the huge
number of people incinerated there will be many innocent ones, and
truly nothing will be more uncertain in Germany than the number
of guilty ones.
Question III. Of what sort is the witches’ or sorcerers’ crime?
i answer, it is the most enormous, the most serious, the most
atrocious.
the reason is that the most enormous crimes come together
in it: apostasy, heresy, sacrilege, blasphemy, homicide, even parri-
cide, often unnatural sexual intercourse with a spiritual creature, and
hatred of God—nothing can be worse than this. These are Delrio’s
words, book 5, section 1, whose arguments I will examine in detail
in another book. The matter needs to be examined afresh and care-
fully, and one can say what Daniel did, 13:49: Return to the court.*
Question IV. Whether this crime is of the excepted kind?
* Daniel 13 is the story of Susanna. During the Babylonian captivity two Hebrew
magistrates tried to blackmail Susanna, threatening to have her executed for adul-
tery if she did not have sex with them. When she refused to submit, they accused
and condemned her in public. As she was being led to her execution, Daniel called
out, “Return to the court, because they have spoken false testimony against her.”
He then examined the magistrates separately; because there were discrepancies in
their accounts, it was clear that they had fabricated the charges against an inno-
cent woman, and they were in turn executed. The story is included at the end of
the Book of Daniel in the Vulgate, but is counted among the Apocrypha in Protes-
tant Bibles.
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question v 19
i answer, it is. Note that lawyers generally state that there are
two kinds of crime. The first is the common or general sort, such as
theft, murder, and the like. The second is more atrocious and seri-
ous; it leads more directly toward harming the community and strikes
at the state in a remarkable way. Such crimes include the crime of high
treason, l. fin. C. de accusationibus [C. 9, 2, 17], l. quoniam liberi, C.
de testibus [C. 4, 20, 11] &c.; the crime of heresy, cap. in fidei favorem,
l. 6 de haereticis [C. 1, 5, 6]; the crime of witchcraft, l. fin. C. de mal-
eficis & mathematicis [C. 9, 18, 9]; the crime of treason, l. penul. & fin
C. ad legem Iuliam Maiestatis [C. 9, 8, 5 & 6]; the crime of conspiracy,
c. fin. de testibus cog. [C. 4, 20]; the crime of counterfeiting, l. fin. C.
de fals. monet. [C. 9, 24, 3]; the crime of banditry, l. Divus Adrianus,
ff. de custodia & exhibit reor [D. 48, 3, 6ff.], & l. penult. C. de feriis
[C. 3, 12, 8], which are generally called excepted crimes.* They have
this name because they are excepted from the common or ordinary
administration of the law, so that there is no need to restrict oneself
to the method of conducting trials which the law prescribes in other
cases.
This is because they are so dangerous to the state and can wound
it so extraordinarily that it seems just to suppress them by extraordi-
nary means also.
Question V. Whether one may therefore conduct trials arbitrarily
in excepted crimes?
i answer, it is not permitted.
the reason is that even if they are excepted from what human
positive laws prescribe,† as I have already said, nevertheless they are
not excepted from what human reason or natural law prescribes. So
in the end, whatever kind of trial is conducted against them, either
inside or outside standard legal procedure, it is nonetheless neces-
sary that nothing in the way it is conducted be contrary to sound rea-
son. This is inherently obvious and does not need proof, for no one
says that something contrary to reason is permitted. I am reminding
you of this because I have noticed that there are some judges who
* Spee took this list of crimes along with the legal citations from Peter Binsfeld,
Tractatus de Confessionibus Maleficorum et Sagarum . . . An, et Quanta Fides Iis Ad-
hibenda Sit (Treatise on sorcerers’ and witches’ confessions. Whether and how
much they are to be trusted) (1589).
† I.e., laws made by human authorities.
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20 cautio criminalis
are more arbitrary than is proper when they investigate witches, jus-
tifying everything they do by saying it is an excepted crime. So if
they had untrustworthy evidence, if they used torture excessively, if
they were too credulous, if they denied someone a defense, and sim-
ilar things that depart from reason, they use the following defense as
a shield: it is an excepted crime and in excepted crimes there is very
broad scope for proceeding arbitrarily, as I will be repeating often.
But unless we wish to be manifestly unfair, all judges should have
fixed before them this general principle and unshakable axiom: in
any crime, whether excepted or not, one may not conduct a trial in any way
other than sound reason permits. Furthermore, it is completely false
to say that one is permitted simply to depart from everything that is
prescribed by positive laws. To depart from particular laws may be
permitted, but not from all laws, and no law allows us to conclude
otherwise. Thereby the ignorance of many judges is sufficiently re-
vealed. Farinacci,* question 37, number 90, rightly teaches that this
doctrine—namely that it is permitted in excepted crimes to neglect
the letter of the law—either is strictly speaking false or should be
understood to refer only to punishment; once the investigation is over
and guilt has been established, then the punishment may be more
severe than the laws otherwise prescribe. This is the opinion of
very many scholars whom he cited but we omit here for the sake of
brevity. On this issue read also Mascardi,† volume 3, conclusion 1311.
Be this as it may, we shall not linger here, for it is beyond dispute
that whatever is contrary to sound reason is not permitted in trials
of excepted crimes.
Question VI. Whether the princes of Germany act well when they
proceed harshly against witchcraft?
i answer, far be it from me to find fault with our rulers when
they eagerly rouse themselves against this crime. God wishes that
* Spee’s main legal source was the Praxis et Theorica Criminalis (Criminal practice
and theory), first published in 1605 by the extremely influential Italian jurist Pros-
pero Farinacci (1554–1618). It devoted considerable attention to the use of tor-
ture in criminal trials and in general placed severe restrictions on its use. Usually
Spee does not cite legal authorities directly but rather from Farinacci.
† Giuseppe Mascardi (d. 1588), De Probationibus (On proofs), which appeared in
numerous editions including several published at Frankfurt from 1585. Since the
citation of 1311 is not accurate, it is probable that Spee in his usual fashion was
not citing directly.
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question vii 21
they command us and that we obey them. They have their reasons,
which their counselors tell them, and they are the following:
reason i. They are purging (so they say) the state of a singular
plague which spreads like a cancer and harms through contagion.
reason ii. They are preventing the harm and ruin which the
slaves of Satan never cease to scheme for us.
reason iii. They are fulfilling their duty and calling. For as the
Apostle* said in the Letter to the Romans 13 concerning the ruler,
He does not bear a sword in vain; for he is the instrument of God to deliver
his wrath upon the evildoer. If, contrary to the common good, they
neglect to punish the guilty without legitimate cause, then they sin
most gravely and become accomplices in the crime ex. c.1 de offic. &
potest. Iudicis de leg. and according to Innocentius, Baldus, Decius,
Barbatius, Panormitano, and other scholars. Then they are held to
restitution of all damages consequently suffered either by the state
or by private individuals, as defined in the said c. de Offic. de leg. and
is also the common opinion of the theologians St. Thomas Aquinas
[Summa Theologiae], 2.2, q. 62; Sylvester, Cajetan in summa V. restitu-
tio; Dominico de Soto, De Iustitia & Iure, book 4, q. 7, art. 3; Med-
ina, in Cod. de rebus restituendis, and others whom it is too long to
enumerate.†
reason iv. They display their zeal to protect God’s honor when
they move against his chief enemies with the noose and flames.
Therefore they act well and cannot be reproached—moreover Scrip-
ture admonishes us: You shall not permit sorcerers to live (Exodus
22:18).‡
Question VII. Whether this evil can be adequately extirpated by
this harsh method? and whether it can be by any other way?
i answer, however many witches the princes burn, they will
never burn out the evil unless they burn everything. They are rav-
aging their lands worse than any war could, and yet they achieve
nothing. This matter should be lamented with tears of blood. There
are some, therefore, who suggest more mild means, among whom
22 cautio criminalis
the eminent theologian Tanner of the Society of Jesus excels, it seems
to me, through his discretion and prudence in book 3 of his Theolo-
gia, disputation 4: “On Justice,” question 5, doubt 4, numbers 123ff.*
The means he suggests would undoubtedly benefit the state, if our
princes wished to listen. As for myself, if I may speak candidly, I have
frequently turned my mind to this matter and tried to work it out,
and I know that many other people have poured out many sighs and
prayers to God to send down some ray of his light which might teach
us how to dispel such a fog. But I see that it is the condition of the
times that even if something could be found to achieve such a result,
it would not carry any weight with Germany’s rulers. For this reason
I have not yet been able to convince myself that I should reveal any-
thing to the public, when I do not know how their favor and dispo-
sition will treat me. But if any one of our highest rulers has the will
and curiosity to dare and desire to understand and to begin the first
experiment in a new undertaking, within a single year he will redeem
his entire province from this universal plague so completely that
there will be nothing in it more rare than [NB in margin] the crime
of witchcraft. If there is such a ruler, I say, who seriously wants to
know it and thinks that it would benefit his conscience and his state
to try it, then I have a friend, a cleric, who would like to teach him
the singular undertaking he has discovered. He is willing to wager
his life that it will not fail. I have seen it and examined it and, how-
ever much I devote my mind to it, I cannot find a mistake in it. Rather
it will most surely accomplish its aims. In fact I am quite amazed that
many others have not already thought of it. But enough has been said
already, and what the inventor wants to offer to the ears of the will-
ing alone should be wrapped in silence and hidden. Our Lawgiver
taught that there are twelve hours in the day and some land is good
question viii 23
and other land useless, and if you sow in the latter then it is just as if
you had thrown the seed into the waves of the ocean.* Therefore,
where there is time and the right soil, do not spare your seed [mar-
ginal note: “Damascene in the life of Barlaam”].† Perhaps I shall say
something which prudent men will understand. The matter is easy
and ready at hand, insignificant yet significant, known to all yet un-
known to all.
Question VIII. How cautiously should princes and their officials
conduct trials in this crime?
i answer, just as princes do not act badly when they proceed
sharply against this crime, so they act badly, and indeed in the worst
way possible, when they proceed without caution, prudence, and
circumspection. Not only is the prince not permitted to act against
this crime more arbitrarily and negligently than usual because it is
an excepted crime, but he must watch with greater attention and
care than in any other capital crime, lest in some way an illegal and
confused trial be conducted.
We must grant that in some ways it is permitted to conduct trials
differently in the excepted crime of witchcraft than is usual in regu-
lar crimes. However, I deny that it is permitted to act with less cau-
tion and circumspection than is usual in regular crimes, for trying
excepted ones requires exceptional diligence, attention, care, and
circumspection, beyond those needed with other crimes. Here are
the reasons why:
reason i. This crime is completely secret, as everyone admits.
It is usually committed at night amid shadows and in disguise.
Therefore you need great prudence and reflection to bring it prop-
erly to light.
reason ii. We see that once a witch trial has begun, then it is
prolonged for some time and the number of people punished grows
* John 11:9–10: “Jesus answered, ‘Are there not twelve hours in the day? If anyone
walks in the day, he does not stumble, because he sees the light of this world. But
if any one walks in the night, he stumbles, because the light is not in him.’” The
parable of the sower who throws some of his seed on rocky ground and some on
fertile soil is Matthew 13:3–9 and 18–23, which immediately precede the parable
of the weeds, to which Spee frequently refers.
† The story of Barlaam and Joseph is traditionally ascribed to St. John Damascene
(c. 675–749), although it is probably based on the life of the Buddha. It is not clear
what episode Spee is referring to here.
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24 cautio criminalis
until entire villages are consumed. Nothing is achieved other than
that the transcripts are just as full of the names of still more suspects.
Indeed if the crime were stubbornly pursued further, there would be
no end to the flames until the whole region had been wasted. Never
has a prince been found who was not forced to break off the trials.
To this very day, a prince has always had to put an end to the trials;
they have never reached one themselves. Since the matter is so seri-
ous and so enormous, can there be any diligence great enough to
prevent an error occurring which also entangles innocent people in
these trials? Especially since once a single woman is implicated, in-
numerable others will inevitably continue to be implicated, as I will
show below.
reason iii. If it should happen that innocent people are also
slaughtered by this hurricane because of an imprudent trial, then
great evils will redound against the state. Undoubtedly there will be
many unjust executions, but in addition if those people who seem
more pious than others are also swept away as if by a universal tor-
rent, then it will bring disgrace and shame not only upon the most
noble families but also upon the Catholic religion itself, as, Tanner
rightly notes, our enemies loudly proclaim. Recently I heard from
prominent men that in some places such malevolence has descended
that if anyone there dares in the manner of very pious Catholics to
say his rosary more diligently or carry it with him, to sprinkle holy
water more frequently, to pray in church more diligently, and to dis-
play just a little more genuine devotion, he immediately comes under
the suspicion of witchcraft. It is as if those people who wish to be
more pious then others have succumbed to the crime, or, as others
say, as if the devil does not let them rest otherwise. So it has hap-
pened that in a region near us ruled by an excellent and praiseworthy
prince, everyone protects himself as diligently as possible against dis-
playing any sign of piety. Even priests who used to celebrate mass
daily have now either ceased completely or say it only in private with
the church locked up, lest people begin to spread rumors of magic.
So when we proceed recklessly under the appearance of justice, we
prepare the way for impiety and atheism. With good reason we rec-
ommend singular vigilance to our rulers in order to check their spread.
reason iv. Usually trials are conducted against women, but what
kind of women? Often delirious, insane, fickle, babbling, changeable,
cunning, lying, perjurous ones, and indeed if they really are guilty,
ones trained by their master to commit any crime. Unless you wish
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question viii 25
26 cautio criminalis
He will also incur the indignation of great magnates, whose cronies
will tell them everything in twisted form. Who is so virtuous or so
unconcerned for his own reputation and honor and that of his fam-
ily that he would bring this stain and risk of causing offense upon
himself by standing up for the truth? Thus, once a trial begins to be
conducted unjustly, any chance for admonition and correction will
vanish. Therefore all the greater care must be taken so that it is not
conducted unfairly.
reason vii. Every day new difficulties appear in this matter, and
opinions about it are divided not only among learned men but
also among pious and conscientious men. It was once thought that
Delrio and Binsfeld* had said enough, but now there are men who
are examining certain details more thoroughly. They think that too
much trust is placed in stories and false confessions extracted by tor-
ture. They seek less severe outcomes. They deny judges such great
freedom in their rulings. They are skeptical about witches’ dances or
sabbaths, or at least, along with Tanner, they consider them to be
very rare, since it is more credible that most witches have been
deceived by phantasms. They reduce the credibility of denuncia-
tions and similar evidence, on which Delrio and Binsfeld placed too
much weight without solid reasons. Finally, every day new books are
published which render the matter more ambiguous.† Who can
deny therefore that there is greater need for circumspection and
solicitude here than in other, more transparent cases?
you will say, whoever decides to follow an approved author
really has no need to be so anxious and concerned. For theologians
teach that when two opinions are both probable, either can be held
in good conscience, even if one abandons the safer one.‡ However,
question viii 27
they call that opinion probable and safe which is supported either
by weighty authority or by considerable weight of reason. Weighty
authority must be considered here to be one that is supported by at
least one learned and virtuous man, as the casuists teach. See Lay-
mann, book 1, treatise 1, chapter 5, § 2, number 6, etc.*
i answer i. Authority alone does not render an opinion very
probable or safe, unless its authors have embraced it only after con-
sidering the evident weight of the arguments that can be deployed
against it. But even if it can be generally assumed, as the less edu-
cated in particular do, that its authors have done this, as Laymann
said in the passage cited above, nevertheless if later authors oppose
that opinion and pledge to deliver new arguments that the original
authors have not yet refuted, I say that the learned are at least
obliged to examine them and diligently weigh them to see whether
they perhaps possess some certainty, or whether, on the other hand,
they at least weaken the probability of the opposing opinion. So
judges cannot blithely proceed without also listening to those people who
have written more recently, and moreover, without paying attention when
examining these cases. Note this.
i answer ii. Even if it is commonly true, when either of two
opinions is probable, that it is permitted to follow either one of
them, even the less certain one, nevertheless the theologians ex-
pressly make an exception (and I am amazed that they who claim to
know something about this pay no notice to them) and say that one
must always follow the more certain opinion, and consequently it
must be diligently established, when there is any danger of harm or
injustice happening to one’s neighbor. Consequently in our matter,
when this danger arises, the judges must follow the more certain
opinion and apply sensible care and effort so that they do not rashly
arrest someone but rather weigh these cases most cautiously. Finally,
from all these points what I intended to prove remains, namely that
we should bring singular and extraordinary care to these dangerous
witch trials so that our rashness does not lead us into traps. I assert
* The Jesuit Paul Laymann (1574–1635) taught canon law and moral theology at
the Jesuit college in Munich and at the universities of Ingolstadt and Dillingen.
His textbook of moral theology, Theologia Moralis (Munich, 1625), was widely
read. Influenced by Adam Tanner, Laymann added a section to the third edition
of Theologia Moralis, published in 1630, which urged greater caution in witch
trials, although it is doubtful that Spee had seen the third edition when he wrote
the Cautio Criminalis.
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28 cautio criminalis
this so strongly because some inquisitors are convinced that they can
hardly err, since they think that their prisoners can easily trick all the
priests and deceive them with their satanic hypocrisy but not them-
selves and other lay judges. What precautions could be great enough
to overcome such a dangerous lack of concern? For someone who
takes no care at all is never careful enough.
Question IX. Whether princes relieve their consciences suffi-
ciently if they show too little concern and assign all responsibility to
their officials?
i ask this question because I recently heard that a prince who
vigorously urged on witch trials, having been warned how great a
need there is for care in the matter, lightly responded that he him-
self was not worried, since the officials whom he had appointed
watched over it.
i reply that a prince who allows his officials to act arbitrarily by
refusing to concern himself with this matter is not excused. He is
himself obliged to apply his diligence and supervision to it and to
pray often to God that he may be strengthened with his supreme
spirit. These are the reasons:
reason i. The prince cannot always be sure of his men’s expe-
rience and honesty. Many are often inexperienced, impetuous, and
malicious. When they perceive that their prince zealously opposes
this crime, there is nothing of less importance in their desire to
please him than humane and Christian behavior toward the accused.
Therefore it is the duty of the prince to take some part of the admin-
istration upon himself, lest he support himself entirely on the shoul-
ders of others.
reason ii. In matters of their household, falconry, hunting, etc.,
princes do not completely cast aside the task of supervision but want
to participate with great attention. Nor do they think that it is at all
detrimental to their majesty if they lower their thoughts from other,
more weighty matters of state to these more humble ones. It follows
from this that princes who are energetic and careful in minor mat-
ters, but negligent and careless in greater matters concerning human
blood, will not sufficiently justify themselves before God’s judgment.
reason iii. God, from whom all legitimate power comes, gen-
erally endows princes with singular prudence and mercy beyond
other men’s, so somehow when they devote their personal attention
to any business whatsoever everything turns out happily and cor-
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question ix 29
* 1 John 2:1: “My little children, I am writing this to you so that you many not sin;
but if any one does sin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the
righteous . . .”
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30 cautio criminalis
is remote from the superior’s gaze is done negligently. The prince
cannot ignore this. Therefore he sins if he distances himself from
any concern and supervision, if he does not himself periodically
examine his officials’ deeds and trials in this great matter, if he does
not admonish them, if he does not press them, and if he does not
specifically instruct them to ensure that no harm occurs to anyone
in any way. He is completely obligated to sharpen his servants’ dili-
gence and remove any chance that some calamity befall innocent
people. Therefore let him investigate in detail:
1. Whether and how often the prisons are visited?
2. If they are more squalid than is necessary for the sake of security?
3. Whether some prisoners lie for years in heat and cold without being
examined in order to obtain an end either to their chains or to their life?
4. What is the method and means of torture?
5. What is the method of interrogation?
6. Whether the priests employed have self-control and experience?
7. Whether every prisoner has an unprejudiced defense?
8. Whether the populace has complaints about the commissioners or
inquisitors?
9. Whether these men are greedy or brutal?
10. Whether among all of these men there is a single one who spoke for
the accused before he was convicted rather than against him?
11. Whether there is anyone who has ever given any sign that he
prefers that the accused be found innocent rather than guilty?
12. Similarly, anyone who is not angry but rejoices when the accused
has been found to be innocent?
13. He should also investigate whether any of the accused have died in
prison and what happened to them.
14. And if he was buried under the gallows, which arguments showed
that he departed life through an evil death? and so on.
15. He should also seek the opinions of various people, namely what
they think about both sides of the various questions that are usually posed
in the matter of witch trials.
16. He should not be so firmly attached to one side that he cannot also
weigh the reasons for the other.
17. Every person should have the opportunity to speak freely what he
thinks.
18. He should inspect the so-called transcripts from time to time, or
have them read to him.
19. He should raise doubts, or ensure that they are raised.
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question ix 31
* By regular clergy Spee means members of religious orders such as Jesuits, Do-
minicans, and Franciscans.
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32 cautio criminalis
ous officials’ argument may hold, they of course suppose that the
princes’ experience in witch trials is no less than their priests’, who
at least do not learn everything through the senses of others. How
often in other matters does God permit princes who are themselves
good to order many things be done which are nevertheless badly
administered because they are conducted entirely by others? There-
fore, why would he not allow it to happen in these trials also? This
argument is therefore frivolous, or it presupposes the point I wanted
to show.
reason vii. The officials themselves presuppose that their
princes take these trials upon themselves and their consciences as
much as possible. Because of this it is well known that when clergy-
men occasionally urge the officials to act cautiously, they throw
everything back upon the princes themselves because they had been
encouraged by the princes in the first place. Thus one recently told
me, “I know that innocent people die in our trials, but I do not have
any scruples myself. We have a very conscientious prince who is
constantly encouraging us. He certainly must know and weigh up in
his conscience what he is commanding. Let him look to that; my
task is simply to obey.” Another flung similar excuses back at me
some time earlier when I warned him. Both were commissioned by
that same prince whom I mentioned at the beginning of this Ques-
tion, one who has abandoned all responsibility himself and entrusted
it to his men.
What a pleasant matter! The prince frees himself of any concern
and attention and tosses it all on the consciences of his officials; the
officials also free themselves of any concern and toss it all on the
conscience of the prince. A on B and B on A. The prince says his
officials will look after it; the officials say the prince will look after it.
Isn’t this a circle? But which of them will answer for it before God?
For when both look after it, no one does. I can hardly say how it
pains my heart that I am not permitted to say this and advise this best
and most pious prince, for whom I would not hesitate to give my
own life.
reason viii. The state of affairs at this time is such that the
princes cannot learn the truth about their officials’ trials or their lack
of care, either from the officials themselves and those they employ,
whether laymen or priests, or from other people, except through
their own efforts or through secret officials whom they themselves
directly commission.
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question ix 33
34 cautio criminalis
princes entrust the entire matter to the consciences of such men.
These men are very learned jurists who ostentatiously relate to their
princes with lots of hot air how many great deeds they are waging in
their expeditions, how far the pestilence of witchcraft has spread,
how innumerable—God save us!—the witches are. Not only do we
know that such men speak badly of Tanner, but I also know other
pious and religious men who, when they moderately and soundly
warned similar inquisitors that they were falling down in their duty
through their negligence and inexperience and revealed many of
their consequent mistakes, accomplished nothing else than to suffer
the same calumny of witchcraft from their malevolent tongues. So
whoever would address even a word by pen or tongue to this matter
has considered things very badly. I grieve in turn for those princes
who possess a peaceful conscience when it is in fact completely jeop-
ardized by removing from their own confessors the freedom and duty
to warn them. Three times recently I grasped my pen to instruct one
of them in a letter, three times I put it back down, for what does it
concern me? But alas! so many others are silent whom it does con-
cern, and who could be profitably heard if only they could speak. In
this warning text I do nothing else, to summarize it, than urge cau-
tion, than rebuke the errors of some men, than show that the evi-
dence and proofs used everywhere have little weight. It is my goal to
help many innocent people; my method is to be no harsher than the
matter requires and is befitting a pious man. I censure only evil men
and then only in general; I do not touch upon good men, nor do I
speak about them. Therefore there is nothing bad here that could
displease good men and lovers of justice. But those who love justice
and turn toward reason and prudence will instead rejoice that the
path by which one can reach the summit of the truth opens farther
every day. Nevertheless I do not doubt that if this book fell into the
hands of the common people, there would be many superintendents
of capital crimes who would be offended and disapprove of it. Nev-
ertheless by this very response they would indicate quite clearly who
they really are and how much they love justice. But however this
may be, in the end this point remains: no one will dare to admonish
princes unless they themselves take this matter to heart, and there-
fore it is important for their conscience that they do take it to heart.
reason ix. The princes will sin gravely if they dare to decide
what should be done when their officials turn to them in difficult
cases unless they themselves regularly direct their attention toward
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question ix 35
these trials and gain some experience in them. I will prove that they
will sin because they will necessarily make bad decisions; I will prove
it because they do not understand the propositions and statements
used in the trials; and I will prove it because new ways of speaking
have been invented by the judges which are not in the dictionaries
or Calepino* which we have used up until now but can only be
learned through experience, as I said. So they do not think that I am
inventing this, the princes should test whether today after so many
bonfires they know what even one of these inquisitors’ phrases means
when they say, for example:
1. Gaia’s defense has been heard; it is not adequate.
2. We have serious evidence against her.
3. We proceed according to what is alleged and proven.
4. Titia confessed without torture that she is guilty.
5. She freely ratified before the judge’s bench the confession she made
under torture.
6. Many repentant people have died steadfast in their accusation
against Gaia.
7. Titia has confessed to all the points and the details that her accom-
plices who denounced her deposed.
8. Sempronia used the sorcery of silence against torture.
9. She felt nothing under torture but laughed and slept.
10. The suspect was convicted to her face; nevertheless she remained
unrepentant.
11. She was found dead in her cell with her neck broken. The devil
strangled her.
And so on.
For I will boldly say that these phrases no more signify what
they sound like than that “horse” signifies “cow,” “camel” signifies
“donkey,” or “water” means “fire,” as the reader will learn from what
I will say below, when I explain those figures of speech in their
proper place.
Thus if the inquisitor asks the prince what he orders be done
with the priest Titius, for example, whether he who was not only
overwhelmed by strong evidence but also convicted to his face, yet
did not want to convert or repent, should be burned alive, how, I say,
can the prince reply without erring if he does not know what “strong
36 cautio criminalis
evidence” signifies, or “convicted to his face,” or “did not want to
repent,” or “wants to die impenitent”? But even if the prince con-
sults the doctors of theology and relies not on his own opinion but
on theirs, what then? He will err equally, and even more perni-
ciously. For where or in what books will they find those phrases
explained? Could they really imagine without convening a learned
council that the meaning of those words has changed? Therefore
it is necessary for the prince to learn these and similar figures of
speech. However, he will not learn them unless he instructs himself
through experience, and he will not learn them if he abandons all
responsibility to his officials.
Question X. Whether it is credible that God would ever permit
innocent people also to become entangled in these trials?
several people are of the opinion that, in a crime so atrocious,
God would never permit innocent people to be dragged into the
same heap with the guilty. Binsfeld says on page 354 that this is the
privilege of the friends and sons of God, which he argues this way:
I. Because the promises of divine law affirm it, as in the Psalms:
Since he has hoped in me, I will free him and protect him, since he recog-
nized my name [Ps. 90:14]. And again, They hope in you who know your
name, since you do not forsake those who seek you, Lord [Ps. 9:11]. And
again, The just shouted and the Lord heard them [Ps. 33:18]. Likewise,
Whoever hopes in the Lord will not be perplexed [Ps. 70:1]. And the sec-
ond letter of Peter, chapter 2, The Lord knows how to save the pious
from temptation [2 Pet. 2:9]. And Paul, God is faithful, and he will not
allow you to be tempted beyond what you can endure, but will give you suc-
cess along with temptation [1 Cor. 10:13].
II. Because there is no lack of examples of this. Binsfeld men-
tions to this end three cases: Susanna,* St. Athanasius,† and Bishop
Sylvanus.‡
* See Question 3.
† Athanasius (c. 297–373), bishop of Alexandria, was one of the most important
Church fathers. He spent much of his life fighting the Arian heresy. His involve-
ment in these often political struggles led to false charges, show trials, and physi-
cal violence being used against him. After many years in exile in the desert, how-
ever, he was able to return to his see and lead the Church’s eventual triumph over
Arianism.
‡ There were several bishops in the early Church named Sylvanus who, unfortu-
nately for Binsfeld’s case, were martyred.
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question x 37
* Born a pagan in Carthage in the early third century, Cyprian lived a dissolute life
until converting to Christianity, eventually becoming bishop of Carthage in 249.
He was martyred in 258.
† Cosmas and Damian, doctors born in Arabia in the late third century, were early
Christian martyrs who according to legend withstood hideous tortures before
being beheaded. At one point they were bound in chains and thrown into the sea,
but the angel of the Lord broke their chains and returned them to shore safe and
sound. Les petits bollandistes vies des saints (Paris, 1888), vol. 11, 27 September. They
are the patron saints of doctors.
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38 cautio criminalis
ple that sacred hosts be trampled on and treated in other filthy ways,
that his only son be crucified with thieves, and other similar things.
Why then would he not allow much more trivial things to happen?
I will conclude with Tanner’s words concerning this argument: Evi-
dently God permits these and many other enormous crimes for the most
worthy reasons, but only in witch trials does he promise as if with a sealed
testament not to allow any harm to befall innocent people.
Therefore it is ridiculous and amazing that wise men could even
have said it.
Binsfeld’s arguments given above have now been answered. For
I. They prove too much and therefore nothing at all. It is clear
that they prove too much because they conclude that God would not
allow so many martyrs to die. Why do we need these arguments
when we know that the complete opposite is the case?
II. If one may argue this way: God did not allow those three in-
nocents, Susanna, Athanasius, and Sylvanus, to die, therefore God
will not allow any innocents to die in the future, then I may also
argue this way: God also allowed three, and certainly many more,
innocent martyrs accused of magic to die, therefore God will allow
innocents to die in the future.
III. As for the testimony of St. Cyprian, if the devil said that his
arts, that is, incantations and poisons, could not succeed against those
who truly loved Christ, why do Binsfeld and others shout so loudly
that witches are severely infecting the state with their poisons? Let
us all truly love Christ and their arts will have no success against us.
Then, however, the arguments Binsfeld offers speak above all about
the permission by which God allows innocents to die because the
devil creates an image of them at witches’ sabbaths. Even if we should
grant (about which I will speak more fully in Question 47) that God
would not allow innocents to die through this kind of satanic art,
nevertheless it does not follow that he would not allow them to die
through human arts, that is, through judges’ careless handling of
trials. That is enough here.
Question XI. Whether it is credible that he has actually permitted
innocent people to become entangled as well?
binsfeld and Delrio seem to think it is not credible. But
i answer, we have no doubt that many innocent women have in
fact been entangled in the same punishment as others. These are the
reasons:
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question xi 39
40 cautio criminalis
evidence and the records, discussed with the judges themselves, in-
sofar as the confidentiality of the confessional could be maintained,
carefully weighed everything, and disputed particular arguments in
my mind, I could not conclude anything other than that those who
were thought to be guilty were in fact free from any guilt. I do not
think that I speak lightly when I say that it is only with great diffi-
culty that I can believe I am wrong about this.
reason iv. The men put in charge of witch trials are often im-
prudent and malignant, the torture frequently excessive and cruel,
much evidence worthless and dangerous, and their method of con-
ducting trials often contrary to both law and reason, which I will
warn of below in the proper place. Naturally then it would be aston-
ishing if justice nevertheless always held to the right course and did
not sometimes dash itself against cliffs.
reason v. Tanner recounts that in previous years two justices
who conducted witch trials in Germany were condemned to death
by the law faculty at the University of Ingolstadt and were executed
for using illegal procedures that endangered innocent people. I
myself know a prince who had some of his men beheaded for the
same reason. Who can doubt that under these judges many innocent
people blew away in ashes?*
reason vi. Indeed, how many innocent people do we think
have died so far under other judges who at first employed the harsh-
est measures against this crime but then confessed that they were
themselves sorcerers and were burned? Recently two or three were
condemned whose names I shall omit lest I disturb their souls. Ger-
many sees these examples, and what can be said against them? Who
can free us of the valid fear that tomorrow or at some later time
there will be more of them? Clearly there can be no doubt that the
devil eagerly wishes for and strives toward that, since when he finds
even one such inquisitor he has an open door for greatly enlarging
his kingdom, while obtaining safety for real witches and destruction
* One was Balthasar Ross, who was executed in Fulda in 1618 after being held in
prison for over a decade for his excesses as an inquisitor. Spee was completing his
novitiate in Fulda while Ross was imprisoned there and may have heard of this
case directly. The other was Gottfried Sattler of Wemding in Bavaria, who was
executed in 1613 for the use of arbitrary arrest and torture in order to enrich him-
self. Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria, 293–95, argues that this was a
critical victory for the opponents of trials, for it showed that innocent people had
in fact been executed.
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42 cautio criminalis
however quiet and tranquil it has been until now. I cannot make
everything public yet.
reason ix. Indeed Binsfeld and Delrio themselves convince us
that God has in fact allowed many innocents to die for this crime. I
will show it in this way. They rightly teach that the trial of witches
by water is completely illegal,* and if any judge proceeds in this way
he proceeds illegally and consequently the trial is void. Therefore it
clearly follows that if some women have been tried this way, then
they have died innocent, for a person must be considered innocent
as long as she is not legally proven to be guilty. These two authors
concede that many judges used this test in the past and still use it
now. Therefore they must also concede that in the past many inno-
cents have died and still die now. Therefore God has allowed and
does actually allow them to die.
reason x. Moreover, these same authors think that proof by
stigmata should likewise be rejected,† and moreover one should not
proceed to a condemnation on the basis of one or two denuncia-
tions, even if one may proceed to torture. The reason they give for
both statements is to prevent innocent people dying. I ask, however,
whether many judges have not actually issued condemnations on
such evidence? Do they not therefore think that God has actually
allowed many innocents to die? In this way, those good men refute
themselves.
Question XII. Whether inquisitions against witches should there-
fore cease if it is established that many innocent people have actu-
ally been entangled in them?
the example of the prince who thought so has already been
provided above and indeed he acted quite rightly. Nevertheless, in
order for the zealous reader to accept this more willingly, we shall
for his sake make use of a certain distinction: a twofold method of
conducting trials or two kinds of trials can be instituted.
* This refers to the classic test of popular stereotype: the suspected witch’s hands
and feet are bound and she is tossed into the water. If she floats, she is “vehemently
suspected of witchcraft.” If she sinks, she is innocent. Binsfeld wrote that at the
time it was still in common usage even though anyone who employs the water test
sins mortally.
† Witch-hunters claimed that witches could be identified by certain marks or stig-
mata that the devil placed on his servants. Spee refutes such claims in detail in
Question 43.
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44 cautio criminalis
carefully noted. Therefore, these great evils are not just cause for
endangering innocent people.
you will say ii. Therefore we ought to abstain from wars in
which a few innocent people often incur the same ruin as guilty ones.
i answer: It is not a valid comparison. For one happens in-
directly and without dishonor, because it occurs in war; the other
directly and with great dishonor, which is more painful than the
death criminals suffer, as you can read frequently among the theolo-
gians when they discuss homicide. This must be avoided in war too
as much as possible. The dishonor I mentioned clearly causes the
state more harm than any good that can be hoped for. In war only
life is lost, not honor; in this case, however, both are lost, and in a
singular manner, for the whole family is disgraced in perpetuity, even
the most noble, and the Catholic faith itself is disgraced, as I said
above. And where one or the other family is disgraced, it is inevitable
that an infinity of others will follow, as I have hinted at and will show
below, in Question 20, Reason 14. But even if this were not the case
and it were just the same as in war, nevertheless we have the explicit
resolution of Christ on this question in the parable of the weeds
(more on this below). This authority must suffice against any argu-
ment whatsoever. Therefore I pose this dilemma: either the argu-
ments that can be leveled against us have some force, or they do not.
If they do not, they are leveled in vain. If they do, why did Christ
ignore them and, in the parable I shall soon recount, decide in favor
of our opinion?
Question XIII. What if such danger threatens innocent people
through no fault of my own, whether we should also cease persecut-
ing the guilty?
in our crime there is hardly any opportunity for this to happen.
For if we conduct a trial so cautiously and carefully that there is
no danger, it does not seem that any danger from any other source
should be feared. Nevertheless, as this question is frequently asked,
I say that I think the trials should be stopped in this case also.
i answer: If any prince or ruler wants to cleanse the state and
investigate the evildoers in order to separate them from the living,
he should also take heed of the danger that innocent people may also
be killed. I say that even if the ruler is not the cause of such danger,
it seems that he should abstain from inquisitions and killing crimi-
nals anyway. These are the reasons that Tanner provides.
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question xiii 45
* Matthew 13:24–30. Since the days of the early Church the parable of the weeds
or tares had been the proof text permitting toleration of heretics. Tanner used the
parable of the weeds in his criticism of witch trials.
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46 cautio criminalis
this parable is of no help to them. But if the Church should proceed
against them and they cannot be sufficiently distinguished, or ripped
out without endangering the wheat, then they must be spared ac-
cording to the prescriptions of the Gospel. This is how the doctors
of the Church explicate this parable: St. Augustine, Contra Epistolam
Parmeniani, book 3, chapter 2, and Contra Cresconium, book 2, chap-
ters 34 & 37, and Contra Literas Petiliani, book 3, chapters 2 & 3.
Likewise St. Thomas [Summa Theologiae] 2.2, q. 10, a. 8, ad 1, whom
all commentators follow without exception, so that among such a
great number of writers not a single one dissents. Not every offense
in the world can be done away with. Many things that cannot be
conveniently changed must be allowed. It is better to let thirty or
more guilty men go than to punish one innocent. Augustine says in
Contra Literas Petiliani, book 3, chapter 3, As long as one threshes the
wheat with the chaff, it is better to tolerate the mixture of good people with
evil until the time the wind separates them than to harm one’s love for good
people because of the evil ones. Thus one should rage against evildoers
and swing the sword so that it does not also fall upon the necks of
the innocent.
reason iv. It seems to be misdirected zeal when everywhere
completely illiterate people and laymen clamor that the crime of
magic is very secret and that the devil wickedly and cunningly de-
ceives even the most prudent men who have spent their whole lives
in spiritual warfare, yet they themselves impetuously rush to track
down these hidden things and wrestle with the most cunning enemy
of all. The Holy Scriptures offer nothing in the way of an example
or teaching that could endorse this. God commands that crimes be
punished if they are not completely secret; if the innocent can be adequately
distinguished from the guilty. Otherwise, as we have already said con-
cerning the weeds sprouting up amid the wheat, allow both to grow up
together until harvest time, then the angels will separate them and
throw them into the fiery furnace. We should allow them to distin-
guish the most secret crimes. But if we, or even unlearned laymen
ignorant in matters of spiritual wickedness, know how to distinguish
and remove such an innumerable multitude of criminals from the
harmless, why do we call this crime very secret? Many other crimes
are manifest—if the magistrates’ zeal comes from God, why do they
not prosecute those crimes first, and only then turn to the most
secret ones?
Thus even if there is no danger here, nevertheless the order is
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question xiv 47
inverted, so that the things before everyone’s eyes are skipped over
in silence while completely obscure matters are investigated first.
It seems to me that those states act best which immediately
destroy the crime of magic when it by chance reveals itself [NB in
margin], but otherwise consider it to be far from the general welfare
to pry into these hidden matters in very dangerous ways. However,
lest those people who really want to prosecute witches immediately
throw this commentary away, I will teach them the best way to do it.
They should not be afraid to continue reading, for they will find
something that will not displease them.
Question XIV. Whether it is beneficial to incite princes and rulers
into an inquisition against witches?
i answer, I do not think it is useful unless they are also warned
about the difficulty of the matter, as I have been emphasizing so far,
just as it is not useful to lead someone to a slippery place without also
properly warning them to proceed cautiously.
I have heard several preachers marvelously recite this argument
with their exceptional eloquence and persuade the rulers that they
should devote all their severity to banishing this plague of witches
from the state. I have also heard others excite the princes’ rage in
private addresses; they do not cease to paint the hideousness of
this crime in their own colors, while, full of great zeal, they seem to
summon fire down from the heavens.
Now I do not completely condemn this, nor do I deny that the
witches’ great crime is to be detested or that the princes should take
arms against this great plague, and I pray for nothing more than that
the field of the Catholic Church be completely cleansed of all false
sprouts. But what I desire of these good and prudent men is that at
some time they try to observe dispassionately the method of inves-
tigating and trying this crime which imprudent judges often use. Let
them also consider how full this work is of perilous risks and how it
is not only a struggle against flesh and blood but also against the
prince of darkness himself. In short, when preachers speak heatedly
and zealously before the rulers about extirpating weeds, let them
always remember to add one thing and advise, or rather insist, that
the princes must use the greatest caution possible by which they
might accurately distinguish weeds from wheat and remove all dan-
ger from the necks of the innocent. They should recount and explain
the parable which we have told, for they should by no means ignore
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48 cautio criminalis
it, lest Christ Our Lord have left it for us in vain. It will cause no evil,
nor will it repress justice more than it promotes it.
Let princes take note of this or, because they themselves will not
read this, then those who can advise them. But
you will say: It appears that I am striving to have the most
serious crimes in the state tolerated and justice impeded, so such a
great patron of criminals should not be listened to. I understand that
one of the people whom I am trying to warn recently spoke this way.
i answer: I do not know how to reveal what I may appear to be
striving for, nevertheless I will reveal that so far I have been striving
for what Christ’s parable of the weeds teaches, not according to my
own interpretation, but according to the common interpretation of the
theologians.
I am not obstructing justice, I am not hindering it, I do not want
crimes to go unpunished. I only want what Christ our Lawgiver sanc-
tified with his own mouth, namely that we not pull out weeds if there is any
danger thereby that wheat is perhaps ripped out too. I want this to be-
come known to those men who are girding themselves to cleanse the
field of the state. Can anyone take offense if I want them to be edu-
cated about the will of the highest Lawgiver? Or did our Savior say
something that must be repressed in silence, lest we appear to pro-
tect criminals and witches and impede the course of justice? On the
contrary, from this objection I can actually offer a stronger argu-
ment to prove what I was just saying, namely that the princes must
also be admonished with every means to be circumspect when they
are urged to investigate witches. For when they have such zealous
instigators around them who do not want to listen to me at all and
call me a patron of crime, which is a great calumny, when I do not
say anything other than what I found in the Gospel of Christ, one
can prudently fear that with their shrill fervor advisers of this kinds
will sometimes lead princes somewhat further than is right in such
an arduous business. Therefore it follows from this point that the
princes must be admonished to apply all the more diligence and
attention.
So the princes should consider who the men are who vehemently
urge them to raise arms against the crime of witchcraft. I said that
one must fear that their excessive zeal could drag the prince beyond
proper limits, but in addition to this they often mix other things in
with their zeal, such as greed or ignorance, etc. From such things the
prince must conclude that he should stand firm and wait rather than
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question xv 49
follow those men who say he should hurry. I will repeat what I said,
if the princes are surrounded by men of vehement zeal and disor-
derly passions, it can prudently be feared, as usually happens, that
once they are ensnared by their passions, they do not watch out for
and avoid many things that will be perilous for innocent people once
the trials have begun, so that at the same time wheat will also be put
in jeopardy. So that this does not happen, princes should not be
warned to conduct trials as carefully as possible but rather not to con-
duct them at all, for all caution will be futile as long as the princes
have impetuous and ignorant advisers of this sort. For if they dare to
be unjust to me and slander me for adhering to the teaching of our Leg-
islator, how fair and moderate will they be with poor prisoners, whom
they can attack not only with impunity but under the beautiful pre-
text of justice. If they have so little foresight that they hurl against
me the very things that become my weapons against them, how can
they deliberate prudently and skillfully or make correct decisions in
these difficult witch trials, when even particularly intelligent men do
not consider themselves up to the task?
Question XV. Who in particular are the people who continually
incite the rulers against witches?
i answer, there are four types, whom I will arrange in order.
the first type are those theologians and prelates who, happy in
their own speculations and little museums, enjoy complete peace.
Experience has taught them nothing of events outside, of the squalor
of the dungeons, of the weight of the chains, of the instruments of
torture, of the lamentation of the poor. To visit the prisons, to speak
with beggars, to turn an ear to the complaints of the poor is beneath
their dignity and duty to study. What then can they understand about
such matters? And consequently, what can princes learn from them?
To them I add some saintly and religious men who are com-
pletely inexperienced in the affairs and wickedness of men. As they
are themselves simple and holy, they think all judges and inquisitors
in these matters are like them and consider it to be the greatest
crime if we do not revere all public courts as sacrosanct and inca-
pable of error.
So if they hear or read some old wives’ tales about witches, or
confessions extracted by torture, they immediately embrace them as
Gospel and swell up with more zeal than knowledge. They shout
that this evil cannot be tolerated, that everything is full of witches,
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50 cautio criminalis
that this plague must be crushed with all means available, and many
similar things. Since their judgment is so innocent, they do not per-
ceive any danger. Oh holy and good men! What are we to do with
them, since they only want the best for the state? If they knew what
malevolence and imprudence constantly flourishes in these trials,
they would no doubt shout what Christ their teacher said: Allow both
to grow until the time of the harvest. Yet these virtuous and simple men
are not capable of learning this.
the second type consists of lawyers who campaign for witch
trials because they have gradually noticed that conducting trials is a
very lucrative office. Having suddenly become themselves the most
pious of men, they raise great doubts in the rulers’ mind if they do
not burn white hot against this crime. Nobody of course sees what
they are really aiming at.
the third group is the ignorant and usually jealous and mali-
cious common folk, who everywhere avenge their feuds through
defamation and can only exhaust their talkativeness through slander.
Who can we prudently and in good conscience believe unless pub-
lic opinion is first protected from the freedom to slander with the
most severe punishments? But I will talk about this below, in Ques-
tion 34. I will just briefly warn that today the character of the peo-
ple is such that if at their worthless shouting the authorities do not
immediately seize, torture, and burn, then the people freely clamor
so that the authorities fear for themselves, their wives, and their
friends: they have been corrupted by wealth, every respectable fam-
ily in the city obeys witchcraft, the witches can virtually be pointed
out with a finger, that is why they do not dare to conduct trials, and
many similar things that clearly show how great the people’s malice
is. So can one prudently listen to these people charging each other
with the crime of magic when they even defame the authorities
themselves without reason? If only I could not also name ecclesias-
tical and pious men, already discussed in the first group, who them-
selves encourage the people’s shouting against the authorities when
they should be restraining it.
the fourth group is commonly said to be those people who,
in order to remove any suspicion of the crime further from them-
selves, since they are themselves sorcerers, rage more than anyone
else against the rulers with a special and overly exuberant eagerness,
shouting that they are moving too slowly against the witches. For it
has already happened in many places that these exceptional instiga-
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52 cautio criminalis
conclusion that I myself have observed the following points, which
should be carefully noted. Many people who incite the Inquisition
so vehemently against sorcerers in their towns and villages are not at
all aware and do not notice or foresee that once they have begun to
clamor for torture, every person tortured must denounce several
more. The trials will continue, so eventually the denunciations will
inevitably reach them and their own families, since, as I warned
above, no end will be found until everyone has been burned. Only
then, when they see that they themselves have also been denounced
and arrested, do they open their eyes and lament, but in vain. The
more violently they seethed against witches, the more guilty they,
who wanted to cloak themselves with this violence, are now consid-
ered to be. Finally, oppressed by intolerable tortures, they themselves
are forced to confess. They go to the flames along with everyone else,
innocent just like many others, but nevertheless all gathered together
by God’s just and hidden judgment, because they, seduced by their
ungoverned passions, first unleashed their tongues outspokenly and
freely against the other people’s reputations and impulsively sought
to bring torture upon them. Let those who ignore this beware.
So today noble and great men who with more foresight have
begun to see with their eyes and notice such things here and there
do not dare to recommend these trials to their princes.
Certainly the Italians and Spaniards, who by nature seem to be
more prone to speculating and meditating on these matters and
clearly see how large a crowd of innocent people would also be car-
ried off if they copied the Germans, rightly abstain and entrust to
us alone the duty to burn—we who prefer to trust in our own zeal
rather than be satisfied with the teaching of Christ our Lawgiver.
Question XVI. How can care be taken in witch trials so that inno-
cent people are not put in danger?
i answer, whoever applies the following precautions will have
prepared wisely.
precaution i. The prince must ensure above all that the men
he appoints to conduct or judge witch trials are well suited for such
an important duty. They are suitable if they are especially learned,
prudent, virtuous, merciful, and gentle, which is to say that they do
not act foolishly, thoughtlessly, malevolently, cruelly, or impetu-
ously. This requires no explanation.
I am not accusing anyone here, but I can state that I am contin-
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54 cautio criminalis
attacks them. However, whenever something is in their favor, or
someone, no matter who he is, wants to provide arguments testify-
ing to their innocence, it is futile and pointless and he is completely
shouted down. It is as if anyone can be inculpated, but nobody ex-
culpated. These evil men act in such a way that by hook or by crook
they make whomever they seize guilty. When they are able to con-
vict them, they rejoice in triumph; if they are not able to, and on the
contrary somebody’s innocence flies out into the open, then they
wrinkle their foreheads, murmur among themselves, mutter, are in-
dignant and cannot stomach it, when they should actually be cele-
brating. What kind of justice is this? Where are the eyes of the
princes that they do not see this? Or if they do see it and know about
it, where are their consciences that they entrust the sword of justice
to such men? I will add here what I recently heard. I proposed this
point to a great man and urged him to conduct these intricate cases
calmly and thoughtfully and to apply his attention no less to how the
accused can be defended than to how he can be convicted. Further
he should not be more inclined toward holding than releasing some-
one as soon as he legitimately clears himself, either before or during
torture. This man answered that he is strongly encouraged by his
own prince to conduct trials as harshly as possible, that there is no
end to his reminders and instructions, and that he himself virtually
falls under the suspicion of the crime if he does not rapidly prose-
cute the matter, so what else can he do? I stood thunderstruck and
thought to myself: Can it really be the opinion of any German prince
that one conducts trials correctly as long as one conducts them
quickly? I just cannot believe it; I know that is not their opinion. But
if that really is their opinion, can German princes nevertheless have
servants, and Germans ones at that, who continue to conduct trials
against the dictates of their consciences lest their prince be dissatis-
fied with them? If I were a prince I could not be confident that such
men would remain faithful to me if they are not faithful to their own
consciences and do not dare to expressly refuse to conduct trials in
any way other than what they can defend before God in their own
consciences, however much their prince’s instructions may urge
them on. However this may be, I greatly fear that in large areas of
Germany it is hardly possible to name one judge or inquisitor who
labors equally hard to find a person innocent as guilty, and who
defends their innocence once it has been established just as he
defends a confession regardless of the extremely dangerous torture
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56 cautio criminalis
grant it to their inquisitors or that the emperor grants it to the
princes. Particularly since we know that it nourishes the malicious
chatter of the common people in no small way, for if anybody con-
tributes a little more or a little less to these recurring collections,
both are noted by the gossips: the former because they want to re-
fute with their generosity the suspicion that they are perhaps witches,
the latter because they do not want to support justice out of fear for
themselves or their families.
precaution iv. Suitable judicial personnel such as we described
previously—well learned, virtuous, etc.—can only be obtained with
difficulty, but even if they can be found, we ought to fear such diver-
sity of judges and inconsistencies in procedure, for they can create
scandal and disturb the state. Since daily there arise new difficulties
regarding this crime which have not yet been encountered, the Car-
oline Criminal Code is no longer sufficient, so it is desirable that
His Imperial Majesty decree a new criminal code to be followed
throughout the entire empire in which everything to do with this
crime is treated so comprehensively that as little as possible is left to
the judgment and discretion of the judge.
precaution v. Because His Majesty is distracted by other ex-
tremely important imperial matters and wars, it would not be irrel-
evant but rather completely necessary and clearly incumbent on the
consciences of the princes and the advisers whom they have, or
ought to have, that if any princes want to institute a general inquisi-
tion against witches, they should, before they embark on such a dif-
ficult venture, order that a precise and special criminal procedure be
prepared, which they should command all their judges to read dili-
gently and follow accurately, as well as all the confessors who will be
entrusted with the consciences of the witches. Delrio, book 5 of his
Disquisitions, appendix 2, question 41, also greatly desires a proce-
dure of this sort from the princes, since it is absolutely necessary, as
does Tanner, disputation 4: “On Justice,” question 5, doubt 3, num-
ber 81, and many other learned and pious men who are carefully and
thoughtfully considering the business of witches these days. It is all
the more necessary because the procedure of many judges which
flourishes nowadays is unjust. Even if learned men very often criti-
cize many aspects of their procedure and clearly demonstrate from
either the law or reason or both that the judges conduct trials badly
and unjustly, all they accomplish is to hear ridicule and this ignorant
response: “This is current procedure.” Therefore, if the law and jus-
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58 cautio criminalis
the prince will take care to be better informed about their trans-
gressions, so that when they err he may punish them severely. For
example, if it should happen that a woman is subjected to torture
without sufficient evidence, the prince should compel the judge to
compensate the violated woman exactly according to the usual prac-
tice of the law and right reason. Therefore once judges have under-
stood that they cannot be negligent and lax with impunity, they will
devote the care and attention to their business which will remove or
diminish the danger that we have been discussing so far. That will be
the immediate remedy miserable people fervently seek with their
infinite sighs. But who among the princes will adopt it? Or rather,
who will explain it to the princes? Somebody recently faulted me and
mocked what I had thought in this matter, namely that I had dared
to imagine with great hope that there would be a prince who would
order that his inquisitors’ errors be investigated. I do not know if it
is the case, but if there is not a single prince who will, then certainly
this negligence on the part of our highest rulers is to be faulted. I will
add here what recently occurred. Two noblemen, whom I can name,
having been granted permission to speak freely by several princes,
proclaimed in all sincerity regarding certain witch-hunting inquisi-
tors that if only they were commissioned, they would investigate the
inquisitors with exactly the same evidence and tortures that the in-
quisitors themselves were accustomed to use, and if they could not
immediately establish that they were manifestly guilty of sorcery
and consign them to the flames, then they would pay with their own
heads. I accept the same condition and openly declare that if only I
were allowed to flip through the public records, which are not faith-
fully kept now, I would show that everywhere they are full of errors.
But to what end? The princes have heard these things yet keep quiet.
Their advisers hear these things yet keep quiet. What will happen?
Surely God does not see these things, nor hear the groaning of the
innocent.
Question XVII. Whether prisoners in cases of magic should be
permitted a defense and granted a lawyer?
i am ashamed of this question, but the wickedness of our times
wipes away shame. The ignorant think (and indeed maliciously and
unfairly, since hardly anyone can be so ignorant) that because the
witches’ crime is an excepted one, we may well and truly preclude a
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question xvii 59
defense of any kind. But I will briefly explain what one should think
on this question in a twofold answer.
i answer i. When it clearly is an excepted crime, a defense is
excluded and a lawyer denied by the common law, according to cap.
finale de Haereticis in 6 [C. 1, 5, 2 ?]; & legem quisquis, § denique,
C. ad. leg. Iul. [C. 9, 8, 5, § 2]; & leg. per omnes, C. de defensione
civitatum [C. 1, 55, 6]. So if a prisoner does not deny the crime, but
having admitted it, wants to defend it, that is, excuse it, for example
by stating that it is a liberal art or that she has been deceived or com-
pelled by the devil, then she can be denied a defense and a lawyer.
the reason is that excuses of this sort are frivolous and there-
fore can be thrown out and not heard, especially since the atro-
ciousness of this crime has already been sufficiently determined and
defined by the common consensus of the doctors. But this is not the
difficulty here, so the proposed question does not concern this case.
And so
i answer ii. When the crime is not fully and clearly established,
the prisoner must be permitted a defense and granted a lawyer,
according to the common opinion; see for example Julio Claro, §
haeresis, number 19, and Farinacci, question 39, numbers 109 &
166.* This must also be upheld in excepted crimes, as the authors
cited by Delrio and after him by Tanner, disputation 4: “On Justice,”
question 5, doubt 3, number 76, rightly think, namely the professors
of the Universities of Ingolstadt, Freiburg, Padua, Bologna, the au-
thors of the Malleus Maleficarum, Eimericus, Penna, Humbertus, Si-
mancha, Bossius, Rolandus, etc. But why should I add authors or call
upon the common opinion, as if the question were to be settled by
authority? For clearly, according to natural law (as no one acting
rationally would want to deny) you can defend yourself if your guilt
has not yet been proven. So if a prisoner does not wish to make ex-
cuses for the crime but to clear herself of it by denying that she com-
mitted that crime about which she is being questioned, she must be
granted a completely unprejudiced defense and the best lawyer who
can be obtained. Indeed it is not at all the case that they should be
* In his critical edition of the Cautio Criminalis, Theo G. M. van Oorschot con-
cludes that Spee was not citing directly from Claro and Farinacci, since both of
his citations are incorrect (but are corrected here). For complete notes on Spee’s
sources, consult that edition (Tübingen: Francke, 1992).
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60 cautio criminalis
denied her because it is an excepted crime, but rather for that very
reason they should be granted all the more promptly—in fact they
should quite rightly be forced upon her. These are the reasons:
reason i. It is ridiculous to shout that the crime of magic is
excepted before it is established that the prisoner is actually guilty of
it. For even if it is excepted, if it is atrocious, if it is deadly, whatever
it may be, what if the prisoner denies that she committed it? But if
she herself admits the crime, then certainly carry on, say that it is
excepted, and proceed as is proper in excepted crimes. But whether
she committed that crime is precisely what is still in question now.
Therefore it is ridiculous to hurl the magnitude of the crime against
someone.
reason ii. In accordance with natural law no one may be denied
a fair and unprejudiced defense and the best that can be had. There-
fore whoever is not able to defend himself should be defended by
another who appears to be the best suited to do it. Those things
which are in accordance with natural law must be observed in ex-
cepted crimes just as much as in non-excepted ones, as I said above.
Therefore we allege in vain that there is an exception here, when
according to natural law and the dictates of right reason there is no
exception.
reason iii. If, however, as I have said, it is in accordance with
natural law that no one can be denied a fair defense, then the greater
your need to defend yourself and the greater the evil against which
you are defending yourself, the more unjust it is to deny you a
defense. For example, if it is granted by natural law that I cannot be
prevented from defending myself against a knife blow, then all the
less can I be prevented from defending myself against a cannon shot.
Therefore it follows that if I derive from nature the right to defend
myself and clear myself of a lesser crime, then all the greater is my
right to defend myself and clear myself of a greater crime, especially
when it is the atrocious crime of witchcraft. Indeed it follows that
the more serious the evil and crime of which I am accused and which
I must repel, the better should be the defense which is granted to me
through better and more capable lawyers. Therefore, according to
the power of natural law this cannot be denied.
reason iv. In addition to natural law, Christian charity de-
mands the same thing, since by its nature it not only does not hin-
der you in your defense but rather wishes to help you and provide
you the arms with which you may do it better. In fact, the greater the
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question xvii 61
violence and evil you are trying to avert from your head, the less
charity impedes you, the more readily it helps you, and the more
quickly it puts better weapons in your hands. What I wanted to
prove follows from all this, namely that not only can one not deny
that everyone must be granted the best and most complete defense
possible in an excepted crime, but even more so than in a non-
excepted crime. Whoever acts in a way other than what natural law
and Christian charity obliges him to in a matter of great moment
thereby makes himself guilty of a mortal sin. Can anyone among the
princes’ advisers be so simple that he does not know this, or so care-
less that he does not warn the princes about it? For we know that the
best and most praiseworthy princes have inquisitors who not only
disregard both the pontifical bull Coena* and excommunication
when they lay their hands on ecclesiastical persons without the spe-
cial license of the Apostolic Chair, but also dare to do it on the basis
of evidence that any schoolboy pulled away from his grammar book
would laugh at. Moreover they take care that these churchmen can-
not defend themselves in the best way possible. And this of course is
zeal for justice, so that we may use authority unjustly and subvert
every ecclesiastical liberty that we should really support as strongly
as possible. Because if ecclesiastical persons are undeservedly denied
a defense and must be found guilty by fair means or foul no matter
what they do, what do other, common souls have to hope for! Many
are amazed that the ecclesiastical orders have not bitterly com-
plained about this in the proper places.
reason v. In order to make clearer the absurdity, ignorance,
and indeed malice of those men who believe that in an excepted or
atrocious crime the prisoner should be denied a lawyer when in
other crimes one is allowed, the reader should let me describe how
they proceed. This is how it happens:
[I.] Somebody accuses me of committing a theft. This is a great
stain on my reputation. Therefore these expert and good men then
allow me to defend myself and wash off this stain. If I am not able
to do it properly myself, then I may choose a lawyer who will repre-
sent me.
* The bull “In Coena Domini” was first published in the fourteenth century and
was regularly updated thereafter. It contained a list of offenses that merited
excommunication and severely restricted the jurisdiction of lay courts over clergy,
particularly in capital crimes.
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62 cautio criminalis
II. A second accuses me of adultery. This is a greater stain, there-
fore they allow me to wash away this stigma also.
III. A third accuses me of witchcraft. This is the greatest and most
vile stain. Therefore they immediately prohibit me from defending
myself and removing the blot. They reason that this is the most vile
stain, the most atrocious and dismal crime, therefore it may not be
washed off.
Who could not groan at such splendid reasoning! Obviously the
completely opposite conclusion prevails: since the greatest crime is
imputed, since I am smeared with the greatest stain, I must provide
myself with greater effort and better means so that it does not be-
smirch my reputation. I am ashamed of Germany because we do not
know how to argue better in a matter of such great importance.
What do other nations say which are already accustomed to laugh-
ing at our simplicity? It is certainly a shameful matter which even
infants cannot approve of when you bind someone’s hands against
the attack of a very poisonous snake, yet against the bite of a flea you
free both. I will add here what a renowned man who was himself a
judge for many years recently told me. A certain prince, whom it is
not relevant to name here, punished witches harshly for several
years. It happened then that a cleric was arrested. His order roused
itself and sought to provide him with a defense. The prince com-
pletely forbade this but nevertheless asked the judge, to whom I was
speaking, what he thought. Since he answered that he thought a
defense should of course be granted, the prince referred the matter
to a German university, from which he received the same answer.
The prince was indignant: if a defense is to be granted to everyone,
then how many innocent people have we already destroyed!
Wonderful! How many innocent people have other princes de-
stroyed for the same reason, and continue to destroy every day! God
certainly notes the number and will produce it in judgment in his
own time. Let the rulers beware—while they think that they are
burning with zeal for justice, they will actually cause themselves to
burn in flames in the afterlife. Learned and prudent men must also
say this before their kings and not be perplexed, because it is the
truth. Nevertheless the aforementioned prince simply wanted to
continue, since if he did not, then it would follow that he was con-
demning the trials he had already conducted. Finally someone calmed
his unsettled mind with these words: if one has sinned already, it
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question xviii 63
seems that one should not sin further, for an earlier wrong cannot
ever be corrected by a later one but only magnified.*
Question XVIII. What corollaries should one gather from the
preceding discussion?
i answer, one should conclude these corollaries. Even if they
can sufficiently flow into the reader’s mind by themselves as he reads,
nevertheless, so that they may strike him more firmly, I will arrange
them in order:
corollary i. It is unjust to deny a lawyer to women who wish
to defend themselves and deny that they are witches.
corollary ii. Indeed, they should get the best lawyer possible,
and the one that they themselves want.
corollary iii. If they do not know this or do not think of it, it
is also unjust not to advise them of this right and to inform them
honestly.
corollary iv. She should be helped in her defense and every-
thing necessary granted to her, rather than hindered by every means
possible.
corollary v. One ought to celebrate rather than frown if
something emerges which reveals the prisoners’ innocence.
corollary vi. The more serious the crime for which some-
body is arraigned, the more seriously he who refuses the prisoner a
defense sins. Thus in the crime of magic he would sin greatly.
corollary vii. When the accused enter the prison, they should
be granted several days to collect themselves and consider how they
might best defend themselves. However, it is unjust to take them
away to be tortured immediately upon their arrest. The reason is
that otherwise, confused by the sudden change in their situation,
they would not be sufficiently alert and prepared to put up the most
complete and best possible defense, which, as we have seen, natural
law and right reason fully grant them.
corollary viii. The accused must in every case be given a copy
of the evidence that has been brought against them, for if they have
been granted a lawyer and a defense, then there is no reason why this
can be denied. See more detail in Tanner, disputation 4: “On Jus-
* Perhaps a reference to John 5:14: “Afterward, Jesus found him in the temple, and
said to him, ‘See, you are well! Sin no more, that nothing worse befall you.’”
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64 cautio criminalis
tice,” question 5, doubt 3, number 73. Consequently Delrio some-
where disapproves that the contrary is practiced in some places.
Nevertheless note that in Sprenger’s Malleus Maleficarum, part 3,*
neither the accused nor their lawyers are to be given the names of
the witnesses testifying against them if there is some danger that
their power can threaten the witnesses, but if there is no danger, the
names are to be given to them, just as is standard in other cases.
corollary ix. People whom the accused want to use to help in
their defense are not to be denied access to the prison, which is also
decreed in the Caroline Code, article 14. Therefore I also consider
those men to be most unjust who try to prevent any learned person
whom the accused desire from reaching them, fearing that he might
suggest arguments to them for overcoming the charges, when in fact
if anyone can be shown to be innocent, this should of course be
greatly desired. Recently a priest secretly demonstrated in private to
some judges from their transcripts that they had tried some women
illegally, but the only notice they paid to this warning was to execute
the prisoners and forbid the priest to be admitted to any more pris-
ons. Indeed I now hear that this has happened to other people.
corollary x. The judge himself must ensure that the captives
do not lack lawyers.
corollary xi. Lawyers who do not want to apply their efforts
to cases of witchcraft and who deter others from doing so are fool-
ish. Well, let me correct myself, for they are acting wisely. For woe
betide any who want to work on these cases, since they will bring the
accusation upon themselves, as I have already warned above, as if
perhaps they too are not free from this art. Oh, this is the liberty of
our times! If anyone dares to defend someone, then he himself is
already suspect. Indeed I will even say that he who merely dares to
warn the judges on this matter in the most amicable way possible is
suspect or at least detested. This is the reason why I have not pub-
lished this warning text, which I wrote a long time ago, but only
communicated it anonymously to a very few friends. The example of
the most devout theologian Tanner, who stirred up a lot of people
against him with his completely true and prudent commentary,
scares me.
corollary xii. The accused can appeal against the decree of
torture, which the text of the law l. 2 C. de Appell. recip. [D. 49, 5,
question xviii 65
66 cautio criminalis
and you can grasp the worthlessness of the whole accusation with
your hands, nevertheless, without conducting any further discussion
of her response, nor adding a word, just as if the woman had spoken
to the wind or had told fairytales to the stones, the inquisitor says
this single thing to her, that she is to return to her cell and should
consider well whether she wants to persist in her denials, since she
will be summoned again in a few hours. When she has returned to
her cell they write in the records that when examined she persisted
in her denials and therefore it is decreed that she is to be tortured.
Then when she is summoned back, all she hears is this: “You
stood before us and you denied your guilt. We granted you time so
that you might better consider and recover from your stubbornness.
What do you say now? Do you still persist in denying it? Because if
you continue to deny it, behold the transcript of your case. The
decree of torture has been made out for you.” That is how they
speak. After these words, if she still denies it, she is led off to torture.
As for those things pertaining to her refutation of the evidence,
there is not the slightest mention of them, as if they have all been
blunted by silence alone, and it would be entirely the same whether
the woman had defended herself or just yawned.
What was the point of listening to the woman? What was the
point of ordering her to clear herself if she cannot ever be cleared?
Was there ever anyone who was not led off to torture, however well
she cleared herself? I call god as my witness that I, who am not
unaccustomed to scholastic disputations, have heard such careful
defenses that I did not find any difficulties remaining that had not
been answered fully. And I know other learned men who would dare
to swear the same thing under oath. It is only the princes who do
not know this but are informed quite differently—I do not know
through which divine punishment this occurs. So the evidence that
the inquisitors have against the accused is diligently written into the
records; but not the slightest little word mentions that most of it was
not fully proven evidence, nor, if it was fully proven, which is rare,
what was said in response to it and how exactly it was refuted. When
I carefully consider everything that I have said and what I will say, I
cannot do anything else but fear that those rulers who order that
witches be investigated today are bringing damnation upon them-
selves, since the investigations are conducted so dangerously.
corollary xvi. From what I have just said, it follows that the
inquisitors necessarily err most seriously even if they proceed from
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the “alleged and proven” evidence. The princes and the scholars
whom they consult must absolutely acknowledge this, for every-
where people err out of ignorance of that phrase. For today many
judges do not have much legitimately proven evidence but never-
theless when they prosecute on this evidence, they say that they
prosecuted according to the “alleged and proven.” Therefore they
necessarily prosecute unjustly, even if they do prosecute according
to the alleged and proven. Because this is to say that what is alleged
and proven is the same as what is alleged but unproven and even
refuted. This is the meaning of those words. In order that I might
not appear to contrive this out of spite, I will prove it or be subjected
to the punishment the law decrees for slanderers. Some of my friends
are amazed when they read this and ask whether this is really the way
things are. I am used to replying to those who cannot believe it that
they are still completely ignorant of the first principles of this mat-
ter and that it irks me to go to the effort of explaining it. Let them
ask god to inspire princes who want to know the truth and under-
stand the inquisitors’ phrases. There will be people to explain them
to them, if they are allowed to.
corollary xvii. A trial in which the accused is denied a fair
defense of this sort is null and void, and the judge along with the
prince himself is held to restitution. If counselors and confessors do
not warn their princes and properly instruct them, then they are
equally at fault and will be severely punished by God.
corollary xviii. If it should happen that priests are arrested
on the basis of feeble evidence, then it is completely fair that at least
out of great respect for their great estate and the Catholic Church
they are granted writing implements for several days or at least one
so that they might draft a brief appeal or defense to their prince or
the emperor. Could they ask for anything less than this? In fact I
think that even barbarous heathens do not deny this paltry favor to
their idolatrous priests before they are killed.
corollary xix. Nor is it an unjust request that at the end of
their lives prisoners are permitted to use a confessor whom they
themselves have chosen and not one imposed on them by the judges.
It seems to me to be a most unworthy thing that recently even a
priest was not granted the freedom to make his confession. Are we
to think that this is known to the highest heads of Christianity?
corollary xx.When it perhaps happens that a priest of irre-
proachable life and reputation is unfairly and maliciously ensnared
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68 cautio criminalis
and arrested and is miraculously extricated from his chains and
prison, it is not an unjust request that he be permitted to publish
his defense in the German empire and to explain how he has been
treated so far, so that unless everything that he alleges can be con-
firmed by legitimate witnesses he will present himself to the most
hallowed emperor and once again head off to jail and death.
Question XIX. Whether prisoners accused of witchcraft should
immediately be presumed to be necessarily guilty?
this question seems to be stupid, and naturally it would be if
either the simplicity or the zeal (I generally construe this as igno-
rance, imprudence, and deficiency of judgment)—I wish it were
not correct to say it—of certain priests did not impose upon me the
necessity of answering it. For I hear that there are some who assault,
menace, and harass these completely downhearted prisoners when
they visit prisons, and encourage them to confess their crimes in
such a way that one cannot but conclude that they have already
made up their minds that not one of them can be innocent.
Meanwhile, however much those unfortunate women lament,
whatever they are prepared to say in order to explain their case or
discover the reason for their disgrace, or if they demand to at least
be heard and to confer confidentially with a clergyman without wit-
nesses, to ask for advice, to receive some consolation in all their sor-
rows, and similar things which troubled people usually desire, they
do not find anything other than deaf statues animated by this one
desire, to perpetually thrust this crime of witchcraft before their
faces and adorn them with shameful titles as if they were completely
guilty. They call them stubborn, obstinate, stinking whores, pos-
sessed, facades for the devil, mute toads, slaves of Gehenna, etc.
In addition these same clergymen do nothing among the judges,
prison warders, torturers, and others but redouble their perpetual
goading to have the prisoners interrogated harshly and tortured: this
or that woman seems particularly stubborn, there is no doubt that
the devil is holding her tongue, she has a demonic appearance, they
would not hesitate to stake their life that the prisoners truly are
witches, and further words of that kind intemperately thrown. So
prisoners have occasionally been heard to say (but what is “occa-
sionally”? Very many women say these words very frequently) that
they would even prefer to let the executioner in than a priest of this
sort. He has caused them more trouble with his insistence than the
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question xix 69
torturer with all his instruments. On the other hand, the judicial
personnel are rather pleased that they have obtained such a defender
among the clergy who does not restrain and regulate the zeal of the
judges but who sharpens it considerably. I have seen and heard sev-
eral such priests. It is well established that there are more because I
hear inquisitors who state emphatically that if other clerics are
restrained and circumspect in this matter, then they are not to be
used. With payments and alms they buy impetuous and ignorant
ones such as we have described who have nothing other than the hot
air with which they promote themselves, or at least they win them
over with food and drink. To reveal my thoughts concerning this
matter, I will speak to the proposed question. And so
i answer, to immediately presume that the prisoners are just
guilty, and therefore one may do to them those thing which it has
been said some priests do do to them, is competely intolerable. These
are the reasons:
reason i. I showed above that some innocents are de facto
killed along with the guilty. Therefore not all prisoners are neces-
sarily guilty. Therefore one may not stubbornly assume them to be.
Therefore they may not be pressured as if they were conveniently
guilty and any opportunity for a hearing completely ruled out. Let
them speak if they want something. It is for the clergyman to listen
and instruct and, whether they be guilty or innocent, to stand by
them all with spiritual consolation and help.
reason ii. The judges themselves presuppose that it is not cer-
tain that every prisoner is really guilty. For they proceed to torture
and interrogation because her guilt is not yet clear. If it were clear,
then it would not be right to proceed to torture, as I will show below,
in Question 39.
reason iii. All theologians and legal scholars teach that when
the matter is not yet clear, one must grant the benefit of the doubt,
for the law of charity and justice demands this, as they explain at
length. Thus Emperors Honorius and Theodosius carefully decreed
it when they said: We order it be observed that whoever is summoned on
a capital crime is not to be immediately considered guilty when accused lest
we subjugate innocence, leg. 17 C. de accusationib. [C. 9, 2, 17]. In their
naïveté some ignoramuses think that all public records and courts are
so conscientious that they do not often err gravely in the conduct of
their duties. I like the words of a particular commentator on the
Gospels whom I read today concerning the chains of John the Bap-
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70 cautio criminalis
tist: He who is publicly thrown into chains and arrested is not necessarily
evil, since completely honest men are often put there through false accusa-
tions. The rulers and princes of this world abuse their power again and
again. So he wrote.
reason iv. Nothing is befitting of a priest except gentleness and
Christian mildness, which are clearly incompatible with all those
things I previously mentioned regarding those imprudent clergy-
men, as will be quite apparent to anyone examining them. We do not
want to enlarge on things that should rather be hidden from the eyes
of the people.
reason v. Even if women whom a priest of this kind is bother-
ing in the way I described really are guilty, he himself cannot be
certain of it. But even if he were certain, then such unreasonable
harassment would not be appropriate or useful. The prisoners would
be made more obstinate, rather than being prompted to admit the
truth by the kindness and sweetness proper to an ecclesiastical per-
son. If this path cannot lead them to acknowledge their crimes, what
then? Patience must be employed. We have done what could be done
properly and in good conscience. Nevertheless I will not deny that
when more benign means have been tried in vain, harsher scolding
is also useful on occasion in certain matters, but only in such a way
that we continually return to that paternal gentleness with which we
must act, so that the prisoners may see that we are piously and sin-
cerely looking after them and their salvation with great love and do
not want to turn them into criminals by force.
reason vi. However if a woman whom an ignorantly stubborn
counselor attacks is innocent (as many certainly can be), what is
more likely to happen than that she will withdraw into despair or a
fatal sorrow of the soul? Once everyone has abandoned her, she
notices that she is also cut off from any hope of receiving the conso-
lation that until now she had thought she would find in her spiritual
father. Truly, I would not be lying if I said that I know what sighs and
groans this matter has aroused in many prisoners. God sees and calls
to account not only those who themselves sin in this matter but also
those who appoint these kinds of confused people to a dangerous
office. I am stating this warning in this matter because it has been
observed in several places that some religious orders assigned priests
to these cases who were considered in their own houses to have dis-
tinguished themselves either through their lack of judgment, their
unreasonableness, their belief in their own knowledge combined
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question xix 71
72 cautio criminalis
devil has held their tongues; their appearance is diabolical; they do not hes-
itate to stake their lives that they really are witches. If anyone speaks like
this in the street he should be rebuked. How much more so a priest,
since one can rightly fear that through such words he could be the
cause of the prisoner’s grave torments and death, and therefore he
should be censured for irregularity*—although ignorant men of this
kind do not know what an irregularity is, and how it may be com-
mitted. I recently heard it said about a certain priest, one even a lit-
tle learned, as it seemed to him at least—God save us!—that he
would incite the judges to seize particular women and torture them.
Then he would urge them not to spare young boys, saying that this
one and that one seemed capable of being tortured, that they could
be executed without any scruples, that one could not hope for any
improvement from them. He would actively help in seeking out their
accomplices, whom he himself entered into his notebooks. He would
assist in the torture, give instructions, suggest arguments by which
further guilt might be detected, and many similar things, which I
have now almost forgotten. What could this man care about irregu-
larities? Thus it is not amazing that the inquisitors, themselves
equally skillful, marveled at such a wonderful helper and suspected
that he, who alone had mastered their own method of conducting
trials to the envy of all the watching theologians, was sent to them
from heaven. Such are the misery and ignorance of our times! What
does it help to have studied, if this is the reward for ignorance? Con-
fessors should read what I have to say below in Question 30, where
I will instruct them.
Question XX. What should be thought of tortures or interroga-
tions? Whether they put innocent people in moral and frequent
danger?
i answer, it is very much the nature of torture that when I con-
sider from all angles in my memory the type of things I have seen,
read, and heard, I cannot conclude anything other than it does put
question xx 73
innocent people in moral and frequent danger* and fills our land of
Germany with witches and unheard of crimes —and not just Ger-
many, but any land whatsoever that starts to use it too. These are the
reasons:
reason i. The tortures customary everywhere are by their very
nature great and cause grievous suffering beyond measure. How-
ever, it is the nature of the greatest suffering that we do not fear
meeting even death itself in order to avoid it. Therefore there is the
danger that many women, in order to extricate themselves from the
agony of the rack, might confess to crimes they have not committed
and fabricate any crime for themselves, either whatever the inquisi-
tors suggest or what they themselves have previously planned to
confess.
reason ii. It is even true that the toughest men who were strung
up in torture for the most serious crimes have solemnly affirmed to
me that they could think of no crime so great that they would not
immediately admit to it if their confession would free them for just
a moment from such agony. Indeed before they would allow them-
selves to be led back in to torture, they would prefer to skip sure-
footedly into ten deaths. If other people can be found who would
prefer to be torn apart rather than break their silence (as Aelianus re-
calls concerning the Egyptians in Varia historia, book 7, chapter 18),†
such people are certainly very rare today, and sometimes they are
protected against any sensation of pain by arts which are not good
ones. Thus with good reason the law On Interrogations, 1ff. [D. 48,
18, 1, 23], calls torture a fickle and dangerous matter.‡ This is what
it says: It is declared in the Constitutions that torture should not always be
trusted but only sometimes, for it is a fickle and dangerous thing which
cheats the truth. For many defy those torments with their hardiness and
endurance so that the truth cannot be extracted from them in any way.
* Moral danger is the danger of sinning. Spee argues in this chapter that torture
exposes innocent people to the danger of sinning by forcing to them to denounce
other innocents who are themselves exposed to both physical and moral danger.
† Claudius Aelian (3rd century ce), Varia historia, published in several sixteenth-
century editions. Spee incorrectly gives book 7, chapter 8, rather than 18, indi-
cating he may not have been citing directly.
‡ Although Spee cites numerous passages from the Corpus Iuris Civilis, virtually all
are taken from authorities such as Farinacci and Claro. The chief exception is the
section governing the use of torture, “On Interrogations” (“De Questionibus”)
(D. 48, 18), which Spee quotes verbatim in several passages.
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74 cautio criminalis
Others are so weak that they will state any lie rather than suffer torture;
they will confess in any way whatsoever and put not only themselves in dan-
ger but others too. Cicero says in his Partitiones: Many people have fre-
quently feigned things to avoid suffering, preferring to die by confessing to
a falsehood, rather than to suffer by denying it.* And in Pro Sulla the
same author says no more oratorically than truthfully: They threaten
us with the examination and torture of our slaves. Although we are not
supposed to suspect any danger in this, nevertheless pain governs those tor-
tures. It directs the nature of both mind and body. The torturer rules them,
desire twists them, hope corrupts them, fear weakens them, so that in such
straits no place is left for the truth, etc.†
reason iii. Here is an example to better illustrate either the
enormity of torture or many people’s weakness: Confessors who
have any experience should know that there are many who will
falsely inform on others under torture. Afterward, however, these
people realize that they cannot be absolved of their sins in the sacra-
ment of penance until they save those whom they have put in mor-
tal danger through their false denunciations. But they respond that
they cannot do it because they are afraid that if they utter a retrac-
tion they will be put to the torture again. If their confessor insists
that under penalty of eternal damnation they cannot leave innocent
people guilty and that some way has to be found to save them, they
often respond that they are prepared to defend those people’s inno-
cence in any way possible, but if they cannot do it without any dan-
ger of being led back to torture again, then they cannot and will not
do it, even if it is a matter of their own salvation. From this I there-
fore infer that if torture for many people is so grave and intolerable
that they would rather be damned than tortured, then one cannot
prudently deny what we have said but can with good reason believe
that torture brings with it the considerable danger that, unless it is
earnestly resisted, the number of the innocent will swell that of the
guilty.
reason iv. I confess that I myself could offer so little resistance
to such punishment that if I were brought in to be interrogated I
would not hesitate right at the beginning to declare myself guilty of
any witchcraft whatsoever and embrace death rather than such tor-
ments, especially since (as I infer from the more common opinion of
question xx 75
* Perillus, an Athenian metalworker, made a bronze bull for Phalaris, the tyrant of
Agrigentum, in which to execute criminals by slowly roasting them. Phalaris first
tried it out on Perillus but was himself later executed in it by his unhappy
citizenry.
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76 cautio criminalis
with new inventions? Yet today even ecclesiastical princes grant their
officials this.
reason viii. The danger is likewise increased, not only because
harsher tortures are usually employed in this crime, as I have said,
but because nobody has any scruples of conscience, no matter how
excessive the torture used, either in method or in duration. It is
amazing that in every other kind of crime there are judges who ac-
cuse themselves in the confessional, but in this crime there are no
judges at all who confess nor confessors who inquire, since this is
linked to an obligation toward restitution and apology. So it is clear
to me that many people have died through monstrous tortures, many
have been crippled for the rest of their lives, many so ripped and
torn that when they were to be executed the executioner did not
dare to bare their shoulders, as is customary, lest the populace be-
come enraged at such a cruel sight. Some had to be finished off on
the very road to the scaffold lest they fall dead first. Nevertheless,
there has not yet been any judge who did not bear the most peace-
ful conscience, or who felt in his conscience that he owed anyone the
slightest apology.
Now let me speak about the duration of torture. Naturally the
pain of torture is very severe if it lasts half of a quarter hour or even
half of this again. How will it be for a whole quarter hour? Or for
two? How will it be for a whole hour? Therefore in a bull which is
contained in the Bullarium, part 1, page 471, Pope Paul III prohib-
ited a suspect from being tortured for a long time, such as one hour.
Nowadays, however, the mildest judges (for it is not pleasant to talk
about the harsher ones) have so little fear of sinning against this bull
that they customarily use torture for a whole hour or two half hours.
Consequently they call any torture session that does not last that
long insufficient, as I will show below, in Question 23.
Who can bear this? Who would not prefer to die and ransom
himself from such pain with six hundred lies? If some women have
endured this time in silence without lying, there is a hidden reason
which few have thought about. But I have learned the true reason
through much experience and it should be noted. Most of these
women hold the opinion that whoever confesses to a crime as hor-
rible as witchcraft, even though innocent, sins mortally and cannot
be saved by any means. Therefore they struggle with all their might
against those intolerable pains so that they might not sin so gravely
against their souls. Nevertheless, they too finally succumb when the
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78 cautio criminalis
nal law that the fear of torture is equivalent to torture itself, and con-
sequently the latter cannot be used without grave evidence? For if
we have come to the point where torture itself is no longer torture,
what then is the fear of torture?
reason x. The danger is likewise increased because today we
employ torture against everyone without distinction. I fear that in
this we want to surpass the pagans, who once upon a time diligently
sought to whet their ferocity daily through brutal, continual wars and
savage gladiatorial spectacles. For among them, only slaves were
interrogated under torture; these hardships were for them alone. But
who were these slaves, these villains? Read the comedians Terence,
Plautus, and other poets and you will find that they were the flower
of every kind of glaring depravity, the scum of wickedness, masters
of cunning, liars, perjurers, instructed in fraud and every kind of
crime from childhood, nothing but mere slaves to rods, thongs, whips,
and clubs, trained to endure any suffering. Only against such men
whose wickedness was already known did they use harsh interroga-
tions. Because even if a mistake was made with them, it was easily
excused, for they already merited death. It was not used against those
whose toughness and wickedness were unknown, for it was feared
that they would yield too easily to the pain, even contrary to the truth.
But we, now made a little milder since Christ’s law, use torture against
those who are not yet known to be similarly wicked or tough and
accustomed to pain.
reason xi. The danger is likewise increased by the wickedness
and excessive liberty of the executioners. I would have thought that
it would behoove the judges’ integrity and conscientiousness not to
allow the executioners to mutter the slightest word but merely to
carry out what they have been ordered to do. But it seems to me that
in many places the executioners themselves are in charge and deter-
mine the method of torture as they wish. They urge, they pressure,
they demand. With their words they goad those hanging in torture,
with fierce voices they menace them with terrible threats if they do
not confess. They also intensify the torture and, indeed, intend it to
be impossible to bear. Hence the glory and preeminence of certain
executioners are measured by the fact that every single suspect broke
her silence at their hands. Such men are summoned when others fail;
they wear the laurels. Certainly even if one believed that neither their
greed for money nor their innate savagery dragged them beyond
proper limits, nevertheless they should be forbidden any freedom
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question xx 79
80 cautio criminalis
no matter how much they resisted.” I did not know what to say. The
old man told me these things as if they were completely true. The
reader may now judge whether this is why we have so many witches
in Germany. He may judge how absurd and foolish it is of me to
believe that torture puts innocent people in moral and frequent dan-
ger. Woe a second time to the princes who want to proceed harshly
against witches but do not diligently oversee their judges. I had
hardly written this when a friend of mine dropped by to whom I
repeated what I had written when he asked what I was thinking
about. He looked at me and laughing quite brazenly said, “ Why
don’t you just erase the example you narrate there? There is no need
for an example of such a common, everyday matter. It is not just this
one judge of whom you speak who does this nowadays, but many.
This is common, normal practice. I myself have been present, I have
seen it, and I have heard it with my own ears. Indeed recently in one
place when the legal scholars forced an inquisitor ravaging the re-
gion not to ask for accomplices by name, nor to ask whether some-
one in a particular house or street or quarter was guilty, they cele-
brated a triumph as if they had performed the greatest service
possible for their countrymen. But in other places, where he did not
encounter any objections, he continued to rage just as you have
recounted.”
What should I say here? Woe, again, to the princes. Can he, who
ought to know all about these things, ignore them without incurring
very great guilt when I, who ought not to, do know about them? But
what do we want to do? Their counselors and confessors are silent,
they are just as ignorant of everything that happens, so they do not
prick their own consciences.
And so, as I myself then began to observe, it is the common prac-
tice of many inquisitors to put into the mouths of the accused ver-
batim, or almost verbatim, what they should answer either about
their accomplices, or the crimes they committed, or the time and
place of sabbaths, or other details. Thus when many of them all say
the same thing, they can brag wonderfully to the princes or others
that so many witches agree completely on the same points. But what
is this German blindness? Do our rulers think that without gravely
sinning they can pretend not to see the inquisitors’ wrongdoings,
which are so harmful to innocent people? However, a Church prelate
recently praised a not dissimilar method of interrogation when he
indicated that he did not disapprove of a malevolent inquisitor con-
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question xx 81
tinually asking women whether they had seen any parish priests or
churchmen at their sabbaths. Truly a wonderful business! In this way
any class of person at all could in the end be put in danger through
such prompting. Then, once he had heard this, a great man answered
exceptionally well, “That prelate should be told that those women
ought to be asked whether they have also seen any Church prelates.
And as long as they deny it, they ought to be beaten until they affirm
it, etc., since they are no more likely to name a priest than a prelate
if the inquisitor does not spare his suggestions and the executioner
his rack.” Yet scholars of this kind advise the princes, and the state
has to endure their arrogance and ignorance. But a prince who re-
cently expressly forbade one of his inquisitors to ask about church-
men either in general or in particular in the way just discussed showed
more foresight. Nevertheless I feel very sorry for him because he is
unaware that from that time on the inquisitor hardly obeyed the
command. For I think that in these matters of such great moment,
the prince does not satisfy his conscience by issuing the proper order
unless he also watches to see that it is carried out. In this matter, even
if a most pious prince should assign to his secular inquisitor an eccle-
siastical man who has the authority to watch lest something reck-
lessly impinge upon his estate, of course the prince should also check
whether he is associated with the secular judge either by birth or by
his morals and cruelty, or whether he is reported to be proud or avari-
cious or ignorant, which is what I hear many shouting. Perhaps it
would be better to have hidden agents, as I said above in Question
9, Reason 8. Meanwhile I rather like an inquisitor’s ingenious dis-
covery which I recently heard about. When he began to arrest and
torture in a particular place, first of all he asked whether anyone from
the city senate had appeared at a sabbath. So of course once the lead-
ing citizens of that place were out of the way, he could then send the
rest of the herd to the slaughterhouse more easily.
reason xiii. The danger is likewise increased when not only do
the investigators involved in these trials devote their efforts to mak-
ing suggestions, but the torturers themselves are also exceptionally
successful at it. And the greater their success in this art, the less the
inquisitors know about it, if indeed they are always unaware of it.
For some torturers, when they are preparing the simpler suspects
for the torture, first instruct them on whom they can boldly name as
their accomplices. They say that so and so has been denounced three
or four times, etc., by others; that they should beware lest they are
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82 cautio criminalis
evasive and refuse to denounce those whose guilt is already suffi-
ciently clear and who will not escape anyway; that if they follow his
advice, he will be merciful to them. These dangerous villains suggest
these things but also inform the prisoners of what others have con-
fessed about them, so that they learn what they should confess about
themselves, once they have been overcome by the torments. Conse-
quently, the inquisitors exult wonderfully and make a particular note
of it in the transcripts when they then confess the same things about
themselves with the same details which others have confessed about
them earlier, as if they now hold as certain a truth as possible in their
hands, since the accused could not agree so exactly with their ac-
cusers unless they were guilty. So these very intelligent men do not
notice the fraud committed by the torturers, which I myself was able
to discover without any particular effort. Thus they who boast that
they can bring this most hidden of all crimes, as they call it, to light
allow their own torturers’ wickedness to escape notice. So the princes
should learn the meaning of the phrase when the inquisitors say:
“Titia agreed of her own accord with the details of the denunciations
made against her.”
reason xiv. The danger is likewise increased because once a
single truly innocent woman overcome by the violence of her tor-
ments admits her guilt in this crime and earns the flames, it is in-
evitable that innumerable other women will be dragged into the
same sort of guilt. I will show it in this way: Innocent Gaia has lied
that she is a witch. She is immediately commanded to reveal her
accomplices. If she denies that she had any, she is not believed and
is taken away to be tortured—and if she was not able to save herself
under torture, then she will not be able to save others. For, as Paul
the Jurist says in his Sententiarum, book 1, title 12, someone who de-
spairs of his own welfare can easily put that of another in doubt.* There-
fore she will accuse those whom she does not know, and above all
those whom she remembers having heard defamed. Therefore if, as
I have seen happen more than once, a woman must enter prison and
undergo torture because of this one denunciation combined with
her disrepute, and then once subjected to pain in turn begins to name
her accomplices, who cannot see that within a very short time there
* Julius Paulus (fl. 200 ce), Sententiarum receptarum ad filium libri quinque, ap-
peared in numerous sixteenth-century editions, including several published in
Cologne. Spee incorrectly cited book 5 rather than book 1.
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84 cautio criminalis
marily because there are hardly any women to be found who would
not prefer to die rather than endure a third round of torture. More-
over there is no shortage of crueler authors who think that one may
proceed even beyond a third round in atrocious crimes, therefore
severe judges follow their opinion. But even if the condemned, once
they have finally been led to the place of execution and, about to enter
the flames, no longer have to fear torture, should boldly recant what
the pain forced them to confess, that is of absolutely no consequence
for their welfare. For the judges still condemn them and insist on the
confession they made judicially under torture, so any ultimate retrac-
tion they should make just before death is made completely in vain.
Therefore what I said remains true, namely that any hope of cor-
recting a mistake is destroyed once a woman is guilty of a slip of the
tongue under torture.
reason xvi. The danger is likewise increased if, on the con-
trary, a woman does not at all succumb to the pain and want to con-
fess, for she cannot save herself that way either and cleanse herself
of the taint of the crime. For she will be called back to be tortured
every day until she succumbs and her voice comes to her through the
force of her repeated suffering. It would be something if after stead-
fastly resisting one attack of torture, she could establish her inno-
cence. But the repetition and frequency of the racking, flogging,
burning, etc., now used everywhere destroy any hope of her ever
emerging. Indeed, either I, along with many merciful men, am com-
pletely crazy or I am really unable to see how there can be sufficient
protection for innocent people in this matter, so that countless inno-
cents have not already died and will not continue to die. Recently
when some judicial figures addressed this question in their discus-
sion, at the end a conscientious man with a penetrating mind quite
properly proposed this question to them: he asked to be taught what
the method was by which a person who was who truly innocent
could free himself, once he was put in chains. When after a long time
they could not satisfy him and he did not cease to push them, they
finally answered that they would consider it over the following
night. Behold! these men, who have already ignited so many pyres,
have conducted trials in such a way that to this day they cannot
describe an adequate method by which someone who was truly in-
nocent could rescue himself from their hands. I am now putting this
same question to Germany’s rulers. And if there should be any prince
who thinks that he has found such a method, by this alone he has
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question xx 85
already shown that he does not know how things actually happen.
And if he does not know how they happen, then his salvation is in
danger, for he should know. Therefore let him read in sequence what
we have already said. Nevertheless it is not yet expedient for us to
say everything, since these are times which cannot bear it. Why then
are we amazed if everywhere is full of witches? We should be amazed
at Germany’s blindness and the stupidity of her experts. But these
men are of course accustomed to leisure and luxury and to deliber-
ate beside their furnaces. Since they cannot conceive any impression
of pain in their minds, they usually think and speak about the tor-
ture of suspects —and liberally decree it—as if a blind man were dis-
coursing about colors whose image he did not know. What Scripture
says in Amos, chapter 6, can, not incongruously, be said of them:
Drinking wine in bowls and anointed with the best oils, they are not
grieved over the ruin of Joseph [Amos 6:6]. If they themselves were
subjected to torture for even half of a quarter hour, they would at
once cast all their wisdom and pompous philosophy to the ground,
and they would not philosophize childishly about things they know
nothing about.
Thus, to conclude: I concur completely with that illustrious man,
my friend, who often says amusingly and correctly: “ Why do we so
diligently hunt for witches? Hey, judges! I will show you right now
where they are. Go and grab the Capuchins, the Jesuits and all the
other regular clergy and torture them. They’ll confess. If any should
deny it, repeat it three or four times and then they’ll confess. If
they are still obstinate, exorcise them, shave them, for they are using
magic, the devil is making them insensitive to pain—go on, they’ll
give in in the end. Then if you want a lot of witches, seize the prelates
of the Church, its canons and doctors too. They’ll confess. For how
will those miserable, delicate types hold out? But if you want still
more, I’ll torture you, and you then me. I won’t deny what you con-
fess about me and in this way we can all be sorcerers. For we of course
will be the strong and steadfast men who can hold our voices under
such severe suffering repeated daily!”
you will say that what I said concerning the repetition of tor-
ture is false, for the laws do not permit torture to be repeated unless
new and very compelling evidence is provided.
i answer, I am not speaking about what the laws allow or what
reason prescribes, but what judges practice everywhere now. Some
things are true in speculation, others occur in actual fact. I will state
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86 cautio criminalis
this more clearly if we pursue the same argument more thoroughly
in a new question. Therefore it is asked:
Question XXI. Whether someone accused of witchcraft may be
tortured often?
thequestion ought to be distinguished so that these two points
can be examined:
I. Whether she who has already been tortured once and has con-
fessed, but later retracts her confession, can be tortured again?
II. Whether she who has already been tortured once but has not
confessed can be tortured again? I will speak to both questions.
i answer i. If a woman who has already been tortured once has
confessed to the crime but later retracts her confession, the judges
want to be able to put her to torture again, even if no new evidence
has arisen. The law On Interrogations, 16ff. [D. 48, 18, 16], is un-
derstood to speak in this way on the repetition of torture when it
says: The divine brothers have replied that the questioning may be re-
peated. And the reason is that, first of all, the first confession made
under torture has the status of a half-full proof and provides suffi-
cient evidence for a repetition of torture, as Wesenbeck says on this
point.* Second, the previous evidence is not refuted by such a re-
traction. Finally, if torture cannot be repeated, then this entire rem-
edy would be without any effect, as Lessius says, for no one would
ratify their confession if they thought they could not be tortured
again. And so (as Marsilius says, whose expression delights me)† the
gallows would remain widowed and crimes would remain unpun-
ished. Let us remember, however, what I warned of just a little ear-
lier, namely that we cannot go beyond a third round of torture, no
matter how heinous the deed. This is the common opinion of the ex-
perts, which you can see in Delrio, book 5, section 9, and Farinacci,
question 38, number 96, where he calls judges who torture beyond
the third time butchers. I am completely of the opinion that who-
ever is brought back to be tortured a second time but afterward
denies her confession again may not be tortured a third time but
must be released. May god forbid that I, who understands how great
the pain of torture is, should think otherwise. I truly fear that they
question xxi 87
will all meet a pitiless judgment after death, who are so cruel and
pitiless in decreeing punishments which they would not even allow
to be inflicted upon an animal but rather would have compassion, if
they could grasp them even in their imaginations. Certainly there is
not a single German nobleman who could bear to see his hunting
dog mangled like this. Who then can bear it if a person is mutilated
so many times?
i answer ii. If a woman who has already been tortured once has
not confessed, she may not be tortured again unless new and most
compelling evidence is brought against her, as Claro, Menochio,
Gregorius, Tholosanus, Farinacci, Dinus, Albericus, Villabodius, Syl-
vester, Azor, Lessius, and other legal experts and theologians unan-
imously agree.* One can read this in the law On Interrogations, 18
ff. [D. 48, 18, 18, 1-2], where it says: The suspect accused by clearer evi-
dence may be brought back to be interrogated, especially if his spirit and body
have become hardened under torture. Note the words, by clearer evidence,
so that we should understand that stronger evidence is needed than
was necessary for the first round of torture. Therefore Delrio rightly
says, book 5, section 9, Torture is never to be repeated unless new evi-
dence of diverse kinds arises which is more incriminating than the initial
evidence and unless the accused is so strong and tough that he has borne the
earlier torture in mind and body. Thus he follows the intent of the law
exactly. And the reason is manifest, for the evidence against the ac-
cused woman, however grave, is sufficiently struck down, rendered
impotent, and destroyed by the first round of torture, so she must be
absolved just as if she had legitimately exonerated and redeemed her-
self. Indeed, it is the truer and more common opinion that by endur-
ing torture even strong proofs can be refuted, as Prosper Farinacci,
Praxis Criminalis, book 1, title 5, question 40, teaches thoroughly,
and Delrio follows in book 5, section 9, as well as Tanner and oth-
ers, in opposition to some other scholars. Therefore the accused can-
not be tortured again unless other, new evidence is brought against
her by which she is called into suspicion again, otherwise it could be
said that someone can be tortured for no reason, which is unheard
of and completely contrary to justice. That the law says this new evi-
dence for a second round of torture must be stronger than that used
for the first is fully in accordance with reason. For whenever the
accused has exactly refuted the evidence upon which he was exam-
88 cautio criminalis
ined and is then examined again on new evidence, it is in accordance
with nature that we generally expect it to be stronger than the first.
Since the second round of torture must necessarily be much more
severe than the first one, to which the accused brought a mind still
resolute and strength unbroken, then right reason clearly demands
that for a greater torture correspondingly greater reasons are neces-
sary. Therefore what the law says, namely that the accused can be led
back in to be interrogated, may happen, but only when he is impli-
cated by stronger arguments, that is, he may be locked up because of
new evidence that is much more compelling than the earlier. Indeed,
I should add what Farinacci teaches in book 5, question 38, number
77, following Paris de Puteo, Angelus, Marsilius, Aymon, Blanchus,
Carerius, Guido de Suzzaria, Bossus, Claro, Menochio, Franciscus
Personalis, Bertazzius, and others, that this new evidence must be
not only stronger than the earlier but of a different kind, that is, it must
differ from the earlier in sort and substance. He says, for example the
initial evidence concerned the bad reputation of the person being investi-
gated or his enmity toward the murder victim. For these reasons the accused
was tortured and confessed nothing. Afterward a witness appears who de-
poses that he saw the accused wound the victim, or that he saw him with a
drawn sword. Such things are called new evidence, which differs from the
initial in kind and substance. But if the initial evidence against the accused
was based on his reputation and supported by several witnesses, and when
tortured on this basis he held firm, the torture cannot be repeated, even if
new witnesses appear to support the same rumors, for such witnesses do not
bring new evidence but merely new support for the old evidence. Even if
this doctrine is in accordance not only with the law but also with
the most sane reason possible and must therefore be observed in all
crimes, even excepted ones, nevertheless, since many people have lax
and pitiless consciences and are little concerned with their future
judgment in the next life, things usually occur quite otherwise in
practice, as Farinacci also acknowledges, ibid., number 74, and be-
fore him Claro, book 5, question 64, and Brunus, whom he cites in
the same place and who confesses not only that he has seen it but
that he himself has done it unjustly and illegally. I will track down
the reasons for this in the following Question. Meanwhile, should any
of these kinds of judges who still enjoy a vigilant conscience perhaps
read this, it is worthwhile to seriously warn here that they cannot do
this without gravely sinning, because, as I have already said, it brings
the gravest physical harm upon one’s neighbor without cause. As
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question xxi 89
there is not a single theologian who does not think that a person sins
mortally who without reason inflicts six or seven wounds on Titus’s
head and arms with a sword or club, even if the wounds are not lethal
but still cause his body great pain, then that person also sins, and
indeed more seriously, who likewise without reason inflicts such tor-
ments on this same Titus which if they lasted half of a quarter hour
would cause him pain which twenty-five wounds would not equal.
Similarly, because the theologians say that he who cuts off another’s
hand without reason sins mortally, then he who subjects another to
torture without reason sins at least as gravely, since Farinacci affirms
in question 42, number 14, that according to the common opinion
of scholars this is a more intense pain than the amputation of either
hand.
This being so, I often marvel that so many men lust after such
unmerciful tortures and when torturing they spare another’s body as
little as their own conscience. Indeed if I really liked sinning and had
made up my mind to go to hell—may god prevent it!—I would not
want to take such a unpleasant path but rather a much more enjoy-
able one.
you will say, if someone can free herself so quickly by wiping
off the rumors and evidence against her through one round of tor-
ture, then we will burn very few witches and we will not be able to
conduct trials.
i answer, I have heard these complaints so frequently that how-
ever often I admonish judges with the utmost moderation to conduct
trials with diligence and care, they always demand peace for them-
selves and silence of me with no argument other than to deny that
they could conduct trials unless they do this. Indeed I rejoice when
they utter to their advantage arguments like this which I cannot re-
fute. For I really cannot refute them. If my reader has good judg-
ment and should wish to refute them, then he can, for it seems to me
that they are saying that unless we do what is not in harmony with
reason, justice, and law, that is, unless we sin gravely and lead those
who have already cleared themselves into new tortures without any
new reasons, then we will not have any witches and we will not be
able to heap up any bonfires. But we have to heap up bonfires and
we have to have witches, so let us procure them wherever we can get
them, regardless of the law. What an excellent opinion! The obvious
conclusion is that this is what has given us our huge number of
witches, which I, along with many pious and conscientious men, did
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90 cautio criminalis
not dare to speak of openly without the mark of an outlandish opin-
ion. Behold Germany, mother of so many witches, how astonishing
is it that she has cried her eyes out in sorrow, so that she cannot see
this? O the blindness of our nation! Behold, even the judges them-
selves clearly shout, if we uphold justice, if we follow reason, we will
not burn any witches. I do not know how I am to refute this conclu-
sion, for I myself grant it; I cannot answer them. So I am no longer
surprised that Tanner, a most circumspect man, when he collected
together ways of effectively extirpating witches in his commentary,
question 5, very wisely noted this one point among the others in
number 131: In order not to prolong trials excessively, they should be settled
promptly with the law upheld and those who have confessed being executed
or those who refuted the evidence under torture released. But what good
does it do to provide this advice in commentaries? The judges con-
tinue to act just as they began. They have their reasons, which will
be discussed in the following Question.
Question XXII. Why many judges hardly acquit any suspects
these days, even if they clear themselves through torture?
i answer, so far I have seldom seen an accused woman released
who cleared herself by denying her guilt in the first round of torture,
even though I should have seen it happen very often in many places.
Hardly any women are ever released once they have been taken to
the dungeon and then only most reluctantly. Yet this is supposed to
appear as zeal for justice and desire for virtue. But such excesses
should be completely absent from virtue, which usually can exercise
its force only within the boundaries that the law and reason have
established for it. Instead, matters seem to me to be like this:
first, the judges want to get by hook or by crook people whom
they can burn, as I have already said in the preceding Question. I do
not know what this blind fury is nor who bears the guilt for it, the
judges or their princes.
second, it also occurs because the judges think that they will
earn ignominy if they release suspects too easily, as if they had acted
too hastily in arresting and torturing a woman who was soon found
to be innocent. I will insert here what I saw two years ago. I was in
a place where an inquisition against witches was beginning. First of
all, Gaia was arrested because people spoke ill of her in the village.
Because of this she was tortured. Under torture, she accused Titia of
being her accomplice. This single denunciation was enough for
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question xxiii 91
Titia to be arrested and put on the rack. However, she withstood the
torture and steadfastly denied she was guilty. Meanwhile Gaia was
led out to the bonfire, where, completely penitent and, in the opin-
ion of her confessor, well prepared for death, she withdrew her de-
nunciation of Titia as false and extracted through torture. She stated
that she had acted wrongly by accusing an innocent person and was
now truly prepared to seal with her own death that she knew noth-
ing bad about Titia. With those words she went to the flames. There
was then no reason why Titia, who indeed should not have been
arrested in the first place, could not be released. However, she was
not released, for what I just said stood in the way: the judicial per-
sonnel muttered among themselves that they would earn a reputa-
tion for frivolity if Titia regained her freedom. Alas, how unworthy
and unchristian a matter, so contrary to all justice!
third, when the torturer cannot extract a confession from a soft
woman, he also fears the disgrace of performing his art of torture
ineptly.
fourth, love of gain confuses matters if a bounty is placed on
the head of each person executed which the judges do not want to
see decrease. For in truth we are not all saints nor equally well en-
dowed with self-control so that a sudden flash of gold and silver does
not immediately deceive us. Thus, as I have heard and regretted
more than once, the judges seek by every means possible to make
guilty whomever they want to be so. They confine her in tight chains,
they weaken her in the squalor of the prison, they subdue her with
cold and heat, they submit her to priests of the kind I described above,
namely rash or ignorant ones, or even former beggars who now are
servants of the inquisitors, they drag her in to the torture again and
again, and finally they harass and crush her until they force her
through so much misery into making a confession, whether it be true
or false. For there is no shortage of beautiful and convenient inven-
tions to justify ordering new tortures and hiding the light of one’s
conscience for a moment, even if new evidence has not been found,
as I will now discuss. Lest the judges shame me for my excessive ten-
derness and ignorance of criminal matters, I want to take their side
for a little while and instruct the less learned on how one may accom-
plish whatever one wishes with these inventions.
Question XXIII. Under what pretext does it appear that one may
repeat torture without any new evidence?
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92 cautio criminalis
i answer, there is not just one single pretext that judges with lax
consciences might use and in fact commonly do boldly use every-
where now. There are the following:
pretext i. Bartolo the Jurist, commenting on the law On In-
terrogations, 1ff., wants it to be left to the discretion of the judge
whether someone who has confessed to nothing in the initial round
of torture can be placed on the rack again. Baldus thinks the same
thing, in book 2, number 10, commenting on the last law of C. quod
metus causa. Paris de Puteo, Marsilius, Cataldus, Menochio, and
others think likewise, as Claro and Farinacci, question 38, number
87, relate.* This certainly suits the judges’ intent exceedingly well.
For they will say that they are following the opinion of Bartolo, Bal-
dus, and the other authorities cited, and they will opine that it is quite
legitimate to repeat the torture whenever they want. If you should
say that the judge’s ruling must nonetheless be in accordance with
the law, as the scholars rightly observe, they will answer that in
excepted crimes it is permitted to overstep the law. So their judg-
ment will always be very arbitrary, and none of them will ever be
brought to justice and punished, no matter how much he may exceed
the law.
pretext ii. Others teach that someone can be tortured again if
the first round was not sufficient, as Claro says, book 5, question 64.
However, what should be considered sufficient is left to the judge’s
discretion, says Delrio, book 5, section 9. Damhouder, Criminalium
Praxes, chapter 38,† and others say in many places (here the words
are those of Julio Claro from the passage cited), And in this case, when
they order that the accused be taken down from the first round of torture,
the judges usually have it recorded that they are ordering him to be taken
down with the intention of repeating it.
This also serves those lax judges very well, for whenever they
want they will say that the first round of torture was not sufficient,
since that is how they term all torture that does not wrench a con-
fession out of the accused, so this will be a general justification for
contriving lies. So let the accused be tortured; if he confesses that is
fine. If he does not confess, the torture was insufficient; have him
question xxiii 93
94 cautio criminalis
former times by the Apostolic See to Germany as inquisitors into
heretical depravity, will also help the preceding pretext tremen-
dously.* For these men expressly teach that a person not confessing
may be tortured frequently, though not by means of repetition but of
continuation. Their words state in part 3, question 14, page 513, If the
accused cannot be brought to terror or the truth, then he may be interro-
gated for a second or third day in a continuation of the torture, not a repe-
tition (because it may not be repeated unless new evidence arises). Then the
sentence must be read in his presence in the following manner: We, the afore-
mentioned judge, consign you, such and such, on such and such a day, to a
continuation of the questioning, so that the truth may be heard from your
own mouth. They thereby speak more loudly than clearly. Who
among these malevolent judges does not have an open door with this
to do whatever he wants? “ We are not repeating the torture,” they
say. “Far be it from us to do that without new and very strong
evidence, we will merely continue it on another day until the truth
shines bright. We know that it cannot be repeated; it is contrary to
the law and reason. We do not want to be so inhumane and cruel; we
will merely continue the torture. For we have learned that it may be
continued, and we follow authorities well versed in such matters, the-
ologians and regular clerics, discharging the public office of in-
quisitors throughout Germany.” This is how they defend themselves.
What should I say when religious men and priests can speak and jest
in this way in such a bitter matter? For this cruelty certainly seems
to me to be impiety, and I am beginning to fear, or rather have often
been afraid already, that these aforementioned inquisitors are bring-
ing the whole horde of witches to Germany with their ill-considered,
or rather, I should say, very well considered and divided up tortures.
pretext vi. There are some men who teach that if the accused
has committed so many offenses that one day is not sufficient to
* Johann Sprenger and Heinrich Kramer (Institoris) were theologians and inquisi-
tors from the Dominican order. In 1484 with the bull “Summis Desiderantes
Affectibus,” Pope Innocent VIII granted them extraordinary powers to prosecute
witches in Germany. Around 1486 Sprenger and Kramer published the Malleus
Maleficarum (The hammer of witches), which became probably the best known
witch-hunting manual, enjoying dozens of editions and reprintings until the late
seventeenth century. The first part of the Malleus argues that witchcraft is com-
mitted with the help of the devil, the second describes the various crimes of
witches and how they can be remedied, and the third part details how witches are
to be examined—through denunciations and torture—and executed.
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question xxiv 95
96 cautio criminalis
winter, since such a vacation after so many tortures is granted even
to ecclesiastical persons in some places nowadays. Meanwhile, while
you hold her there, continue to investigate and examine other witches,
arrest them and torture them. When they are no longer equal to the
torture, ask them about the first woman, whom you are still holding
in your dungeon, whether they saw her at a sabbath somewhere,
whether she taught them, whether she learned from them, or some-
thing of the kind. Certainly you will find some women out of whom
you can wring whatever you want, and who will agree on all the de-
tails that you or the torturer suggest to them as you are torturing
them, according to Question 20, Reasons 11 and 12, discussed above.
Then, however, as soon as you discover a new denunciation of this
kind against the prisoner, you will have discovered what I wanted to
teach you, namely new evidence. Accuse, threaten, press, harass, scold
her anew, and compel her either yourself or through her confessor
to admit that she is guilty after all. And if she does not give in, then
brazenly bring her in to torture again. If your conscience is still mut-
tering, do not worry, just say, “This is the procedure today.”
But if you still do not dare to do it, wait for a better opportunity.
For if you keep torturing more and more women all over the place,
then it will happen with no trouble at all that among so many one or
another will spontaneously name your prisoner when she is forced
to name some other witches, as she will have heard that the first one
has already been denounced. Therefore you now have the evidence
to torture her. This method will also serve to put back in prison
those who have perhaps already been released and have posted bail
lest they flee. For this is also the procedure today, and it is a very
beautiful discovery, so that in future no one will be unprofitably re-
leased from prison.
method ii. If you do not make any progress this way either,
then order that the woman who denounced the prisoner in the way
I just mentioned be confronted by the one she denounced. While
the denouncer is being led to the denounced, have a shameless tor-
turer threaten her with the sorts of punishments that await her un-
less she fully repeats in the presence of the denounced woman the
denunciation she made under torture. Threaten her yourself in the
same way. When they meet, charge the denounced women with
stubbornness and say that the woman who has been led in will con-
vince her to her face of her guilt and will put an end to any doubt
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question xxiv 97
about it. And conversely, ask the denouncer whether she stands by
her previous confession that she saw her at the coven, etc. She of
course will be afraid that if she does not stand by it, she will be led
back to even harsher torments, and therefore she will say that she
does. But even if she only does it with a fearful voice beginning with
a sigh, moreover with her head hanging, eyes downcast, and a bear-
ing that affirms that she lied completely against her will, even if the
woman she denounced is immediately ready to defend herself and
respond, ignore it all, break off any further hearing or examination,
order the denouncer to be led away and shout at the denounced
along with your men: Now finally she has openly been proven guilty,
therefore not only can she be led back to the torture, but even if she
endures it, she may nevertheless be condemned, since she is mani-
festly obstinate and has been proven guilty to her face. For this is
how judges speak today, that is, confronted and proven guilty to her face.
Since they immediately spread it among the people and report it to
the princes, everyone, even the doctors of theology consulted about
it, applauds these most unjust proceedings as being valid, even if
they have not studied these figures of speech closely and will not
study them. O Germany, what are you doing? Why should we not
inform our rulers and warn them? Repeatedly, when my friends read
this they stand astonished and ask, “How can this happen? Is this
really their procedure?” But I will bring in sworn witnesses who
have seen this practice with their own eyes and have inscribed it in
their memories (for the judges have not inscribed it in their tran-
scripts). And what will the princes say when I have also proven that
through such confrontations women have been convicted this way
because they were still denying their guilt, and consequently were
condemned as obstinate so that they could be burned alive? And
what will the great emperor say, if he hears that in his empire even
ecclesiastical persons have perished through the same sentence? But
more on this elsewhere.
method iii. Assume this endurance under torture to be itself
new and exceedingly strong evidence. Say that such great endurance
could not occur without witchcraft, and therefore this is new evi-
dence of the crime. Therefore order the bewitched to be exorcised,
or as some advise, transfer him to another fortress to have his place
and prison changed, and then once the sorcery has been expelled
though an exorcism or change of location, see anew what the torture
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98 cautio criminalis
can do. I will speak about this in more detail in the next question, so
that we may understand more clearly how some judges proceed in
this matter.
Question XXV. Whether the sorcery of silence provides new evi-
dence for new torture?
when someone resists the pain of their torments with the help
of evil arts, they call it the sorcery of silence, as is to be seen in
Sprenger’s Malleus Maleficarum, part 3, question 15, page 518, and
in Delrio, book 5, section 9. So today if a woman is tortured two or
three times yet confesses nothing, they immediately say that she is
using sorcery, that the devil is holding her tongue so that she cannot
confess. And so this in itself shows that she is guilty, and therefore
she may be exorcised and tortured again.
“Titia,” they say, “of course could not have endured two or three
rounds of such brutal torture unless she was a witch, for she could
not have done it except with diabolical or divine help.” I recently
heard these formulaic words from a priest who was still young and
ignorant, but I have heard them elsewhere more than once from
judges. Therefore it must be asked, are they correct?
i answer, not at all. These are the reasons.
reason i. In the first place I deny that Titia could not have en-
dured those two or three rounds of torture by natural means. A
human can bear many things naturally. How do the judges know that
these tortures are not among those things? Therefore, if a woman
keeps silent, they must not immediately say that she did it through
sorcery.
reason ii. Nevertheless, in order not to be too strict, I will even
concede that Titia could not have resisted these torments with her
own strength alone. Let it be so—this helps me even more, for I can
argue in this way: Titia could not have resisted the torture except
with divine or diabolical help. Doubtless then it was more severe
than could be borne naturally. However, if this is the case, then the
judges who ordered such torture were most unjust. However, if this
is the case, then the torture was most unjust and consequently, ac-
cording to every law, invalid and void. Therefore, it cannot be prej-
udicial to Titia, and no arguments against Titia can be deduced from
it. Therefore, Titia cannot be judged to be a witch from it, nor can
she be tortured anew. If she is tortured, however, she cannot be
burned alive as obstinate if she remains silent or as confessed if she
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question xxv 99
confesses, since her obstinacy and her confession are null. The legal
scholars uniformly teach this; look in Farinacci, question 38, num-
ber 78, citing Gomez, Gigas, Carrerius, Bursatus, Franciscus Per-
sonalis, and others. O Great Caesar, how many die every day and
will continue to die in this way in your Germany? But you do not
bear any blame in this; you wait for complaints from petitioners, so
that you may help them all.
reason iii. I will put the same argument another way. The
judges say that so far Titia seems to be a witch and can be tortured
again, because new evidence has been found. But what is this new
evidence? That she has used sorcery to resist the previous torture.
But how do they prove this? Because the torture was such that it could
not be resisted any other way. I grant this and therefore conclude
that the judges who imposed the kind of torments that could not be
resisted except through sorcery were completely unjust. Therefore
the judges finally have their new evidence because they were com-
pletely unjust, for if they had not been they would not have it. The
new evidence against Titia rests upon the unjustness of the judges;
take this away and they have nothing new against her. Even if you
put aside their unjustness, they still have nothing, since whatever is
built upon unjust and invalid torture is equally invalid and thus void.
So it is clear how foolishly—and indeed against their own case—
these unthinking people argue.
reason iv. Granted that Titia could not have stood up to those
torments without help from the devil or from God, why do they as-
sert that she did it with the devil’s help rather than God’s? Certainly
when Titia is tortured so cruelly, she is either truly innocent of the
crime with which she is burdened, or she is truly guilty. If the first,
what is more believable than God would help an innocent person
who is being tortured so cruelly? If the latter, then it is the devil rather
than God who is helping her. But the judge must not assume that it is
the devil who has done it and that Titia really is guilty since that is
what is in question here and they do not know the answer—that
is why they are looking for new evidence in the first place.
reason v. If the fact that Titia has confessed to nothing under
the most severe torture is the judges’ new evidence for her crimes,
then the most severe tortures were imposed upon her entirely in
vain and to no purpose. For what was the purpose? So that they
might fully know whether she was guilty or not? But they knew
equally well already (if they had wanted to) that she was guilty, for
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* Niobe turned to stone in grief after the gods Artemis and Apollo killed her six
sons and six daughters as punishment for her boasting that she had more children
than their mother Leto.
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They should finish the business they were conducting, namely inter-
rogating him and encouraging him to confess, and immediately be-
gin to discuss something else among themselves, something funny,
dealing with a completely different matter. Once they had done this
and the hanging suspect noticed that the storm of questions had sud-
denly stopped and they were discussing something completely dif-
ferent, he gradually opened his eyes in order to see what this change
meant and whether he should hope for a release from his suffering.
Immediately the priest, as if he had accomplished his goal, said,
Look, now we are speaking about other things, he wakes up. When it was
a matter of saying that he was guilty, he slept. Can we doubt that this is
sorcery? This villain could not have endured the pain unless the devil
numbed his senses. Therefore we should order some exorcisms and roll the
dice again later. Truly a wonderful deed and one worthy of a priest! If
it could be done without injury to his estate, that priest should be
led off to prison immediately and be exorcised twice with a rod by
the torturer, since he is possessed by a double spirit: Ignorance and
Cruelty.
As I am writing this, something else occurs to me, which I will
note in passing. In some places the torturer is permitted to drive out
the sorcery of silence, which we are discussing here, by supplying
some kind of potion—I do not know what it is. But I do know that
the accused have complained that after they drank it, they were con-
fused, as if they were surrounded or besieged in the middle of a
crowd of spirits. If they can be forced to admit they know the evil
arts at all, then it is only after they have drunk this potion. But let us
move on.
sign iii.They say that some, when they are hanging on the rack, do
not bleed after they have been cut with the rod. Several people recently
spoke this way. But this is not true either. Once again I will deny it
until sworn witnesses testify to it or I see it myself. And when I press
them, finally I squeeze out of them that they are actually saying that
not much blood flowed. Not much, then, is none for them. I think
they were hoping for showers of blood! But even if I should grant
that no blood flowed at all, what would that mean? It can be ex-
plained naturally. Doctors I consulted say that under such critical
conditions it can happen that the blood will flee from some extrem-
ities toward the heart, so that there is none that can flow out. For
who is unaware, except the completely ignorant, that everyday expe-
rience shows that out of terror alone or a similar reason blood stands
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* Van Oorschot reports that these two authorities are in Tanner, but Spee may well
have read Petrus Navarra himself as his citation is more accurate. Petrus Navarra,
De Ablatorum Restitutione in Foro (Leiden, 1593).
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torture is true, because all the details agree. For example, Sempro-
nia says under torture that three months ago she killed Titia’s cow
with witchcraft, and two years ago Gracchus’s baby, and so on. So
the judges investigate and learn that three months ago Titia’s cow
really did drop dead and two years ago Gracchus’s baby really did
waste away, etc. What then could be clearer than the absolute truth
of what she said under torture? However, this is what happens in
most cases, therefore whatever is said under torture is true. So say
the common people, and indeed, not only the common people, but
also many skilled judges, inquisitors, and princely advisers. I have
often heard them and then stood thunderstruck, since they do not
say this as a joke for the sake of argument, as I first thought, but seri-
ously. Their minds are completely convinced, as if by an infallible
proof, that Sempronia’s confession must necessarily be true. But
i answer, it is a extremely shortsighted to think that this is
thereby firmly proven and to be satisfied at that. For consider how
the case really is. Sempronia was not ignorant of whatever was well
known throughout her entire village, even to children, namely that
at such and such a time that cow died, that child wasted away, and
anything else that happened in the village. Therefore when the pain
forces her to tell of some witchcraft, she will say that she did the
things that she knows have happened. What is so incredible about
this? Indeed, article 60 of the Caroline Criminal Code very pru-
dently notes that interrogations are to be believed only if things are
said that no innocent person could say and know. But I ask you, could no
innocent person have known the things that were known to the en-
tire village? It must be said it is the same when some simpletons
argue that the suspects are completely guilty because they recounted
and knew everything that happened at a witches’ sabbath—who
nowadays has not heard such things ad nauseam? Are not the con-
fessions of all those to be executed usually read out in public before
the judge’s chair? I am quite amazed that even judicial personnel also
sometimes reason on this basis. Therefore I will repeat the irre-
futable argument which I have put many times already: if men so
destitute of judgment and of so little foresight preside over the pub-
lic courts and the princes’ councils, who will save us from this most
prudent of all fears, namely that the innocent will be badly cared for
when affairs are conducted according to the judgment of such men?
And what will happen if zeal and passion become the comrades of
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will perform the role of a comforter, in the spirit of the Son of God.
Therefore he should explain how the duty and intentions of priests
and secular judges differ—the latter are concerned with punishment
if the prisoner is guilty, the former with forgiveness; that therefore
they should not fear him, but rather completely open their soul to
him and relate whatever is troubling them; that they may deal with
him in complete confidence; that they should not distrust him or
suspect any kind of deception; that he will show them the same
affection that the most faithful father could ever have for his dearly
beloved children; that he is suffering with them and is enduring
their pain; that he is touched by an internal pain in his heart as if it
were his own trial; that if it could help them in any way he would not
hesitate to aid them with his own blood, and therefore it is painful
for him that this cannot be and he can only help their souls. And
now, he will of course seek this with every effort, and certainly he
will never desert them, but however things turn out he will be with
them to the very end. He will raise their spirits and give them hope
and strength lest they break down or are consumed by their abun-
dant sadness. Finally he will act so that they cannot complain that
they lacked any kind of consolation. For if he should offer them
these and similar things which express fidelity and apostolic spirit,
he will bind the accused to him marvelously, so they will allow them-
selves to be led wherever he wants as if by a cord or reins of love, just
as I myself have often experienced.
lesson xii. But he should render them especially certain, even
guaranteeing with the appropriate oath if necessary, that whatever
they say to him as a clergyman, even outside the confessional, not
the slightest word that is able to harm them or that they do not wish
will flow out to the judges of the external court.
lesson xiii. Rather it will help for him to have clearly stated
that whatever they discuss with him cannot harm them, even if they
are completely guilty, nor help them, even if they are completely
innocent. For he will not converse with judicial personnel in these
trials; they do not believe priests in these trials at all anyway or lis-
ten to them, but act according to their own laws and profession.
Therefore he can only intervene between the accused and God, and
whatever happens to the body, he can only effectively act so the soul
can be saved and reach the home of the saints, which, since the Son
of God purchased it once and for all time from his Father and
promised it to the penitent, can now by his law be reached by all sin-
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* Matthew 10:16: “Behold, I send you out as sheep in the midst of wolves; so be
wise as serpents and innocent as doves.”
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* De Iustitia et Iure.
† A reference to one of the works by the Saxon jurist Joachim Mynsinger von
Frundeck (1514–88).
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* All the authorities in this paragraph are probably taken from Farinacci.
† Francesco Bruni (1447–1508), Tractatus de Indiciis et Tortura (Venice, 1549).
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on the basis of an accusation alone if the accuser does not offer any
proof, similarly . . .
reason ii. Rumor supplies the judge with another method for
recognizing the truth, namely through an inquisition, as Lessius says
in De Iustitia & Iure, chapter 29, doubt 17, number 156.
reason iii. Rumor is evidence that is very far removed from the
deed and so can be extremely fallacious, as we experience every day,
as Claro says in the passage cited, and Farinacci, question 47, along
with those authors they cite. Farinacci writes: The evidence for torture
must not only be likely, weighty, pressing, and probable, but also certain,
clear, etc. See Question 32 above, where we said that there must
be such evidence as renders the matter virtually indubitable and as
certain.
i answer ii. But it is true that rumor alone does not suffice for
torture, so that today even in the crime of magic it cannot suffice
when joined with other evidence unless the other evidence suffices
in itself, since a rumor today may add no weight to it. This is against
the common opinion and current practice of all judges and rulers.
But we maintain what we said, and therefore are considerably
strengthened in our opinion regarding the great multitude of inno-
cent people who have been snatched away along with the guilty.
These are the reasons:
reason i. Today almost all rumors generally arise from quar-
rels, disputes, insults, slanders, false mistrust, rash judgments, sooth-
sayers’ prophecies, jealousy, children’s derision, or similar origins and
spread far and wide through an incredible desire to gossip and cause
harm, which the coercion of punishment cannot restrain. Therefore
right reason dictates that nothing of any substance can be based on
rumors, since they are ill founded. Again and again I am amazed when
I consider how we have fallen upon the most perverse times possi-
ble. Everywhere teems with slander and insults, so if anything unfa-
vorable happens to us, we immediately accuse these or those women
of bewitching us. We run to diviners, we burden honest people with
our suspicions, we secretly spread the poison of rash judgment. The
more harmful and wicked it is, the more secretly and safely it is done
while the prince sleeps. The hissing slithers through homes and
towns, joins up with other ones, then once they have gained force
little by little they break out in an open but false rumor. Yet the ruler
does not wake up to inquire into who broadcast this pestilent odor,
but rather at the din of false voices he arms himself, seeks, arrests,
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fact the accused expose them and reveal where the rumor first arose,
namely out of quarrels, or the shouting of boys whom they had
scolded, since they did not want to deal with them in court, or from
similar causes, when, I say, I warn them, they usually answer that
there is no other procedure today. For if they had to examine a
rumor so thoroughly, they could never conduct any trials. So they
themselves said. Therefore from their own mouths I can reach this
conclusion: if a rumor had to be legitimately proven today, then the
judges could not conduct trials, as they themselves admit. But the
judges do try suspects, therefore the rumor has not been legitimately
proven. Look, out of their own mouths they rule against themselves.
They conduct trials on the basis of a rumor which is nothing. They
try on the basis of evidence which is unproven, contrary what we
said toward the end of Question 32. What are these trials then? How
sacrosanct are the public courts now? How do they square it with
right reason when they conduct trials on unproven and invalid evi-
dence? Unless perhaps the judges think one can correctly infer that
because they must conduct trials, then because of this what previ-
ously lacked strength begins to be valid, and because of this what
was previously unproven is now proven. This is evil, ignorant, and
ridiculous. But it is worthy of tears, not laughter, since this is a mat-
ter of human blood. One should conclude in this way: a rumor not
legitimately proven is invalid evidence, therefore if we must conduct
trials, we must not do it on the basis of unproven rumors. Not, how-
ever, this way: we must conduct trials, therefore an invalid rumor is
valid, therefore it is right to try suspects on this foundation. I ask
you, where did the rumor get its sudden strength from? See what I
will say on a similar matter below, in Question 49, Argument 11.
Therefore,
If it is true (1) that when someone is tortured on the basis of the
illegitimate evidence of rumor, and even confesses to a crime and also
confirms his confession, then this may not be prejudicial to him, as
Farinacci teaches in question 47, number 10, and question 37, num-
ber 110, following Baldus, Marsilius, Menochio, and many others.
Moreover, if it is true (2) that a judge who tortures on the basis
of insufficient evidence sins gravely, then if he condemns someone,
he is a murderer and should be held to restitution, as Lessius teaches
in chapter 29, doubt 18.
Moreover, if it is true (3) that in this matter (the words are Del-
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* Odyssey, 17.109.
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* Isaiah 56:10: “His watchmen are blind, they are all without knowledge; they are
all dumb dogs, they cannot bark; dreaming, lying down, loving to slumber.”
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* Lustro means to purge or purify by sacrifice, but the deponent form, lustror,
means to frequent brothels, perhaps an intentional pun by Spee.
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:54 PM Page 140
that rumor did not spread for nothing. Something always remains;
once heard, a calumny cannot be removed from the people’s mem-
ory, but a rash suspicion will burst forth at the slightest opportunity,
and those worthless men whose services some inquisitors use in seek-
ing disreputable people will count those slandered to be among the
disreputable. For the people remember who has been defamed by
slander at some earlier time—that they were absolved, however, is
easily forgotten or is attributed to the favor and corruption of the
judge. There are examples of this every day. Meanwhile the people
who are arrested and tortured, when they are forced to denounce
someone, more readily denounce those who have already been de-
famed. So these are the most miserable times, for either you suffer
the calumny flung at you in silence, and because you remained silent
and did not dare to contradict it you begin to be guilty, or you do not
stay silent and you initiate a lawsuit, and thereby expose yourself even
further to everybody’s judgment and opinion. Therefore, what I said
at the beginning of this chapter is necessary, namely that by estab-
lishing punishments the ruler counteract of his own accord the slan-
der and defamation of his citizens before they occur. If not, then the
freedom to slander will continue on just as it has until now, and it
will be impossible for anyone to defend his innocence.
Question XXXVI. Whether a legitimately proven rumor alone is
sufficient for torture, at least when the crimes are excepted and dif-
ficult to prove?
many legal scholars and judges think so. For when Julio Claro,
following the common opinion, denies that rumor alone is sufficient
for torture, he adds an exception at the end in this way: It could also
be an offense so difficult to prove that rumor alone would suffice, as I have
seen on occasion. Farinacci follows Claro in question 47, number 11,
as does Menochio, De Praesumptionibus, book 1, question 89, num-
ber 34. Binsfeld also says in De Confessionibus Maleficorum, p. 288, the
judge must proceed more promptly and easily to torture in enormous and
secret crimes because what occurs in secret can be difficult to prove.
For this reason he adds that it results in this juridical proposition: In
clandestine and secret crimes, proofs through conjecture, which otherwise
would not suffice, do suffice because of the difficulty of the matter. Finally
he infers for the crime of witchcraft: From these reasons and others, who
can doubt that the witches’ crime can be investigated with torture on much
lighter arguments because it is the most secret of all crimes? From this he
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infer from the logic of the Gospels that we therefore need more sup-
port rather than less.
you will say that this is not the thrust of the argument which
the contrary opinion is based upon, rather it is this: witchcraft is the
most serious and harmful crime, therefore one may conclude that
it is enough to have seen the slightest shadow of witchcraft in order
to promptly run to help the tottering state with whatever means
possible.
i answer, I do not deny this conclusion completely, but limit it.
For it does follow that when the smallest shadow or suspicion of this
plague arises you should arm yourself to defend the state. However,
how you defend it, whether legally or illegally, rationally or irra-
tionally, is not irrelevant. You must help the state, I do not deny it,
but in a way that you do not struggle against reason, nor injure any-
one’s natural rights or the love common to all Christians. This will
indeed happen if you inflict such a huge and dangerous evil that
brings disgrace with it, like torture, upon your neighbor for flimsy
reasons and insist against the dictates of reason that the more seri-
ous the crime, the less evidence you need to accuse someone of it,
and the more hidden and secret it is, the more easily you may believe
that you have detected it and sufficiently proven it for torture.
reason vi. The contrary opinion overturns dialectics.* I will
show this in the following example. My opponents say that the tes-
timony of a dishonorable witness or an accomplice or partner in
crime does not suffice for torture, nor does it prove almost-fully. If,
however, the crime is excepted, or difficult to prove otherwise, such
testimony now suffices and provides valid proof for torture. I say this
is entirely contrary to dialectics and prove it this way: according to
all dialectics, testimony of this kind is called evidence “from author-
ity,” concerning which dialectics has this unshakable teaching: its
strength and weight depend on the authority of the witness, that is,
on his veracity in speaking, so his evidence has greater or lesser force
and strength as proof depending on how truthful we can prudently
presume him to be. For one cannot consider something to be more
or less proven because it is a matter of a greater or lesser crime,
excepted or non-excepted, secret or not secret, but rather because
the greater or lesser authority or veracity of the witness proves it.
book 5, section 9, in whose works whoever wishes can see the cita-
tions. Therefore by being tortured and not confessing, the woman
cleared herself. If she had cleared herself, then by what law was she
condemned? Her persistence in denying her guilt until death aided
her in clearing herself. For the final words that a person expresses
immediately before death have no small weight, as we will show a lit-
tle later on. Even if someone who denies their guilt through all their
tortures and even up to the stake could be guilty, nevertheless I say
that someone who did not confess under torture may not be con-
demned, in part because of what has been said, in part because it is
proper to choose the safer path and set ten guilty people free rather
than expose oneself to the danger of punishing one innocent person.
But even if everyone everywhere admits this axiom and, moreover,
boasts of it, nevertheless you will hardly find anyone who shows
through his own actions that he actually does what he says should be
done. I cannot sufficiently wonder how such great cruelty, which
I offered as an example, can be caused by a judge baptized in the
Christian faith, who carries some image of future life in his heart and
knows that he will appear in the presence of that Judge who will
exercise judgment even over idle words. I am even more amazed that
there can be such blindness in clergymen that they do not perceive
anything here, nor fear God. For recently another woman, since she
could not be conquered either by torture or by the incredible inso-
lence of the bungling priest (may God have mercy on me if I offend
this estate) and say that she was guilty, was for this very reason con-
signed living to the flames, as if she were obstinate. Even when he
stood by the innocent victim at the stake (for someone who cleared
herself through torture and was not convicted must be considered
innocent) that most troublesome priest did not cease, but by the
harshness of her imminent execution and the offer of the hope of
obtaining grace, finally induced her to break her silence with these
three words, I am guilty. Then he hurriedly responded with these
three words, I absolve you. He immediately rushed to the judge and
asked for some mitigation of her punishment because she had con-
fessed that she was guilty. But the indignant judge responded that
she should have confessed more quickly, so he stood by the sentence
and she was thrown into the flames alive. One cannot recount how
that priest then emphasized this same point everywhere to whom-
ever he approached: that no one accused of magic should ever be
believed if they deny the crime, since a woman who had stubbornly
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* Like all Catholic theologians, Jesuits were anxious to avoid the appearance of
novelty in their work. New opinions, particularly after the Protestant Reforma-
tion, were inherently suspicious.
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question xl 155
God in grace, the execution should have been postponed and she be
better and more fully prepared for at least a whole day and instructed
on the holy viaticum.* But the judge is bound to this in his conscience
so that he may not deny it. And if he had denied it, then it was for
the priest to entreat and, indeed, having referred to his Evangelical
authority, to utter the threat of Omnipotent God’s wrath and, with
the people as his witnesses, appeal to the prince. Look who are the
guardians of our souls! The rulers want to have such men and the
superiors of the religious orders provide them, yet they do not think
that they sin. What a wonderful state of affairs!
Question XL. Whether a retraction made at the place of execu-
tion of a crime previously confessed should be granted any weight?
current practice is that these sorts of retractions of a crime
committed either by oneself or by others and previously confessed
under torture and ratified are to be dismissed as having absolutely no
weight. The judges are influenced by arguments taken from Bins-
feld, page 274, and Delrio, book 5, section 5, but these do not clearly
support them, as will soon become clear. Thus
i answer that retractions of this kind, if they are made by repen-
tant people, which is for the prudent confessor to judge, should not
be considered to have no weight at all, but on the contrary very great
weight, especially if they say that others have been falsely indicted.
These are the reasons:
reason i. Nature dictates that a dying person is presumed to be
mindful of his salvation and therefore does not want to lie, as Siman-
cas writes following St. Chrysotom and others, and similarly Canon
Sancimus 1 q. 7 & gloss. in cap. litteras, likewise de praesumpt. Dd.
in l. ult. C. ad l. Iuliam repetundarum [C. 9, 27, 6]. Delrio weakens
that by granting it only to a mind unperturbed and well in command
of itself, and adds that not everyone about to die is a saint, especially
sorcerers. But I answer, not everyone about to die has a disturbed
mind or is a non-saint or sorcerer. This is the very thing that is being
examined now, namely that we should doubt somewhat and consider
further whether all who recant are sorcerers. Therefore one must
not put it this way: they are sorcerers therefore their retraction must
not be heard, but rather they are recanting at a time when they know
that they will soon be standing before the tribunal of eternity. It is
question xl 157
i answer. It is not rarely, but in fact often, the case that many
people are more clearheaded than previously when they see death
right before their eyes, and evidently to the extent that they do not
want to lie, and for this there is no need for reasoning nor great atten-
tiveness and peace of the soul. However this may be, judges there-
fore concede that when the minds of the condemned are not per-
turbed, at least then their retractions are to be granted great weight,
which is what we wanted to show. Although I fear that this will be of
little help to us, for the judges will perhaps say that if anyone recants
then this is itself a sign of a perturbed mind, and so everybody who
recanted was perturbed. We hope for gentler things.
argument ii. Usually the condemned will be disturbed and
perturbed at the final moment of their lives because they are being
harassed by the people whom they denounced or by people vigor-
ously admonishing them about the salvation of their soul. My oppo-
nents argue this way following Delrio, which turns out to be the
same as their first argument. But
i answer. The things which this argument assumes must be
denied. For first of all, how do the people denounced know that they
have been denounced by the suspect, so that they should want to
pressure him into a retraction? All the denunciations are kept in
records that still remain secret. So how are they going to know it? I
do not agree that if people have a guilty conscience and fear that
they have been indicted, then they will harass the condemned. For
clearly they, as is the nature of a bad conscience, will rather take care
not to come into the prisoners’ view or thoughts at this time, lest
perhaps they arouse either the judge’s or others’ suspicions, or the
prisoner’s memory of the suspect, by which it could happen that
motivated by penitence he could still denounce them before his
death even if he has not yet done so. But perhaps Delrio wanted to
hint at what is customary today and has not yet been punished by
any ruler as far as I know, namely that those who are present at the
suspects’ interrogation immediately blab all the denunciations to the
common people, by which it can happen that those who were de-
nounced learn that they have been accused. But however this may
be, it must still be denied that the denounced who know that they
have been accused harass and disturb the prisoners before their
death. For no one is admitted to the condemned after their sentence
is received except for the priest and the executioner. Therefore
unless those men have themselves been denounced or are employed
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question xl 159
their jurisdiction and the law while we have not studied them, as if
they were some kind of completely secret mysteries which no one
had ever cast their eyes upon except those whose profession had
brought them to them. Indeed, if the goodness of either their judg-
ment or their consciences necessarily kept them from the danger of
erring from the first moment they dealt with these cases, then it
would not be the case that we needed warnings and caution. But mat-
ters are different now, and I have noticed that the only way trials are
conducted is so that in the end the truth does not shine brightly
throughout Germany, but bonfires.
argument iv. The statement of a dying person is not sufficient
testimony to subject another to torture, neither in a homicide, nor
when a judge says that he imposed a false sentence, nor in the crime
of theft, nor in any other crimes, according to the common opinion
accepted in practice. Again the judges urge this from Delrio. Simi-
larly, therefore, the statement of a dying person is not sufficient tes-
timony for negating a confession made earlier, etc. But
i answer. This doctrine is derived from the law si in gravi, § 1ff.
ad SC. Syllanianum [D. 29, 5, 3, § 1ff.], where it is said that a
wounded person about to die should not be believed if he says that
he has been struck by Titius and this cannot be proven any other
way, concerning which text Bartolo has a lot to say. But even if that
is the case (for it is not our business to discuss that here—see Fari-
nacci, question 46), nevertheless it does not therefore follow that the
statement of a dying person does not constitute some presumption
and evidence that the matter should be considered further, which is
what we wanted to show and along with us the Caroline Code,
which in article 25 determines that the word of a dying person
does constitute evidence, which Binsfeld cites on page 277 as do
Stephanus Bertrandus and others, which suffices for us.* Certainly
Binsfeld himself on page 275 is forced to admit the conclusion that
even if a retraction such as we have been treating does not negate an
earlier confession in the external court, nevertheless it is of the
greatest significance to God and men when a person immediately
about to die exculpates and frees from blame those whom he has
* As a probabilist moral theologian, Spee merely has to show that his opinion is
supported by reputable authorities in order for it to be a safe and morally accept-
able course of action, not that it is the safest or the only acceptable course of
action.
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question xl 161
which they will be bound and cast alive into the fire if they waver at
the place either of judgment or of execution but then confess again
when they are tortured afterward. As events recently taught in sev-
eral cases, these were no empty threats. This same man dared to com-
mand the confessors themselves that if any women denied their crime
at the place of execution in the sacrament of reconciliation, they were
not to absolve them at all but abandon them to be burned alive. And
confessors of this kind were found who provided not only their labor
but also their ecclesiastical authority for lucre and dared to perform
this unworthy task under that wretched man. These men would say
very harshly to the accused in their standard formula that they could
in no way be saved unless they consistently confirmed until the very
end the confessions and denunciations they had made under torture.
Woe! what sort of a method is that? And what sort of punishments
will God give to the ruler who employs these officials? These are
truly grave crimes and yet this is justice, and the rulers are incited to
it and commended for it by the zealous!
you will say, the rulers are ignorant of these things and there-
fore they are excused; if they had known about them they certainly
would have punished them very severely.
i answer. I grant that they are ignorant—that it what I am
complaining about—but I completely deny that they are excused for
it. For they could have known all of these and similar things if only
they had wanted to. Why were they ignorant of them? I will show as
clearly as possible that they could have known.
All the rulers and their officials shout that the crime of magic is
completely hidden and creeps around in complete secrecy. Never-
theless our princes think this completely secret crime is not so hid-
den from them that they are unable to drag into the light an infinite
number of people guilty of this crime every day. They know and nar-
rate entire Iliads of crimes and plots which the witches carried out at
their secret sabbaths.* Yet if they can know these and similar things
that they claim are submerged in darkness, how is it that they do not
know about things that are carried out openly in the sight of their
people?
So the princes’ deeds will not stand before God, nor indeed be-
fore people, since it is difficult to cloak oneself in such implausible
* A reference to Homer’s epic account of the Trojan War, which abounds in grue-
some detail.
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rant men, who, whenever they learn that a woman has breathed her
last in prison, immediately judge that she was strangled by the devil,
and command that she be taken out under the gallows, as I myself
have seen more than once. Nevertheless our answer is the truest
one. These are the reasons.
reason i. It is the common rule of theologians and legal schol-
ars, derived from the law of nature itself, that everyone is to be pre-
sumed good as long as it is not sufficiently proven that they are evil.
Similarly, therefore, a natural death is to be presumed until it is suf-
ficiently shown to be otherwise.
reason ii. According to the law, when a person is found dead in
prison, the presumption is not against the dead person but against
the jailer, that is, the prison warden, namely that the prisoner had
been badly treated. See Damhouder, Criminalium Praxes, chapter 17,
and the laws he cites.
reason iii. There are always reasons here which support a nat-
ural and honorable death.
1. She was broken by tortures, concerning which Augustine said:
Even if they are not executed, frequently they die during or because of the
tortures themselves. The City of God, book 19, chapter 6.
2. She was tormented with shackles and chains.
3. She was weakened by the filth and horror of the prison.
4. It occurred through grief and sadness, which, if they can dry
out the bones of a man, according to the testimony of Scripture, can
all the more dry out the bones of a woman.*
5. She lacked any consolation. The priest, from whom she should
have been able to hope for it, was perhaps more troublesome to her
than the torturer.
Therefore, when a woman is found dead, unless there are ade-
quate signs to the contrary, it must be judged that her breath ceased
for these reasons, unless perhaps we are so ignorant or malign that
we do not think that so many evils heaped together could have suf-
ficed to smash one weak vessel, that is, to drive a female’s soul from
her crumbling and worn-out body. I will insert here what I learned
in this matter about two years ago when I was myself present in the
castle of a prince whom I will not name. I was sitting at the table of
* Proverbs 17:22: “A cheerful heart is a good medicine, but a downcast spirit dries
up the bones.”
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* Spee was himself the son of a nobleman and castle governor, so it is not surpris-
ing that he mixed in such company.
† A reference to the Delphic oracle, who as Apollo’s mouthpiece spoke the truth.
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:54 PM Page 165
the governor and said, “So that we might know with more certainty
those things which we are discussing for the sake of knowledge, I ask
that witnesses be sent from this table who can bring the certain truth
back to us in this matter. So that the cadaver can be inspected imme-
diately, they should accompany the torturer, since he is at hand, and
diligently examine it. This way we may be certain of how things really
are.” This pleased the governor so much that he wanted to be pre-
sent at the examination himself. Therefore they went off and soon
returned. They said, “In fact the matter is nothing other than that
the devil crushed his neck. It is completely broken, limp and weak so
that his head sways and nods in any direction. The other limbs are
whole and firm. The torturer revealed it to our eyes while we stood
by so that he could not deceive us.” “I myself,” said the governor,
“saw this with my own eyes. I am a witness so that proof does not
rest in the torturer alone.” The rest said the same, and now that all
doubt had been removed they all returned to their meal. I held myself
for a little while, then drinking up, I asked, “May I speak more freely
here among cups and friends?” “You may,” said the governor, and I
continued, “I greatly fear that if one is to philosophize in the way we
have been philosophizing here, then some evil spirit also broke our
parents’ necks, who we believed died honorably in their own beds.
Don’t we know that there was never a human corpse so completely
rigid and cold that its head did not droop and sway in all directions?
Have we never handled a corpse? Have we never seen one handled
by others, wrapped up, moved, and laid out in a coffin, so that we
could still be ignorant of such a clear thing? Well done, what a great
and clear proof of a broken neck! If that executioner and also others
everywhere (as one can judge, indeed as is already quite clear to me)
are accustomed to use this proof, and the most simple observers
affirm it, then, I ask, how many people over so many years have been
undeservedly disgraced?” [NB in margin] Once I had said this, I got
up and left. I learned that some days later the body was buried under
the gallows. But the judges and all those whom this matter concerns
should see how they allow the executioners to lead them around by
the nose, and how well they preserve their consciences, when they
think that they know everything and neglect the solicitude and care
that must be singular and exceptional in witch trials, as I stated above.
Many things come together in this case which the negligent judge
will have to answer for before the eternal Judge. For
I. A deceased person of this kind has not yet legitimately con-
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ture prevents him from lying, it is rightly said that his disrepute has
been removed, because the torture effects that he can be believed,
even if he is disreputable.
i answer that the difficulty is not resolved in this way either.
For if you should torture the witch so that she does not lie, will you
then attain this goal? She could lie just as well after the torture, and
how will you disprove those lies? Indeed, if you believe her after the
torture, then she will want to lie all the more. For she would be stu-
pid if she did not use this occasion to destroy another’s kingdom
rather than her own, when it is equally satisfactory to you whether
she names guilty people or innocent ones, since you are convinced
that she will speak the truth after torture, as she no doubt will have
learned from her teacher himself.
you will say ii. According to Binsfeld, page 306, one may infer
from positive law, as Philippus Cornéus, Philippus Francus, Petrus
de Ancharano, and Andreas Barbatius attest, and reason urges, that
disreputable witnesses may be admitted to testify. Therefore when
necessity demands it, this very law allows disreputable witnesses to
be admitted in excepted crimes, so that the truth does not remain
hidden to the detriment of many, etc. This is Binsfeld’s opinion.
i answer that I reject what this argument assumes, because rea-
son does not urge what Binsfeld says, but rather the opposite. We do
not follow the authors cited or any others, except insofar as they
offer proof. So not only does positive law reject the testimony of a
disreputable person, but natural law does too. However, so that you
may understand this better, I will make a distinction and say that
there can be two kinds of disreputable people. Some are of disrep-
utable life or morals, that is, criminals. The authors are to be under-
stood as referring to these people when they say that according
to positive law disreputable witnesses are to be rejected. There are
others who are of disreputable authority, or defamed and suspected of
lying and perjury. Since it is positive law that rejects those of the first
kind, it seems they can be admitted in excepted crimes and those
otherwise difficult to prove, since it is not inconsistent that a crimi-
nal can be truthful. But I say that those of the second kind must be
rejected absolutely in excepted and secret crimes also, since not only
does positive law absolutely reject these people, but natural law does
too. For even aside from any positive law, the authority of those who
are disreputable in this way is untrustworthy, or at least is thought
to be untrustworthy. However, when authority is untrustworthy,
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* “Unholden” was originally an old German term for spirits that harm people. By
Spee’s time the term had become synonymous with witches.
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* Hermann Goehausen, Processus Juridicus contra Sagas & Veneficos, Das ist: Recht-
licher Proceß wie man gegen Unholden und zauberische Personen verfahren soll . . .
( Judicial procedure against witches and sorcerers) (Rinteln, 1630). Goehausen
(1592–1632) was professor of law at the University of Rinteln. This work was
widely used by judges and lawyers as a handbook in witch trials. Although Goe-
hausen warned judges that they must protect the innocent, he granted them great
discretion in the repetition, duration, and severity of torture. Like many law fac-
ulties in Germany, Rinteln was often consulted to provide opinions in witch trials.
Rinteln was in general very harsh on accused witches. See Gerhard Schormann,
Hexenprozesse in Nordwestdeutschland (Hildesheim: Lax, 1977), 27–33, 42–44; and
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:54 PM Page 177
who can trick even the most prudent and cautious men, and similar
things. These words aim at annulling the confessor’s trust in the
prisoners, in case some of them reveal something to him by which
he might arrive at their innocence as if by following footprints. As
long as they are liars, perjurers, tricksters, and deceivers, they can-
not be believed at all. Only when it comes to naming their accom-
plices under torture do they immediately strip off their nature and,
suddenly bored with their arts, change from liars into truth tellers,
totally frank, sincere, without tricks, who accuse only witches and
the truly guilty and are indifferent toward the innocent. Terrific!
What a charming and merry matter! We do not have to fear any
deceit, there will be no more danger, they cannot lie any more. The
Ethiopian has changed his skin. Proceed, Inquisitors, seize those
denounced, there is no doubt they are guilty, tie them down and rack
them until they confess; if they do not want to, burn them alive as
obstinate, for they are guilty. The devil said it, and he said it under
torture. O Germany, what are you doing? The judges fear that apos-
tolic men who shall judge angels are deceived by witches yet they
do not fear that they themselves may be deceived.* They say that
witches, the worst of all deceivers, lie even in the sacrament of con-
fession, but only on the rack do they speak the truth, there they can-
not deceive. How perverse and ridiculous is this? I am amazed that
Germany’s rulers, surrounded by so many advisers and wise men,
have not yet noticed it. Why should the devil not do whatever he
pleases and savage whomever he wishes? Behold once again where
we get so many witches from!
you will say i. Judges do not conduct trials today on the basis
of denunciations alone, but only if other evidence also supports
them.
i answer. What you say here is false. For usually, or certainly
very frequently today, they try on the basis of denunciations alone. I
will prove it with this enthymeme:† most try on the basis of denun-
ciations and rumor, therefore they try on the basis of denunciations
alone. The antecedent is clear, since everywhere is completely full of
* 1 Corinthians 6:3: “Do you not know that we are to judge angels? How much
more, matters pertaining to this life!”
† An enthymeme is a less rigorous form of the syllogism often used in rhetoric in
which one of the premises is merely implied. Here it is “Rumors have no weight
for conducting trials.”
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:54 PM Page 180
certain, since her name was not retracted along with the others.
Therefore she must be punished all the more savagely if she should
deny it. There is danger in this matter on all sides, and I do not want
to spin it out any further, provided that it is clear that Titia can be
truly repentant yet, out of her fear of suffering torture again, leave
unrecanted false denunciations which she made earlier. Oh! how they
will all pay the penalty, not just judges but also judges’ confessors,
who do not pay attention to this and, despite being warned by my
clear words, not only do not use their intellect to investigate it but
gnash their teeth at being instructed!
reason ii. However penitent a denouncing witch may truly be,
and however infallibly that may be established, and however truth-
fully she may want to denounce others, nevertheless her denuncia-
tions may be no less deceptive because of the danger that the witches
are themselves being deceived. For it is well established, and even
granted by my adversaries, that witches are not always actually
transported to their covens and sabbaths but merely in their imagi-
nation alone. So when the devil arouses various phantasms either
himself or through the use of natural medications, they think that
they were, saw, and did what has never been seen or done anywhere.
This happens with them just as with those who are deluded in their
dreams by images and not real things. There are examples of this
which I will omit for the sake of brevity because they have been
spread around everywhere and noted. Indeed Tanner teaches in his
Theologia, book 1, disputation 5, question 6, doubt 7, that it is ex-
tremely credible that witches enjoy fantastical flights and sabbaths of
this sort more often than real ones. Once this is established, who
does not see that these reports are necessarily deceptive, however
sincerely the denouncers have repented and do not wish to deceive?
For how does the judge know whether these and those denouncers
are not of that class of witch who are deceived by the devil’s mere
phantasms and therefore think that they have been and seen where
they have not been and seen. They themselves cannot distinguish
with sufficient certainty between phantasms and real things. They
swear that they were where they were not. There are well-known
examples where people inquiring into these things were present
along with witnesses and kept witches of this kind secured with
leather straps in front of them. Nevertheless, often when the witches
had slept out their dreams, they insisted they had been at their sab-
baths and had done incredible things there. So they thought that
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 186
the sabbath, therefore Gaia really was at the sabbath. For how does
the judge know that the devil was not representing Gaia there per-
haps, so that Titia thought she was present when actually she was
very far away? Since there can be some difficulty in this matter, it
should be treated in more detail in the following Question.
Question XLVII. Whether the devil can represent innocent peo-
ple at witches’ sabbaths?
i answer, it seems so and indeed not only motionless people, as
some readily acknowledge, but also those dancing around with all
the others. These are the reasons:
reason i. Examples teach that it has happened. Therefore it can
happen. I know of a monastery where it happened and is related in
its records, as I will now recount. Many witches accused a particular
monk of this monastery of being seen at the sabbath. They also
named the person with whom he had danced, and moreover they
died steadfast in their accusation. Nevertheless the testimony of the
entire monastery affirmed that at the time he was supposedly there,
he was present with the other monks in the choir and actually en-
gaged in the divine office. Either the denouncers had lied (which I
consider is what usually happens), whether through the violence of
the torture, as is the usual case with innocent people, or through
malevolence, as is the case with guilty ones, or if they had not lied
(as the judges suppose), they took an image to be the thing itself. I
can name others, saintly men still living today and even princes whom
many have confessed to have seen at their dances. Other cases have
been publicized, which I shall omit because they are well known and
would merely fill up my pages, in which people who were also said
to have been seen at sabbaths not only were in another place at that
particular time but were also guarded by witnesses so they could not
have been absent.
reason ii. The devil can transform himself into an angel of
light, as Scripture testifies,* and there are examples of this every-
* 2 Corinthians 11:12–15: “For such men are false apostles, deceitful workmen,
disguising themselves as apostles of Christ. And no wonder, for even Satan dis-
guises himself as an angel of light. So it is not strange if his servants also disguise
themselves as servants of righteousness. Their end will correspond to their
needs.”
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* Job 2:7: “So Satan went forth from the presence of the Lord and smote Job with
severe boils from the soles of his feet to the crown of his head.”
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 191
will never be able to take it out again but rather will confess to every-
thing the inquisitors can think up. Here the third response given
above to the first argument, which you should reread, is relevant.
Therefore I often think to myself that the only reason we are not
all sorcerers is that torture has not yet touched us. Recently, while
drinking, a great prince’s inquisitor dared to boast with complete
truth that if the pope himself fell into his hands and tortures, he
would without doubt eventually confess that he was himself a sor-
cerer. Binsfeld would do the same, I would myself, all the rest of us
would too, with the exception of a few of the most hardy people.
Therefore this argument does not prevail at all. However reread, as
I have said, the third response given above to Argument 1.
argument v. If the devil can represent the innocent at witches’
sabbaths, he could also represent them in the form of murderers,
adulterers, or fornicators, since he greatly desires the ruin of all in-
nocent people. Therefore, whoever is accused of murder, banditry,
robbery, or adultery could deny the accusation and say he was free
from guilt because the devil had transformed himself, taken the
accused’s face, and performed the evil deeds himself, etc.
Binsfeld says that those who suffer from a pressing conscience or
frequent blinding passions cannot loosen the knot of this argument.
i answer that when Binsfeld completely passes over those who
are of our opinion as if they were suffering from blinding passions
and a pressing conscience, he does so without foundation. Mean-
while, if those who cannot untie this knot suffer from passions, we
certainly do not suffer from them, since we can untie it. For we say
that what he alleges is entirely dissimilar to our present case. I will
show it in this way. Let the reader pay attention and understand.
Let there be some place where at certain set times various ghosts
appear and portray marvelous tricks and various human inclinations.
However, if Sempronius then accuses Gracchus, claiming he ob-
served him committing a murder at that very time in that very place,
then any prudent judge could then doubt with sufficient reason
whether it really was Gracchus or merely an empty specter in his
place. Furthermore, the judge would act absurdly if he decided to
subject Gracchus to torture on this basis alone without any further
evidence. Yet it is the same in our case. For our adversaries previ-
ously said that the devil has set places and times at which he cele-
brates holidays, sabbaths, and dances with his witches. They also say
that he deceives the eyes of his lackeys with various representations
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who will be their daughter’s husband, who will be the first in the
family to die, and other questions of this sort which are all too com-
mon and well known, in which nevertheless the devil often deceives
them and persecutes innocent people with false evidence, as is well
established. I know a virtuous man, learned and pious, and of un-
common beauty, for whom a brazen woman—and a witch at that—
began to burn with an insane, lustful frenzy. Since she was not able
to obtain her desire by any method of temptation, she comforted
herself as best she could by receiving the devil as her concubine and
always in the form of that man, as she herself then confessed to
him—unless she deceived him in this too. So why can the devil rep-
resent innocents elsewhere but not at his sabbaths and rituals?
you will say, if it were permitted for the devil to represent the
innocent at sabbaths, then this would cause great harm to a third
party (as someone recently told me) and would flood the state with
much too great misfortune.
i answer i. Let this be so, but why are you convinced that God
does not permit those things which cause harm to a third party and
from which great misfortune floods the state? God permits the devil
to transport witches, to supply them with drugs for witchcraft, and
similar things, which none of my adversaries disputes. Do no mis-
fortunes arise from that? How ridiculous is this argument? There-
fore unless it is established some other way that God does not per-
mit representations of the innocent in those diabolical games, one
denies it in vain and without good judgment.
i answer ii. I deny what is assumed here. For what misfortune
will flood the state from those representations? Is it that innocent
people will be considered guilty? That they will be tortured? But I
answer that I deny that they are considered guilty and tortured by
wise and prudent judges, although I do grant this is the case with
imprudent and foolish ones. Beyond this, however, my adversaries
reason badly. They say that misfortune will befall the innocent peo-
ple represented at sabbaths, namely that they will be taken for guilty
and tortured. Therefore they presuppose that people represented in
this way will be regarded as guilty when this is the very thing in
question here, namely whether those represented in this way ought
to be regarded as guilty. So they are arguing in a circle. Why are
those seen at a sabbath validly considered guilty? Because God does
not permit the innocent to be represented there. Why, however,
does God not permit it? Because misfortune follows, since those
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above* from the Caroline Code that confessions made under torture
should not be believed unless what was said were things that no in-
nocent person could know or say. Why, I ask, are the transcripts not
inspected and examined to see whether everything said there by a
majority of the accused could not also have been said by innocent
people? For I will manifestly show that innocent people could have
said those things. Why do the princes do nothing to severely punish
judges who deserve death for trusting denunciations so rashly in a
capital crime against the express rule of the Imperial Code?
argument ii. It is the accepted judgment of all theologians, as
well as canon and civil lawyers, that we may not interrogate some-
one who has himself confessed about another’s conscience, and if he
is interrogated, then according to the law we may not conduct a trial
on this basis or believe him. But this rule does not prevent us from
making an exception in those crimes which are called excepted, in
which we must interrogate confessed criminals about accomplices
and believe them. Therefore their confessions create trust, otherwise
there would be no distinction between excepted and non-excepted
crimes. So writes Binsfeld on page 252.
i answer i. I deny that there would otherwise be no distinction
between excepted and non-excepted crimes. For this is the distinc-
tion: in excepted crimes there is no need to uphold in every regard
the usual method of conducting trials which the law prescribes for
other crimes. However, not only does the law forbid us to believe
accomplices who are by their nature mendacious, but nature does also,
from whose law there is no exception, unless further details and evi-
dence convince us that the suspects are not lying.
i answer ii. There are more excepted crimes than just witch-
craft. Therefore let what the objection states be true for those other
excepted crimes. If they want, my opponents can believe denuncia-
tions made by accomplices there. However, in the crime of witch-
craft alone I do not agree that they should believe them, because of
those particular reasons which I gave above, which one does not find
in the same way in other excepted crimes.
argument iii. One must rely upon and adhere to the rule until
it is shown that there is an exception or that the rule is wrong. But
the laws upon which we depend are just like rules and state that
one should rely upon sorcerers’ denunciations. Therefore . . . The
gated about killing and harming men and animals, which are lesser
crimes, then should one believe denunciations all the more when
interrogating witches about sabbaths, which involve greater crimes.
But
i answer Binsfeld rejects our distinction without reason.
For I. he relies on principles that do not hold up. He assumes as
his foundation that the greater the crime the interrogation is inves-
tigating, the more the denunciation can be trusted—a foundation
lacking any reason, as we showed above, in Question 37, Reason 6,
when we taught that the power of testimony depends not on the
matter testified to but on the testifier.
II. We have given oft-cited reasons why one cannot believe a
denunciation for the crime of witchcraft when witches speak about
their sabbaths, even if one can believe them when they name their
accomplices in other crimes. Consider these things once again so
that we may amply satisfy any objections.
argument iv. Sorcerers are brigands and, more than brigands,
they are conspirators with the devil, they are guilty of treason toward
the supreme majesty, they are sacrilegers, they are traitors toward
their country, they are heretics, etc. But we may believe brigands,
conspirators, those guilty of treason, sacrilegers, traitors, heretics,
etc., when they testify against their accomplices, therefore we should
believe sorcerers too. Binsfeld again, pages 254ff.
i answer that the case is not the same with sorcerers as with
others. Particular reasons have been given above why we must not
believe witches even if we may believe the others, namely because of
their special malice, mendacious nature, and the presumption of
deceit peculiar to that crime because of its various illusions and
uncertainties. Consequently it is not correct to reason from those
other cases to witches, and Binsfeld’s enthusiasm here is groundless,
unless he can offer more solid arguments.
argument v. We must believe those who speak the truth, other-
wise trust among people will perish. But generally partners in this
crime speak the truth when denouncing their accomplices, as is clear
from experience and from witch trials. Therefore . . . Again Binsfeld,
page 257.
i answer by conceding the major premise but reject the minor
premise as completely false—and that is what is being examined
and disputed here, therefore it must be proven, not assumed. I
deny precisely that which he says is clear from experience and from
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truly were witches, or they were innocent people who were com-
pelled by the violence of their tortures to name others in order to
escape them. Whichever it was, it is not astonishing. For
if they truly were witches,
1. Many could have maliciously conspired together against an-
other woman, so that if they fell into the authorities’ hands their
accusations would agree in all the details and they would drag her
with them into ruin, as has been narrated in several examples which
I shall skip over for the sake of brevity.
2. The devil could, as we said above, have represented an inno-
cent woman at sabbaths. Since many witches assemble there, as they
themselves say, many could have seen her and named her along with
the same details regarding the time and place and so on.
3. The devil could have suggested, incited, or ordered them in-
dividually to accuse those whom he indicated and to add those
details as well.
if they really were not witches, then it is not astonishing either,
because
1. Where many prisoners are tortured and interrogated, noth-
ing is more likely than that several prisoners will attack the same
person by chance, especially if very few people still remain in the vil-
lage who have not yet been denounced and burned.
2. Since innocent women do not know any witches, most of them
usually name women about whom there is some widespread rumor,
or those who have been jailed on that charge once already or burned.
3. It happens now, as we see every day and was well noted by
Tanner, that court officials frequently do not maintain secrecy if
someone has been named, but spread it among the common people.
Therefore, in order to free themselves from their pain, those tor-
tured name these same women.
Certainly the rulers can in no way be excused in their consciences
when they do not rectify this matter. Where I live, several women
recently denounced by various people are already known almost
throughout the entire city. Their names are spread around while the
rumor grows. In a year a trial will be conducted on the basis of this
rumor. Oh what times! This is Germany’s zeal.
4. But some malevolent men, as I taught above, inquire about
particular people by name during torture. How then is it remarkable
if many prisoners accuse those whose names are put in their mouths?
Reread what I said above.
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* In his Summa Theologiae St. Thomas Aquinas specified that wine which had
turned to vinegar could not be used in the sacrament of the Eucharist (3a, q. 74,
a. 5, ad 2). The moral theology lectures delivered by Spee’s former student and
published as Theologia Moralis Explicata state, “He [the priest] who consecrates
wine which is not from grapes or has changed into vinegar . . . sins mortally. The
reason: because it does nothing as the Roman Missal teaches regarding defects
occurring in the celebration of the mass.” Theologia Moralis Explicata, ed. Helmut
Weber (Trier: Spee Buchverlag, 1996), 276.
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 210
theless such testimony has been accepted in this way under Church
princes.
[NB in margin] VII. It occurs to me here to wonder whether a
Catholic priest in a case in which he had been accused of magic on
the basis of such testimonies but cleared himself through two, three,
and even four rounds of torture should nevertheless have been con-
signed living to the flames and called with that good old phrase
“obstinate and impenitent” because he rejected that great testi-
mony? And what if, on the very day of his death, he was judged by
his confessor to be truly penitent and with great reverence estab-
lished his innocence before the sacrament of the venerable altar?
What if he called out to his present and future Judge on the basis of
his word or Gospel? What if he appealed to that witness, that he had
endured those otherwise intolerable tortures until now so that the
priestly name not be branded with shame? What if, about to hear his
sentence, he repeated the same protestation to the bench of the law
and vehemently urged the judges not to condemn a priest of god
who had neither been convicted nor confessed to the crime and
thereby bring great contempt upon religion? What if he repeated
the same words to the people at his place of execution with the same
sense of piety and moving speech, which stirred their souls so deeply
that all groaned and broke out in tears, even the heretics who were
present? Does such grand testimony still hold its course and strength
through all these storms? And what if while denying the crime of
magic, he nevertheless confessed to other crimes through the vio-
lence of his torments —can he be condemned for them, when he had
not been accused of them in the first place and therefore had not
been legally examined nor made a legal confession? Certainly such
occasions could arise, so in any event it would be good to know
what we should think in such a case. But more about this elsewhere
perhaps.
What now remains is that it seems ridiculous to me to imagine
that we have many witches in Germany when we conduct trials in
this way, especially since many judges rush not only to arrest and
torture on the evidence of multiple denunciations made by witches
but also to condemn, following too closely the authors Delrio cites
who hold that many denunciations of this kind constitute full proof.
I hear that judges have even been found who want to arrest and tor-
ture on the testimony of the possessed.
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* Casuists are moral theologians who examine cases of conscience by taking the
particular circumstances into account. Spee was strongly influenced by the Ger-
man Jesuit moral theologian Paul Laymann.
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 213
question l 213
reason iv. The judge must follow the safer interpretation ac-
cording to cap. ad audientiam, & c. significasti 2 de Homicidio.*
you will say i. Binsfeld proclaims that this way will not purge
the state.
i answer that he proclaims it without reason, for you will eas-
ily gather from what I have said that if we grant denunciations such
weight, then the opposite will happen and the wheat rather than the
weeds will be endangered. For evidently if purging the state means
starting out along such a dangerous path for annihilating the guilty,
then who, even the most innocent, can be safe?
All the inquisitors shout that the crime of magic is completely
hidden. I ask you, however, how hidden is it if we can so easily per-
ceive it that there is no other crime in the world for which so many
criminals have been brought to light and continue to be daily, as my
adversaries themselves think?
you will say ii. Indeed the first opinion is milder with respect
to those denounced, but the other one is more useful with respect
to the state and public good if it helps the courts and facilitates the
path to execution. Thus writes Professor Goehausen of Rinteln in
his book on witch trials, page 151, cited above. But
i answer. First of all, our opinion is both milder and more use-
ful with respect to those denounced, those denouncing them, and
the state. For it snatches the one denounced out of jeopardy, it reme-
dies the denouncer’s desire for malice and ill will, and it prevents the
state being devastated. It tolerates a few guilty people in order not
to expose many innocent people to mortal danger. Next, the reason
offered as an objection in support of the contrary opinion, namely
that it will thereby help the courts, etc., does not prove that it is
more useful to the state but, on the contrary, more harmful. For to
help the courts and facilitate such harsh executions through frivo-
lous evidence, that is, through completely false testimony resting
upon the veracity of mendacious witches, is as harmful to the state
as those great evils which can follow from conducting these trials
thoughtlessly, as I said above, in Question 8, Reason 3.
you will say iii. A judge who spares the evil harms the good.
Those who allow many to be slain in order to spare one are cruel,
etc., as this same Rintelner professor writes, page 153. But
i answer. That is true, but it is irrelevant. For first of all, who-
question li 215
neither evidence nor proof, and they do not dare in good conscience
to undertake anything without good cause.
5. Meanwhile they are admonished two or three times to begin
the trials. The common people shout that this delay is itself not with-
out suspicion. So, advised by I know not whom, the princes convince
themselves of virtually the same thing.
6. In Germany it is a serious matter to offend the princes and
not obey them immediately. Most people, even clergymen, exces-
sively approve of almost anything as long as it pleases the princes,
nor do they notice who is often inciting the princes, however much
the princes themselves may have the best nature possible.
7. Therefore the judges finally accede to the princes’ will and at
last find some way to begin the trials.
8. If the judges still delay and abhor dealing with such a perilous
matter, then a specially appointed inquisitor is sent. If he brings with
him a certain inexperience or passion, as is normal in human affairs,
it changes its complexion and name in this matter and becomes noth-
ing other than pure justice and zeal, which no doubt his hope for
monetary gain does not diminish, particularly in a rather poor and
greedy man who has a family full of children, when a bounty of sev-
eral thalers has been arranged for him for every criminal he burns,
in addition to the incidental monies and contributions that inquisi-
tors may liberally extract from the peasants, as I mentioned above.
9. So if the possessed should say anything, or if the malign and
spurious (for it is never proven) rumor of the day falls heavily upon
some poor, common Gaia, then she is the first.
10. Lest they should appear to try her on the basis of the rumor
alone without any other evidence, as they call it, look! suddenly
some evidence is at hand by means of this dilemma: either Gaia led
an evil and immoral life or a good and virtuous one. If evil, then they
say that is strong evidence, for from evil to evil is an easy assump-
tion. If, however, it was a good life, then this is equally strong evi-
dence, for they say that is the way witches cover themselves, for they
usually try to appear to be especially virtuous.
11. Gaia is ordered to be taken to the prison, and look! more evi-
dence comes from this dilemma: either she now shows that she is
afraid, or she does not. If she shows fear (and naturally so since she
has heard what severe tortures are normally used in these matters),
then this is evidence because they say that her conscience is accus-
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 216
question li 217
19. However, before he tortures her, the torturer leads her aside.
So that she may not strengthen herself against the pain with some
kind of magic charm, he shaves and searches her entire body—even
that part by which her sex shows is most impudently searched. Of
course to this day nothing has ever been found.
20. But why not do that to a woman when it is also done to
consecrated priests, even by the inquisitors and ecclesiastical offi-
cials of Church princes? For German judges do not consider the
brute thunderbolts which the bull Coena casts at those people who
try clerics without the special and specific permission of the Apos-
tolic Chair. But the inquisitors make sure that the most pious princes,
those most obedient to the Roman See, learn nothing and thus do
not rein in the trials.
21. Once Gaia has been searched and shaved, she is tortured so
that she recounts the truth, that is, she simply pronounces herself to
be guilty. Whatever else she might say is not the truth, nor can it be.
22. However, they subject her to torture of the first kind, that is,
the more mild kind, which one should understand this way: it is
actually very severe, but it is mild in comparison with the following
kinds. Therefore, if she confesses they say and circulate that she
confessed without torture.
23. Who among the princes and others who hear this would not
think that she is most certainly guilty, since she admitted of her own
accord without torture that she is guilty?
24. After this confession she is executed without a thought. She
is executed even if she did not confess, for once the torture has begun
then the die has been cast, she can no longer escape, she must die.
25. So either she confesses or she does not. Whatever happens,
she is done for in either case. If she confesses, the matter is clear, as
I said, and she is executed. Any retraction is made completely in
vain, as we showed above. If she does not confess, then the torture
is repeated two, three, or four times. Whatever the judges want is
permitted. For there is no rule governing the duration, severity, or
repetition of torture in excepted crimes. The judges do not think
that they have committed any sin here which they will have to con-
front in the court of their own conscience.
26. Should Gaia in her torment roll her eyes in agony or stare,
then this is new evidence. If she rolls her eyes, look! they say, she is
searching for her concubine! If she stares, look! they say, she has
already found him, she is looking at him. But if she does not break
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 218
* I.e., are threatening. Bulls that were dangerous had their horns tied with straw.
Horace, Sermons, 1.4.34.
† I.e., are shrewd and experienced.
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 219
question li 219
question li 221
* Isaiah 56:10: “His watchmen are blind, they are all without knowledge; they are
all dumb dogs, they cannot bark; dreaming, lying down, loving to slumber.”
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 223
Appendix
What can torture and denunciations achieve?
appendix 225
* Baronio’s massive Annales Ecclesiastici was a history of the Church until the year
1198. Sulpitius Severus (c. 363–c. 420) was a Gallic Christian whose Historia Sacra
or Chronica chronicled world history from the creation.
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 226
THE END.
Hellyer text 4/14/03 12:55 PM Page 227
SOLEMN DECLARATION.
index
Abraham, 45 Cautio Criminalis: publication of, xiii–
Aelian, Claudius, 73 xiv; translations of, xxxii, xxxiii, 221
Alme, xvi charity, xxix, xxxi, 60–61, 69, 128, 146
Athanasius, Saint, 36–38 Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 74
Augustine, Saint, 46; City of God, 106, Claro, Julio, xx, 59, 75, 88, 92, 128–
108, 163 29, 132–33, 134, 141, 144, 149
authority, 147–48; disreputable, 173– Cologne, vii, viii–ix, xiv, xv; electorate
78; intrinsic and extrinsic, xxvii, 27 of, xxii; University of, xiv
Auxerre, Council of, 118 confessions (judicial): condemnation
without, 150–55; congruence of,
Balve, xvi 110–11, 202–3; invalid, 65; reliabil-
Bamberg, vii, xvi ity of, 106–12; retractions of, 124–
Baronio, Cesare, 223–26 26. See also denunciations
Bavaria, opposition to witch trials in, confessions (sacramental), confiden-
xxi, xxiii tiality of, 119–20
Baving, Hermann, xiii confessors, xxxi, 183; abusive, 68–72,
Binsfeld, Bishop Peter, xv, xx, xxi, 26 n; 116, 118; assisting in torture, 72,
Tractatus de Confessionibus, 21, 26, 103, 117; corrupt, 33, 69; haughty,
36–38, 41, 42, 83, 136, 141–42, 144, 53; ignorant, 70–71; indiscrete, 120–
145, 155, 159, 167, 170, 172, 173, 23; lessons for, 113–26; patience
175, 189–202, 208, 213 required of, 70; prudent, 118–19;
Bodin, Jean, 15 troublesome, 153–55, 218
Bruni, Francesco, 130 confiscations, 55
Büren, xvi Corpus Iuris Civilis, xxi; citations of, 19,
Busenbaum, Hermann, xii 59, 64, 69, 73, 79, 86, 87, 93, 129,
142, 155, 159, 200
Calepino, Ambrogio, 35 Cosmas and Damian, Saints, 37
Canon Episcopi, 15 Cyprian, Saint, 37–38
Caroline Criminal Code (Carolina),
xix, 3, 55, 64, 79, 109, 156, 158, Damhouder, Joost, 92, 128, 163
159, 171, 172, 199, 200; inadequacy Damian. See Cosmas and Damian,
of, 56 Saints
casuistry, xii, 212. See also moral theol- Daniel, Book of: story of Susanna, 18,
ogy; probabilism 36
Hellyer index & series 4/14/03 12:56 PM Page 230
230 index
deaths in custody, 162–67, 218 exorcism, 97, 99–100, 103, 139–40,
Delphic Oracle, 164 n 219
Delrio, Martin, 15; Disquisitiones
Magicarum, xx, xxvi, 18, 26, 37, 38, Farinacci, Prosper, xx; Praxis et Theor-
41, 42, 56, 64, 83, 86, 87, 92, 95, ica Criminalis, 20, 59, 65, 75, 86,
117, 134, 135–36, 137, 143, 152–53, 87–89, 92, 93, 99, 129–30, 133, 134,
155–57, 167, 170, 172, 176, 189–90, 135, 141–42, 145, 151, 152, 159
208 Ferdinand II, Emperor, 57
denunciations, xix, 170–87, 198–214, Frankfurt, xiv
219–20; as Satan’s weapon, 178–79, Fulda, x, xv
183–84; confirmed by confessions,
204; convictions impossible with- Germany: blindness of, 83; excessive
out, 208–10; role in trials, xxiv–xxv. credulity of, 16–18
See also confessions (judicial) Goehausen, Hermann, 176–77, 205,
de Soto, Dominico, 21 213
devil, xvii–xviii, xxx, 24, 35, 37–38, 40, Gronaeus, Johannes, xiv, 4
59, 98–99, 103, 108, 148, 154, 171–
72, 178–80, 182–84, 197, 203, 205– heretic, 45–46
6, 210, 220; deceiving at sabbaths, Hippolitus, 145
185–98; mark of, 167–70; murder- Homer: Iliad, 161; Odyssey, 137
ing prisoners, 162–67, 218 Horace: Sermons, 218 n
disputations, xxix–xxx
Ignatius of Loyola, viii
emperor, appeals to, 67, 132. See also Imperial Chamber Court, 3
Ferdinand II In Coena Domini (Papal Bull), 61, 217
enthymeme, 179, 205. See also Index of Forbidden Books, xiv
syllogism Ingolstadt, University of, 40
Eucharist, 71, 209; viaticum, 155 innocence: impossibility of proving,
evidence, 179–80; assessment of, 130– 84; judges’ disregard for, 54; pre-
32; from authority, 147–48; cate- sumption of, 46, 53–54, 65, 68–72
gories of, 128–29; from enemies, inquisitors. See judges
174–75; invention of, 95–98, 219; Iordanaeus, Ioannes, 170 n
for secret crimes, 144–50; for tor- irregularity, 72, 117, 122
ture, 87–88, 129, 136–37, 142–43. Isaiah (Prophet), xxx
See also rumors Italians, skepticism of witch trials, 52
excepted crime (crimen exceptum), xix,
18–19; evidence in, 141–44; greater Jesuits, viii, 219 n
care needed with, 23–28; harsher Jesus Christ, 16, 22, 44, 45, 48, 114; as
torture used in, 75–77; lawyers per- advocate, 29
mitted in, 58–62, 63; method of try- John Damascene, Saint, 23
ing, 19–20 John the Baptist, 70
executioners, 169; authority of, 164; judges, 130–32, 181–83; applying
excessive influence of, 78–79, 81– excessive torture, 77–78; corrupt,
82; making suggestions, 81–82, 110, 40; future punishment of, 137, 185;
219; themselves executed, 41 ignoring the defense, 65–66; inexpe-
Hellyer index & series 4/14/03 12:56 PM Page 231
index 231
rienced, 53; lax consciences of, Mynsinger von Frundeck, Joachim,
79–81; lust for torture, 89; making 129, 130
suggestions, 80–82, 162; necessary
attributes of, 52; poor character of, natural law, xxvii, xxxii, 19, 173–75,
41; poor judgment of, 109, 168, 180; defense permitted by, 59–61,
178–79; swindling, 55; themselves 63
executed as witches, 40; unwilling to Navarra, Petrus, 107
acquit, 90–91; wicked, 137, 160–61 Nero, Emperor, 223–26
Justina, 37 Nickel, Goswin, xiv
Juvenal: Satires, 223–24 Niobe, myth of, 102
232 index
Roestius, Peter, xiv Suetonius, 223
Rome, fire of, 223 Sulpitius Severus, 223, 225
Ross, Balthasar, 40 superstition, as source of witches,
rumors, 215, 220–21; as evidence, 16–17
xxiv–xxv, 132–38, 141–44; in syllogism, xxvii–xviii, 112–13, 206–7.
excepted crimes, 141–44; unproven, See also logic
138 Sylvanus, Bishop, 36–38
Rüthen, xvi
Tacitus, Cornelius: Annals, 223–24
sabbaths, xviii, 15, 79, 80–81, 109, Tanner, Adam, xxi, 22 n, 64; opposi-
110, 198, 200–201, 203, 205, 212; tion to, 31; threats against, 33–34,
imaginary, 185–86; witches deceived 131; Universa Theologia Scholastica,
at, 26, 38, 187–98 xiii, xxi, xxii, 22, 24, 26, 38, 39, 44–
Satan. See devil 47, 56, 59, 63, 71, 90, 95, 124, 130,
Sattler, Gottfried, 40 152 n, 156, 170–71, 174–75, 181,
Schönborn, Archbishop Johann 185, 208, 209, 213 n
Philipp von, xv, xxxii Terence, 78
scriptural citations: Gen., 45; Exod., testimony. See evidence
16, 21; Job, 104 n; Ps., 5, 36; Prov., theologians, naïve, 49–50, 192
124, 163; Eccles., 5, 71; Isa., 115 n, Thirty Years’ War, xv
138 n, 222 n; Ezek., 139; Dan., 3, Thomas Aquinas, Saint, 46, 209 n
18; Amos, 85; Matt., 23 n, 45, 115 n, Thomasius, Christian, xxxiii
121 n; Luke, 115 n; John, 23, 197; Tolosanus, Petrus Gregorius, 75
Rom., 21; 1 Cor., 36, 121, 124, torture, xviii–xix, 217–19; banishing
179 n; 2 Cor., 115 n, 187 n, 197; 1 disrepute, 172–73, 175–76; causing
Tim., 115 n; 2 Pet., 36; 1 John, 29 n moral danger, 72–86; eliciting false
Seneca: De beneficiis, 13 confessions, 74–75; following
shaving of suspects, 127–28, 217 retractions, 160–61; harsher in
slander, 50, 133–34, 138–41 excepted crimes, 75–78; inability to
Society of Jesus. See Jesuits reveal truth, 104–6; invalid, 98–100,
Sodomites, 45 152; irresistibility of, 83–84, 107–8;
sorcery of silence, 98–101; supposed numbness during, 104; pretexts for
signs of, 101–4 repeating, 91–95; repetition of, 86–
Spaniards, skepticism of witch trials, 90; Spee’s limits on, xxiv; used with-
52 out distinction, 78
Spee, Friedrich (von Langenfeld), ix; torturers. See executioners
biography of, viii–xv; doubts on Tricoronatum college, viii, xii
existence of witches, xxiii; experi- Trier, x, xiv–xv, xx
ence of witch trials, xv–xvi, xxvi;
Güldenes Tugendbuch, xi, xiv; hymns, Virgil: Aeneid, 208
xi; identified as author of Cautio virtue, 16
Criminalis, xiii, xxxiii; Trutz-Nachti- Vitelleschi, Muzio, x
gall, xi, xiv
Speyer, x, xi Wesenbeck, Matthaeus, 86
stigmata, xxii–xxviii, 42, 167–70 Westphalia, Duchy of, xvi
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Weyer, Johann, xxiii rect, 25–26; innocent people in, 36–
witchcraft: ineradicability of, 21; 42; irresistible spread of, 52; need
learned conceptions of, xvii–xviii; for new procedure in, 56–57; nega-
number of executions for, xvi–xvii; tive effects of, 23–24; opposition to,
princes’ responsibilities in, 30–31; xx–xxii; proper precautions in, 52–
type of crime, 18–19, 201 58; skeptics in, 26, 39; twofold
witches: credibility of, xxv; deceived method in, 42–44; unjust, 43
by devil, 185–87; existence of, 15– Wittelsbach, Archbishop Ferdinand
16; source of, 16–18 von, xvi, xxii
witches’ mark. See stigmata women: abuse of, 68; fragility of, 75;
witch trials: book on, 26 n; by water, testimony of, 174; type tried, 24
42; dangers in, 72–86; defense Worms, x
ignored in, 65–66; disgrace caused Würzburg, vii, xv, xvi; University of, x
by, 44; end of, xxxii; inability to cor-
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