Branding Digital 1

Emotional Branding and the Strategic Value of the Doppelgänger Brand Image
Author(s): Craig J. Thompson, Aric Rindfleisch and Zeynep Arsel

Source: Journal of Marketing, Vol. 70, No. 1 (Jan., 2006), pp. 50-64
Published by: American Marketing Association
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Craig J.Thompson,AricRindfleisch,
& Zeynep Arsel
Emotional andthe
Branding
ValueoftheDoppelganger
Strategic
BrandImage
Emotionalbrandingis widelyheralded as a keyto marketingsuccess. However,littleattentionhas been given to
the risksposed by thisstrategy.This articleargues thatemotional-branding strategiesare conducive to the emer-
gence of a doppelgangerbrand image, whichis definedas a familyof disparagingimages and meanings about a
brandthatcirculatethroughout popularculture.This article'sthesis is thata doppelgangerbrandimage can under-
minethe perceivedauthenticity of an emotional-branding storyand, thus,the identity value thatthe brandprovides
to consumers.The authorsdiscuss how the tenets of emotionalbrandingparadoxicallyencourage the formation
and propagationof doppelganger brand imagery.This articledevelops the counterintuitive propositionthatrather
than merelybeing a threatto be managed, a doppelgangerbrandimage can actuallybenefita brandby providing
early warningsigns that an emotional-branding story is beginningto lose its culturalresonance. This article
demonstratesthese ideas throughan analysis of the doppelganger brand image that is beginningto haunt a
paragon of emotionalbranding-Starbucks.The authorsconclude witha discussion of how marketingmanagers
can proactivelyuse the insightsgained by analyzinga doppelgangerbrandimage.
Over the past decade, emotional brandinghas ingsthatanchorstrong consumer-brand relationships arrive
emergedas a highlyinfluential brandmanagement at conclusionsand recommendations thatare consistent
paradigm(Gobe 2001; Zaltman 2003). Emotional with emotional-branding tenets (Aaker 1997; Aaker,
is a
branding consumer-centric, relational,and story-drivenFournier, and Brasel 2004; Brown,Kozinets,and Sherry
to
approach forgingdeep and enduringaffectivebonds 2003; Fournier 1998; Kozinets 2001; McAlexander,
betweenconsumers and brands(Roberts2004). Proponents Schouten, and Koenig 2002; Muniz and O' Guinn2001).
of emotionalbrandingproclaimthatthishigh degreeof Even brandmanagement paradigmsoriginally premisedon
consumerpassion is seldom,if ever,cultivatedthrough cognitive theoriesof consumer knowledge formation now
rationalarguments abouttangiblebenefitsor even appeals incorporate manyconcepts and recommendations that are
to symbolicbenefits, suchas heightened self-esteem or sta-
characteristic of the emotional-branding paradigm(Keller
tus(Gobe 2001). Rather, thesepotentconsumer-brand link-2003a,b).
ages typicallyemerge when brandingstrategies use narra- However, a seldom-discussedrisk of emotional-
tives and tactics that demonstratean empathetic brandingstrategies is theirpotentialto expose firmsto a
understanding of customers'inspirations, aspirations, andparticular typeof culturalbacklash,whichwe characterize
lifecircumstances and thatgeneratewarmfeelingsof com- as the "doppelganger brandimage"-that is, a familyof
munityamongbrandusers (Atkin2004; Cova and Cova disparaging imagesand storiesabouta brandthatarecircu-
2002; Fournier1998;Munizand Schau2005). latedin popularcultureby a looselyorganizednetwork of
Amongmarketing thisrelational,
practitioners, commu- consumers, antibrand activists,bloggers,and opinionlead-
nal,participatory,sensory, and emotiveviewof consumer- ers in thenewsand entertainment media.Overtime,these
brandrelationships is increasinglyheraldedas a centralpil- brand-focused parodiesand criticisms can coalesce intoa
lar of marketdifferentiation and sustainablecompetitive coherentset of opposingmeaningsthatplaguebrandsthat
advantage (Atkin 2004; Gobe 2001; Lindstrom2005; otherwisehave attained competitivesuccess through
Roberts2004). Similarly, consumerresearchers investigat-emotional-branding strategies.In effect,a doppelganger
ing brand personalities,brand communities, and themean- brandimageculturally competeswiththeemotionally reso-
nantmeaningsthata brand'smanagement attempts to instill
through itsmarketing activities.
CraigJ. Thompson Professor
is Churchill of Marketing(e-mail: Froma conventional brandmanagement standpoint, the
Aric
cthompson@bus.wisc.edu), is
Rindfleisch Professor
Associate of central question about these brand parodiesand social criti-
(andVisiting
Marketing ofMarketing,
Professor Tilburg (e-mail: cismsis whether
University) theyactuallyhurta brandand whether a
andZeynep
aric@bus.wisc.edu), Arsel
isa doctoral inMarket- firmshould take action to combat them (Earle 2002).
candidate
zarsel@bus.wisc.edu),
ing(e-mail ofBusiness,
School ofWis-
University Indeed, corporationssometimespursue aggressivelegal
Madison.
consin, Theauthorsthank
seminar attheUniversity
participants measuresagainstpeople who createor distribute parodies
ofArizona andtheanonymous JMreviewers fortheir
many helpful of theiradvertisements
comments. or logos.Althoughthisadversarial
stanceis understandable, we suggestthatit is ultimately a
(c)2006,American Association
Marketing Journal ofMarketing
ISSN:0022-2429 1547-7185
(print), (electronic) 50 Vol.70 (January
2006),50-64

formof brandmanagement myopiathatoverlooksstrategi- passionand abidingloyaltyare seldom,if ever,attribute-
callyvaluableculturalinsights thatcan be gleanedfroman oriented benefits (e.g.,Gobe 2001; MarkandPearson2001;
examinationof these defamatory representations of the Roberts2004).
brand. Froman emotional-branding standpoint, brandstrate-
In this article,we argue thata doppelgangerbrand gistsshouldfocuson tellingstoriesthatinspireand capti-
imagefunctions as a diagnostictool thatcan reveallatent vateconsumers. These storiesmustdemonstrate a genuine
brandimageproblemsthatcouldeventually blossomintoa understanding of consumers'lifestyles, dreams,and goals
full-fledgedbrand image crisis. More specifically,the and compellingly represent how thebrandcan enrichtheir
analysisof a doppelganger brandimagecan (1) call atten- lives(Roberts2004). As Gobe (2002, p. xxi) writes,"con-
tionto culturalcontradictions thatcouldpotentially under- sumerstodaynotonlywantto be romancedby thebrands
mine the perceivedauthenticity of a firm'semotional- theychooseto bringintotheirlives,theyabsolutely wantto
brandingstrategy, (2) provideearlywarningsignsthatan establisha multifacetedholistic relationshipwith that
emotional-branding storyis beginning to lose itsvalueas an brand,and thismeanstheyexpectthebrandto playa posi-
authenticating narrative for consumers' identityprojects, tive,proactive rolein theirlives."Thus,thestrategic objec-
and(3) offerinsights intohowan emotional-branding strat- tiveof emotionalbranding is to forgestrongand meaning-
egy can be reconfigured to fitbetterwith changing cultural ful affectivebonds with consumersand, in so doing,
timesandshifting consumer outlooks.We further arguethat becomepartof theirlifestories,memories, and an impor-
thesediagnosticinsightsare unlikelyto be generatedby tantlinkin theirsocial networks(Atkin2004). Over the
conventional brandmanagement frameworks. past few years,manywell-knownbrandshave adopted
Our theory-building orientation followsan emerging emotional-branding strategies,including Tide, Lexus,
tradition of studiesthatuse qualitativedata and culturally Apple,Nike, IBM, Cheerios,McDonald's, and Starbucks
based insights to developnewtheoretical knowledgeof the (Atkin2004; Gobe 2001; Roberts2004).
symbolicand experiential dimensionsof consumer-brand The benefitsof emotional-branding strategiesare
relationships(e.g., Brown,Kozinets,and Sherry2003; increasingly being endorsed by the academic marketing
Fournier1998; Holt 2002; McAlexander,Schouten,and community. For example,in a pioneering scholarlyarticle
Koenig2002; Muniz and O'Guinn2001). In pursuingthis on consumer-brand connections, Fournier(1998) details
agenda,we beginwitha briefreviewof thetenetsof emo- thewaysthatconsumers can experiencebrandsas relation-
tionalbranding. We proposethatthiswidelyusedmarketing shippartners thathelpthemaccomplishpersonalgoals and
strategy harborsa set of unintended (and largelyunrecog- resolvedilemmasin theireveryday lives.Ratherthanbeing
nized)risksthatpredisposebrandsto theformation ofdop- generatedthrough skillful marketing, Fourniercontends
pelganger brand images. Next, we show how such that these relationalmeanings(i.e., love/passion,self-
unintended consequencesemergein the contextof Star- connection, commitment, trust,and intimacy) emergeonly
bucks'semotional-branding strategyand analyzehowthese whenbrandsbecomeintegrated intoconsumers'lives and
unflattering and disauthenticating meaningsmotivatecon- identityprojects.Severalsubsequentstudies(e.g., Brown,
sumerbrandavoidance.We thendiscussgeneralmanagerial Kozinets,andSherry 2003; Holt2002; Kates2004; Zaltman
insightsthatcan be garnered by monitoring and analyzing 2003) have supported theidentity significance of emotion-
doppelganger brandimagesandthebroaderstrategic impli- allybased consumer-brand relationships.
cationsofourresearch. The social dynamicsthat underlie the emotional-
brandingparadigmhave been most fullyexplicatedin
TheTenetsand Unintended scholarlystudiesof brandcommunities, suchas theHarley
Owners Group and Apple Macintoshenthusiasts(e.g.,
Consequences of Emotional McAlexander,Schouten,and Koenig 2002; Muniz and
Branding O'Guinn 2001; Muniz and Schau 2005; O'Guinn and
Emotionalbrandingemergedin the late 1990s as a self- Muniz 2005). In thesecommunities, brandmeaningsare
proclaimedcorrective to the shortcomings of theconven- collectivelyforgedamong a groupof consumers.These
tionalbenefit-driven
approachtobranding (see Gobe 2001). sharedmeaningsenable consumersfromdiversewalksof
Specifically,emotional-branding gurus challenge the lifeand different geographiclocales to experiencedeeply
benefit-driven approach'sfundamental claim thatbrand satisfying feelingsof community and solidarity. It is diffi-
managers must establish
a and distinctive
clear,consistent, cultto finda morestriking exampleof"loyaltybeyondrea-
benefitpositionin the mindof the consumer(see Aaker son" (Roberts2004) thanthecommunity ofAppleNewton
1996; Ries and Trout 1981). Rather,proponentsof devotees, who have religiouslystuck by brandlongaban-
a
emotional-branding arguethata benefit-driven positioning donedby itsmanufacturer and whogo to arduousextremes
cannotprovidean enduring competitiveadvantage, because to continueusingthisincreasingly antiquatedtechnology
itis readilyemulated,
particularlywhen thebenefits aretied (Munizand Schau2005).
to technologicaland productdesignfeatures. Theyfurther At present,the conceptualdividebetweenemotional-
contendthatstraightforward benefitappealsare unlikelyto brandingand more traditionalbenefit-driven branding
breakthrough theclutterof a saturated
marketing environ- strategiesis rapidlynarrowing as emotional-branding prin-
mentthata plethoraofbrandsarefighting to claimdistinc- ciples are being integrated into the benefit-driven brand
tiveassociations.In thisvein,emotional-branding propo- management paradigm. Forexample,Keller(2003a,p. 596)
nentsinsistthatthebrandmeaningsthatinspireconsumer commends Zaltman's metaphorelicitation technique,
Emotional andtheDoppelganger
Branding BrandImage151

Fournier'sbrandrelationshipqualitymodel, and ethno- the posterchild forsweatshoplabor).These uncharitable
graphicresearchon brandcommunities for highlighting brandmeaningsand images can quicklyspreadthrough
"intangible
aspects of brand knowledge not relatedto the multiplechannels,such as thenews media,entertainment
actual physicalproductor servicespecifications per se." media,e-mailnetworks, andbloggers(see Klein1999;Lasn
ThepinnacleofKeller's(2003b,pp. 92-93) customer-based 1999). ConsiderProcter& Gamble'sinitialintroduction of
brandequitypyramid is "brandresonance," whichrefersto thefatsubstitute Olestra,whichwas effectively sunkbythe
"the ultimaterelationshipand level of attachment thata deadlycombination of sensationalized pressreportsabout
consumer has witha brand." unpleasantgastrointestinal side effectsand the incessant
lampooning ofthissupposedsideeffect bypopularcomedi-
Emotional Branding and the Contested ans,suchas JayLeno (see Gladwell2001; Kozinets2004).
Cocreation of Brand Meaning Antibrand activistsconstitute anothervocal groupof
The tenetsofemotionalbranding areperfectly alignedwith adversarial brand-meaning creators(see Kozinetsand Han-
thepostmodern viewthatbrandmeaningsarenotcontrolled delman 2004). These activists, such as Adbusters
bymanagers butrather arecocreatedthrough ongoinginter- (www.adbusters.com), areoftenwell-organized entitiesthat
actionsamongtheirusers(Cova and Cova 2002; Fournier try to raise consumer consciousness about what theydeem
1998; Muniz and O' Guinn 2001). In the emotional- to be theexcessesandexploitations ofcorporate capitalism.
brandingliterature, consumersare commonly portrayed as Whentheseactivistsare successfulin garnering attention
enthusiastic partners whoengagein intimate dialogueswith fortheirantibrand campaigns, a brand's image can takea
otherbrandusersand brandmanagersto createmutually drasticturn.For example,in themid-1990s,thecosmetic
beneficial,identity-enhancing, community-building, and retailerTheBodyShopexperienced a publicrelationscrisis
loyalty-sustaining meanings(Atkin 2004; Gobe 2001; and loweringof its investment ratingswhen the popular
Roberts2004). The AppleMacintoshand Harley-Davidson pressbrought attention to activists' claims thatthe com-
brandcommunities exemplify thismodelof sharedbrand pany's sociallyresponsibleidentitywas morehype than
ownership.By participating these collaborativedia-
in reality(Atkin2004; Entine2003). In effect, theseactivists
logues, brandmanagerscan gain valuable insightsinto were successfulin creatinga doppelganger brandimage
productdesignimprovements andinnovations, newproduct thatdirectlycompetedwith the corporatebrand image
development opportunities,and resonant meaningsthatcan advancedby The Body Shop. A morerecentexampleof
be leveragedin advertising campaigns(Lindstrom2005; potentantibrand activismis offered by CaryandVan Neis-
Roberts2004). In addition, proponents of emotionalbrand- tat'sviralvideo"iPod'sDirtySecret,"whichportrays Apple
ingargue that these passionateconsumers/owners willoften as intentionally exploitingcustomersby not offeringa
act as brandmissionaries,promoting the brandthrough replacement battery forthiswidelypopularproduct.Their
theirown invocative, personalizedbrandstories(Gladwell viralvideo spreadlikewildfire acrosstheInternet, and the
2000; McAlexander,Schouten,and Koenig 2002; Muniz storywas pickedup by severalmainstream newsorganiza-
and0' Guinn2001). tions.The resulting stormof controversy led Appleto offer
Yet thisprocessof brand-meaning cocreationharbors a replacement batteryand, thereby, dramatically alterits
someinfrequently discussedbutconsequential risks.When marketing strategy (Stuever2003).
a brand is viewed as transgressing or abandoningits Antibrandactivismcomes in manyforms,including
emotional-branding promises, formerly loyalcustomers can boycotts,demonstrations, organizedpublic relationsand
createa significant backlash.This perniciousconsequence informational campaigns,and whathas come to be known
ofpassionateconsumer-brand relationships is vividlyillus- as "culture jamming"(KozinetsandHandelman2004; Lasn
tratedby thetravailsof Snapple,whichwas brought to the 1999). Culture jammingrefersto a practiceof usingadver-
brinkof collapseby a widespreadrebellionamongitsmost tising tools and techniquessubversively to cast a critical
loyal consumers-energized by the spurned former and often-demonizing on
light marketing practices,suchas
spokesmanHoward Stern,who angrilyrechristened the Adbusters' "JoeChemo"parodiesofR.J.Reynolds'contro-
brand"Crapple"-afterits new corporateowner,Quaker, versialJoeCamelcampaignandtheirspoofadvertisements
attempted to mainstream the brand(Deighton2002; Holt featuring jarringjuxtapositionsbetweenNike's inspira-
2003). tionaladvertising rhetoricand starkimagesof sweatshop
In additionto estranged customers, themediacan also laborers(http://www.adbusters.org/spoofads/). Culturejam-
circulatebrandmeaningsthatare maligning, worrisome, or merstendtotarget successful iconicbrands,suchas Nikeor
opprobrious. For example, as Martha Stewart gained Starbucks, because thesebrandsare consideredcorporate
celebritystatus,she also becamethetargetof an escalating capitalism'smostvalued(and vulnerable)symbolicassets
litanyof scandalousexposes,unflattering mediaconstruc- (Holt2002; Klein 1999).
tions,andpop culturesatires,all ofwhichgenerated serious Adbusters and like-minded activistscharacterize them-
brandmanagement headachesforMarthaStewartLiving selvesas antimarketers whouse guerillatacticsto "uncool"
Omnimedia, evenbeforetheImClonescandal(Fournier and iconicbrands(Lasn 1999) or,in ourterminology, to create
Herman2004). In thesealternative culturalconstructions, a doppelganger brandimagesthatresonatewithconsumers.
brandmaybe usedas fodderforhumorous parody, caution- As theInternet and e-mailhavebecomeubiquitousaspects
ary tales about latentlifestyledangers(e.g., McDonald's ofeveryday lifeandas digital-imaging software gainswide-
vilificationin themuckraking documentary SuperSize Me), spreaddiffusion, the number of brand parodiesand biting
or derisivecritiquesof corporatecapitalism(e.g., Nike as culture jamming satires that circulate in cyberspacehas
ofMarketing,
521Journal 2006
January

mushroomed and arenowbeingrecognizedas a potentially be a sincererelationship partner or offergenuineemotional
serious brandimage threat(Earle 2002; Walker2003). sustenance.In the followingsection,we highlightthe
Similar to a virulentvirus, these alternative,often- emergingdoppelgangerbrandimagerythatis currently
unflatteringconstructions ofa brandcan movethrough pop- challengingthe authenticity of Starbucks'semotional-
ularculturewithlightening speed. branding claims.
Aftera doppelganger brandimageis successfully dif-
fusedintopopularculture,it presentsa competingset of
meaningsthathave the potentialto influenceconsumer
Attackson Starbucks'sPerceived
beliefsandbehavior. We suggestthata doppelganger brand Authenticity
image can provoke a sense of incongruity between the inti- Currently, few brandsare ridinghigherthan Starbucks.
mateandinspirational tenorof an emotional-branding strat- Fromitshumbleoriginsas a singlecoffeeshopin Seattlea
egy and theprofit-driven motivesof its corporatesponsor. mere20 yearsago, Starbucks has climbedtheFortune500
Undersuch conditions, the authenticity of an emotional- ladder; it has approximately 7000 storesworldwideand a
brandingstory can become suspect, and the identityvalue projected total of 10,000 by the end of 2005 (www.
thatthe brandoffersto consumerscan become greatly starbucks.com). Starbucks's revenue has climbedannually
reduced(Holt2002). at an averageof 20% peryear,and it generated morethan
The literatureon thepsychological and culturaldimen- $4 billionin grossrevenueandnearly$300 millionin profit
sionsof authenticity is extensive(formorecomprehensive during2003 (StarbucksCorporation 2003, p. 12), though
reviews,see Campbell 1987; Cross 2000; Graysonand the chain's same-storesales growthbeganto slow during
Martinec2004; MacCannell1989). A recurrent conclusion 2004 (Ouchi 2004). However,these impressivefinancial
of theseinvestigations is thatthesymbolicdividebetween numbersdo notfullytellthestoryof Starbucks'stransfor-
theauthentic and theinauthentic is a culturalconstruction mativerolein popularculture.Starbucks has sparkeda dra-
ratherthanan inherent of
property objects or actions. Sev- matic resurgence in coffee in
consumption theUnitedStates
eral influentialscholarshave also notedan enduringcul- andhas changedtheleisurepracticesand dailyroutines for
turaltensionbetweentheideal of authenticity and popular a broadswathof consumers.The aestheticlook,feel,and
conceptions of commercialism, as evincedby conventional soundof Starbuckshas influenced thedesignof retailser-
lamentsabout artistswho compromisetheirintegrity by vicescapes in general (Postrel 2003). Thus,Starbuckshas
"selling out" (Lears 1994). Underlyingthis contrast becomean important cultural icon,andthe"Starbucks revo-
betweenthe authenticand the commercialis a quasi- lution"has,in largepart,createdtheburgeoning market for
religiousbelief thatcertainspheresof humanexistence coffeeshops and premium-priced gourmetcoffeebeans
shouldremainsacredand distinct fromtheprofanespheres (HellikerandLeung2002).
of commerceand profitseeking(Belk, Wallendorf, and Givenits phenomenalrise,it is no surprisethatStar-
Sherry1989). bucksis widelyheraldedas a shiningexemplarof emo-
The significancethat consumersattributeto this tional brandingand successfulbrandpositioning(e.g.,
ephemeralideal of authenticity has been documentedin Gobe 2002; Keller2000; Lewis and Bridger2000; Roberts
several studies(e.g., Arnouldand Price 1993; Fournier 2004; Schmitt1999; Schmittand Simonson1996; Shields
1998; Grayson and Martinec 2004; Kozinets 2001; 2002). However,noteveryone sharesthisunbridled enthusi-
Perialoza2000; Price and Arnould1999; Thompsonand asm forthebrand.A Web searchrevealsa staggering num-
Tambyah1999). Brands thatsuccessfullyshroudthem- ber of anti-Starbucks Web sites thatpresentextensively
selvesin thecloak of authenticity are able to conveydesir- elaboratedcriticisms of itsbusinesspractices, scathingdia-
able consumermeaningsof innerdirectedness, lack of pre- tribes,and manifoldculture-jamming ploys.One particular
tense,and genuinecommitment to brand-related activities Web postingfroman antibrand activistorganization in the
(see Lewis andBridger2000). In pursuitof theauthenticity UnitedKingdomillustrates thespiritoftheseanti-Starbucks
grail,leadingbrands,suchMiller,BurgerKing,Adidas,and sentiments (www2.spacehijackers.org/starbucks):
Coke, now routinely use stealth marketing campaigns that Starbucks makeus feelill,[w]iththeir carefullychosen,
are designedto givetheirbrandsa moreauthentic persona subtle(butnottoobland)colourscheme. Theytrytosug-
through tacticssuchas theco-optionof urbanvernaculars gestsomekindofethnic, liberalcharm. Eventheback-
and stylesand theseamlessintegration of theirbrandsinto ground musichasbeenStarbucked: watered-down, instru-
the worldsof art and entertainment (Frank 1997; Holt mental versions ofHendrix; after all,wewouldn't wantto
offend.Thequirky livingroomsofasandtablesarenotso
2002). whenyourealizetheyareidentical
quirky to theother
However,thesetacticsare continuously monitored and thousands ofstores, [a]ndthosethousands ofstores,likea
widelydisparagedby antibrand activistsas anotherinsidi- plagueinfesting ourhighstreets, area McDonald's forthe
ous tacticused by Machiavellianmarketers. In a consumer newmediageneration.... Mostofall,wedislike theirver-
culturemarkedby pervasiveskepticism towardmarketing minlike spread, subsidizingnewstores inorder tooutprice
and advertising practices(Walker2003; Wipperfiirth 2005), andclosedownlocalrivals, before turningentire towns
the authenticity of a brandcan be extremely difficult for and citiesthathorrid green, [b]landing outanylocalcul-
brandmanagersto secure and disconcertingly tureanddiversity worldwide.
easy for
antibrandactiviststo usurp.When activistspropagatea Culturejammersroutinely spreadanti-Starbucks mean-
doppelganger brandimage,theyare expressinga stinging ingsthrough cyberspace, usingattention-grabbing of blends
rebuketo theidea thata corporate-sponsored brandcould narrative, satiricalimages,and animation.One animated

Webparodybelittlesthepretentiousness ofthecountertalk bucksOpensin RestRoomof ExistingStarbucks" thathas
thatunfoldswhen a Starbucks'customerordersa drink. been widelycirculatedon theWeb or thelampooning car-
Behindthebaristais a signproclaiming "Weproudly propa- toonpresented in Figure2. Althoughmoresedatein tone,
gandizeStar-Schmucks coffee"andlistingridiculouslyhigh these parodies nonethelessreinforcethe doppelganger
prices for standardcoffee shop fare. When a trendily imagethatStarbucks is littlemorethana profit-driven,mar-
dressedcustomerordersa "vente,whitechocolate,mocha keting affectationand that its customersare either dupesor
thingy,"a foul-mouthed cartoonchipmunk (imagineAlvin shamelesstrendfollowers.
crossedwithChrisRock)popsup andmercilessly ridicules Much like a conventional brandimage,the ultimate
Starbucks'slatte-lingopretensionsand everything else of a
meanings doppelganger brand imageareforgedbythe
about its customers and marketingtactics (www. consumerswho interpret and use themin the contextof
illwillpress.com/sml.html).A more scathingviral video theireveryday lives.In thenextsection,we (1) highlight the
likensStarbucksto a Nazi-likeempire,steadilyand ever- aspects of Starbucks's doppelganger brand image thatmost
more aggressivelypursuingworld domination(www. strongly resonatewithour sampleof consumersand (2)
albinoblacksheep.com/flash/sbux.php). analyzehow thesemeaningsare incorporated into these
Throughthisgamutof criticalparodies,anti-Starbucks consumers' preferences, belief
lifestyles, systems, andiden-
activistsuse humorand satireto assail thisbrandformany tities.Drawingfromthesequalitative insights, thendis-
we
perceivedmisdeeds,includingcrushinglocal competition, cusshowtheseseemingly adversarialmeaningscan be used
degrading theenvironment, third-world
exploiting workers, in a diagnosticfashionto understand, monitor, and proac-
homogenizing local cultures,and perpetuating the worst tively manage an emotional-branding strategymore
excesses of status-conscious consumerism, as evincedby effectively.
thecultural-jamming takeson itsiconicmermaidlogo (see
Figure1). Although thesebranddisparagements maybe sta- AnAnalysisofStarbucks's
and factually
tistically contestable,theyputmeaningsinto
culturalcirculationthatchallengetheauthenticity of Star- DoppelgangerBrandImage
bucks'semotional-branding promises. Duringthecourseof thisstudy,we collecteddata overa
Of course,mostconsumersare notantibrand activists. two-yearperiod,usinga multisite approach.Our primary
However,theseculture-jamming criticisms regularlyenter dataconsistof tape-recordedphenomenologicalinterviews
intomainstream culturaldiscourse,suchas mediasatiresof with36 coffeeshoppatronsacrosstwo locations:a large
Starbucks'sbreakneckexpansion,as exemplified by the "lattetown"(see Brooks2000,pp.
cityanda quintessential
Onion's(a satiricalnewspaper)mockheadline"New Star- 103-109). The interviewstotaledmorethan60 hoursof
FIGURE 1
Culture-JammingStarbucks's Mermaid Logo
Theimageinthelower
Notes: left-hand
corner toremove
hasbeenaltered profanity.
54I Journal
ofMarketing, 2006
January

FIGURE 2 consumersunderstood Starbucksand the kindof identity
A Popular Culture Parody of Starbucks projectedby itsbrand image.
We interpreted this body of qualitativedata using a
hermeneutic approach(Thompson1997). In thisapproach,
provisional understandings areformed, challenged, revised,
and furtherdeveloped throughan iterativemovement
betweenindividualtranscripts and the emergingunder-
standing of the entire set of textualdata.Thus,each inter-
viewwas initiallytreatedas a separateidiographic case in
whichwe attempted to uncoverthe salientmeaningsand
identityprojects(e.g., Mick and Buhl 1992) thateach par-
ticipantpursued. As our interpretation unfolded,we
to
attempted recognize thematic and narrativecommonali-
tiesthatemergedacrossthedataset.Our aim was to iden-
tifythe mostrecurrent and robustpatternsof underlying
culturalmeaningsthatengenderedthese identified com-
monalities.This hermeneutic mode of interpretation is
premised on theidea that a given consumer is notexpress-
ing a strictly subjectiveviewpoint.Instead,he or she is
Source:From
theUtneReader. with
Reprinted permission. articulating a culturallysharedsystemof meaningsand
beliefs,personalized to fithis or herspecificlifegoals and
conversation,whichwe tape-recorded toproduce600 pages circumstances (Thompson1997).
of single-spacedtext.These interviews weresupplemented
extensivefieldnotes and numerous from Overview of Emergent Themes
by photographs
on-siteobservations of patronsacross six different local Jack:It's[Starbucks]justa hugecorporation.I mean,just
coffeeshops. a giganticcorporation.They'reall overtheworld. Thou-
Interviewswereconducted in six different coffeeshops, sandsofoutlets, andthey comein,runspecials, cutprices,
and andbreakother coffeeshops-justdrive them outofbusi-
rangingfromthosethatweremilitantly anti-Starbucks
ness.Because,unfortunately, there'snota lotofloyalty
fashionedarounda countercultural motifto those that outthere as faras consumersareconcerned. usu-
They're
exhibiteda polishedaestheticmuchlikethatof Starbucks. allygoingto go wheretheyspendtheleastamount of
Thisdiversityoflocalesenabledus to accumulate narratives money; they're goingforthebargains rather
thanloyalty
fromrespondents witha broadrangeof opinionsaboutthe tolocalbusinesspeople.
Starbucks brand.Manyofourparticipants also patronized a
The doppelgangermeaningsplaguingthe Starbucks
wide varietyof coffeeshops,and a fewreported thatthey
brandareculturally grounded in a particular
formofmarket
periodically
frequented Starbucks. Thus,ourinterviews also that
populism portrays largecorporations exploitiveand
as
elicitedparticipants'perceptions and evaluations of the whose actionsrun counterto the best
rapaciousagents
broadercoffeeshopscenein relationto Starbucks. interestsof ordinaryconsumers and smallbusinessowners
wereinformed
Participants thattheinterviews pertained (Cohen 2003; Kelly 2001). However,theaccuracyof this
to theirexperiencesand perceptions of coffeeshops and is widelycontested. For example,
populistanticorporatism
wereensuredthattheiridentity wouldremainconfidential. thetwo firmsmostcommonlyaccusedof predatory prac-
Each interview began with a set of "grandtour"questions
tices,Wal-Martand Starbucks, counterthattheyactually
(McCracken 1988) about participants'personal back- improvelocal economiesand creategreateropportunities
grounds, and
interests, life goals and thenfocusedon their forsmallbusinesses.In thecase ofStarbucks, thisanticom-
and
experiences perceptions of local coffeeshops. Inter- is ironic because the so-called
petitivecharge particularly
viewerswereprovidedwitha small set of predetermined Starbucks revolutionhas corresponded to a dramatic risein
topicsto cover(e.g., whatparticipants likedand disliked the numberof locally ownedcoffeeshops (Hellikerand
abouttheirlocal coffeeshop,theirperceptions ofthecoffee Leung2002).
shop'sregularcustomers). In keepingwithdepthinterview However,brandimageis muchmorea matterof per-
protocols(e.g., McCracken1988; Thompson,Locander, ceivedmeaningand culturalmythology (Holt 2003; Mark
andPollio 1989),however, we allowedparticipants to guide andPearson2001) thanan aggregation ofverified evidence.
theflowandcontent of thediscussionto minimizetherisk Regarding Jack's for
vignette, example, there is littleevi-
of interviewer-inducedbiases.Theseinterviews had a con- dence thatStarbucks, whichmaintainsa premiummarket
versationalquality;interviewers interjected predetermined position,underprices local competitors. However,Jack's
questionsonlywhenbreaksin thedialoguearose.Impor- accusationis consistentwiththe populistidea thatlarge
tantly,theinterviewers did notintroduce thetopicof Star- corporations aremodern-day robberbaronsthat,as a matter
bucks.However,in all of our 36 cases, the interviewees of course,aggressively wieldtheircloutto crushrelatively
raisedthe distinctionbetweentheirpreferred coffeeshop powerlessmom-and-pop operations.
and contrasting doppelganger, meanings attributed to Star- The David versus Goliath portrayalof competition
bucks.Further probes were then used to elucidate how these betweena small,locallyownedestablishment and a global

chain,such as Starbucks,makes fora particularly com- and reenactments (Graysonand Martinec2004; Pefialoza
pellingmythic formulation in whichtheconsumercan also 2000). In an era markedby culturalconcernsovermarket-
assumeheroicqualities.Through patronage oflocal alterna- place standardization, homogenization,and a growing
tives,theseconsumers construethemselves as participating antipathy towardgenericsuburban landscapespopulatedby
in a dramatic populiststruggle againstcorporate titans,such cookie-cutterhomes and stripmalls (Oldenburg1997;
as Starbucks. Theirheroicself-constructions arefurther but- Ritzer1998), the searchforauthenticity is oftencoupled
tressedby historically recurrent examplesof corporations witha desireto experience distinctiveculturalworlds(Holt
abusingtheireconomicand politicalpower and putting 1998; Thompsonand Tambyah1999). This cosmopolitan
immediate profits overlong-term societaland environmen- motifis prominent amongoursampleof local coffeeshop
tal interests,as exemplified by the well-publicized corpo- patrons, who consistently characterized an authentic coffee
rateaccounting scandalsof 2002. shopas one thatprovidesa spontaneous experience oflocal
Amongour sample of local coffeeshop patrons,the colorthatcannotbe attainedelsewhere.Importantly, these
identityvalueof avoidingtheStarbucks brandand theven- covetedcosmopolitanexperiencesare understood through
erationof theirpreferred local alternatives hingedon two thecriticalcontrast to Starbucks's doppelganger meaningof
primary motifs, both of which have underlying connections being a highly standardized,calculated, and status-
to thisbrand'slack of perceivedauthenticity: (1) thecos- consciousservicescape. Considerthefollowing passage:
mopolitan motif and (2) the artisan/owner motif. Through Brian:I mean,ifyoujustthink ofcoffee culture,you're
thecosmopolitan motif,local coffeeshopsare constructed thinking about,youknow,struggling artists.
I hateto
as sitesforacquiringauthentically distinctivesocialandaes- stereotype likethat,but,I mean,withthelocal coffee
theticexperiences thatarenotreadilyavailableincorporate- places,you'regoingtohavea littlemoreidiosyncrasy, a
run servicescapesand commercialsettings.Throughthe littlelocalflavor,colorto theplace.Theymight havea
artisan/owner motif, ourparticipants viewlocal coffeeshops specialtykindofmenuorsomething, ortheymight make
as atavisticthrowbacks to a bygoneera thatexistedbefore [or]do something unique.But,sayyou'rein San Fran-
ciscoorSeattle, andyouseea Starbucks; youmoreorless
themarketplace dominanceof nationalchains,whendedi- knowwhatyou'regoingtogetwhenyouwalkinthedoor.
catedproprietors puttheirpersonalstampson all facetsof Thisplaceis kindofan eclecticnature. Yeah,I justlike
the business. Importantly, our data indicatethat these thearea.It'skindofa bohemian areaoftown. It'snotlike
authenticating narratives are forgedthrough a criticalcom- cookiecutter likeStarbucks.Youdon'thavetobea certain
to
parison Starbucks, which is summarily constructed as classto go there; moreor less,youcanbe ofanyclass
littlemorethana commercialized facsimileof a genuine really.I meanyoujust,whatI likeaboutitis,younever
coffee shop and is perceivedas lacking any authentic knowwhatkindof character is goingto showup here
ofthecosmopolitan or artisan/owner motifs.
whenyou'rehaving yourcoffee.
expression
Notably, these two motifs closely mirror Starbucks's Throughthe mundaneact of patronizing local coffee
highlypublicizedhomageto Europeancafes(includingthe our can
shops, participants experience themselves as rebels
attendant ideals of culturalsophistication, worldlyengage- who are consumingagainst the grain of corporate-
ment,and intellectual conversations) and itsrelatedmarket dominatedmainstream conformity. Throughthisformula-
positioning as a comfortable communalspacein whichcon- tion,their experiences of authentic cultural difference and
sumerscan relax and socialize (Schultz 1997; Shields social diversityaffordedby theirfavoritecoffeeshops
2002). Our participants embracethesecosmopolitanand becomea resourceforcultivating a sense of personaldis-
communalmotifsas defining features ofan authentic coffee
tinctivenessand defiantindividuality. Conversely, theirdia-
shop,andtheyperceiveStarbucks as beingunableto deliver metriccontrast to Starbucks's doppelganger meanings(i.e.,
on theseemotional-branding promises. corporateconformity and mass-market standardization)
functions as a frameofreference thatenhancestheseexpe-
A Distinctive Cultural Experience (the riencesof authenticity:
Cosmopolitan Motif)
Frank: Well,yeah,a placelikethisis unique, which I like.
becauseitseemedlikeevery
Scott:I don'tlikeStarbucks, It verymuchcatersto,youknow, thepopulation around
timeI wasthere, thepeoplehavetheirlaptopandthen they here.It's very,youknow,it's comforting to somebody
havetheir NewYork Timesorwhatever, their
espresso, and wholivesinthesuburbs. It'sunique, it'sgotitsartsy sort
itjustseemssterile.Therewasnothing, likehereit'sa lit- ofthing, butas opposedto Starbucks, youknow, every-
tlegothic anda little So itseemed
different. toosterile. whereit'sstillthesamecorporate kindof cookie-cutter
and boringuniformity type of place that is more, thatI don'tsee thesame
DistasteforStarbucks'ssterility
uniqueness. You know, you can come in hereandgeta cup
is a prominent refrainin our interviews. Our participants ofcoffee, andit'sgoingtobe different thanwhatyouget
widelycondemnedStarbucks foroffering a bland,prepack- in[nameofanother localestablishment]; it'sgoingtotaste
aged, focus-group-tested consumptionexperiencethat a littlebitdifferent, butyouknow,[in]everyStarbucks,
catersto bourgeoistastes.In diametric contrast,ourpartici- thefoodanddrinks arepretty muchthesame.So,I mean,
pants view local coffee shops as locales for authentic a
just place like has
this more personality. I wouldn't goto
Starbucks. I'll go out of my way to go all theway to the
expressionof culturaluniquenessand alternative (i.e., non-
EastSide-forme,a drive from hereis aboutsixmiles.I'd
corporate) sensibilities.
rather dothat, andit'sjustmoreofa satisfying experience.
The quest forauthenticculturalexperienceshas been
discussedas a prominent motivatorof globaltravels(Mac- Similarly, EllenechoesAdbusters' critiqueofmasscon-
Cannell 1989) and excursionsto historicsites,museums, sumercultureas a stultifying force(Lasn 1999) thatincul-
ofMarketing,
56 I Journal 2006
January

cates preferencesfor standardizedexperiencesthatare riencesof servicescapeauthenticity are steepedin a per-
familiarandcomforting butultimately inauthentic: ceived fidelityto historicalcircumstances, culturaltradi-
Ellen:Well,I actually shopsthatare
don'tgo intocoffee tions, or the lives of famous people(Graysonand Martinec
chains,orI avoidthemas muchas possible.I don'tdo 2004; Pefialoza 2000). In the case of theAmericancoffee
storesthatarechains. shop scene,however, these cultural pillarsof authenticity
carry less symbolicweight. example,Ellen's preferred
For
Interviewer:
Tellmeaboutthat.
coffeeshophadbeenin operation foronlythreeyears,so it
Ellen:Well,I don'twanttoparticipate in sortofthecor- couldnotlayclaimto somelong-standing tradition.In gen-
poratespread I havethefeeling
intotheworld. thatpeople eral,local coffeeshopstendto be simulations of a romanti-
thatgo to chainplaceshavesomesortof senseoftheir cized image of the GreenwichVillage beatnik/bohemian
safetyindoingthat.Like,it'salwaysthesamenomatter
coffeehouses (circa the 1950s) or left-bank Frenchcafes
where they go.Itactually
becomes theculture.
frequented byberet-wearing, existential-spouting intellectu-
Interviewer: Canyouexplain thata little
more? als. In thiscontext, compelling claims to authenticity must
Ellen:Whenyougo toParisoryougo someplace outin be activelyconstructed,and the symbolicdistinctions
theworld,thetendency is towanttofindsomething that's forgedthroughStarbucks'sdoppelganger brandmeanings
home, something thatyouknow, andifyouwalkdownthe loom largein thisregard.Particularly, the authenticity of
streetandfinda McDonald'sora Starbucks, youknow, local coffeeshops' culturalambianceis contingent on the
thisis yourhome,becausethesethings havebecomeso idea thatStarbucks's trademark
entrenched in theculturethatit'snotevenconscious. If servicescapeis a marketing
affectation designed to maximize profitabilityrather thanan
yougo tolookforrestaurants, tolookforplacesthatare
of local
authentic, spontaneous expression culture:
locallyownedandrun,theyare notthesameall over
everywhere andthattakes,itfeelsas ifittakeseffort.
Like Anne:MyimageofStarbucks is prettybad.Eventhough I
people,it takeseffortanddaringto trysomething that haven't beenthere thatmany times, I think of[it]as more
isn'tthesame.If you'resomebody who'susedto going commercial, um,sellingoutin a waybecauseyouthink
intothesameallthetime, I thinkthat'sa sadcommenton of,like,Starbucks, they findoutwhatpeoplewantandthe
ourculture. atmosphere andtheCDs andthemerchandise, andyop
Interviewer: Whataresomeofthethings youthink about know,they're doinga reallygoodjob withall that,but
whenchoosing a coffee something aboutthatwholeidea....I justwantto rebel
shop? it.It'salmost tooanalytical, this
against where, youknow,
Ellen:Okay, I checkoutwhether it'sa placethathasinter- placeis justmore"spiritual," youknow,it'smorethat
estingpeoplein it thatlooklikeI might wantto getto feeling; it'snotas analytical. It'sjustmoreemotional or
knowthem. Ifitoffers soy milk(laugh), that's If
peculiar! something.
itembraces variety,isn'trushed....
I thinkthat'simportant
too.I likebeingina placewhere Our participants'sharpdistinction betweenauthentic
peoplearen't, youknow,
pounding a cupofcoffee andzooming outsomewhere. A coffeeshopsand crasscommercial interests
revealsa glar-
certain kindof vitality I likeas well.I lookforwhere ing historicalmisconception. As McFall (2004) discusses,
peoplearealiveandactiveanddoingsomething withtheir eighteenth-and nineteenth-century Europeancoffeehouses
lives. wereprotomarketing sites.Not onlyweretheysegmented
In this passage, Ellen forges a symbolic contrast accordingto different consumerinterests,emphasizing
betweena standardized and mass-marketed consumercul- news, storytelling,
poetry/literature, and gossip,but they
turethatcatersto a risk-averse and staidclienteleand the also providedan important meansto distribute advertise-
authentic of local culturalcharmthatexistout- ments(withseveraladvertising agenciesactuallyoriginat-
experiences
side thesphereof corporate chains.Throughheravoidance ing fromthecoffeehouse trade)and commercialgathering
of chains,Ellen venerates herconsumption and for
points auctions,sales, and businessmeetings.However,
preferences
consumersas peoplewho thishistoricalintertwining of thecommercialand thecul-
lifestyle
by pejoratively framing
are trappedin theproverbial ratrace and who lack timeor turaldoes not easily align withromanticized desiresfor
inclination to live lifeto itsfullest.In sharpsymboliccon- spontaneousculturalexperiencesthatrevealthe defining
trast,shealignsherselfwithan enlightened that essenceof a community. Throughtheseinvidiouscontrasts
community
leads authenticand purposeful a relaxed to Starbucks,however,local coffeeshopscan appearto be
lives,exhibiting
sense of joie de vivreand an enthusiasm fornew experi- less drivenby marketing considerationsand moreclosely
ences and cosmopolitanpleasures.Much like the value- linkedto theirlocal community. In otherwords,our con-
laden distinction betweentouristsand travelers sumers'perceptions of authenticity emergein relationto
(see Mac-
Cannell 1989; i.e., "Everyoneelse is a tourist, butI am a theircriticalconstructions of Starbucksand thecorporate
traveler"),a devoutpreference forlocal coffeeshops and stagingofitsservicescape.
publiclyexpressedantipathy toward corporatechains,such An IntimateCommercial Experience (the Artisan/
as Starbucks, can be lionizedas a signof personalvirtue Owner Motif)
and self-directed (ratherthanmarketing-influenced) cos-
tastes. Patrick:
Stammcafe is a Germanwordforyourneighbor-
mopolitan
hoodcafe,where you'rea regular,
andit'sgreat
becauseit
Beyond the personal significanceof these identity-
theseconsumernarratives saysthatidea,whichis youhaveyourlocal,local
totally
enhancing symbolicdistinctions, place,you know,yourstammcafe, theplace thatyou
also highlight an important culturalaspect aboutpercep- alwaysgo to,andthenthereare"cafes," whereyoujust
tionsofauthenticity. Priorresearchhas suggested thatexpe- kindofgoand,youknow, whenyou'reoutwithfriends
or

ifyou'reinanotherpartoftownfora movieorthingslike muchcharacter andpersonality, becauseit is thismass-
that;so sure,whynotgothere,youknow? Butthestamm- produced business,andI thinkthatwhenyouhavea situ-
cafe,youhavea specialsortofrelationship. ationwherethereareso many, it becomesmoreimper-
sonal,andthepeoplewhoworkthere don'tcareas muchI
Patrick'smusingsabouthisstammcafe beara closerela- wouldguess.I wouldthink thatifit'slocallyowned, the
tionto Oldenburg's(1997) conceptof "thirdplaces" (i.e., owner is moreinvolved. He orshewouldhavemorecon-
publicspaces thatfunction as social gathering pointsand nectiontotheemployees, andtheemployees wouldprob-
a
provide proverbial home away from home, where a person ablyfeelbetteraboutworking forthisperson thatyousee
can experiencecamaraderieand community). I meanif youlookat thisplace,it's unique.
regularly.
Oldenburg
Thereis no other placelikeitin town;there is no other
suggeststhatthirdplaces are characterized by a regular
clientelewhogatherto experiencea particular formof inti- placeintheworld justlikeit.ButifyoulookatStarbucks,
it'spretty
common. It'sjustnotas interesting,
I think.
macy in these commercial spaces. This form of intimacy
typically does not arise in the formality of the workplace, Much like our otherparticipants, Sandrapraiseslocal
and it is morerelaxingand convivialthantheprivateinti- coffeeshopsforhavinga one-of-kind qualitythatemanates
macyof familyrelationships becauseit carriesfewerinter- directlyfromtheowner'spersonaltouchesandthatarecon-
personaldemands,responsibilities, and obligations. Impor- spicuouslyabsentfromStarbucks'smass-marketed ser-
tantly,theheartand soul ofthiscommercial intimacy is the vicescape.Ourparticipants tendto readconsiderable mean-
establishment's proprietor. In theidealcase,patronsbelieve ingintotheirexperiencesof local charm.Theyview these
thattheyarebeingpersonally enriched bytheirrelationship distinctivefeaturesof thelocal coffeeshops as a kindof
to a unique character(see Oldenburg1997; Price and self-revelation
on thepartoftheproprietor, whois express-
Arnould1999). inghis or herownpersonaltastesand values.Furthermore,
Thissenseofhavingan authentic connection to an indi- thesevarioussignsof uniquenessare takenas compelling
vidualproprietor is quite salientto our local coffeeshop signalsthattheseproprietorsarefollowing theirownmuses
patrons.However,ourinterviews and observations suggest ratherthancalculating whatofferings wouldbe mostpopu-
that,in general,theservicescapes ofAmericancoffeeshops lar to a particularcustomersegment.Paradoxically, this
do notexhibitthekindof publicintimacy and collectively apparent"take-it-or-leave-it" indifference to customer
sharedconversations thatOldenburgarguesare a defining whims providesthese establishments with a particular
culturalcharacteristic of thirdplaces. The social milieuof appeal,particularlyin contrast
to Starbucks, whichis con-
thecontemporary coffeeshopsimplydoes notenjoinsuch sidereda conservativeandboringservicescapedesignednot
spiritedexpressionsof camaraderieand social bonding. to offendanyone'ssensibilities:
Rather, ittendsto fostermoreindividualized experiences of Kevin:I visited inOakland; therearethree
mysister cof-
a commonconnectionto the owner/proprietor, who is feeshopsonPiedmont Avenue. I'vebeentoallthree. One
viewed as the embodiment of the establishment's values is a placecalledPeet'scoffee; it'slikea localthat'sgone
anditsquirky, endearing qualities. national. Thenthere's theStarbucks ofcourse,andthen
In thissense,ourparticipants' narratives parallelsome there's anotherlittleplacethatI wenttothatI started to
fromPriceandArnould's(1999) analysisof com- frequent andjustloved.Itwasa little leftleaning,
kindof
findings
mercialfriendships, in regardto theroleof an different.Theircoffee washighquality andstuff,butthis
particularly
owner'sself-revelations in generating a senseofsharedinti-
littlema-and-pa place servedice cream;theyhad ice
creamas partoftheir coffeeshop-a little different.
They
macy.However, range personalinformation
the of ourpar- hada Ms.Pac-Man videogamethere, andthey alsoputon
ticipants desired is fairly narrow. These consumers wantto thewallsphotographs of homelesspeople.Theypay
knowjust enoughabouttheproprietor to drawinferences homeless peopleto havePolaroidpictures taken-they
abouthowthecoffeeshopreflects hisorherviewsandval- wouldaskforpermission ofcourse-andthentheygave
ues. Thus,thisboundedintimacy enablescustomers to craft them, like,$20 or something, anditbecomesarton the
a compellingstoryaboutwhytheirpreferred coffeeshopis wall.Theyweren't afraidtobe nontraditional;that'swhat
I loved.Someplace likeStarbucks wouldn't daredothat.
trulydifferent and,thus,fundamentally andirrevocably dis-
tinctfromthecorporate-run and standardized Starbucks: In theseconsumernarratives, local coffeeshoppropri-
etorsare veneratedforbeingsincerely and deeplycommit-
shopforyou?
Whatis a localcoffee
Interviewer:
ted to theirclientele,employees,and theneighborhood at
Sandra:For me,it wouldbe a coffeeshopthatisn't large. In contrast,Starbucksis describedas a corporate
national,something thatis nota chain.Likethiscoffee
is heremostofthetimeI amhere,andI interloperthat wants to reap profitsthrougha mass-
shop,theowner
justfindthatI reallyrespect andI havehadconversa-
that, producedservicescapeand thatconspicuouslylacks an
tionswiththeownerbefore. I knowthathe usedto be, authentic connection to thelocal community. Sandra'spas-
like,inthejewelry heleftthatandopeneda cof-
business; sage also reiterates
thepreviously discussedheroicframing
fee shop.So I justfindthatpretty thatthe
interesting of the local coffeeshop.The proprietor is celebratedfor
owner the
frequents place and worksthereandhas a con- fighting to maintainan invaluableand distinctive commu-
nection tothecustomer. forcesof an impersonal cor-
nityassetagainstthepowerful
Interviewer:So whatis it aboutknowingtheowneror poratechain.Throughthisheroicinterpretation, Sandra's
havingtheownerlivingin theareathat'simportant to ownpatronageof local coffeeshopstakeson a heightened
you? moralandsocialsignificance, representing a meansthrough
Sandra:I liketosupport I think
localbusiness. thatStar- whichshe can help amelioratethe blightof standardized
I meanit doesn'thave
bucks,in a way,is verysterile. corporate servicescapes.
581Journal
ofMarketing, 2006
January

Beyondthis immediatesense of personalconnection Conventional brandmanagement theoryholds that,in
and reciprocalcommitment, our participants also portray general,consumers avoidbrandswhenever negativeassoci-
theproprietors oftheirfavorite coffeeshopsas devotedarti- ations,such as those doggingStarbucks, become strongly
sans, who enact laudable virtuesthroughtheirbusiness establishedin theirminds.Throughbrandavoidance,con-
suchas educatingthepalettesof theirclientele(in
activity, sumerscircumvent theriskthatthesestigmatized meanings
themannerofa wineconnoisseur): will sully theirpublic image or self-concept(see Keller
Carie:I loveTina[theowner]. I think, originally,
people 2003b). However,ourresearchprovidesevidencethatcon-
cameinto[nameoflocalestablishment] fora hitofcoffee sumersdo notjust avoiddoppelganger brandmeaningsbut
anda hitofTina.Youknow, she'sgotsuchgreat energy.I ratherconsciouslyleveragethesedisparaging meaningsin
lovetoseeTina,andI lovethecoffee. I lovethefreshness ways that
reinforcean identity-affirming thattheyare
belief
oftheircoffee. Youknow,andI buytheirbeans.It was more daringand discriminating thanthe average,main-
reallyfunwhenshewasfirst getting intoroasting coffee. streamconsumer.
Shehada popcorn popper, likean airpopper. Whichis
verysimilar to thebigroaster thattheyuse.The same
technology, so she was experimenting withdifferent Summary
beans.She'dbring over,like,littletinyZiplockbagsfull Ourculturalanalysissuggeststhatthewidespreadcritiques
ofdifferent coffees.So she'dhaveus tryitallthetime. At
itwaslikea littlebit,itwas so intense, (by bothmass mediaand antibrand activists)of Starbucks
first, you'renot as a rapaciouscorporate titanarereworked
usedtodrinking thatfresh ofa coffee, andthenyousort byconsumers to
ofdevelop likethis,it'slikedrinking wine.Youknow, createan identity-enhancing morality tale,premised on the
you
don'treallyappreciate, like,a reallygoodwineat first, consumptionideal of authenticity. The subtextof this
andthenyoustart toappreciate it....Sheis realconnected authenticatingnarrative is the David versus Goliathmyth,
totheKaladiBrothers upinAlaska,upinAnchorage, and whichimbuesourparticipants' of
experiences oppositional
so it'sreallyfun,becausewe wereupinAnchorage, and brandloyalty(see MunizandO' Guinn2001) witha partic-
youknow,KaladiBrothers was all overtheplace.Like
ularlystrongemotionalcharge.Our participants perceive
you'dsee a sign,"WeserveKaladiBrothers Coffee."It's
local coffeeshopsas loci of authentic
thesameawesomequality, reallyconsistent, youknow, consumption experi-
roasting,andeverything. Myguessis that'sherinspira- encesand socialrelationships. Thesetwothemesmaponto
tion.AndKaladiBrothers, their mainshopis offthisroad contradictions thatexist betweenStarbucks'semotional-
that'sdifficulttogetto;ithasnoparking, andyouknow, brandingpromisesand its highlypublic presenceas a
so thesamekindofthing as [herfavorite coffeeshop's global corporatechain. Starbucks'semotional-branding
location].It's notlikein theperfect shopping malland
realaccessible, so. strategyencouragesconsumers to desirea senseofintimacy
and culturaldistinctiveness, butparadoxically, it is notas
Thispassageexemplifies thesharedexperience between well suitedto deliveron theseexperiential promisesas are
a proprietorand customers thatimbueslocal coffeeshops the myriadlocal coffeeshops thathave followedin its
withan undeniablesenseof authenticity. In thiscase, Carie frothy corporatewake.
views herselfas intimately involvedin the proprietor's In the followingsection,we offersome culturally
(Tina) effortsto perfecta time-honored craftand to culti- grounded extrapolationsbeyondourinterview datato spec-
vate greaterconsumerappreciationfor skillfully roasted ifywhichaspectsof Starbucks'semotional-branding strat-
coffee.In keepingwiththeartisanideal,Tina (thepropri- egycontribute to itsdoppelganger brandimageand render
etor)has earneda further claimto authenticity through her it susceptible
to thestigmaof inauthenticity. Drawingfrom
apprenticeship at Kaladi BrothersCoffee and her choice of thisculturalreading,we thenillustrate howan analysisof a
an out-of-the-way locationforhershop,whichcontributes brand'sdoppelganger meaningscan be used (1) to diagnose
to thesensethatsheis notcatering to themasses(a la Star- emerging culturalchangesthatcouldundermine theauthen-
bucks)butonlyto thosewho can reallyappreciatea great ticityof its emotional-branding storyand (2) to gain
cup of coffee(and arewillingto makesomeeffort to attain insightsintohowthisbrandstorycouldbe alteredto avoid
it). thisundesirable outcome.This kindof interpretive moveis
As Brown(2003) suggests, undercertainmarket condi- consistent withtheoretical arguments that the analysesof
tions,inconvenience-the bane of conventional marketing consumernarratives gain explanatory power and enhanced
management thought-canactuallyincreasecustomerloy- managerial relevance when they are supplementedby
alty and commitment. Throughthis nexus of meanings, broaderconsiderations of theirsupporting social,cultural,
Cane's patronageof her favoritelocal coffeeshop facili- and historicalcontexts(see Arnouldand Wallendorf 1994;
tatesan identity projectthatis particularly salientto con- Holt2003; Thompson1997;Zaltman2003).
sumerswithhigherlevels of culturalcapital(Holt 1998).
Such consumersstriveto demonstrate the distinctiveness
and sophistication of theiraesthetictastesby consciously Diagnosing Starbucks's
seekingoutuniqueconsumerexperiences thatexistoffthe AuthenticityDilemma
proverbialbeaten path (Thompsonand Tambyah1999). Starbucks'ssuccess is widelyattributedto its abilityto
Starbucks's mass-marketedcoffee and its ubiquitous deliverconsistently
thecommunalambiance,conviviality,
convenience-oriented servicescapesprovidea readilyrecog- and emotionalwarmthof a quaintEuropeancafe (Schultz
nizablesymbolof theconsumermainstream, and thusthe 1997; Shields2002). Accordingto thisexplanation, Star-
brandservesas a symbolicfoilforconsumerswho pursue buckshas attainedmarketdominancebecauseitscarefully
thissenseofcosmopolitan distinctiveness. designedservicescapeis an inviting
and comfortable place
Emotional andtheDoppelgAnger

forconsumersto meet,socialize,and enjoya memorable Throughtheirpatronage of Starbucks, corporate bohemians
coffee-drinking experience(Aaker 2004; Keller 2000; can reinforce theauthenticity of theirdelicateideological
Roberts2004; Schmitt1999; Schultz1997). The putative balancingactandthusallayconcernsthattheyarecorporate
importance ofthethird-place experiences sitsuneasilywith clones who,in some way,maybe culpableforthe social
tracking studies that indicate that more than 70% of Star- and environmental problemswidelyattributed to corporate
bucks'scustomersare "grab-and-go" types, who are most capitalism.
concernedwithspeedof service(Moon and Quelch2004; The doppelganger brandmeaningswe haveidentified in
Stone2004) and,thus,spendlittletimeimbibing itsquaint- this studyprovidesome evidencethatStarbucks'srapid
nessandwarmth. (and much parodied)marketexpansionis beginningto
Thismarketplace disparity raisesthepossibility thatthis undermine thisbrand'sabilityto assuagetheidentity con-
third-place appeal is a peripheral aspect of Starbucks's iden- flictsfacingthecorporatebohemianclass. In effect,Star-
tityvalue and emotional appeal. We also note that the dis- bucks's doppelganger brandimage unravelsits corporate
paraging portrayals of the Starbucks brand, whether bohemiansynthesis andsuggeststhatitsbohemianimageis
expressedby our participants or by the gamutof anti- a marketing gambitdesignedto maskits real identity as a
Starbucks Web sites,neverquestionthebasic premisethat corporate This
titan. is a potentially severe threat to Star-
Starbucksis a good place to meetfriendsand have casual bucks'scontinued marketing success,becauseifit loses its
conversations. Rather,challengesto Starbucks'sauthentic- auraofauthenticity, itcan no longersymbolically affirm the
ityappear targeta deeperemotionallevelthatcutsto the
to Bobo-ishidentities of itscorecustomers. In addition,more
heartofthebrand'sidentity value. casualcustomers mayalso be morepredisposed to question
Taking a cue from Holt's (2004) thesisthatbrandsattain the brand'scommitment to social responsibility and the
iconic standingwhentheyprovidemythsthatconsumers artisancraftof coffeeroasting.Such a development would
can use to assuage salientthreatsto theiridentities, we likelymake Starbucks vulnerable to competitors in the form
beginby noting that Starbucks became a cultural icon dur- of smallindependents, regional chains, and national com-
ingthisheydayofthemid-1990sneweconomyandthedot- suchas Peet's.
petitors,
com boom.These socioeconomicconditions gave riseto a The franchise of an iconicbrand,suchas Starbucks, is
professional class of symbolic workers who were well typically built around a relatively small segment of
rewardedfor theircreativeskills. These professionals extremely loyalcustomers who validatetheauthenticity of
inhabited organizations thatwereincreasingly decentralized its emotional-branding storyand act as brandevangelists.
andthatreveledin havingan informal andplayfulcorporate Throughtheactionsofthisdevotedcore,thebrandacquires
culturethat sharplydeviated frombureaucraticnorms a heightened culturalcachetthat,in turn,attracts a broader
(Florida2002). segmentof peripheralconsumerswho draw fromthe
The social cornmentator David Brooks(2000) cleverly brand's symbolic value (Holt 2004; McAlexander,
christened thisnewprofessional class as theBobos,thatis, Schouten,andKoenig2002). As exemplified bythetravails
a new breedof professionals who attempted to meld the ofbrandssuchas SnappleandVolkswagen(circathe1970s
bourgeoisvaluesofhardwork,careersuccess,andmaterial and 1980s),whenthesecorecustomers beginto abandonan
affluencewiththe bohemianvalues of creativity, expres- iconic brand,it precipitates a downwardculturalspiral,
siveness,anticonformism, andantimaterialism (fora related whichcan erodebrandequityand marketshare(see Holt
discussionof how Volkswagenbecame the automotive 2004). Thus,a relatively small numberof brandavoiders
brandof choice amongthe Bobo class, see Holt 2004). could be theimpetusto a culturaltippingpoint(Gladwell
Throughthispostmodern identity,people could be career 2000) thatweakensStarbucks's brandfranchise.
drivenand yet definethemselvesas anticonformists who In summary, our analysis indicatesthatStarbucks's
live by an edictof creativity and self-expressiveness, and aggressivegrowthstrategy, highlypublicizedmarketdomi-
they could lead affluent, brand-conscious lifestyles while nation,andomnipresence no longermeshwithitsappealto
viewingthemselves as committed antimaterialists. a countercultural,bohemiansensibility and thatthisstrat-
To maintaina coherentself-identity, Bobos neededa be the
egymay compromising perceivedauthenticity of its
meansto assuagethemanyculturalconflicts posedbythese emotional-branding story.However,an analysisof doppel-
juxtapositions. Thus, for members (and aspirants) of this gangerbrandmeaningscan onlytakebrandstrategists so
new class, Starbucksdeliveredexactlythe rightkind of farin decidingwhether a brand'simageshouldbe reconfig-
mythicstory.Throughits embodiment of a hip, creative, ured and in identifying whatnew culturalcontradictions
caringformof capitalism,this brandimage erased any shouldbe targeted in an attempt to reviseitsbrandposition-
sense of culturalincompatibilities betweenbourgeoisand ing.To accomplishthisstrategic task,brandstrategists need
bohemianvalue systems.Starbuckscateredto thesenew to analyzethoroughly thesocioeconomicand culturalcon-
class sensibilities in everyaspectofitsbranddelivery, most ditionscurrently facingtheircorecustomers. For example,
particularly itspatented decorthatemulatesnota European theconditions thatcharacterized the"neweconomy"during
cafe but ratherthe decor of creative-classofficespaces Starbucks'srise to iconic statushave been fundamentally
(Florida2002; Schmittand Simonson1996). The symbolic alteredby thepuncturing of thedot-combubble.The cur-
messageis thatStarbucks is an appropriately informal, cre- renteconomicclimateis coloredby theeventsof Septem-
ativityconducivespacein whichthecreativeclass can meld ber 11 and a heightened sense of economicvulnerability
theirprofessionaland bohemianidentitiesand directly thathas arisenfromdramaticdeclinesin newjob produc-
experience materialand symbolic identityvalidation. tion and otherrelatedfactors,such as corporations' out-
ofMarketing,
601 Journal 2006
January

sourcingof thenew class's "creativework"to lower-wage Yet the diagnosticvalue of thesenormative branding
countries(Pink2005). By analyzinghow theseinsecurities principlesis actuallyquitelimited.The consistency princi-
are represented in popularculture(through books,maga- ple instructs
managersto specifytheirbrand'sessence,core
zines,films,music,blogs,andothermedia)andbystudying personality,andprimary benefit
carefully andthencommu-
how consumersunderstand theirown lives in relationto nicate consistentmessages about these essentialdimen-
them,insights can be gained intoresonantlifeconcernsthat sions.The relevanceprincipleinstructs managersto update
the Starbucksbrand can crediblyspeak to throughits continuously theirbrand'suser/usage imagery, brandper-
emotional-branding efforts. typesofrelationships,
sonalities, andpromotional themesto
As a hypothetical illustration, imaginethatfollow-up keep a brandimage fresh,energized,and contemporary
researchrevealsa growingculturaltensionbetweenAmeri- (Aaker2004; Keller2003a). The somewhatcontradictory
cans' historically optimisticview of the future(and the natureof thesetwonormative principlesleaves littledoubt
corollarybelief that everyone can succeediftheyworkhard thatbrandmanagersmustundertake a verydelicatebalanc-
and applytheirtalents)and a morepessimisticview that ing act. However,theseprinciplesbeg theimportant ques-
economicfateis controlledby forcesoutsideof personal tion, How can this balance be effectively attained?To
control(andthatfateis notalwayskindorjust).Thishypo- redressthisgap, we proposea three-step actionplan that
thetical culturalcontradictioncould supporta brand can help marketersprotect their emotional-branding
mythology thatrepresents Starbucksas a pillarof stability investments.
andsecurity in consumers' lives(thusreframing thedoppel-
gangermeanings about Starbucks's "boring standardiza- Monitor Cultural Cues
tion"as a positive).Goingfurther, Starbucks couldassume
the role of an ally or partnerthathelps consumerstake First,brandmanagersshouldcloselymonitor popularcul-
tureforsignsthattheirbrandis beginning to developa dop-
chargeof theirprofessional livesand accomplishlifegoals
in theface of randomand arbitrary obstacles.Starbucks's pelgangerbrandimage.Here,thecriticalissue is nothow
professional,corporateaura (again,currently viewedas a manypeopleembracetheseunflattering brandmeaningsor
if theypose an immediatethreatto the brand.Indeed,a
negative)andthestimulating ofitsproductcould
properties
lend themselvesto this reformulated best-casescenariowouldbe to catchthesemeaningsduring
emotional-branding
theirunderground phase,analogousto theway that"cool
story.
hunters"attemptto discover nascent consumertrends
(Gladwell 2000). The relevantconcernsat this stage are
Implications forStrategic Brand whichaspectsof the emotional-branding storyare being
Management subverted and what alternative symbolic brand meanings
In general,the emotional-branding literaturereads like a are beingcreated.For example,our analysisof Starbucks
heroictale in whichintrepidbrandmanagersbreakwith suggeststhatits mass-market ubiquityhas undercutan
orthodoxbrandingstrategiesand are rewarded with essential component of its emotional-branding story,
intensely loyalcustomers, heightened and a nearly
profits, namely,itsabilityto act as an authenticating symbolofhip
imperviousfoundationof competitiveadvantage.These consumerism (see Frank 1997). These cues suggestthat
heroic testamentsto the power of emotionalbranding Starbucksshould considerdevelopinga new emotional-
invariably glossoverthepotential risksassociatedwiththis brandingstorythatreframes its corporateconnotations in
strategy.Through a detailedexamination ofthe case ofStar- ways thatfunction as a symbolic asset rather than as a
bucks's emergingdoppelgangerbrandimagery,we have sourceofinauthenticity.
attempted to addressthisimportant issue.In thissection,we The samemediumthatfacilitates therapidculturaldif-
takea stepbackfromthedetailsof thiscase and developa fusionofa doppelganger brandimage(i.e.,theInternet) can
set of initialrecommendations thatcould helpbrandman- also facilitate
thetaskof culturalmonitoring. Forexample,
agersdiagnosispendingthreats to theiremotional-branding brandmanagersshouldroutinely monitorconsumerchat
investments. rooms,blogs,and Web-basedmediato gauge thecultural
Historyhas shownthatdominant brandsroutinely fall buzz surroundingtheirmarketingcampaigns.A more
fromtheirstellarheightsandstruggle to regaintheirformer sophisticated approachwouldbe to use systematic netnog-
glory.Disney, McDonald's, AT&T, Levi's, Kodak, and raphytechniques(see Kozinets2002) to assess whenan
Coca-Cola arejusta fewexamplesof market-driven brands emotional-branding storyis beginning to inspireparodies,
thatrathersuddenlywent fromparagonsof marketing critics, and other signsof a culturalbacklashandto analyze
excellenceto besiegedicons losinggroundto competitors thecultural content ofthesecultural jammingefforts. Brand
(Haig 2003; Holt 2002; Stewart2002). However,thecon- managers should be sensitive to both the frequencyand
ventionalbrandmanagement literature offerslittleconcrete levelof intensity of theseantibrand sentiments andthespe-
advice on how brandstrategists can proactively diagnose cific aspects of their emotional-branding storythatare
theculturalvulnerabilities thatcouldeventually erodetheir beingsubverted (and theadversarial meaningsthatresult).
customer-based brandequity.Rather,brandimage-related
problemsare attributed in generalto companiesfailingto Identifyand Track Brand Avoiders
followthetried-and-true principles of sound brand manage- Second,brandmanagersshouldidentify and studypeople
ment, such as maintainingconsistencyand relevance forwhomthesedoppelganger meaningsresonateand moti-
(Keller2000,2003a). vatevariouskindsof brandavoidance.Blogs and antibrand
Emotional andtheDoppelginger

Web sitesmaybe a usefulstarting pointforlocatingthese Accordingly, we suggestthata successfulbrandimage
people.In addition, customer relationship
management sys- revitalization strategy mustfitwithprevailing culturalcon-
temscouldbe used to identify lapsedcustomers,who may ditionswhiledisplayinga clear and comprehensible con-
turnoutto be intentionally avoidinga brandbecauseof its nectionto theemotional-branding storythrough whichthe
doppelganger imagery. By studying theseconsumers' view- brandmadeitscultural mark.Becauseoftheamountofcor-
points(we recommend usingqualitativemethods, such as porate transparencynow available on the Internet,
depthinterviews, laddering, ZMET-typecollagestudies, or emotional-branding storiesthatlack thiskindof historical
even focus groups),managerscan assess whichdoppel- continuity likelytobe perceivedas inauthentic
are (see Holt
gangerbrandmeaningsare resonating withconsumersand 2004). A cultural analysis of a doppelganger brand image
plumb the identitybenefits theygain fromthis negative can offervaluable insightsinto how a resonantnew
imagery. emotional-branding storycan be culledfromthenarrative
This second step is a necessarycomplementto the threadsof an existingone in a waythatmaintains thisvital
broadermonitoring of culturalcues we outlinedin thefirst senseofhistorical continuity.
step. The ideological concerns that inspire antibrand By engagingin the culturalmonitoringand brand
activiststo createandcirculatea doppelganger brandimage avoidertracking we discussedpreviously, brandmanagers
(and thattend to dominate those maynot
representations) (and their creative consultants) should have a wealthof
be thatrelevantto consumersor thatcentralto theirbrand insights(both culturaland individual) developa set of
to
avoidancemotivations. In thecase of Starbucks,forexam- alternative emotionalstoriesthatcan be testedamongcon-
ple, antibrandactivistswidely accuseStarbucksof engaging sumers.Although mostconsumers arenotparticularly good
in a hostofpredatory businesspractices.Although thecon- at generating newcampaignideas,particularly onesthattap
sumersin our studymade passing referenceto these into emergingculturaltrends(see Gladwell 2005; Holt
charges,theirprimary motivations foravoidingthebrand 2003; Zaltman2003), theyare quiteastuteat assessingthe
ensuedfromtheirperceptions commercial-
thatStarbucks's relativedegreeof emotionalconnectiontheyexperience
ized servicescapelacked culturaldistinctiveness and an withdifferent storylines.Again,we recommend theuse of
authenticpersonaltouch.Thus, brandmanagement deci- qualitativemethods,especially rich projectivetechniques
sionsbased onlyon an analysisof culturalcues couldlead (e.g., Z-MET; Zaltman2003), as a meansto evaluatethe
managersto erroneousconclusionsaboutthedoppelganger emotionalresonance(and authenticity value) of alternative
meaningsthatpose the greatestthreatto theiremotional- story lines. These qualitative insights could also be used to
branding strategies. developquantitative measures of emotional resonanceand
perceivedauthenticity (see, e.g., Graysonand Martinec
Develop and Test a New Emotional-Branding 2004). Furthermore, this approach offersa means to
Story a
develop culturally based brand-shielding strategy(see
Third,to managethechallengesposedbytheemergence of Park,Jaworski, and MacInnis1986),designedto insulatea
a doppelgangerbrand image, we advocate a decidedly brand's symbolicvalue (e.g., its perceivedauthenticity)
proactiveapproach.Specifically,we believe thatbrand fromthedevaluationamongcore customers thatcan arise
managersshould make adaptationsto theiremotional- whena brandattainsbroadermarket appeal.
brandingstorybeforeit goes stale and precipitates a full- The implementation ofthesethreestepsrequiresa thor-
blownbranding crisis.This proactiveorientation carriesan oughunderstanding brand'shistory
of a as well as thecul-
unnerving implication: Managersshouldbeginmodifying turalmeaningsand identity projectsmostsalientto itscore
theiremotional-branding strategy while it is stillaccom- customers. Thistypeofknowledgeis difficult to codifyand
plishingitsmarketing objectives. a dynamicand rapidly
In emergesthrough a processakinto dynamicpuzzle solving.
changingmarketing environment, we believethatitis much In thispuzzle-solving activity, brandstrategists mustiden-
betterto stayaheadof theculturalcurvethanto fallbehind tifya gestaltfitamongthetarget customers' cultural worlds,
it and suddenlyneedto playcatch-upwithcompetitors that the propertiesof the brand,and a credibleemotional-
havemoreresonant emotional-branding stories. branding storythatlinksconsumersto thebrand.Unlikea
When confronted by an emotional-branding strategy conventionalpuzzle, however,the emotional-branding
thatis showingblatantsigns of diminishedmarketplace conundrum keeps changing,and accordingly, emotional-
appeal,managerscan easilyfall intoa crisismanagement brandingstrategies must be periodically revised and trans-
panic mode as theygrapplewithdecliningsales and lost formed.In thissense,our proposedguidelinesalign with
share.Undersuchconditions, theymaybe tempted to dele- Dickson's(1992) competitive rationality thesisthatmarket-
gate much ofthe strategy-creation process to outside branding success is dependent on constant monitoring of the
ing consultantsin the quest for quick, magic-bullet solu- dynamiccompetitive environment and the continual genera-
tions(Haig 2003). However,thiscrisismodecan also lead tionofinnovative adaptations to thesechanges.
to arbitraryandabruptshifts in an emotional-branding story
thatoftencompoundtheproblem(Keller2000). Forexam-
ple, if a brandhas lost its culturalclaimto authenticity, a Conclusionsand FutureDirections
dramaticshiftin the symbolictermsof its emotional- In this research,we attemptedto demonstrate that (1)
branding strategycouldeasilybe interpreted as further evi- emotional-branding strategiesmay unintentionallyfoster
dence thatthebrandhas no authentic identity other than the culturaldevelopment of a doppelgangerbrandimage
thatdictatedbythewhimsoffashionability. and(2) carefulanalysisofthisimagerycan provideinsights
ofMarketing,
621Journal 2006
January

intolatentbrandingproblemsthatmightnotbe detectedby important role in theirself-conceptions(Fournier1998;
conventionalbrandingstrategy Althoughwe
prescriptions. Holt2002) and withfindings thatconsumers can be unfor-
believethatour analysisof Starbucks'semergingdoppel- giving whentrusted brandsseem to violatetheir
emotional-
gangerimageryprovidessupportforour thesis,we also brandingpromises(Aaker,Fournier, and Brasel 2004).
acknowledgethatour researchis limitedby important However,a lack of perceivedauthenticity may not be a
boundaryconditionsand thatthese conditionsrepresent majorstumbling blockforbrandsthatdo notseekcompeti-
researchopportunities.
potential tive advantagethroughemotionalbranding.In addition,
Our analysis suggeststhatconsumersavoid brands brandsthatlack iconic status(i.e., marketchallengersor
when theiremotional-branding promisesare viewed as followers)may be less susceptibleto attackson their
inauthentic thatemotional-branding
and,conversely, strate- becausesuchbrandsmayflyundertheradarof
authenticity
gies succeedwhentheycan function as an authenticating antibrandactivists.Thus,furtherresearchthatconsidersa
narrativeforconsumers'identityprojects.These ideas are broaderspectrumof brands,consumers,and contextsis
congruent withresearchindicatingthatconsumers'most necessaryto evaluatethe robustnessof our theoryand
valuedbrandsare thosewhosesymbolicmeaningsplayan findings.
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Emotional Branding and the Strategic Value of the Doppelgänger Brand Image

Author(s): Craig J. Thompson, Aric Rindfleisch and Zeynep Arsel

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