Professional Documents
Culture Documents
C Risk Management and Insurance Review, 2008, Vol. 11, No. 2, 377-396
ABSTRACT
This article analyzes Hungary’s insurance sector as an important part of the
country’s economic transition from a centrally planned economy to a market
economy. It details the historic economic development of the Hungarian insur-
ance market from a state monopoly to a competitive insurance market where
foreign-owned insurance companies have a dominant market share.
INTRODUCTION
Former communist countries in Europe faced difficult choices over the past 15 years
as they moved from centrally planned economies to market economies. Without the
benefit of comparable transformations, some economists and politicians might have
believed the countries’ paths involved moving from one clear state to another. On the
contrary, a series of intermediate phases characterized the transformation pursued by
Bertrand Venard is Professor, Audencia School of Management, Research Fellow Financial Insti-
tution Center, Wharton Business School, 8, Route de la Joneliere, BP 31222, 44312, Nantes, Cedex
3, France; phone: 240-373-453; fax: 240-373-407; e-mail: bvenard@audencia.com. Martin Halek is
Assistant Professor, School of Business, University of Wisconsin, 975 University Avenue, Madi-
son, WI 53706; phone: 608-262-1848; fax: 608-265-4195; e-mail: mhalek@bus.wisc.edu. Mark S.
Dorfman, Retired Professor.1 This article was subject to double-blind peer review.
1
Our friend and distinguished colleague, Mark Dorfman, passed away in December 2006. This
article is one of the last he was working on and, hence, we would like to dedicate this work
to him. Mark’s expertise in the areas of risk management and insurance was well recognized
by his academic peers and insurance industry professionals worldwide. He was the author of
numerous research articles and a widely used academic text, Introduction to Risk Management
and Insurance, published by Prentice Hall. Mark also took on the responsibility of improving
our academic community as exemplified by serving as President of the American Risk and
Insurance Association from 1984 to 1985. Mark was always ready to help or give advice to
others, in particular younger faculty and graduate students. In the latter part of his career, Mark
helped train insurance executives and professionals in transitioning economies in order to aid
the countries’ insurance market transformations. Mark is sadly missed by all of us who were
fortunate enough to know him.
377
378 RISK MANAGEMENT AND INSURANCE REVIEW
these countries as they passed from a communist political and economic framework to
a market economy.
The Hungarian transformation provides an interesting case for analysis because of its
relative success. First, the wealth of the country has increased significantly since the fall
of communism. From 1991 to 2005, Hungary’s gross domestic product (GDP) in U.S.
dollars increased three-fold. Second, in 1996, Hungary was recognized as a developed
country by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and
then permitted into the European Union in May 2004. Acceptance to both organizations
reflects Hungary’s recent economic and political progression. Finally, the creation of an
adequate legal system, an ambitious privatization program, and a developed financial
services industry have all encouraged private initiatives and attracted more than 40
billion euros of foreign direct investment (FDI) stock. In fact, FDI equaled approximately
50 percent of Hungary’s GDP in 2004 (ME, 2005).
This analysis focuses on the Hungarian insurance sector as one part of Hungary’s suc-
cessful economic transition and integration from a centrally planned economy to a
market economy. The transition of the Hungarian insurance market presents a thought-
provoking case of revolutionary change from a bureaucratic monopoly with inefficient
performance to a competitive, albeit oligopolistic, insurance market.
The article is divided into five sections. The first section describes Hungary’s economic
background. The second section focuses on the history of the insurance market. The third
section discusses the life and the nonlife sectors of the Hungarian insurance market. The
fourth section presents the integration process of the Hungarian market with a focus on
regulatory issues. The fifth section concludes the article.
ECONOMIC BACKGROUND
This section of the article presents background needed to understand the complex and
severe problems that many of the former communist countries faced in developing
private insurance markets. A description of postcommunist economic challenges is
followed by a detailed analysis of Hungary’s economic environment since World War
II. Finally, recent economic indicators are presented showing a stabilizing Hungarian
economy since the turn of the century.
Each of the former communist countries had a different political and economic history,
leading to differences in starting points of economic transformation (Kornai, 1980). For
example, even during the central communist planning period, Hungary was allowed
some latitude in its economic development that was more liberal (approaching a non-
planned market in some limited ways) than other Soviet-bloc countries.2 When the
communists were in power, communist countries in Eastern Europe, such as Hungary,
Czechoslovakia, and Poland, attained different levels of economic development as their
respective national wealth varied significantly (Lavigne, 1999). These significant dif-
ferences did not allow for much standardized transition among the countries during
the subsequent fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe. Countries varied in
regards to the pace and level of introducing eventual market economy reforms.
2
This overall economic head start may help explain the relative speed of transformation of the
Hungarian insurance sector.
THE HUNGARIAN INSURANCE MARKET 379
At the beginning of the twentieth century, Hungary, which was then part of the Austrian–
Hungarian Empire, had one of the highest GDPs per capita in all of Europe. In 1948,
following World War II, communists took power in Hungary, and the new government
immediately took control of the economy. The communist economic system was centered
on a series of both annual and long-range economic development plans with an emphasis
on industrialization, particularly the development of heavy industry. These plans were
not well matched with Hungary’s resources and capabilities since Hungary’s existing
economy was primarily agricultural, and during the war Hungary’s industrial assets
were severely damaged. Thus, new industries were not able to meet the government’s
high production goals. The mismatch of central plans and Hungary’s natural assets was
typical of Stalin’s concept of making various countries of the Soviet empire dependent
on each other with no country being self-sufficient. The lack of attention in providing
consumer goods was also typical of this era. The overall goal appears to have been po-
litical control rather than economic efficiency. Because Hungary’s economic goals were
never achieved, in the late 1950s and early 1960s the Hungarian government readjusted
its plans. The communists were forced to adopt a certain level of economic pragma-
tism by placing more emphasis on agriculture and the manufacturing of consumer
goods.
Economic transformation slowly began in the 1960s and accelerated in the 1980s (Kornai,
1980). In 1968, the government introduced an economic reform program known as the
New Economic Mechanism (NEM), which allowed limited decentralization of the econ-
omy. Initially, the NEM was considered a success. The production of consumer goods
rose and Hungarians experienced an increase in their standard of living. However, there
were debates regarding the scale of this economic liberalization, with strong opposition
coming from the Soviet Union. The NEM ultimately ended in the 1980s.
As their economy declined through the 1980s, Hungary began turning to Western nations
for trade and economic assistance. Because the Soviet Union was not able to meet the
demands for assistance to its satellite countries, the Hungarian government began to
encourage the formation of private businesses within its borders as well as partnerships
with foreign companies. These reforms were slow at first, but when noncommunists
came to power in 1990 the country accelerated the pace of market economy reforms.
Hungary was among the more ambitious of the former communist countries in this area
as evidenced by its widespread privatization program in which numerous state-owned
companies were transferred to private ownership. For example, legal banking reforms
in Hungary were more dramatic than in many other transition countries (Neyapti and
Dincer, 2005).3 When socialists gained a majority in the Hungarian parliament in 1994,
the pace of privatization and economic reforms slowed. However, in May 1995 the
government passed legislation to accelerate the sale of government-owned enterprises
such as public utilities and a number of major industries including steel and electricity.
Fixed prices, protective trade, and governmental subsidies disappeared as well.
3
One particular noteworthy case is that of the former principal Hungarian bank, Bank OTP.
It transformed from a state-owned bank to a private bank in 1992. A sign of Bank OTP’s
successful transformation was the rapid international expansion of its activities. Bank OTP
created subsidiaries in various regional countries, such as Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania.
It eventually had only a 23 percent share of the Hungarian banking market in 2003 (Mission
Economique (ME), 2004b).
380 RISK MANAGEMENT AND INSURANCE REVIEW
FIGURE 1
GDP per Capita and Current Account for Hungary (1991–2005)
Source: Axco Global Statistics: International Financial Statistics produced by the International
Monetary Fund.
Note: The difference between Hungary’s total export of goods, services, and transfers and its total
imports. This calculation excludes transactions in financial assets and liabilities.
The Hungarian economy recovered from both the difficult first steps of transition, which
caused some economic contraction of output, and from the 1998 financial crisis in Russia.
Since the early 1990s, Hungary has sustained impressive economic growth as evidenced
by the economic indicators reflected in Figures 1 and 2. Figure 1 shows that from 1991
to 2005, Hungary’s GDP per capita, as measured in U.S. dollars, has more than tripled.
The same figure also reveals that Hungary’s imports have exceeded its exports in all but
the first 2 years of the same time period. In the most recent years, the difference between
exports and imports has grown. Figure 2 shows that Hungary’s real GDP growth has
averaged about 4 percent per year since 1997. Annual inflation and unemployment rates
have decreased dramatically since the early and mid 1990s. Finally, in 2005, Hungary’s
inflation was 3.5 percent and its unemployment rate was just over 7 percent. Since the
turn of the century, it appears that Hungary’s economy has stabilized relative to the
prior decade.
FIGURE 2
Historic Economic Indicators for Hungary (1991–2005)
Source: Axco Global Statistics: International Financial Statistics produced by the International
Monetary Fund.
Dorfman and Ennsfellner (2001) reached the following conclusions regarding the success
of Hungary’s insurance market transformation:
Because it had a “running start” and was liberal in its attitude toward foreign cap-
ital, Hungary is the clear leader in the transition process. . . . While its market for
insurance remains concentrated, the dominant insurers are not state owned. Foreign
insurers have been consistent in providing training at their home offices for Hungar-
ian managers, and in sending managers to Budapest. The appearance in Budapest of
international risk management and brokerage firms has quickened the move toward
Western-style competitive underwriting. The cooperative relationship between insur-
ers and the state supervisory office has facilitated the implementation of an insurance
code that is almost in compliance with most EU standards.
As Dorfman and Ennsfellner noted, Hungary took two critical steps in the transforma-
tion of its insurance market. First, in 1986, the Hungarian government split the state
insurance monopoly into two companies. By 1988, Hungarian Biztosito and AB shared
the entire Hungarian market where Hungarian Biztosito specialized in nonlife insurance
products and AB specialized in life products. As a second step, in 1989 the Hungarian
government issued insurance company licenses, primarily to foreign companies. Ini-
tially, foreign companies had to be associated with a local partner in such a way that
the local partner controlled the majority of the partnership’s business. This restric-
tion was abolished in 1990. With the market completely liberalized, foreign companies
were able to conduct their business in Hungary without domestic capital ownership
382 RISK MANAGEMENT AND INSURANCE REVIEW
(continued)
THE HUNGARIAN INSURANCE MARKET 383
TABLE 1
(Continued)
384 RISK MANAGEMENT
FIGURE 3
Premiums Written—Hungary (1991–2005)
Source: Axco Global Statistics: The source of the statistics is Hungarian Financial Supervisory
Authority (PSZAF) and the Association of Hungarian Insurance Companies (MABISZ).
facilities, and the broad based social “insurance” program that made the purchase of
life and health insurance unnecessary. The postcommunist period has, as expected,
produced a sizable development of the insurance market in both commercial and per-
sonal lines. Figure 3 shows the historic development of total life and nonlife written
premiums in Hungary. In the aggregate, the amount of written premiums increased
by over 400 percent between 1991 and 2005, as measured in U.S. dollars. Aggregate
insurance premiums measured as a percentage of Hungary’s GDP also increased. In
the early 1990s, this ratio was just over 2 percent, but in recent years has averaged just
under 3 percent. In addition, the density ratio (premiums per capita) increased from
just under US$80 in 1991 to about US$336 in 2005. Figure 4 shows the historic devel-
opment of the density ratio in Hungary. Finally, since 1993, the annual growth rate for
the insurance market’s aggregate written premiums averaged just below 13 percent.
This latter growth rate exceeded corresponding real GDP growth rates and inflation
rates.
Since disposable income was relatively low in communist countries, demand for life
insurance, particularly contracts with significant savings value, was small. During the
economic transition, the life business experienced tremendous growth. The life sector
accounted for only about 24 percent of the entire Hungarian insurance market in 1993,
but in 2003, this increased to 40 percent based on written premiums as shown in Table 2.
At 40 percent, the Hungarian life sector share is equivalent to the average of the 10-EU
members, but is less than the relative life sector share of the 15-EU members, which was
386 RISK MANAGEMENT AND INSURANCE REVIEW
FIGURE 4
Premiums per Capita—Hungary (1991–2005)
Source: Axco Global Statistics: The source of the statistics is Hungarian Financial Supervisory
Authority (PSZAF) and the Association of Hungarian Insurance Companies (MABISZ).
at 62.7 percent in 2003 (ME, 2004c).4 Given this significant growth, Hungary along with
Poland, Slovenia, and the Czech Republic, are the most promising insurance markets in
Central and Eastern Europe. In fact, these four countries represent 60 percent of the total
insurance premiums of this part of Europe where markets tend to be extremely dynamic
(Swiss Re, 2001, p. 10).
While Hungary’s economic transition has overall yielded positive results in the insur-
ance sector, it has also experienced sluggishness (Andreff in Venard, 2001). Some may
logically argue that Hungary’s insurance market still falls significantly short of other Eu-
ropean countries. The macroeconomic importance of insurance, calculated by the ratio
of premiums to GDP, is one-third smaller for Hungary than for most countries of 15-EU.
Insurance premiums reached 2.84 percent of GDP in Hungary in 2000 and 3.08 percent
of GDP in 2005, but averaged 8 percent of GDP for countries in the European Union and
8.4 percent for OECD members (ME, 2001). Figure 5 shows the evolution of this ratio in
Hungary.
A dubious characteristic of transition economies has been the generally inefficient per-
formance of state-owned firms relative to privately held firms. State monopolies in the
communist system were not known for their efficiency and state insurance monopolies
were no exception. The Hungarian case presents an interesting example of a transition
4
15-EU is the acronym for the 15 member countries of the European Union before May 1, 2004.
10-EU is the acronym for the ten new countries accepted into the European Union in 2004.
THE HUNGARIAN INSURANCE MARKET 387
TABLE 2
Main Insurance Products in Hungary (2003)
FIGURE 5
Premiums as Percent GDP—Hungary (1991–2005)
Source: Axco Global Statistics: The source of the statistics is Hungarian Financial Supervisory
Authority (PSZAF) and the Association of Hungarian Insurance Companies (MABISZ).
5
Here, social labor costs refer to payment by employers of various social insurance expenses
such as pension benefits or health benefits for retirees.
THE HUNGARIAN INSURANCE MARKET 389
Insurance statistics were reported for the following subclasses of nonlife insurance prod-
ucts: general third party liability, marine, aviation and transit, motor, property, surety,
bonds and credit, and miscellaneous (balancing items, funeral, legal protection, and
various financial losses). Similar to other privatized insurance markets, motor insurance
and property insurance have comprised the majority of Hungary’s nonlife insurance
market since 1991. Motor insurance includes compulsory automobile liability insurance
and voluntary motor “Casco” insurance.6 Property insurance includes fire and natural
hazards insurance, business owners insurance, commercial/industry insurance, crop
insurance, livestock insurance, homeowners insurance, and “other” property insurance.
From 2000 to 2004, premiums per capita more than doubled for both motor and property
insurance. In 2004, written premiums for all forms of motor insurance totaled US$982
million, or 60 percent of the entire nonlife market. Similarly, in 2004, written premiums
from all forms of property insurance totaled US$522 million, or 32 percent of the entire
nonlife market. Paid claims have also increased dramatically for motor and property
insurance in the last several years. In the aggregate for motor insurance, paid claims
increased steadily from US$265 million in 2000 to US$575 million in 2004. For property
insurance, paid claims increased from US$97 million in 2000 to US$176 million in 2004;
however, the marginal increases were not as linear as with motor insurance. Although
none of the other subclasses of nonlife insurance accounted for a significant percentage
of the overall market from 1991 to 2004, aggregate written premiums for general third
party liability insurance more than doubled from 2000 to 2004.
6
Casco insurance is similar to collision and other-than-collision automobile insurance found in
the United States in that it covers damage to an insured’s own motor vehicle regardless of
fault. Covered perils include traffic accidents, fire, explosion, malicious acts of third parties, and
damage from falling or blown objects.
390 RISK MANAGEMENT AND INSURANCE REVIEW
TABLE 3
Eligibility for European Union Membership
euros. In terms of per capita FDI stock in the region, Hungary again ranks second with
3,100 euros per capita. Only the Czech Republic exceeds this total with 3,900 euros per
capita (ME, 2004a).
Hungary’s geographic location and history have influenced its growth of foreign in-
vestors. Until the First World War, the country was part of the Austrian–Hungarian
Empire. Currently, Hungary is bordered by Austria, Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, Ser-
bia, Croatia, and Slovenia. These countries along with neighboring German-speaking
countries are Hungary’s key economic partners. At present, Germany and Austria sup-
ply approximately 43 percent of the FDI stock in Hungary. The largest foreign investors
in terms of FDI stock from 1990 to 2003 were Germany (31.1 percent), the Netherlands
(14.7 percent), Austria (11.7 percent), the United States (8.2 percent), France (5.2 percent),
Belgium (2.2 percent), and Italy (2.1 percent) (ME, 2005).
FDI has been especially significant in the financial services sector of Hungary’s economy.
Financial services represented 11.5 percent of total FDI between 1990 and 2003. At the
end of 2003, 11.6 percent of total FDI had gone into real estate, 11.5 percent into financial
services, 10.4 percent into the automobile industry, 10.2 percent into trade, and 9.6 percent
into electrical and optical equipment (EIU, 2004, p. 13). At the end of 2003, 82 percent of
banks’ equity was owned by foreign investors, mainly Europeans (ME, 2004b).
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD) were leading agencies that helped accelerate the privatization
of the Hungarian economic sector (Hanley et al., 2002). Private ownership of financial
THE HUNGARIAN INSURANCE MARKET 391
institutions in postcommunist countries was necessary in order to put an end to the type
of “subterranean redistribution” that resulted from the tendency of state-owned banks
to extend loans to loss-making enterprises (King, 2000). The Hungarian government
regarded privatization of the state-owned banks as the final step in strengthening and
stabilizing the banking system (Szapary, 2002).
The emerging Hungarian insurance market perhaps best exemplifies Hungary’s global
economic integration motivated by foreign investors. In 2003, foreign-owned insurance
companies had an overall market share of 86 percent. Foreign-owned insurers repre-
sented 82 percent of the life business in 2003, and 89 percent of the nonlife business.
European insurers were dominant in Hungary with a market share of 83 percent in 2003.
Domestic Hungarian insurers do not write much insurance outside Hungary, as they fo-
cus mainly on domestic sales. German and Austrian insurance companies had a market
share of 29 percent in 2000 and 37 percent in 2003. Furthermore, several non-German
firms have strategically located their regional headquarters in Austria or Germany in
order to better facilitate their growing presence in the new Eastern European markets.
For example, until 2002 the French insurance group Axa administered its Hungarian
subsidiary from its regional headquarters in Germany. The purchase of the Axa Hun-
gary subsidiary by the Austrian company Uniqa (in December 2002) has not changed the
importance of proximity relations. The regional headquarters of Generali-Providencia
is in Austria. German and Austrian insurance companies along with other EU insurers
with regional headquarters in Austria and Germany had a combined market share of
54 percent of the Hungarian market in 2003, with a market share of 30 percent of the
life market and 70 percent of the nonlife market. Again, Hungary’s central European
location and historical links may explain the presence of foreign insurers within the
Hungarian insurance market.
As a result of its dynamic privatization program and the impact of FDI, the private
sector in Hungary has experienced strong growth over the past 20 years (Kalyuzhnova
and Andreff, 2003). By 1993, the private sector’s share of GDP was about 50 percent
compared to nearly 0 percent in the 1980s, and by 2004, FDI accounted for almost half
of Hungary’s GDP.
• A regulatory authority with the power to enforce an insurance code protecting the
rights of insurance buyers and sellers.
• Marketing channels capable of efficiently connecting buyers and sellers.
• Managerial expertise in insurance company operations.
• Investment outlets for the vast reserves needed to operate private insurance companies
(Dorfman, 2005, p. 78).
7
Conditions needed to satisfy the Copenhagen criteria included the following: (1) stability of in-
stitutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and respect for and protection
of minorities; (2) a functioning market economy, which can deal with the market forces of the
European Union; (3) the ability to meet the obligations of EU membership, including keeping to
the aims of political, economic and monetary union; and (4) the adoption and implementation
of “acquis communautaire,” the body of EU law.
394 RISK MANAGEMENT AND INSURANCE REVIEW
abilities of the supervisory authority. The demands of the European Union went well
beyond the insurance sector requirements. In Hungary’s defense, it is difficult to expect a
country to make quick, dramatic reforms that took almost 50 years for other EU members
to achieve (the first Rome Treaty was signed in 1957). There was also criticism of the
insurance regulatory authority regarding delays in processing court cases (EIU, 2004, p.
8). Although there has been progress since the initial supervisory staff, even today, the
supervisory office struggles to obtain and retain qualified insurance professionals.
Perhaps the most important responsibility of insurance supervision is the regulation
of insurer solvency. There were significant problems faced by Hungary and the other
former communist countries in monitoring and regulating insurer solvency. Clearly,
without valid historical data, actuarial reserves could not be calculated accurately. Data
from former times were not reliable, were inappropriate in the prevailing environment,
or were simply nonexistent. For example, if the number of vehicles quadruples, histor-
ical loss data cannot be the basis of sound forward-looking reserve calculations. Nei-
ther regulators nor the insurers, including the former state monopoly, could be certain
the rates used during the transition period were appropriate. Hence, the enforcement
of rules requiring strict actuarial calculations of reserves was not possible. Moreover,
there were not a sufficient number of actuaries present to estimate reserve require-
ments for the supervisor’s office or the insurers themselves, even toward the end of
the period being analyzed. Ignoring reserve requirements fostered unsound insurance
operations and threatened to delay meeting the standards required for accession into the
European Union.
Hungarian authorities would like the next phase in its transition to be integration into
the Eurozone, sometimes called Euroland.8 Joining the Eurozone is the next logical step
in economic development for Hungary. Indeed, the adoption of the euro seems not a
choice but an obligation for the Hungarian government, although the timing of this
move remains an issue (Watson, 2004). The target date for entry into the Economic
and Monetary Union (EMU) has been postponed to 2010 (OECD, 2004). To achieve this
result, the Hungarian government must satisfy the convergence criteria detailed in the
Maastricht Treaty. Thus, Hungarian authorities are attempting to limit inflation. At the
end of 2001, insurance companies were required to restrain premium increases for this
very purpose. For example, the Hungarian finance minister started negotiations with
insurers to cap the maximum premium increase of the compulsory automobile liability
contracts (Washio, 2001).
Developing a regulatory environment has clearly been a challenge for Hungary. In
addition to attempting to satisfy the legal framework requirements of the European
Union, Hungary’s transformed regulatory system must also be conducive to a properly
functioning market economy. If Hungary succeeds in its goal of joining the Eurozone,
it will symbolize the progress Hungary has made since beginning its economic and
political transition to a market economy.
8
In January 2002, 12 of the 15 EU members completed their conversion to using the euro instead
of their own national currencies. These 12 states make up the Eurozone. They are Austria,
Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Netherlands, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Portugal,
and Spain. On the contrary, Denmark, Sweden, and the United Kingdom did not join.
THE HUNGARIAN INSURANCE MARKET 395
CONCLUSION
This article describes the evolution of the Hungarian insurance market from a state
monopoly to a concentrated yet competitive insurance market. Like all former com-
munist countries, Hungary’s insurance market was initially underdeveloped compared
to Western Europe’s markets. Today it is a dynamic market with many competitors,
and a market largely open to foreign investors. Hungary has integrated into the global
economy as evidenced by foreign-owned insurance companies who have a dominant
share of the Hungarian insurance market. Accession to the European Union is another
indicator of Hungarian success in the integration process.
While past growth of the Hungarian insurance market is impressive, significant ques-
tions concerning the future evolution of this market should be addressed. With 61
insurance companies for 10 million inhabitants, the country has seen an insurance pre-
mium growth of roughly 20 percent per year for several years. New companies were
able to find specific niches in the growing market and existing companies were able
to increase market share. However, how will these market participants react when this
rapid growth slows? Will new initiatives be necessary to induce new insurers to continue
entering the Hungarian insurance market? Will they offer insurance at a lower price to
obtain market share, or will they seek smaller niche markets? Another question concerns
the entry of nontraditional insurance distribution channels. Hungary recently witnessed
the success of a bancassurance group, OTP (Országos Takarék Pénztár)-Garancia. This
group increased its market share from 3 percent in 1992 to 11 percent in 2003. Will this
success lead other banks or other insurance distributors to enter the Hungarian insur-
ance market? Finally, in the event of declining returns in the Hungarian financial market,
how will this impact insurer and insured behavior? For example, how will this affect
the supply and demand of new life insurance products designed to improve personal
savings? These questions make the Hungarian insurance market both challenging for
practitioners and interesting for academic researchers.
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