1.1.

Introduction
According to constitutional provisions in the fifth scheduled areas (where rights of Scheduled
Tribes above land and forest are justified) a series of legislation have been implemented by the
concerned state government. This legislation has evidently prohibited the tribals from
transmitting land to non-tribals, recognizing the fact that non-tribals have the skills to take
benefit of the simplicity of tribals. It also acknowledges that the center of their existence,
therefore, is calling for protection because the land, especially the kind of land that lives and
works in the tribal community. In spite of these provisions, the leave-taking of tribals from their
land has been phenomenal. Ministry of Rural Development has taken state-wise stock of
segregation and rehabilitation of tribal land for the first time in its Annual Report 2007-8. In the
nine state are under the fifth Scheduled, seven state are said to be “Left Wing Extremist
Affected”. In all these states, tribal people are not allowed to transfer land from tribals to non-
tribals and in addition to the necessary amendments in the legislations, tribals have been able to
rehabilitate the land. Nevertheless, despite these measures, a large number of tribal families have
been deprived of their land. Since mid-2000, Naxalism or Maoism, as it is addressed to each
other, at the central level of hot debates and discussions- regional, national and globally, even
middle class, especially urban middle class, which this kind of ideology remains out of the
conversation, has been prepared to direct its opinion. In this debate, the ruling opposition and the
vice-a-versa merge with the center and the state, even if opposed by political parties, remain
united in the analysis and support for the current situation. Government of India has estimated
that the movement is now active in 125 districts spread across 12 states. Of these, 99 percent of
the tribal dominated areas are located in West Bengal, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, which has been declared, affected States of “Left-
Wing Extremism” (Raghavan, V. R., 2011).
On the other hand, a high-powered committee, which was set up by the Planning Commission in
2006, is a retired IAS officer, D. Bandopadhyay, submitted its report at the end of April 2008
and said that the disappointment of the people and the failure of the system led to the increase in
the development of Naxalism in India under this system. This survey found that in the districts
where Naxalism had increased, they developed more than ten ways: High Scheduled Tribes /
Scheduled Caste population, low literacy, high infant mortality rate, low level of urbanization,
high forest of agriculture workers, low per capita grain production, level of road length, high
percentage of rural households without the specified property There is a direct connection
between extremism and poverty and the government has called the problem of law and order.
The panel said it is needed to change the attitude and bring about equality between policy and
implementation; it argued that the factors related to bad governance and land were playing an
important role in the development of Naxalism (Kumar, S. (Ed.). 2015).
In Madhya Pradesh Home Minister Uma Shankar Gupta said on 8 November, 2010. “At present
Balaghat, Mandla and Dindori are treated as Naxal-affected districts by the Centre. But in view
of the recent Naxal activities noticed in various other districts of the State, we have demanded
that the Centre declare Sidhi, Singrauli, Shahdol, Umaria and Anuppur too as Naxal-affected.”
Keeping in view the increased CPI-Maoist activities in these areas before the central
government, the Madhya Pradesh government demanded to declare the five more districts of the
Naxal-affected state. “At present, Mandla and Dindori are considered as Naxal-affected districts
in Balaghat, but in view of the recent Naxal activities in different districts of the state, MP
Government had demanded that the Center has established Siddhi, Singrauli, Shahdol, Umaria
and Anuppur is also affected by Naxal,” said Madhya Pradesh state home minister Uma Shankar
Gupta. He said that he recently raised the issue of Naxal movement in these districts in the Zonal
Council Meeting in New Delhi; however, the center has not yet accepted the demand
(http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/maoist/timelines/2010/mp.htm).
The eastern part of Maharashtra includes Gadchiroli, Gondia, which is largely affected by Maoist
presence. It has been told that they have already entered Golden Corridor, which stretches from
Pune to Ahmedabad, which includes Nashik, Surat and Vadodara. In fact, Maoists have
succeeded in entering the National Capital Region (NCR). Apart from this, it is no longer a
secret that some Maoists have been arrested from Delhi; the national capital is also there (Dubey,
S. K., 2013).
Dangs is the smallest and perhaps most beautiful tribal district of Gujarat. As you absorb in
beauty and breathe in the fresh air, a young tribal worker struggles to explain acting as a guide,
to explain that his good activist Avinash Kulkarni by police Why the Maoists were branded, they
were arrested. Facing a similar fate for himself, he says, I understand the meaning of Naxalism
or Maoism. In South Gujarat, at least 9 Maoists were arrested in February and March, claiming
that they received information from the Orissa government that the Maoists were preparing for
violent agitation in the state. But till now, the Gujarat Police has not provided any evidence -
except for the alleged acceptance of the arrested people - that they were involved in any armed,
violent or anti-state activity. Earlier, the police did not register any Maoist activity in this area in
1998(https://revolutionaryfrontlines.wordpress.com/2010/04/24/new-attacks-on-legal-tribal-
rights-movement-in-gujarat/).
Jaipur, 28 May 2007: “Union Minister of State for Home Affairs”, Shri Prakash Jaiswal said that
the Naxalas have spread to tribal areas of Rajasthan. According to intelligence reports, there are
Naxalite presence in Udaipur and other areas of Rajasthan. He also said that the Naxalites are
meeting and they have started working in tribal areas, especially in Dungapur, Banswara and
Udaipur districts. (http://www.andhranews.net/India/2007/May/28-Naxalite-penetrate-Rajasthan-
2663.asp).
The word ‘Naxalite’ originated from this encounter. Later on, 1st May 1967, the Maoists formed
their own party CPI (Marxist Leninist) or CPI (ML) under the leadership of Charu Majumdar. In
1967, the cause of Naxalism and its subsistence in the Naxalbadri area can be attributed to many
factors, mainly due to the socio-economic development of caste system, poverty, and feudalism,
uneven wealth distribution, lack of infrastructure development, special appearance from the rural
areas, tribal culture in West Bengal and the jungle area suited for rebellious activities. Landless
poor people of rural areas are generally of the lower caste and tribal (aboriginal) communities.
These ‘lesser’ people are generally not allowed to drink water from the well reserved for upper
castes and occasionally, responsible for small matters and responsible for irritation. Another
important factor to encourage Naxalism is the tribal culture dominant in the north-east and the
central India. Tribal people of India are called Adivasis, which mean indigenous people.
Generally, they are poor and under privilege. Nearly 80 million tribal people of India live in
about 15 million north-easts India, while the rest are in the center of the country. Adivasis have
very much ownership of the land, which they are generally rich in minerals. They oppose
government's development and mining projects on the land of their ancestors. Apart from this,
Dandakaranya area, where most of the rural poor and tribal people live, is central India’s heavy
forest area and spreads in many states. Naxalites provide security to forest inhabitants instead of
their support. There is general influence of Naxalism for India, it is not only an important law
and order problem, but it has socio-political, security, sustainability and economic dimensions. In
some poor states with large tribal populations like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa,
insurgency has become an important political force, which is a clear indication of the safety
effect of Maoist activities and the resulting casualties affected areas. Targeting will have serious
consequences for India’s rapid economic development for his campaign. Some important natural
resources of India are located in these areas, and inability to take them independently due to
Naxal activities is also a matter of concern for New Delhi. Although the Indian government has
correctly identified the root cause of the Naxalite movement and has prepared a comprehensive
policy to deal with it, the implementation of these policies is still low. In fact, some government
initiatives, for example local armed groups like Salwa Judum and establishment of SEZs
requiring acquisition of land from the natives have yielded negative results. In some areas,
people do not even trust the government’s developmental initiatives and when they talk about
paying compensation for their country, they are scary (Naman. S., 2012)
1.2. Review of Literature
Approximately non-interference from developmental activities and partial boycott of tribal areas
was the monitoring word. This has reduced the economic competition between tribal and non-
tribals. As a result of the geopolitical situation and ecological separation of tribal areas, as a
result of the creation of a special land period and acquisition system, tribals were given limited
rights in land and forest. In some cases, due to the cultivation and farming of tribals by the
tribals, the tribals had settled on the ground. But his ignorance and ignorance forced him to raise
the land to the lenders or non-tribals. After all, they had lost land on failure to repay their debt
and wanted to reduce poverty and wanted them. In order to prevent the illegal separation of the
land of the tribals and poor people, the prohibitory laws were later applied, but these laws
remained in the paper because they were not effectively implemented. Consequently, the
separation of tribals continues with uncontrolled and freedom from the punishment. Apart from
this, laws were not conducive for their wellbeing and development for the prevention of land
business law, money laundering and the separation of tribal land alone. The subject of favorable
land system in tribal areas is of particular importance because the land provides protection to the
tribes in many ways, as well as provides protection in many ways. Scheduled Area and
Scheduled Tribes Commission (1960-61) Report by Mr. U.N. Dhebar is presided over, in which
the economic and emotional relations of the tribals have been described in a beautiful manner.
From above quotation, tribals will appreciate the importance of land. The term “land systems of
tribal areas of Gujarat” has got a very broad meaning, the land has been widely defined, in
which the various benefits arising out of the land and its related things are included. The term
Land covers has been included in animals, trees, minerals and things connected to the earth.
Adivasis and forests are inseparably related to ecology and environment in the symbiotic form.
When land problems, land reforms and forests are studied, then the question of exploitation by
lenders, traders, forest contractors and administrators arises. In order to make rules for improving
socio-economic conditions in Scheduled Tribes, the Constitution saw almost unlimited powers of
governor in the fifth schedule. The governor's special rule, on any part of the fifth Schedule, can
be rejected and amended by any law on the tribals passed by the Legislature or the Parliament
passed by the Legislature. Under the Fifth Schedule, a provision is made by the Governor to
establish a Tribal Advisory Council, in which the powers of his regulation are concerned. Thus,
the need to consult the State Legislature is given in the matter of making rules for these areas.
The U.N. Dahibar Commission (1 960-61) mentioned earlier, said that the provision of the fifth
schedule and other constitutional provisions for tribal development has not been adequately
utilized. Therefore, the Commission recommended that immediate measures should be taken for
the protection of tribals in relation to land, forest, excise duty and marketing. It does not meet the
needs of all the tribals who were at different stages of development. Tribal sub-plan has been
prepared with an integrated tribal area development approach. In order to avoid the potential
dangers of imbalance in tribal development, development schemes are set for tribal areas in sub-
plan. In preparing the sub plan, caution has been taken to ensure that the tribals of any area are
likely to accept schemes on the basis of utility. As their reaction is very important, apart from the
tribals, it can also be ensured that the implementation of sub-plan schemes does not constitute a
special anti-caste class of tribal elite. Responding to the approach to the tribes, Verrier Elwin
righty observed that “unintelligent benevolence can be as great a danger as intelligent
exploitation” (Trivedi, H. R., 1993).

Today, the forest is the property of the state and they have control over the Forest Department
(FD). Ramchandra Guha (1983) has argued that before 1947, our forests served the strategic
interests of British imperialism. After independence, they met the needs of the business and
industrial capitalist class. Colonial Forest Policies in India began to take concrete shapes in the
middle of the nineteenth century, keeping in view the bourgeois approach to the forests; the
British had begun to maximize revenues. By the mid-nineteenth century, the main source of
forest revenue for the British was the traditional outstanding amount to be earned for colonial
rulers. The “Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Area Act (1996) and the Forest Rights Act
(2006)”, with special focus on the history of forest laws and policies in India (colonial and North
Colonial) and their influence on tribal people, with recent attention to historical legislators, to
recognize the rights of forests and forest lands (Joshi, S.).

From the second half of the 1950s, the Kisan Sabha Organized the organized conflicts “to give
ownership of plots of the forest occupied real killers” to demand for the regularization of forest
land for the transfer of their actual tiller and the encroachment of their actual tillers. . This was an
important issue, which still continues the struggle. Its roots were rooted in the policies of the
British colonial rule for the establishment of a forest department and was being grinding
generation to forcibly abandon the tribals with forests. Under the leadership of the Kisan Sabha,
a government proposal was led in 1960, which states that encroachment between 1955 and 1959
will be regularized (Khan, S., 2015).
In the 1990s, all the Gujarati political parties saw a determination in the direction of land
liberalization. By the end of the decade, the policy of land in Gujarat was an important thing
about that time from where it started after independence- for cultivation in the ideas of land. In
view of political disturbances, keeping in mind the correct changes in the policy stance of all the
political parties, and considering the national level consideration of land holding and
liberalization, which is less regulated, the provisions of Gujarat for more markets are friendly
land policy. When the movement was being created during each seeding season, he raised the
issue of 'law and order' with the government and lodged false police cases against landless Dalits
and tribals (Sud, N., (2007).
Within the traditional framework, revolutionary ideology means, at least for the first time, in the
ideology of the class, and the focus in such studies is based on generation modernist workers’
ideology between modern producers. For example, in his recent study of Banarji Naxalite
rebellion, led by Communist Party International (CPI; Marxist-Leninist) in West Bengal
Development of a revolutionary farmer movement Joshi has discussed and discussed the recent
development of the consciousness of the rural class in India. An overview of the Marxist
approach about the study of Indian farmer’s movements in Punjab, provided by the collection of
essays edited by Desai Kanings has written on the origins of class struggle and consciousness
among the Ghanaian rice farmers. At the same time, the joint labor farmer gives a more accurate
reference to systems of thought system which is not modern (or better, antimodernist) in some
sense. The discovery of farmer ideology, therefore, is a process of catching with “what the
peasants really think,” for the first time, but in particular it refers to the growing interest in the
modern or antimodernist forms of those consciousness in a way or another in other forms can be
seen as special for the farmers (Kahn, J. S., 1985).
However, it is logical to argue that it is a lack of inequality, poverty or growth rate, which makes
people joining the ranks of Naxalites (due to original reasoning) or vice versa, the Naxalites who
are implementing the development (Security perspective). Although there is no doubt that a
strong link between high poverty and areas of Naxalism has not been established due to a strong
link or direction. For example, in Jabua, Chhattisgarh in the state of western Madhya Pradesh,
there are almost identical social-economic and demographic indicators of Dantewada. According
to 2001 census, Jhabua's population is 85 percent tribal, out of which 47 percent of the
population lives below the poverty line and only 36.87 percent are literate. But unlike
Dantewada, which is the stronghold of the Maoist movement, Jhabua is now in place of a
remarkable nonviolent movement for many decades (Narmada Bachao Andolan), besides other
local conflicts of land and forests. Similarly, Bundelkhand's area is one of the poorest areas in
the country in central India, and when there is a high level of stratification, and then there are no
Naxalites. Apart from this, Naxalites (or any other social formation) should be present for the
support of the people, and historically, the Naxalites have not progressed much in the Western
India despite a large tribal or Scheduled Tribe population in western India. It is Gujarat,
Rajasthan and western Madhya Pradesh (Kugelman. M., 2011).
The presence of Naxal, Maoist and anti-social elements in the various parts of the country is
constantly increasing. In many states, due to Maoist activities, there is complete disruption in
administrative work, which is waging war against the state using weapons and ammunition.
Almost all areas affected by Naxalite activities are covered with dense forests and they are
located far away from the main areas. All such areas are backward and poor. The need to take
effective steps to bring social, economically and educationally backward areas to the mainstream
for its development. It will not be right to consider the Naxal problem due to social and
economic backwardness. Naxalites have tried to apply their ideology to the people by taking
advantage of the backwardness and inaccessibility of those areas in which they work. The
elected representatives of local bodies from the Naxal affected areas have resigned their offices
due to the rise of terrorism of the Naxalites (BILL, 2015 By SHRI A. T. NANA PATIL, M.P.)

In addition to external influences, the perception of the internal state of one nation and other
major powers about this country is also important indicators of infrastructure, economic
development, general life standards of people, law and order, internal security and sustainability,
and dealing with internal problems. The ability to effectively have some important domestic
elements that create the image of the country and the notion of other powers The Su. A power
which is unable to solve its internal problems, it has difficulty in extracting external difficulties,
as well as maintaining an image according to the large power situation. After the merger of
different groups in 2004, the areas affected by Maoist activities have increased. PWG was first
active in states of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar.
MCCI was strong in Bihar, with presence in western Jharkhand, North West Bengal and
Northern Orissa. However, after the merger, CPI-M has increased its reach and is now active in
many other states. Uttar Pradesh and Haryana are included in the North; Assam in the north-east;
Tamil Nadu in Karnataka, Kerala and South; And in the west Gujarat, Punjab and Rajasthan. In
the second half of 2009, the Central Government launched its biggest offensive campaign against
the Maoists named ‘Operation Green Hunt’. Initially, more than 100,000 federal paramilitary
forces had plans to participate in this campaign, which officials called 'fight to end’? According
to another report, 60,000 soldiers were deployed, which was later extended with 15,000
additional personnel. Apart from this, IAF deployed four Mi-17 helicopters to sail the personnel
of the security forces. On April 6, 2010, the Maoists reacted with their most deadly attack, killing
76 armed policemen, Operation Green Hunt met with degrees of success in different states.
However, according to some reports, it had failed without air support. Maj Gen (retired) GD
Bakshi said that the results of Operation Green Hunt are the reasons for alarm and the
preparations of central police organizations for the work have been told. One of the basic reasons
for the emergence of Naxalite rebellion, especially in rural areas, is the delicate socio-economic
status of neglected areas of society. Instead of any improvement, these situations have worsened
even more. The plight of tribals of Chhattisgarh is such a case where more than 50,000 people
have been displaced and are forced to take shelter in camps. According to another estimate, more
than 1000 tribals have lost their lives, more than 700 villages have been burnt up and so far more
than 300,000 people have been displaced during campaign against Naxalites. In such
circumstances, the concept of society and social structure is losing its value. These areas are
already lacking in infrastructure, and whatever is present or planned by the government becomes
the goal of the Naxalites, as a result, the government is often unable to provide humanitarian aid
and effectively its role keep reaching people to play (Naman. S., 2012).

Gurr has described the “general explanation of political violence” in which there is an incident in
which “all collective attacks within a political community against the political regime, its actors-
including competing political groups as well as incumbents-or its policies.” The central idea
comes from primary psychology: If a person has a big difference between what he gets and who
is worthy of him, he will get angry. Looking at the opportunity, it will be rebellious. When many
people understand this kind of difference together, rebellions occur, instead of the starting point
relative (absolute), for the political violence, Justices, Dissident Correspondence Control,
Regime Cursive Control (plus forward variable, among them) Everyone is quick to think about
the possibility of increasing or decreasing each political violence (Tilly. C., 1971).

1.3. Theoretical perspective

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is actually based on the principle of contradiction, that is, the law of
unity of the opposite. As Mao says, this is the fundamental law of materialism. According to the
theory, contradictions are generated through solid analysis of concrete conditions on the basis of.
Contradiction between idealistic attitude and physical perspective of the world between
proletarian and bourgeoisie between labor and capital between feudalism and the general public
and so on. Contradiction is universal; it’s all in paradox in mathematics plus and minus; in
physics, this is positive and negative power; in mechanics, this is verb and reaction. In social
science, this class is a struggle and so on. According to the theory, the contradictions of modern
society are colonies and imperialism, people's great public relations and feudal system (Dubey,
S. K., 2013).
Social movements have been described as descriptive, and have focused on such factors as
conceptual basis, social-psychological features of members, or general situations to social
change. It develops in the form of a structure, as well as being identified as unique and forcefully
related to promoting certain values to leaders and their followers, members of the society believe
that a social movement originated has happened (Curtis Jr, R. L., & Zurcher Jr, L. A., 1974).
From a different perspective, John Wilson (1973) indicates the organizational change of social
movements through the process of increasing structural discrimination as an adaptive
mechanism. All these schemes discussion for institutionalization towards the development of
social movements from small organizations to more organizations, and from instability to
stability. It is necessary to change this focus from the analysis. First of all, social movements are
dynamic and unstable as per definition, although the organization is always an important vehicle
for achieving goals, social movements are never fully institutionalized, and if they are regular,
then many important things in movement are often outside organizational procedures. When the
social movements are deprived of mobility, the reason for this is that they should be converted
into a voluntary organization such as welfare organizations or a political party. Under which they
struggle for a social movement. It is the basis of this letter that such changes are noted in
different moments of existence of the best movement, changes in different nature and variation
of type. Keep in a different way, the questions we raise, it is the nature of what the movement
does for the public and what is the nature of the support given to the movement because it
changes through time. After this, the focus will be focused here, the participants of the
movement (i.e., the nature of their commitment, the degree of private participation, the
membership business, and so forth) in the light of their orientation and the target movement for
the objectives and goals. The movement with the society has been stressed because the reaction
of the host society is important for the success of those demands made by the nature of the
demands and the movement of their participants. However, it is my dispute that if we are going
to determine the steps by steps of the social movement, then it is best done considering the
differences between participation in followers on the selected interval in the entire existence of
the movement. While the followers may be geographically scattered, sometimes the primary
group contacts are promoted as a means of consolidation mutual feelings in relation to the
objectives. An organization, if it is present at all, it is completely informal or small scale because
it has intense interest in the goals of movement which brings people together. As a group, self-
awareness is increasing, but the degree of commitment is usually difficult to determine. The
strength of the support comes without the hobble of those followers and goes quite sporadically.
Contact with the contemporary faces about mutual opponents and incentives are maintained by
the discussion which reinforces the existence of the movement. Because movement at this stage
is largely contingent, unimportant, and intuitive, active conflicts are unpredictable and can either
provide weld or retreat service for greater interest in the movement. At any rate, the movement is
in vertical stage because it attracts individuals who can identify and clarify with the general goals
of the movement. Goals help as the basis of social interaction and stress on oppression and
education of new recruits. This problem is opposed with the systematic application of strategies
and which then becomes the primary basis for social interaction. According to the goals of the
movement through the performance of group-sponsored roles and loyalty and work become
important. The activity reaches a higher level because the movement makes a concerted effort to
accelerate the opposition and achieve its goals to implement the desired change. The workers’
demands of the movement made it difficult for the opposition to maintain their strength for a
long period of time. The change is related to a social movement that relates to the response to its
original goals. The attitudes of the participants of those goals will be colorful by the amount of
support they receive, appropriateness of petition and its leadership, the nature of their personal
needs and the perceived attainment of the goals. The profession of any social movement is
fundamentally dependent on the collective assessment of the goals embraced. Disagreements on
strategy only produce alternate movements at least the goal is considered important. Movement
by moving the focus from the organization of movement and social movements to the mobility
of social participation (Hiller, H., 1975).
The nature of goals community-specific or expressive-spreading the nature of membership
necessities exclusive or inclusive. The inclusive Auxiliary Community Movement Organization
has to face important problems in significantly participating with a heterogeneous membership,
Survive on the face of failure or disappointment to reach the goal. It is related to the process of
achieving the loss. Completion of success or specific goals can leave the organization without a
purpose, and its disruption or goal can affect conversion (Curtis Jr, R. L., & Zurcher Jr, L. A.,
1974). The problem should be clearly understood. What happened due to this? How and in what
way has it manifested itself? How wide is this? Who affects people? What are they ready to do,
if anything? What is the problem of disturbing in their way of life? What are the relationships
between societal, other groups of population, power structure in the circumstances? How to be
included or delimited? What are the sources of impact? What are the resources available in the
alliance with finance, personnel and other groups? What are its dangers? What are the legal
complications? What are the long distance and immediate goals? In the social work program,
workers should be knowledgeable in many areas. Often discovers how often a struggle is
received, but it is achieved; Knowledge of leadership, its structure, its history, value system,
pattern of power groups, issues of influence for different types of changes, and related issues
related to civil, social and religious groups and informal posts. A friendly alliance is also
essential for mass media and communication opportunities. Because in indigenous groups had
been subjected to threats and remedies, it was necessary to attract external leadership and the
strength of national organizations. Groups were able to establish relationships with other groups
and in situational forces. With this help, and with the help of a magnetic leader like Martin
Luther King, it was possible to develop local leadership in some situations and be able to
strengthen and lead the church groups in the south. It is important for the participants to educate
them in the form of issues, lineup of anti-force, available resources and methods of mass action.
Because of changing of the movement, the continuation of leadership is required due to the
participants, as well as the protesters are constantly trading. To avoid the loss of support for
effective activities and support from coalition groups, protest activities should be kept in control
according to the set of pattern. Also, due to the uncertainty of results, it is important to
continuously evaluate the strategy to facilitate the restart during signals. It is also important to be
careful of the expression of interest and support from different areas of the larger community, to
present the issues to the public and to inform the people (Olds, V. M. 1963). The most
interesting, about the past things, was their gravity towards cognitive processes and how they
interact with relevant historical and political situations. Jim's thinking has attentive on behavior
types and varied demands that these different types of environment and Political information is
made up of leaders, rather than the intelligence as a multifaceted processor. His personality was
easily interpreted into the theory of the reasoning revolution coming about (Orbell, J. M., &
Shay, R. C. (2011).
The situation here is that there are no activities, relationships or beliefs unique to those
situations, in general, as an example of collective behavior. Rather, such incidents that are
usually named as collective behavior episodes; they represent only those associations, in which
the special combinations of relationships are strong. However, no proposal has been given so far,
which normally involves activities commonly referred to as mass behavior in the large body of
community ideas. This effort is not attempted to define the definition, which constitutes an ideal
collective behavior case, and there is no crowd or social movement. Instead, attention is given to
how individuals are connected to each other in different instances of association and some results
of these changes are suggested (Couch, C. J. 1970).
According to this theoretical approach, conflicts such as revolutions and mass violence are
mainly reaction to the real achievements created by accumulative experiences of difficulties in
an unmanageable period and a collectivity in between standard expectations, i.e., as a result of
the increase in relative absence. Its critics have proposed power in the form of central facilities in
the alternative approaches to power resources, gathering power resources, and the theory of
conflict and for the clarification of conflicts such as revolutions and mass violence. Supporters of
the political process model of the struggle to collect power of sources and strategic resources in
the interpretation of conflicts such as mass violence and revolutions. The analysis here for
simplicity is limited to the situation of conflict with only two parties, it is definitely a
simplification because the conflicts between the two parties are often influenced by third party
and other environmental factors. The difference between the level of aspiration of an actor and
the level of aspiration defines the degree of relative lack of experience in the relationship.
Equally important process by which a party receives control over new resources or loses control
over some of its resources, the difference between power resources or related actors, i.e. the
difference between the original independent variable in the current model affects. The diplomatic
sequence of acquiring or losing control of power resources, which is a change in the difference
between the power resources or the balance of power between the respective parties, thus there is
a central aspect in both aspects of the approach and balance of the political process. The balance
of the power model, sometimes, by specifying mechanisms, attempts to refine the political
process model of conflict through which changes in power balance between parties influence the
possibility of conflict between the parties. Conflicts related to conflicts have been estimated
based on three basic patterns. A weakening situation occurs in a situation where the expectations
of a man remain constant, but where the expectation of the male increases, while the
expectations of the male increases, while his achievements remain constant, the aspirational
absence arises. The third type is a progressive lack, which occurs when relatively stable
improvements in the social and economic conditions of men produce increasing expectations, but
the tendency of improvement is done after sharp reverse (Korpi, W. (1974).
In a multi-regressive framework, the inter-interaction of the group is expressed with words. For
this reason, contingency stability requires the presence of significant statistical negotiation
logically. That is, it should be shown that the positive effect of behavior on behavior will
increase in circumstances which are conducive to behavior itself. Moving around the arguments
surrounding specific statistical effects related to follow-up arguments, that is, whether it is
supported by the additive effects of the situational variable or is it necessary to identify the
interaction effects. There is also disagreement about the interpretation of the reported statistical
results. In Johnson’s example, significant other prerequisites do not have any previous
expectations that a person fulfills courageous acts, but the criteria against “chicken out” (remove
oneself from an obligation) can grow later. It is not necessary that interactive effects of
expectations will be strong for continuous behavior compared to initiation. The effects of social
norms can be broadly-depending on conduct (Andrews, K. H., & Kandel, D. B. (1979).
However, as the concept of Blumer not only symbolic interactionism can be seen through the
lens, since Blumer is not the only founder of this heterogeneous theoretical orientation, Blume’s
legacy has to suffer, we call it only the simplified framework of symbolic interactionism should
interpret itself. This kind of interpretation can prove to be more misleading, because in the form
of a subtle sociological orientation often a symbolic and simple way of presenting symbolic
interactionism is often criticized for its subjective bias, or vice versa. And the importance of their
work has been praised for restoring. Obviously, no one should remember that Blumer used the
term “symbolic inter-actionists” for the first time in the beginning of 1937, pointing to
sociologists, who, in the research of social life, had many varieties of naturalism and cultural
fatalism protested. They focused on the existence of the third point which is the greatest
importance for common symbols and their understanding, which guides human actions. In this
perspective, social interaction is primarily an interactive process. “In Blumer’s beginnings of
symbolic interaction, joint action and exchanged see an amplification of the interactional order of
the democratic society” (Hałas, E. L. Ż. B. I. E. T. A., 2012).
1.4. Statement of the problem
Forest rights, tribal development, livelihood, access to land and resources are some of the
pertinent issues among Adivasi communities in India. This study would look into the policies of
the government which are the basis for Naxalite movement in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan,
Maharashtra and Gujarat. The exploitation, unequal distribution of land, exclusion from forest
areas, corruption and multiple failures of government to translate development policy and
legislation into actual changes in rural areas have all contributed to grievances, particular among
Adivasis and low castes in agricultural areas. For example, Adivasis form the majority of people
displaced to build large development projects such as damns or mines despite forming only 8.2
per cent of the total population. The unequal allocation of public goods and resources reflect
wider social injustices.
1.5. Research Questions
1. What forms of Naxalite movement has been successful in negotiating access to land
and resources?
2. Has the Left-Wing Extremism aided in the political mobilisation of the Adivasi?
3. Is the Naxalite movement a conciliation of the Adivasis with the states?

1.6. Research Objectives

1. To understand the reasons for understanding the Naxalite movements among

Adivasis in Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and Madhya Pradesh, to raise their political
agenda.
2. To evaluate the policies of the Government for the protection of the Adivasi and the
natural resources of the water, forests and land.
3. To understand how the Naxalite movements have changed the nature of the relations
of the Adivasis with the state.

1.7. Research Methodology and Data Collection

This study will be based on both primary and secondary sources. Primary source will include
group discussions and government reports on Adivasi regions and interviews individual will be
Primary data collected from archival records. Secondary sources will be books, journals,
newspapers, researcher’s articles, websites, NGO reports and Government reports related
documents recovered by the Naxalite movements. The study will be descriptive and analytical
research. Adivasi research centre, Gujarat Vithyapitha; Ahmedabad, Centre for Cultural
Development, Vadodara (CCD). Bhasha Research and Publication Centre, Vadodara. Bhahsa
Kendra, Tejagarh; Chhotaudepur, Centre for Social Studies, Surat. Publications of Non-
Governmental Organisations (NGOs) will be visited to collect material.
1.8. Chapter Scheme:
Chapter1.Introduction.

Chapter2. Government development policy and Naxalite movement in the Adivasis

inhabited regions of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra.

Chapter3. Naxalite Movement and the Adivasis regional Movements.

Chapter4. Naxalite movement and their consequences of natural resources.

Chapter5. Who are the benefits thru the Naxal movement?

Chapter6. Conclusion.
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