Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Federal
Cantonal (based on 26 cantonal constitutions)
Communal (in a few small cantons and in some 2500 small villages
reunions of all citizens are held instead of cantonal and communal
parliaments; local courts are usually common to several communities)
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cities) do have armed police forces, run hospitals and universities (with the
exception of two federal institutes of technology). Legislation on public
schools is made by the cantons, resulting in 26 different education systems,
but the public schools are actually run by the communes, much like many
other public services (like water supply and garbage collection). The
confederation, the cantons and the communes do collect income taxes to
finances their affairs.
When it comes to the details, everything is just a little bit more complex in
Switzerland's political system, however, because in almost any field of state
activity federal legislation does try to establish a minimal amount of national
standard on one side while leaving a respectable amount of self-
determination to cantons and communes on the other side. A majority of the
electorate does reaffirm this basic principle of Swiss politics over and over
again by rejecting centralistic laws and accepting federalist laws in
referendums.2
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OBJECTIVES
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The researcher has used the analytical and descriptive research methodology in this
project to understand the concept of Swiss Political Party.
SOURCES OF DATA
The researcher has used Primary and Secondary sources of data while making this
project. These sources include:
Bare Act
Books
Law Journals
Articles available on the internet.
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CHAPTER 1: MEANING AND ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES
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CHAPTER 2: MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES OF SWITZERLAND
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Ladner Andreas (2007) Handbook of Swiss Politics, 2ns edition. Zurich p. 95
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changed during World War I when the party had mainly defended the
interests of industrialists and consumer circles.[6] When proportional
representation was introduced in 1919, the new farmers' parties won
significant electoral support, especially in Zurich and Bern, and
eventually also gained representation in parliament and government.
In 1936, a representative party was founded on the national level,
called the Party of Farmers, Traders and Independents (BGB). During
the 1930s, the BGB entered the mainstream of Swiss politics as a
right-wing conservative party in the bourgeois bloc. While the party
opposed any kind of socialist ideas such as internationalism and anti-
militarism, it sought to represent local Swiss traders and farmers
against big business and international capital.
In 1991, the party for the first time became the strongest party in
Zürich, with 20.2% of the vote. The party broke through in the early
1990s in both Zürich and Switzerland as a whole, and experienced
dramatically increasing results in elections. From being the smallest
of the four governing parties at the start of the 1990s, the party by the
end of the decade emerged as the strongest party in Switzerland. At
the same time, the party expanded its electoral base towards new
voter demographics. The SVP in general won its best results in
cantons where the cantonal branches adopted the agenda of the
Zürich-wing. In the 1999 federal election, the SVP for the first time
became the strongest party in Switzerland with 22.5% of the vote, a
12.6% share increase. This was the biggest increase of votes for any
party in the entire history of the Swiss proportional electoral system,
which was introduced in 1919.
The SVP thus formed the first opposition group in Switzerland since
the 1950s, and in 2008, the two former SVP Federal Councillors
joined the newly founded Conservative Democratic Party (BDP), largely
centered around Bern.5
5
Gerhard Robbers (2007) Encyclopedia of World Constitution, Facts on File Incorporation
Publication, New York, p. 876
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2.2 Social Democratic Party of Switzerland:
The Social Democratic Party of Switzerland also rendered as Swiss
Socialist Party is the largest centre-left political party in Switzerland.
The party was founded on 21 October 1888, and is currently the
second largest of the four leading coalition political parties in
Switzerland. It is the left-most party with representatives in the Swiss
Federal Council. It is also the second largest political party in the
Swiss parliament. The current members in the Swiss Federal Council
are: Micheline Calmy-Rey and Simonetta Sommaruga. The SP is the
biggest pro-European party in Switzerland and supports Swiss
membership of the European Union, unlike most other Swiss parties.
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2.4.1 History:
The first Green party in Switzerland was founded as a local party in
1971 in the town of Neuchâtel. In 1979 Daniel Brélaz was elected to
the National Council as the first Green MP on the national level. Local
and regional Green parties and organizations were founded in many
different towns and cantons in the following years. In 1983, two
different national green party federations were created: in May, diverse
local green groups came together in Fribourg to form the Federation of
Green Parties of Switzerland, and in June, some left-alternative groups
formed the Green Alternative Party of Switzerland in Bern. In 1990, an
attempt to combine these organizations failed. Afterwards, some of the
member groups from the Green Alternative Party joined the Federation
of Green Parties which has become the de facto national Green party.
In 1993, the Federation of Green Parties changed its name to the
Green Party of Switzerland.6
In 1986 the first two Green members of a cantonal government
become members of the Regierungsrat of Bern. In 1987, the Green
Party of Switzerland joined the European Federation of Green Parties.
In the 1990s, members of the Green Party became town mayors,
members of the high court and even president of a cantonal
government.
2.4.2 Policies:
The traditional emphases of the party's policies lie in
environmentalism and green means of transportation. In terms of
foreign policy, the greens set out on the course of openness and
pacifism. In economic policy, the greens are center-left. The majority
of greens support an accession of Switzerland to the European Union.
In immigration policy, the greens support further integration
initiatives for immigrants. The greens support measures to increase
energy efficiency, oppose nuclear power, and support raising energy
6
Gerhard Robbers (2007) Encyclopedia of World Constitution, Facts on File Incorporation
Publication, New York, p. 876
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and fuel prices. According to their policy, the resulting revenues
should be allocated to social security spending.
7Satori,
Giovanni (1976). Parties and Party System: A Framework for Analysis. Vol. 1.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 587
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CONCLUSION
The federal constitution provides for political parties to help give form to the
opinions and will of the people. A number of different political parties,
competing for the favor and the votes of the public, exist in the country. In
the 2003 elections, the four major parties gained the support of around 80
percent of the electorate.8
For a long time, the Swiss party system was regarded as the epitome of
political stability. Shifts in votes in the region of a few percentage points
were described as landslide wins or losses. In the 1990s, this changed
radically. Within ten years, the SVP grew from ten-percent party to the
strongest party in country. The principle of division of power which is
inherent in the Swiss political system prevents the SVP from becoming a
dominant force, but the party’s success have strengthened the
liberal/bourgeois camp and will leave permanent trace in the party system.
The two traditional parties, CVP and FDP, have come under particular
pressure. In 2003 they scored their worst result in the election to the
national parliament since 1919, and their voters shares have been
decreasing for more than 20 years. This suggests that their problem are
independent of economic factors and cannot be resolved with small
programmatic corrections or a more efficient party organization and better
publicity. For the FDP, the question arises as to whether they are about to
share the fate of liberal parties in other countries and be demoted from a
dominant, established party to a potential coalition partner. As concerns the
CVP, it is possible that the brackets formed by the catholic denomination
are about to be broken up permanently. Conservatives forces are just as to
home in the SVP as they are in the CVP, and the Christian socialist could
find a new home on the Left or as an ethical niche party.
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Bibliography
Books:
Articles:
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