Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1
implemented.
Those
from
the
Iberian
Peninsula
were
known
as
los
peninsulares,
the
Spanish-‐descended
Guatemalan-‐born
were
known
as
los
criollos,
then
there
were
los
mestizos
who
were
half-‐Indigenous
and
half-‐Spanish,
and
then
los
indios
was
used
to
refer
to
the
Indigenous
people
themselves.
(Carey
251)
Social
Situation
of
Kaqchikel
Mayan
There
is
still
a
great
deal
of
stigma
harbored
towards
people
of
indigenous
descent,
though
much
of
it
is
likely
internalized
micro-‐aggression
like
here
in
the
U.S.
Common
cultural
slurs
in
Guatemala
are
“indio”
or
“ixto”.
The
first
of
which
is
nearly
the
equivalent
of
the
use
of
the
word
“nigger”
while
the
second
more
closely
mirrors
the
use
of
the
word
“fag,”
although
it
means
“stupid
indian.”
Though
the
words
are
nearly
never
used
to
refer
to
people
of
indigenous
descent
themselves
(except
for
blatant
racists),
they
are
used
in
their
presence.
This
is
a
particularly
interesting
case
of
diglossia
because
it
lowers
the
Kaqchikel
language
by
positioning
it
in
such
a
crude
way,
and
it
demeans
the
culture
itself,
regardless
of
whether
or
not
the
slurs
are
directed
at
the
people
of
that
culture.
More
often
than
not,
it
is
used
in-‐group:
from
Ladinos
towards
other
Ladinos,
as
if
being
an
indigenous
person
is
an
insult.
The
opposite
is
true
of
the
Kaqchikel
people.
They
have
slurs
like
“q’eqawinäq”
and
“m’os”
both
of
which
are
used
to
refer
to
Spaniards/Ladinos.
This
use
is
similar
to
the
use
of
“gringo”
by
Mexican-‐Americans
towards
Whites.
Unlike
the
Ladinos
using
“indio”
or
“ixto”
to
lower
someone
of
their
own
culture,
the
Kaqchikel
people
mostly
use
their
slurs
to
demean
the
Spaniards.
The
1824
Guatemala
Constituent
Congress
passed
a
resolution
saying
that
the
State
“should
have
one
unifying
language…
[because]
Those
still
used
by
Indians
are
so
diverse,
incomplete,
and
imperfect,
and
are
not
sufficient
to
enlighten
the
people…”
(Carey
154)
The
document
goes
on
to
say
that
the
community
“should…extinguish
the
languages
of
the
Indians.”
The
Spanish
introduced
an
orthography
to
the
Kaqchikel
language
that
was
very
similar
to
that
of
Spanish.
The
purpose
being
that
if
the
languages
were
to
become
more
similar,
it
would
be
significantly
easier
to
phase-‐out
Ortiz
3
any
remainders
of
the
language.
The
result
of
the
1824
constituent
congress
caused
what
was
dubbed
Castellanización.
Documents
were
translated
from
Spanish
into
the
indigenous
languages
using
their
new
orthography,
and
both
were
used
in
teaching
preprimaria
or
preschool.
This
early
exposure
to
both
Spanish
and
Kaqchikel
made
sure
that
they
used
the
indigenous
language
at
home
and
were
nearly
required
to
use
Spanish
in
public
and
all
social
settings.
This
is
what
caused
the
primary
language
loss
is
from
the
stigma
imposed
on
the
culture.
In
addition
to
the
active
absorption
of
the
Kaqchikel
language
from
the
Spanish
perspective,
there
has
also
been
a
large
portion
of
fictionalization
of
Mayan
history.
Much
like
the
United
States
has
done
with
the
conept
of
things
like
American
Exceptionalism
or
Manifest
Destiny,
the
Spaniards
were
very
intent
on
painting
themselves
in
the
most
positive
light
possible.
This
caused
the
a
similar
situation
like
we
have
here
today
in
that
U.S.
The
indigenous
peoples
have
been
depicted
as
savages,
as
though
the
white
man
was
not
the
invader.
This
foments
the
stigma
against
indigenous
languages
and
peoples
because.
The
Kaqchikel
people
have
constantly
felt
like
the
need
to
hide
their
identity.
(Carey
159)
Ortiz
4
One
of
the
most
important
points
of
dialect
variation
is
the
existence
of
labiodental
fricatives.
In
the
dialect
of
Sololá,
the
phoneme
/w/
has
one
allophone
[f]
that
only
occurs
in
word-‐final
position,
while
[w]
occurs
elsewhere.
(Garcia
Matzar
36)
This
brings
the
rule:
[w]
-‐>
[f]
/
_#
which
is
realized
below.
Phonetic
Example
Spanish
Translation
English
Translation
(Garcia
Matzar
1993)
waq
“mi
cerdo”
{my
pig}
waran
“sueño”
{sleepiness}
tew
-‐>
tef
“frío”
{cold}
waxaw
-‐>
waxaf
“mi
dueño”
{my
owner/god}
Figure
1.2
Ortiz
6
A
notable
case
of
allomorphy
in
Kaqchikel
is
the
first
person
possessive
morpheme.
Nu-‐
occurs
before
a
consonant,
and
W-‐
occurs
before
a
vowel.
Examples:
cab’
–
candy
nucab’
–
my
candy
utiw
–
wolf
Wutiw
–
my
wolf
Going
on
to
apply
the
remaining
possessive
prefixes
would
look
like
this:
1st
Abs.
Singular
–
nucab’
1st
Abs.
Plural
–
qacab’
2nd
Abs.
Singular
–
acab’
2nd
Abs.
Plural
–
icab’
3rd
Abs.
Singular
–
rucab’
3rd
Abs.
Plural
–
kicab’
Agreement
in
Kaqchikel
follows
an
Ergative-‐Absolutive
pattern,
which
differs
greatly
from
the
Nominative-‐Accusative
system
used
by
many
languages,
including
both
English
and
Spanish.
A
Nominative-‐Accusative
system
looks
like
the
following:
Spanish
English
Yo
salgo
I
leave
Yo
le
vi
a
ella.
I
saw
her
Ella
me
vio.
She
saw
me.
The
nominative
portion
of
the
system
is
the
“yo”
or
“I”.
Regardless
of
transitivity,
the
subject
is
marked
as
nominative,
and
an
object
is
marked
as
accusative:
the
“me”
in
both
languages.
An
Ergative-‐Absolutive
pattern
means
that
the
language
marks
transitive
subjects
as
ergative
to
denote
agency,
and
marks
both
intransitive
subjects
and
transitive
objects
as
absolutive.
This
difference
can
be
seen
in
the
below
excerpt
from
the
Xajil
Chronicle:
Xe’apon
k’a
xe’
juyu’
x-‐e’-‐apon
k’a
xe’
juyu’
Past-‐3AbsPl-‐arrive
at
below
mountain
Then
they
all
arrived
at
the
foot
of
the
mountain.
(Maxwell
84)
Ortiz
8
This
shows
the
3rd
person
plural
absolutive
affix
is
e’.
In
this
particular
example
the
absolutive
case
is
being
used
for
an
intransitive
subject.
Since
arrive
is
an
intransitive
verb,
they
are
syntactically
absolutive
even
though
they
are
the
subject.
The
next
example
will
show
the
3rd
person
plural
ergative.
Xa
kanji
xkixib’ij
ki’
Xa
kanji
x-‐Ø-‐ki-‐xib’-‐ij
k-‐I’
Just
soon
Past-‐3Abs-‐3rdErgPl-‐frighten-‐TR
3rdErgPl-‐self
Soon
they
were
frightened.
(Maxwell
85)
This
shows
the
3rd
person
plural
ergative
affix
being
either
k-‐
or
ki-‐.
The
ergative
case
here
is
used
to
mark
a
transitive
subject.
The
particularly
interesting
situation
that
arises
is
that
there
really
is
only
one
subject
in
this
sentence.
The
3rd
person
plural,
yet
there
is
also
a
marker
for
the
3rd
singular
absolutive.
The
reasoning
behind
this
is
that
the
subjects
are
feeling
frightened,
and
this
is
syntactically
realized
as
them
literally
frightening
themselves,
thus
granting
them
agency
and
ergativity.
The
above
variation
is
a
case
of
allomorphy
that
will
change
based
on
the
following
environment.
Where
the
following
environment
is
a
vowel,
the
affix
will
take
the
form
k-‐.
When
the
following
environment
is
a
consonant,
it
will
take
the
form
ki-‐.
This
would
give
us
the
following
two
rules
governing
which
3rd
person
plural
ergative
prefix
to
use:
ki
-‐>
k/
_V
k
-‐>
ki/
_C
The
phonotactic
rule
at
work
here
is
one
that
I
discussed
earlier
about
it
being
implausible
for
diphthongs
to
exist
in
the
language.
Discussion
In
all
honesty,
there
are
several
reasons
that
the
Kaqchikel
language
is
still
healthy.
The
first,
and
largest
reason
is
that
the
community
prides
itself
on
the
language.
Judith
Maxwell
describes
the
willingness
to
use
the
Kaqchikel
language
in
all
aspects
of
daily
life
as
being
“acts
of
quiet
daily
heroism”
because
they
must
be
performed
almost
Ortiz
9
in
spite
of
their
own
identities.
No
one
except
for
those
within
the
cultural
bubble
of
the
Kaqchikel
community
(and
the
linguists
that
study
the
language)
has
the
level
of
respect
that
the
community
treats
it
with
themselves.
The
elders
are
constantly
and
consistently
imposing
the
value
of
culture
and
heritage
onto
young
minds,
and
doing
it
through
an
oral
discourse
since
the
language
was
originally
unwritten.
Second
are
the
linguistic
properties
of
the
language
itself.
Regardless
of
the
original
Spanish
efforts
to
try
and
implement
an
orthography
that
closely
mirrors
its
own,
the
languages
are
just
too
radically
different.
While
orthography
has
helped
in
cultural
preservation
to
some
extent,
the
morphosyntactic
differences
between
the
two
languages
contribute
massively
to
the
difficulty
that
the
Spanish
had
in
eradicating
the
language.
The
differences
in
structure
alone
between
an
ergative-‐absolutive
language
and
a
nominative-‐accusative
language
make
learning
the
language
(and
therefore
understanding
it)
significantly
more
challenging
to
native
speakers.
The
third
reason
would
be
how
stable
the
bilingualism
is.
People
in
villages
where
Kaqchikel
is
spoken
rarely
have
to
use
Spanish,
and
the
only
times
they
do
are
with
an
outsider,
or
when
they
leave
the
village
themselves.
Though
Spanish
is
the
national
language
and
the
lingua
franca
of
Guatemala,
native
speakers
of
Kaqchikel
are
not
necessarily
required
to
speak
Spanish
as
often
or
even
as
well
as
they
speak
Kaqchikel
unless
they
have
hopes
to
leave
their
village.
And
last
but
not
least
is
the
sheer
amount
of
research
still
being
done
with
Mayan
languages.
There
is
no
shortage
of
linguists
interested
in
the
Mayan
Language
family
as
a
whole,
and
with
a
language
that
is
as
healthy
as
Kaqchikel
there
is
always
plenty
of
research
to
be
done,
and
always
more
to
learn.
Ortiz
10
References:
Gramática
del
idioma
Kaqchikel
Pedro
Oscar
Garcia
Matzar;
Valerio
Toj
Cotzajay;
Domingo
Coc
Tuiz
Antigua,
Guatemala
:
Proyecto
Lingüístico
Francisco
Marroquín,
1993
Glosario
español-‐cakchiquel
(kaqchikel)
Ruyán
Canú,
Déborah
Instituto
Lingüístico
de
Verano,
1990
La
utz
awach?
introduction
to
Kaqchikel
Maya
language
Brown,
R.
McKenna,
1954-‐
University
of
Texas
Press
ISBN:
9780292791701
Engendering
Mayan
history
:Kaqchikel
women
as
agents
and
conduits
of
the
past,
Carey,
David,
Jr.
New
York
:
Routledge,
2006..
Our
Elders
Teach
Us
Carey,
David,
Jr.
The
University
of
Alabama
Press
2001
Kaqchikel
chronicles
:
the
definitive
edition
Maxwell,
Judith
M.
University
of
Texas
Press
2006
ISBN:
0292712707
Derechos
humanos
desde
la
perspectiva
indígena
en
Guatemala
Solares,
Jorge
FLACSO
Guatemala
Prescriptive
Grammar
and
Kaqchikel
Revitalization
Maxwell,
Judith
M
Maya
Cultural
Activism
in
Guatemala
Fischer,
Edward
F
•
1996
University
of
Texas
Press/Institute
of
Latin
American
Studies
ISBN:
0292708505
Cakchiquel
text
material
and
linguistic
data
in
4
dialects
Whalin,
Terry;
Williams,
Gaylyn
R;
Summer
Institute
of
Linguistics
1984
Microform
at
the
University
of
Texas,
Austin