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There are a lot of reasons to believe that humans are above any other

creations. Humans can do a lot of things that other creatures cannot. Logical

thinking, cognition and writing are just few to name many. And one of these

special capacities that humans have is the power to speak.

The evolutionary adaptation of certain physiological mechanisms for

linguistic ends has occurred only in humans. The so-called speech organs did

not originally evolve for speech; rather, they were-and still are-directly

concerned with ensuring the physical survival of the organism. In humans,

these organs have all become highly specialized not only for survival but also

for linguistic ends. (O’Grady, 1989)

In other words, the human capacity for speech is superimposed on

already existing biological structures. Thus, humans bear this ultimate power

over others. Nevertheless, the acquisition of such power varies in everyone.

One may have less and others may gain more than the usual. The power

does not stop in the point where the person acquired it. The power is

developmental and is likewise subjected to change. Consequently, people

employ different modes to keep the hold tighter through practice and

present-day impositions. The study of these developments in the power of

speech dates back to the time of the Greeks where Rhetoric was born.

Contextualizing it in the contemporary, people wish to retain the power

and to expand the power through various modes. All of these in pursuit to

have power unlimitedly, to emanate power over less powerful, to leave a

legacy and to become perfect embodiment of power itself: to hold the CARTE
1
BLANCHE.

1
Carte Blanche is the Latin expression for unlimited power.
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BIOGRAPHY OF GEORGE CAMPBELL

George Campbell is the son of the Aberdeen minister Colin Campbell

and a merchant’s daughter Margaret Walker. He was born in Scotland on the

Christmas day of 1917, the second son of the Campbell couple and the fifth

from the brood of six.

He received an education that paved the way for the three focuses of

his intellectual life: language, theology and rhetoric. His education at the

Aberdeen Grammar School and Marischal College provided him strong

foundation in Latin and Greek that benefited him a lot as a translator of the

gospels. After attaining a degree in his arts course at Marischal in 1738, he

ought to study Law. But in 1741, he began studying theology in Edinburgh.

He pursued his theological studies at King’s and Marischal Colleges both in

Aberdeen.

Completing the normal divinity course and passing the tests by the

presbytery of Aberdeen, Campbell became a licensed probationer or preacher

of the gospel on June 11, 1746. Two years later, 2 nd June of 1748, he was

ordained as a minister at Banchory-Ternan Aberdeenshire, a post he held for

the next nine years. For the nine years of service as a minister, he was able

to establish himself a "scripture critic, and “lecturer of holy writ”. At first, he

was determined to translate the gospels. But around 1750, he composed the
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first two chapters of The Philosophy of Rhetoric. He married Grace

Farquharson on 1755. Campbell was appointed one of the ministers of

Aberdeen on June

23, 1757. Six months from his appointment, he and five other colleagues

established the Philosophical Society. Four years after, he sought

appointment as principal of his alma mater, Marischal College.

One of the pieces that gave him fame is his Dissertation on Miracles2.

This was a refutation of David Hume’s essay “Of Miracles” (1748). The piece

gained popularity in Great Britain and was translated into a variety of

languages like French, Dutch and German.

In 1764, his other alma mater, King’s College honoured him with a

Doctor of Divinity degree and in June, 1771, he was given a teaching post as

Professor of Divinity at Marischal. He resigned his ministerial post in the city

of Aberdeen, for he to be able to assume the ministry at Greyfriars Church. In

1776, he published in The Philosophy of Rhetoric revised versions of all the

discourses he had read before.

Campbell was certainly a pillar of the Philosophical Society. He

delivered eighteen discourses (all dealing with rhetoric). After completing The

Philosophy of Rhetoric, Campbell published several sermons and one other

major work, The Four Gospels, Translated from the Greek (1789).

2
The “Dissertation of Miracles” was written in 1762 and was originally drafted as a sermon
delivered to the provincial synod on October, 1760.
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He survived a severe illness in 1791, but ill health finally compelled

him to resign his professorship and ministry on 11 June 1795 and his

principalship soon after. He died of a paralytic stroke on 6 April 1796.

His Lectures on Ecclesiastical History (1800), Lectures on Systematic

Theology and Pulpit Eloquence (1807), and Lectures on the Pastoral

Character (1811) appeared posthumously. Of all his published works,

however, The Philosophy of Rhetoric has had the most lasting influence.

(Walzer, 2003)
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THE NATURE OF ELOQUENCE

Rhetoric was born during the height of Greek civilization. When

democracy is attempted in Greece, particularly in the city states in Athens,

people started to learn to speak for themselves to exercise and defend their

rights. Among these people who initiated the study of Rhetoric were Corax,

Protagoras, Isocrates and Aristotle. When the Greek civilization was crunched

by the rise of Roman civilization, their rhetorical philosophies were also taken

by the Romans. They presented these in a more systematized manner. Cicero

and Quintilian were among the forerunners of Rhetoric in the Roman

tradition. Early Christians moved to Rome and then the famed success of

Constantine the Great chronicled. Medieval period came into picture and out

of this period, St. Augustine emerged.

Change comes of system and Renaissance marked the history. Some

writer looked back and revived the study of communication. Some of the

significant writers during Early Renaissance were Sir Francis Bacon, Leonard

Cox and Thomas Wilson. They spoke of ornamental language. Rhetoric

became the dominant discipline in English grammar schools and universities.

The long tradition of classical Rhetoric and its revivals is generally regarded

as having ended with the emergence of the late Renaissance period.

During the Late Renaissance or Modern Period, communication

scholars and enthusiasts began formulating and writing their own ideas on

Rhetoric through their publications of the rhetorical texts. George Campbell

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(1776), Hugh Blair3 (1783) and Richard Whately4 (1828) are among those who

gave Rhetoric their own perspectives and philosophies. (Grolier Encyclopedia

of Knowledge, 1994)

This trend of giving Rhetoric new and revolutionized meanings

continues to the Contemporary Period, which dates from the aftermath of the

Modern Period to present.

Among the forefathers that gave a new trend to Rhetoric is George

Campbell. His Philosophy of Rhetoric written in 1776 is one of the innovative

ideas that marked popularity in the world of communication studies.

According to Thonssen (1942), Campbell’s masterpiece gained

popularity due to three notable contributions to the study of communication.

First, he suggests a clear and incisive treatment of style that serves as a

guide to practice and critical appraisal. Second, he develops in a

comprehensive and profound study of a body of material to emotional proof.

And lastly, he considers the ends of speaking in terms of audience response.

Campbell defines eloquence as the art or talent by which the discourse is

adapted to its end. All of these ends are subdivided into four categories: to

enlighten the understanding, to please the imagination, to move the passions

and to influence the will.

3
Hugh Blair’s 1783 book, Lectures on Rhetoric and Belle Letres, became a popular
communication trend. Blair accepted the notion that a message should be directed toward the receiver for a
specific purpose, but he differed from Campbell by claiming only three purposes: to inform, to persuade
and to amuse.
4
Richard Whately’s 1828 book, The Elements of Rhetoric and Elements of Logic (1830) viewed
rhetoric as an offshoot from logic.
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Communication is essential in every way it is. But effective and

developmental communication does not merely lie on the power of words or

delivery. It is a holistic matter that also entails the importance of the

addressees, the material, the purposive motives, the speaker and a whole lot

more. But communication does not remain constant; just like everything else;

it is also subject to change and development. From this light, there is the

necessity of the application of communicative studies and the idea of

communication research.

One of the rich areas to dwell when it comes to communicative studies

is human communication. The study of persons in positions of political power

has been a source of fascination to communication scholars. Human

communication is a sequence of events set by a source for the sole purpose

of achieving audience compliance. (Sanders and Kaid, 1978) Audience

compliance will lead to change and development. The field of development

and change is constitutive; it was the musings of scholars seeking the

political and social orders and the conditions initiating them. (Migdal, 1983)

OBJECTIVES

In response to this call for communicative studies, this paper on the

analysis of the speeches of a prominent Filipino speaker is constructed.

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The paper aims to show that Rhetoric (as based on the principles and

philosophies of George Campbell) can better maximize the powers of a

speaker through the aid of Sociolinguistics. Rhetoric works well with

Sociolinguistics5 because the latter focuses on the societal scenario that

builds up the motive of a speaker. This is based on the SPEAKING mnemonic

(Setting & Scene, Participants, End, Acts, Key/Mood, Instrumentalities, Norms,

and, Genre) that pursuits in reaching the E (End). This can be equated to the

philosophy and rhetoric of George Campbell where it is stated that the

success of a speaker depends on the way his /her speech is adapted to a

certain end. With this light, the paper seeks modes on how a speaker

manipulates and thread words into speech acts that enchants the audience

towards his/her own end.

METHODOLOGY

As aforementioned, this paper will show the tie-up work of Rhetoric

and Sociolinguistics in the definition that speaking is in pursuit of reaching an

end.

One of the methods that are utilized by communication scholars in

analyzing speeches is the Critical Discourse Analysis. CDA is a research

approach that aims to question and criticize discourse. According to Van Dijk

(1998), it studies the way social power abuse; dominance and inequality are

5
As defined by Anshen & Sutherland (1989), Sociolinguistics is the subdiscipline that treats the
social aspect of language.
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enacted, reproduced and resisted by text and talk in social and political

context. It takes explicit position and thus wants to understand and expose.

The rhetorical philosophies of George Campbell will likewise be

employed particularly his concept of his species essential in the knowledge of

speaking. To influence a will and persuade to a certain conduct is indeed a

powerhouse combination that tends to convince the judgment and interests

the passions, the argumentative and pathetic incorporated together creating

a distinguishable excellence. This united force evicts contention and is

admirably fitted for persuasion. Likewise, this artful mixture has been

regarded as the supreme qualification in an orator, bearing down every

obstacle and endowing him/her an irresistible power over the thoughts and

purposes of his audience. (Thonssen, 1942)

Having CDA as a framework, the study will identify the speaker’s

different modes and chronicles to reach the irresistible power over her

audience.

To aid the framework, the method of analyzing speeches through

speech situations will be applied. Anshen and Sutherland (1989) defined

speech situations as social situations in which there is use of speech.

Analyzing the speech situations, its components have been mnemonically

arranged to form the acronym SPEAKING. S for setting and scene

(distinguishing between physical locale and the type of activity), P for

participants (the addressee and the speaker), E for ends (the functions and

outcomes), A for the act sequence (this includes the content and form of

speech), K for key tone (refers to the mood or manner), I for instrumentalities

(includes channel and the code), N for norms of interaction and interpretation
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(basic rules that seem to underlie the interaction and G for genre (any one of

a class of named speech acts).

The chosen specimens in this study are ten selected speeches of

former President Corazon Aquino. The speeches to be studied are particularly

delivered during her post-presidency era (circa 1997 to 2001).

Historically, democracy has long been fought and spirited. As

aforementioned, the long story of democracy dates back to the times of the

ancient Greek civilization. In pursuit of achieving a democratic life in the city

of Athens, people started to learn to speak for themselves to exercise and

defend their rights that eventually gave birth to Rhetoric.

In the Filipino context, the struggle to attain democracy has also

existed for a long time over different scenarios in history.

More than three centuries of resentment against the Spanish rule,

perpetual inclination towards the Americans who stressed the idea of

“democracy” to the Filipino minds, and the howling wilderness of the

Japanese occupation are just some of the accounts of Filipino democratic

struggles. The Filipinos were “freemen” for decades after the Japanese

occupation until one Filipino rose to hold the dictatorial belt over the Filipino

populace. About twenty years of dictatorial rule in the hands of the Filipinos’

co-countrymen ignited the birth of one of the most acclaimed democratic

struggles in history, the People Power I.

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The people power revolution or EDSA I is against the Martial Law rule

of former Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos. Many had arisen to fight and win

liberation. Many shed blood and sacrificed for this arduous battle for

democracy and freedom. One name stands clinging with the concept of

Philippine democracy, and that is former President Corazon C. Aquino.

THE LIFE OF CORY AQUINO

Maria Corazon “Cory” Cojuangco-Aquino was born in Manila on January

25, 1933. She was the sixth of eight children of Jose Cojuangco 6, a former

congressman, and Demetria Sumulong7 Cojuangco, a pharmacist.

She topped her class in Saint Scholastica’s College during her

elementary days. But during the war, the school was bombed badly resulting

to her transfer to Assumption College for her secondary school. After the war

ended, the Cojuangco children were sent to the United Studies to pursue their

studies. The Assumption-run Ravenhill Academy in Philadelphia became their

6
Cory’s paternal side roots to Fujian Province, China. Her father, a lawyer, owned one of the
largest sugar plantation in the province of Tarlac.
7
She came from the famous Sumulong clan. Her mother was the daughter of Senator Juan
Sumulong, a famed statesman from the Rizal province.
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academic home. The next year, Cory transferred to Notre Dame Convent

School in New York City, where she finished high school. She went on to

major in French and Mathematics at the College of Mount Saint Vincent in the

same city.

Cory returned to Manila in 1953 to study law. She had wanted to enroll

at the University of the Philippines, whose College of Law had educated many

of the country’s political leaders. But because her father was chair of the

board of trustees of Far Eastern University, she was entitled to go there.

She was doing well in her studies but she never became a lawyer. On

October 11, 1954, she married Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. They first met

when they were nine years old. Their fathers were both congressmen in

Tarlac. Love began to blossom when Cory spent her summer vacation in the

Philippines during her junior year. A journalist for the Manila Times since he

was sixteen, Ninoy had just returned from Korea, where he covered the

exploits of the Philippine expeditionary force in the war there. At twenty-two,

Ninoy won the election for mayor of his hometown of Concepcion, despite

being nearly three weeks short of the minimum age for candidacy. Cory had

recently given birth to Maria Elena, the first of their five children, so she was

spared from the hustings. When the Supreme Court upheld a lower judge’s

ruling that Ninoy’s electoral win was illegal because he was underaged when

he ran, the family returned to Manila and Ninoy became special assistant to

President Carlos Garcia.

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She gave birth to their second daughter Aurora Corazon in 1957 when

Ninoy was on the loose for the vice-gubernatorial post in Tarlac. He was

appointed as a governor in 1961 and got his real gubernatorial post in 1963.

In 1967, Ninoy was elected senator, the only oppositionist who made it

through the allies of Ferdinand Marcos. The tables were turned when Ninoy

led the anti-Marcos forces to victory in 1971, winning six out of eight

senatorial slots. Ninoy became the frontrunner for the 1973 presidential polls.

Alongside with this, Cory had been such a supportive politician’s wife. (Bacani

Jr. & Sicam, 2002)

Nevertheless, presidential election never took existence. Martial Law

was declared on September 21, 1972. Oppositionists were arrested and

Ninoy, being the administration’s chief nemesis, was detained. According to

Quezon III (2002), Ninoy Aquino continued to defy the dictatorship even in

the bars of his prison cell. He suggested to her that she and the children

leave for Australia. Then, Maria Elena, the eldest child, was seventeen, while

the youngest child, Kristina Bernadette, was only a year old.8 Luckily, Ninoy

was allowed to travel to Dallas, Texas in 1980 for a heart surgery. For the

next three years, the Aquino family resided in Boston, Massachusetts. The

Philippines was never far from Ninoy’s thoughts that made him decided to

return in August 21, 1983. Ninoy was assassinated on the airport tarmac

while under military guard.

8
Ninoy and Cory’s only son Benigno III was born in 1960 and third daughter Victoria Elisa in
1961.
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This set an impact to the Filipino people. Many were called into to

honor the man who declared when he was dissuaded from returning home:

“The Filipino is worth dying for.” Many also came to protest the repression,

grinding poverty, and corruption of the Marcos regime. All too soon, Cory was

under pressure to continue Ninoy’s mission. The death of her husband

shoved Cory Aquino into the political limelight. And this is where Cory’s

ardent struggle for democracy began. She played a pivotal role in organizing

and providing a moral anchor to the scattered opposition to the dictatorship.

The political scene was set for a battle between the widow and the

administrator. Marcos derided Cory as “just a woman” whose place was in the

bedroom. The election was held on February 7, 1986. As expected, Marcos’s

henchmen did everything to ensure victory, from bribery to coercion, to

stealing ballot boxes, to manipulating the counting.

Defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile and Armed Forces Vice Chief of

Staff Fidel Ramos holed up in Camp Crame, along Manila’s main

thoroughfare, Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA). Jaime Cardinal Sin

appealed for civilian support over Radio Veritas. In a repear of Ninoy’s funeral

and Cory’s campaign rallies, Filipinos came in the thousands to form a human

shield against Marcos’s minions.

It was the birth of People Power, a nonviolent way for ordinary citizens

to reclaim their freedom and bring about a peaceful transfer of power.

Television viewers across the world marvelled as hundreds of thousands of

praying Filipinos, armed only with rosaries and flowers, repulsed tanks and
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armored vehicles. Cory took her oath of office as the country’s eleventh

president at 11:00 a.m. on February 25, 1986, at Club Filipino. One hour later,

Marcos held his own oath taking within the forbidding walls of the presidential

palace. That night, American helicopters took the Marcos family and their

associates to Clark Air Base, north of Manila, where they later took a plane to

exile in Hawaii. Marcos died there in 1989. (Bacani Jr. & Sicam, 2002)

Corazon C. Aquino, as President of the Republic of the Philippines

(1986-1992), restored democracy and after re-establishing all the democratic

institutions, she made them work fully so as to bring about substantive

economic and social reforms. She presided over the difficult transition from a

dictatorship to democracy, but by her courage she able to cap her term

successfully with a peaceful transfer of power to her successor, President

Fidel V. Ramos. (Aquino, 2002)

She has conferred twenty-four honorary degrees from universities in

the Philippines, U.S.A., Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Thailand, Korea and Italy.

She was named Time Magazine’s Woman of the Year for 1986. In August

1999, she was recognized by Time Magazine as one of the 20 Most Influential

Asians of the Century. She also received numerous awards and distinctions

including the Martin Luther King Jr. Nonviolent Peace Prize, the Noel Awards

for Political Leadership by the United Nations Development Fund for Women,

the Pearl S. Buck Woman’s Award, the 1998 Ramon MagsaysayAward for

International Understanding, the Fullbright Award and the Ateneo’s Tanglaw

ng Bayan Award.
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She served as the Chairperson of the Benigno S. Aquino, Jr.

Foundation, Chairperson of the Board of Advisers of the Metrobank

Foundation, Member of the Board of Governors of the Asian Institute of

Management and Chairperson of Sulung Pampanga Foundation.

9
She had been diagnosed with colorectal cancer on March 24, 2008.

By July 2009, she was hospitalized due to loss of appetite and chronic

baldness. Later on, it was announced that Aquino and her family had decided

to cease chemotherapy and other medical interventions for her. On August 1,

2009, after one and a half year battle with cancer, the 76 year-old Aquino

died peacefully at the Makati Medical Center at around 3:18 a.m. due to

complications of cardiorespiratory arrest.

It is few months away from the 1998 National Elections. As part of the

culture of dirty politics that exists in the Philippines even way back, there is a

threatening possibility of another manipulated election through the “Dagdag-

9
Colorectal cancer is commonly termed as colon cancer.
 2008-57921 | 17
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Bawas” operations. With this, the Ecumenical Prayer Service for Clean and

Honest Elections was called for. According to former President Cory Aquino

herself, the Ecumenical Prayer Service for Clean and Honest Elections was

pushed through by Senator Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel, a prime victim of the

“Dagdag-Bawas” operations. It was delivered on the 20th day of November,

1997 at the Manila Cathedral. The prayer service took effect for the purpose

of eradicating or implementing clean and honest elections for the upcoming

1998 elections.

With this scenario in mind, I can say that the direct addressees in the

speech are the politicians. Likewise, the speech employs the English

language to spread its plea. This somehow shows that English, being the

language of the “educated” Filipinos, addresses the politicians as

intellectuals, intellectuals that are critical and ethical enough not to cheat in

the upcoming elections. This mechanism appeals to the argumentative.

The speech also speaks to the morals of those addressed for it uses a

prayer in paragraph 9 and the setting, which is the Manila Cathedral, itself

implies a conscience-building mood towards the addressees (politicians).

Meanwhile, this mechanism appeals to the pathetic.

Moreover, the speech is categorized as a keynote speech. According to

Toastmasters International, speeches of this genre tends to mobilize the

sympathy and understanding of the listeners, to win the listeners’ over to

your side and to support your convictions about you’ve just told them. This

hypothesis is supported by the flow of her speech acts.

The speech opens as she defines the foreground of her soon-to-be

requests; followed by the accounts of history and then supported by linking

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the foreground and the accounts of history. To further amplify that cheating

and other means such as Martial Law and charter-change maneuvers are

modes of dictatorship, an analogy is employed. It is shown there that

cheating is just the same as martial law and self-serving charter changes for

they are all modes to impose dictatorship over the mandate of the people.

In contrary to the assumption that it is addressed to the politicians, I

might say that this speech is not just directed towards the politicians but also

to the countrymen that are going to elect the officials that should be servants

to the country.

Patterning this to the genre of a keynote speech, paragraphs 1-5 are

modes to mobilize the sympathy and understanding of the listeners that is

consequent to the act of winning your listeners over to your side. This pattern

is deeply embedded in the way she presents the importance of the

immediate action from the people. Additional to this is her use of pronouns

such as we, us, ourselves, our. This may pertain for Aquino’s plead for

collective action from the Filipino people to be part of their advocacy of clean

and honest elections.

Aquino’s speech acts from the beginning till the 8th paragraph points to

the argumentative mode that aims to convince the judgment of her hearers

through presentation of evidences and to call for immediate action in

preventing and alleviating probable negative aftereffects to the people and

the country itself. But Cory did not stop to the argumentative point; in order

to exemplify the power of her words and claims she consumed rousing the

passions of her listeners through the utilization of prayer in the 9th paragraph

that concluded the speech.

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We can see that Aquino’s pattern of speech acts tend to do Campbell’s

concept of supreme qualification in an orator--- the artful mixture of the

argumentative and pathetic. Also, according to Campbell’s philosophies this

is the best way to induce persuasion among hearers and since the speech

embodies a persuasive tone: to persuade politicians to have a clean and

honest election (can be equated that its principal end is to influence the will),

the artful mixture works. Likewise, the speech reflects the incorporation of

the argumentative and pathetic through historizing and affecting the affect.

This is evident even in the symbolism posed by the use of prayer and the

setting itself, which is the Church.

Being one of the upholder of democracy in the country that gained

popularity even in the international scene, Aquino takes pride as she won for

the Ramon Magsaysay Award for International Understanding. The speech

was delivered in the 1998 Ramon Magsaysay awards night held on the 31 st of

August, 1998.

Starting with the code used, it is delivered in English because as we all

know the Ramon Magsaysay awards are beyond the limits of Southeast Asia

community. Also, she is accepting a Ramon Magsaysay award for

International Understanding. Emphasizing the “international”, she must use a

code that also appeals to a universal audience. Presuming, the target

audience is not just the Filipino nation but the international scene as well.
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Furthermore, she historizes different international accounts in the body of her

speech such as the democratic struggle in Burma and the chronicles of

Gandhi and Mandela that further gives stress to this “international

understanding”.

The acceptance of an award speech is deductively delivered. Unlike

other acceptance of award speeches that gratifies first before saying their

other messages such as some anecdote, etc., this one starts with the

deepening. Instead of the usual thanksgiving and acknowledgment of the

people behind one’s success, this one discusses a completely different thing

and serves a deeper purpose than just thanksgiving and acknowledgment.

The speech begins with the statements that tend to imply celebration

of the triumphs of democracy. Complimenting this celebration, Aquino

honored the perpetuity of honoring courage, conviction and right that never

failed to restore and exercise democracy. This may give presumption that

this speech is not just an acceptance of an award speech. It somehow implies

that has something more than that of the walls of the gratitude of an

acceptance of an award speech. Seemingly, the speech implicitly speaks of

persuasive tone for people to restore democracy in every single way they

can.

Another not so usual speech act that is employed in this speech is the

way of gratifying people. It is not said in just saying simple thanks; Aquino

does it by saying “I accept this award on behalf of…”. This peculiarity

supports my aforementioned assumption that this is not just an acceptance

of an award speech.
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She is not just thanking the Filipino people in paragraphs 4 to 7, she is

praising these people for the purpose of stressing the claim that people who

preserve and fight for the restoration of democracy are/will be honored. In

the 8th paragraph, she even uses accounts to historize. She uses the accounts

of restoration of democracy in other country maybe for the purpose to imply

that restoration of democracy happens in the international scene and

Filipinos are part of this international democratic struggle.

However, she pseudo-digresses in during the nearing conclusion of the

speech. She utters of the heroism of Ninoy that somehow promotes the

image of Ninoy, his image as the prime struggler and hero of democracy in

the country. The usual gratitudes are just stated only in the last paragraphs

(12 and 13).

Outlining this, the first three paragraphs serve grounds for this

motivational speech (motive: restore democracy) and provide a logical

premise for the acts of persuasion. It is followed by four paragraphs intending

to praise and honor the people who have struggled for democracy, accounts

of history and proofs to prove that Ninoy is indeed the real embodiment of

democracy restoration. Praising is a mode to excite passion. Then, it is

concluded by the usual gratitude given in an acceptance of an award speech.

The outline itself exemplifies Campbell’s idea of how a speaker adapts and

delivers a speech towards a certain end. It implies that her prime intention of

delivering this speech is not just to accept the award or thank the people

behind her success, rather it is a motivational speech intended to speak of

her democratic endeavor.

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During the aftermath of the Mount Pinatubo eruption in Pampanga, the

people in some areas still continued to suffer due to rampaging lahar flows

during the rainy season. The occasion where the speech is given is the
10
inauguration of the Sulung Pampanga Housing Project , delivered in the 16th

of December, 1999 at the Wenceslao Village, San Roque Dau I, Lubao,

Pampanga.

The speech is a goodwill speech about the Sulung Pampanga Housing

Project. According to Toastmasters International, speeches of this kind are

modes of public relations. The goal of goodwill speeches is to build the

public’s favorable feeling toward a company or organization. People

delivering these speeches employ information to establish an institution as

knowledgeable, trustworthy and helpful.

The achievement of this goal is seen even in the first two paragraphs

of the speech because it conveys the organization’s visions and how is it met

through the projects through their projects. As part of building the favorable

feeling, I can say that it is courteous in the part of the organization to thank

10
Sulung Pampanga is a housing project initiated by former Pres. Aquino and her friends that is
intended to help the homeless victims of the Mount Pinatubo eruption.
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the persons behind the success of their endeavors. These modes seem to hit

two birds in a stone; the first bird is to thank the people as aforementioned

and the other to encourage other people to be part of their endeavor.

Reinforcing the idea of public relations, Aquino also states the future plans of

the organization in the succeeding two paragraphs. The next three

paragraphs again thanks the people that have been part of their endeavor

towards social development.

However, in the concluding parts, Aquino employs an anecdote and

analogy about the People Power and how democracy restoration can still be

applied in this scenario by any way possible.

In the context of how a speaker reaches an end, the speech tends to

promote goodwill for the organization. But at the same time, it also calls for

the cooperation, help and support of those fortunate others to be part of the

endeavor.

Likewise, there is something different in this goodwill speech. It seems

to embody an underlying end and I assume that this speech somehow does

not only build goodwill11 for the organization but for the speaker’s character

as well. The hint of this propaganda is seen in the change of pronoun used.

From the first to sixth paragraphs, she uses the pronouns like we and our,

that is pertaining to the Sulung Pampanga Housing Project team of course.

But in the seventh to ninth as well in a slip in the fifth paragraph, where she

used the term “my hope”, she started mixing pronouns like I, me and my.

Increment to this, are the allegory of People Power and restoration of

democracy used in the last paragraph.

11
As defined by the Toastmasters International, goodwill refers to the positive or favorable
attitude a person has toward someone or something.
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The Philippines hosts the First International Conference of Asian

Political Parties12 on September 18, 2000 and in line with the celebration,

Cory Aquino was invited to deliver a keynote speech.

Occasionwise, Aquino is speaking to an international audience (to

delegates of Asian political parties to be exact). Of course, in consideration

with the occasion, it is to deliver the speech in the English language.

Likewise, I would like to acknowledge the last word of the speech: Mabuhay.

Maybe it is also in convention that if we are to speak with other nationals,

one of the Filipino phrases aside from Mahal ko kayo that would be uttered to

the them is Mabuhay.

Since it is also a keynote speech it can be safely said that it does have

the same goals as the first speech, “The Next Trial of Democracy”. That is to

mobilize the sympathy and understanding of the listeners, to win the

listeners’ over to your side and to support your convictions about you’ve just

told them.

12
Political parties are political organizations that typically seeks to attain and
maintain political power within government, usually by participating inelectoral campaigns, educational
outreach or protest actions. Parties often espouse an expressed ideology or vision bolstered by a
written platformwith specific goals, forming a coalition among disparate interests. (Wikipedia.org, n.d)
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Putting those speech goals in context, we can see that during the first

two paragraphs, Aquino is giving a background on the purpose of calling for

the conference. Then, it is followed by a paragraph informing the audience of

how globalization tends to crush poor people/countries into bits. Likewise, I

also deemed that the fourth and fifth paragraphs are indeed appropriate as

supplementary to the aforementioned paragraph because it give

perspectives on globalization from a developing country like us. These

statements would somehow take vitality in the course of the speech.

By the turn of the sixth paragraph, the speech takes turning point by

asking the listeners a rhetorical question that sets off the foreground where

the speech is deeply rooting from. As you may see, this turning point

compliments the beginning of the speech for both define the purpose of the

conference and its corresponding action being called upon. The conference is

to convene and unite the different Asian political parties to develop new

leaders that would treat and act upon the issues of globalization. The speech

contained the effects of globalization to a third-world perspective.

Having been able to define the purpose of this gathering, this point

onwards will apply modes to appease the audience/participants through the

statement of why they are crucial at these points (paragraph 8). I deemed

that this statement on the essentiality of the political parties is intended to

incite them to be part of the advocacy.

Moreover, it is appears intriguing for me that Aquino digresses from

discussing about the topic and aims of the conference to the accounts of her

personal stories that somehow appeared to be “promotions” of her.

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From here she jumps back to the main course of this keynote address,

the call for political parties to respond to the necessity of time to develop

new leaders ready to face the trials of time and society. Here we could see

that this keynote address presents a problem (poverty caused by the

aftermaths of globalization) and suggests solutions

appeasing/encouraging/persuading the political parties to hone new leaders

adapted to resolve the problem implied.

At this time, former President Joseph Ejercito-Estrada was ruling the

country and by the date the speech was delivered, anomalies about his

regime are starting to unveil themselves to reality. But according to Quezon

III (2002), Estrada continued to sally forth, pleading that he was

misunderstood, maligned, slandered; and yet the old lines did not work

anymore. The more he protested innocence was his soon-to-be eviction from

the presidential Palace. This did not only lead to the doom of Estrada’s

presidency but also it gave birth to the comeback of the chronicles that once

liberated the country, the EDSA Revolution.

The speech was delivered on October 17, 2000 at the EDSA Shrine. It

was generally delivered for the majority of the Filipino populace (the middle

class) to call for their support towards the fight to restore democracy and to

make the President pay for his anomalous deeds.

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This assumption can likewise be reflected in the symbolism embedded

in the image of the EDSA Shrine. The EDSA is not only a historical landmark

but it is also a living proof of how the Filipino people flag their democratic

rights and ideals. This is not just an avenue to emanate the power of

democracy, but likewise the live up the power through the people. It has

been the mouthpiece of the restorers of democracy and freedom fighters

over history and this legacy of EDSA reiterates as Cory Aquino delivered this

speech. Nevertheless, this speech is not only explicitly to call for action and

support from the Filipino people but also, this is implicitly directed to the

president- to call for his attention and to lead him to his sacrificial

resignation/impeachment.

The speech sets off with the first four paragraphs informing the

listeners of what is contemporarily happening in the country. It is narrating

accounts resulting from the aftermath of the issues faced by the Estrada

administration. We can see the progression in the mood/key of Aquino by the

turn of the fifth paragraph.

The claims are becoming more intense. Succeeding this point are

paragraphs that imply pain and threat to the hearers for it recounts the

effects of the horrors of the twenty years of Marcos dictatorship and Martial

Law rule. At the same time, these accounts likewise tend to build and ignite

agitation among the hearers for pain and anger are strong passions that can

create great impact on the affect of the hearers. This mode of agitation is

essential for the purpose of the speech: the call for action.

The necessity for response to Aquino’s call for action is even

exemplified in the ninth paragraph. After the presentation of the need for the
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call for action and its importance to the contemporary, Cory makes use of the

appeal to the pathetic through the use of the idea of the Church and prayer.

This mode is strengthened through the application of the mode of agitation in

the succeeding paragraphs from paragraphs 12 to 15. This mode is still

preserved in the turn of paragraph 16. Nevertheless, from paragraph 16 to

18, Aquino substantiated her mode of agitation through facts from history

and statistics which is incremented the strength of her arguments and

persuasion.

Furthermore, she reinvented her tactics in the further strengthening of

her claims. Varying her mode of persuasion, she makes use of the pathetic

mode this time. As seen in paragraph 19 to 22, she talks of idealistic yet

strong passions like anger, pain, disgust, etc.

Paragraph 23 and 24 impart actions that somehow served as pledges

that add up to her credibility and good-natured image as a defender of the

Filipino people and their democracy.

She imparts of the people of what the Constitution says about the legal

action that should be done for the moment in paragraph 26, which was

supported by the succeeding two paragraphs citing the importance and pros

of the impeachment. Lastly, Cory gels all of the elements she said and mixed

up in the aforementioned parts through the implication and explicit

statement of various passions that could move and influence the will of the

people. Among these that are stated in the last three paragraphs of the

speech are hope, patriotism (love of country), self-sacrifice, honor and etc.
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As for history, the first KOMPIL chronicled few months after the

assassination of Ninoy. Way back then, KOMPIL was the done to convene, to

unite and to make plans of improving the chances seeing the end of Marcos

dictatorship. History repeats itself. Protests against the Estrada

administration are becoming rampant and here comes another call for

KOMPIL, the convention and union of the opposition to fight against

dictatorship and defend the democracy of the people.

This speech is delivered just twelve days from the speech, Praying for

Enlightenment. It is delivered October 29, 2000 during the Kongreso ng

Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL II) at the Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon

City.

Unlike the above speeches, this speech does code mixing in some

parts of it. Needless to say, it is not purely written in English and therefore, it

implies something. Presuming, Cory would want to address not just her usual

audiences and maybe, she would likewise like to appear more nationalistic

about this issue by addressing the speech with mix up of the Filipino

language.

At the first three English paragraphs (1st, 3rd and 4th), Aquino tries to

historize and live back the aura of the scenario during the first KOMPIL. This is

crucial because by doing this, Aquino does not only live back the aura from

the first KOMPIL but likewise shows the analogy that the Estrada

administration is a repetitive product of history and resembles that of the

dictatorial rule of former Pres. Ferdinand Marcos. Therefore, what is

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happening should be acted upon as soon as possible before it would go worse

as the Martial Law era.

The passion moving modes can be seen in the accounts in the 4 th

paragraph as well as the 7th paragraph. In the 8th and 9th paragraphs, she

furthered this passion build-up by presenting the importance of the action

and support from the Filipino people. 11th paragraph’s passion moving mode

explicitly addresses the president while paragraph 12 challenges the

conscience of President Estrada by presenting the feelings and current status

of the welfare of the Filipino people. At the same time that she is challenging

the conscience of Estrada she is likewise agitating the Filipino people by

showing right on each and everyone’s faces the effects of the president’s

pseudo-dictatorial anomalous rule. This mode of challenging the president’s

conscience simultaneous with the agitation of the masses continues to

reverberate till paragraph 16.

Paragraphs 17 to 19 tends to enlighten Estrada about Aquino’s

perception of his claimed class war between the rich and poor clearing out

that the far worse side in this story is Pres. Estrada himself because of his evil

wrongdoings. The succeeding paragraphs till the end is not that anymore

directed to Estrada rather it is a message and a persuasive call for action of

the people.

Paragraphs 21 to 28 are witty models aimed to combine the

argumentative and pathetic in a hodgepodge. For the argumentative, Aquino

presents the contemporary picture of dooming Philippines caused by the

inefficiencies and anomalous rule of President Estrada that if not acted upon

the immediate time possible it will cause the doom not for the country alone
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but to the citizens and their futures as well. As for the pathetic, she induces

passions as well as conscience-challenging strategies and tactics.

Besides the fact that the speech has gained a strong edifice to

persuade the addressed parties, I would like to stress out the presence of

code-mixing. This mode of mixing Filipino and English codes, this speech has

obtained a greater impact to a broader number of people, not only for the

middle classes and elites but likewise to the masses--- the totality of the

Filipino people. All of this in the pursuance of the occasion: to convene, to

unite and to fight together against the Estrada’s pseudo-dictatorial rule that

suppresses the democracy of the people.

Delivered on the 4th day of November during the Prayer Rally held in

the EDSA Shrine, another speech that ignited the spark of the coming of the

second EDSA revolution is on the line. This speech is just five days interval

from the speech, Between Right and Wrong. Again, this is delivered in the

walls of the EDSA as the venue. Seemingly, it does embody the same

ambience as the aforementioned speech, Praying for Enlightenment. The

speech was addressed for the Filipino people, to call for their participation

towards the fight to restore democracy and to make the president leave his

post. This assumption can likewise be reflected in the implication created by

the term “EDSA”, not to mention the occasion where this speech is called for

--- a prayer rally.

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Rallies are generally done to call the attention of a high office, in this

context, the government. Rallies are avenue for people to flag their

perspectives and advocacies over a certain issues. Prayer is a different thing.

It is a something of divinity that is subjective to every individual, but is

generally something of pathetic category. We could deem here that the event

itself is a perfect venue for the powerful mash-up of the argumentative

(represented by the rallies, which is evident-exposing and agitating) and

pathetic (represented by the prayers/element of Church that is conscience-

challenging and moving).

Just like the previous speech, Between Right and Wrong, the speech

makes use of mixed Filipino and English codes. This can be deeply rooted in

the purpose of the speech as well as the venue, EDSA Shrine. The venue of

the occasion implies that the speaker is in a free country and in a democratic

scenario to shout out her advocacies and to further persuade others to be

part of this democratic struggle.

At the onset of the speech, it talks about the connotative implication of

the shrine. In the succeeding parts of the speech, it utilizes modes to get

through the pathetic faculty with her prayers (paragraphs 2 to 4) and good-

natured black mails directed towards Estrada (paragraphs 5 to 9). However,

Aquino changes the course of addressing Estrada. In paragraphs 10 to 14,

she is becoming gradually harsh and frank to Estrada exposing the causes

and effects of the turmoil that the Filipino people are facing.

The next two paragraphs explicitly call for the support of the military

and police force, a vital element that the Palace holds on tightly. This plea for

the military and police force support is strategically included in the speech for
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the assumption that Aquino as well as the other members of the opposition

would really want to leave the administration helpless.

The following paragraphs are likewise explicitly directed to Estrada,

with emphasis on its constitutional tone during the 18th paragraph. The

Constitution, being the most powerful law that governs any state, is a mode

of evidence that can question the legality of the Estrada administration. Also,

it is the governing abstract that rules higher than the president. Likewise,

Aquino pronounces her requests of immediate action from President Estrada

in paragraph 22 to 24. This particularly pertains to his safe and peaceful

resignation as the head of state.

After these strong assertions, she turns to her prime goal in this

speech: to mobilize the people. She echoes her call for the action of the

Filipino populace, again through the argumentative and pathetic modes. She

even uses accounts of tried and tested preservation and restoration of

democracy to further agitate and persuade people to get mobilized. This

accounts led to her gratification of the presence and efforts of Jaime Cardinal

Sin. Seemingly, this gratification has a two-way purpose: to gratify Cardinal

Sin and to make people see that people who have done much to restore

democracy are honored, in this way more people are encouraged to be part

of this advocacy to uplift and to preserve the democracy.

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As part of the rampant campaign against the administration of Pres.

Estrada, former President Cory Aquino speaks to different sectors to persuade

them to be part of their democratic restoration against the hands of President

Estrada. This speech was delivered during the Luncheon Dialogue with the

Business Associations13 at the Hotel Intercontinental, Makati City on

November 17, 2000. Purposely, this luncheon dialogue is called for to

convene the leaders of the business community regarding the current issue

the country is facing, the presidency of Pres. Joseph Estrada.

The speech is written and delivered in a pure English code. She makes

us of a language fitted for her audience. Analyzing the composition of the

audience, I can say that the Philippine business sector is not just consisted of

Filipino businessmen. It may further pertain to other nationals venturing in

the country and even to those future ventures in the Philippine economy.

Therefore, the language that Cory is using must be a language that is

universally directing.

The speech opens with an attempt to inform the business sector about

the cause of the political crisis that the country is facing. Appeal to the

pathetic is applied in the first paragraph as it speaks of credibility,

independence and integrity.

This is followed by agitating the business sector through the

presentation of the fact that Estrada is violating the Constitution. This

agitation successfully supplemented the introduction of the call for action

towards the sector. Evidences together with the inclusions of the economic

perspective which is stated in fifth paragraph are presented. I presume that

13
This luncheon dialogue is initiated by Jaime Augusto de Ayala.
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Cory chose to give emphasis on the economical effects of the political crisis

since it is where those business associations are most interested of. Aquino

further agitates her audience by recounting the issue of class war claimed by

President Estrada. This claim says that the political crisis is the upper

classes/elite’s way of disrupting his utopian plans for the masses. Of course,

the business associations hearing these would claim that they’re not. With

this light, Aquino imparts various ways against this Estrada’s assumption of

the class wars. Thence so, she suggested practical and concrete ways to

eradicate the impression. These suggestions that she imparted are

prioritizing social development, investing to existing programs that tends to

alleviate poverty, forming foundations, educating social responsibility to the

youth, giving budget allocations for more social development projects,

encouraging the company to voluntarism and emanating the value of social

development & responsibility through media.

Increment to this, she recounts historical accounts when she was still a

president and compared it with how President Estrada’s administration treats

social development & responsibility.

Having been able to construct a strong edifice for her arguments and

persuasive motives, she addresses and calls for immediate action to

everyone. And with this, she mentioned people power. She tags it as a vital

element towards creating a responsible, caring and sharing society. And by

people power, it does not only mean to pertain to the masses or the elite

alone. It must be the powerful combination of both. This answers the question

of why this occasion is called for.

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She strengthened this claim by citing the importance of the immediate

action (paragraph 21). As it was nearing the conclusion of the speeches,

Aquino seals her words through entreaties and prayers.

It is still part of the chronicles of ousting the Estrada administration.

This speech is delivered in a particular rally wherein Jaime Cardinal Sin,

former President Cory Aquino and former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo

(Vice President during those times) are invited to speak. This speech was

delivered at the Malate Church Plaza, Manila on December 7, 2000, wherein

most of the participants were people from Catholic schools.

The speech is code-mixed. This may be in consideration of the

addressees’ welfare. As aforementioned, most of the participants are people

from Catholic schools. Therefore, the composition of audience may range to

the students, the teachers, the nuns and friars, the school administrators etc.

Likewise, the venue (which is a church plaza) implies that it is large gathering

that caters to an open public. Therefore, Aquino may not approximate or limit

her audience to just the people from the Catholic schools. It can be anyone so

better it is delivered in a code-mixed (English and Filipino) way.

The speech opens with a recollection of the recent past prayers/prayer

rallies wherein passions such as strength, wisdom, truth and justice are

roused. Furthermore, the victory of the unified efforts and prayers aimed to

preserve democracy is recalled and celebrated (paragraph 6). I may say that
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this reiteration serves foregrounds for agitation and empowerment that are

to be embedded in the succeeding parts of the speech.

After setting up the mood, Aquino presented the real agenda of the

talk: the pursuit of the president’s resignation. Addressing it to the people,

the aforementioned modes of agitation as well as the presentation of the real

agenda can be equated to the continuous call for the people’s participation in

this struggle against the contemporary political crisis. Addressing it to Pres.

Estrada, proofs like the constitutionality of his presidency tends to convince

his moral judgment to go with the resignation in order for him to be saved

from much more humiliation. In the other side, the idea of deeming

resignation as a final act of service to the nation somehow tries to move his

passion to go with the resignation for it is an act of honor.

Aquino likewise utilizes an effective allegory to prove that President

Estrada is a bad president and further strengthen her case ----- the allegory of

the caring President. The allegory is a description of the image of a good

President, a President that tends to negate the image of Estrada as the

President. Her accusations also contain moral deepening when she addressed

the plea of the people to the President. (Paragraphs 16 to 22)

In agitating the people, she continues to uplift the high passions

contained in the mindset of the people through the inclusion of what will

happen to their futures if the President’s act will be tolerated. This also led to

the threats to Estrada’s future if he does not make himself accountable for all

these political crises and its after-effects that are happening during that time.

After agitating the people addressed in this speech, Aquino reverberate her

purposed immediate action called upon: the senators’ cooperation towards

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this goal to oust Estrada out of office, the appearances of witness that could

further strengthen the grounds for Estrada’s impeachment and the continued

prayer, cooperation and watchfulness on the part of the Filipino people.

The spark of the first EDSA started with the assassination of the

forerunner that will be leading the country against the Marcos dictatorial rule.

His death shoved his wife, former Pres. Cory Aquino to the limelight of politics

and the chronicles of democracy restoration started here. Three years from

that assassination the marked in the minds of the Filipinos is another

historical spectacle. This historical spectacle was led and anchored by the

Jaime Cardinal Sin, Cory Aquino and the Filipino people. History repeats itself

in the birth of EDSA II, the death of the pseudo-dictatorial, extravagant and

anomalous rule of Pres. Joseph Estrada. It is again through the unending

efforts and dedication to preserve democracy by Cardinal Sin, Aquino and the

Filipino people. And here comes a celebration of the triumph of democracy

over suppressive rule and presidential inaccountabilities.

Former President Cory Aquino, along with Jaime Cardinal Sin, is chosen

by the Parangal ng Ateneo as awardees for the Tanglaw ng Bayan14. Cory

14
It was the first time that the Parangal ng Ateneo would award the “Tanglaw ng Bayan”. This
was awarded by the following Jesuits institutions: Ateneo de Manila University, Ateneo de Zamboanga,
Xavier University, Sacred Heart School, Ateneo de Davao, Ateneo de Naga, Xavier School and Santa
Maria Catholic School.
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delivers a speech in acceptance for this award. This happened during the

Parangal ng Ateneo awarding ceremony during the 20th day of February, 1981

at the Ateneo de Manila University.

Aquino is not anymore in the mood of ousting the president. By this

point of time, Estrada is already out of office and Vice President then, former

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo takes post.

The opening statements of the acceptance of the award speech speak

of praises. At the beginning, Aquino praises Cardinal Sin and followed by the

inclusion of the award giving body that granted them the honor of having the

award. Nevertheless, the course of praising turned to the Filipino people

(turning point on last part of 2nd paragraph).

This mode is similar with the way she accepted the Ramon Magsaysay

award for International Understanding. She recycled her phrase “accept the

award on behalf of…”. In praising the Filipino people, she does not only praise

and gratifies the participation of the Filipinos in the success of the two EDSA

Revolutions. This participation is equated to the attribution of people as

becoming the most powerful element of the society and how people

determine sovereignty. Her assertion is supported by her citation of the

phrase “we, the people…” in the Constitution’s preamble. She even

expounded this citation into an analogy that this phrase is not just the

stronghold where the country’s Constitution stands but likewise, it is a

constant reminder of the accountability of the leaders of the country to the

Filipino people. To further exemplify the celebration of the people power, she

tells accounts in history how people power took effect over personal

interests. Some of these accounts are the largest electoral mandate that
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brought Estrada to presidency and the recent people power mandate that

ousted him out of his presidential post, the resistance against attempts to

change the constitution for term extensions and the response over Ninoy’s

assassination.

Aquino’s speech fed the celebrated outraged citizenry during the

aftermaths of the EDSA II or People Power II. Citing different points of history

where people power took eminence is a witty way to uplift and to glorify the

Filipino people. Likewise, it tends to persuade and remind the Filipino people

to continue becoming watchful and arduous defendants of democracy and to

do what is always righteous.

AnalysEs and general conclusions

The rhetorical philosophies of George Campbell imply that the perfect

combination to create a distinguishable excellence in the knowledge of

speaking is the incorporation of the argumentative and the pathetic. In order

to influence someone’s will and persuade someone towards a certain action

he/she needs to incorporate modes that tend to convince the judgment and

to interest the passions at the same time. Through this powerhouse

combination, the speaker will be able to evict contention and obtain the

supreme qualification to persuade. With these two embedded in one’s words

and speech acts, he/she can bear down every obstacle and bequeath him/her

an irresistible power over his/her audience.

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A speaker may therefore make use of various passions that elevates

the soul and incites action. Some of these are hope, patriotism, ambition,

anger, etc. Likewise passions like joy, love, esteem and compassion induces

action by operating on our will. These passions should be rightfully mixed

with arguments, the fittest for producing the desired end.

To maximize the application of passions in a speaker’s persuasion,

he/she must take in consideration different circumstances that operate on

passion. These are probability (evidence), plausibility (natural and feasible),

importance (add brightness and strength), proximity of time (recency),

connection (links), power of relation (person concerned attached to scene of

action) and interest (the most important of all).

Applying these philosophies in the speeches of former Pres. Corazon

“Cory” Aquino, I can say that she was able to master and utilize Campbell’s

philosophies in perfect metamorphosis. This can be supported by a lot of

evidences in her speeches.

She uses a lot of passion-moving and will-influencing modes in her

speeches. As you can see in the transcript of her speeches, she always talks

about ideas like peace, love, love of country (patriotism), strength, freedom,

justice, wisdom, fear, rage, honor, hope, righteousness and many more.

But though she makes use of a lot of abstract ideas like these, she

substantiates these together with logical arguments. She backs up her

statements with things that happen in reality. That is why as you may notice,

she always historizes in her speeches. Some of the accounts of history that

she frequently uses and is visible in the ten selected speeches are the horrors
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of Martial Law (proofs of effects of a dictatorial or anomalous presidential rule

that is used in the speeches nearing the EDSA II), the enlightenment and

mobilization sparked by the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr. (proofs that

history or a historical spectacle can shape a nation that is used in speeches

aimed at empowering the Filipino people to become part of the democratic

struggle to defend sovereignty) and, the victory of People Power I or EDSA I

(proofs that people power is the most powerful force that could exist in a

state that is used to mobilize or agitate the Filipino people against dictatorial

rule and that is likewise used in speeches to celebrate the triumph of

democracy and to live up the people power over the presidency of Estrada).

Definitely, it is not only the evidence that backs up the passions

presented by Aquino. You can see that her line of speech acts is also backed

up by the citation of the importance of the call for action. Most of the times,

importance goes hand-in-hand with the challenge of the speaker towards

his/her listeners. This mode recurs in different parts of Aquino’s speeches and

usually appears after the call for action is presented.

Another tactic Aquino employs in her speeches is the use of

connections. She often use analogies just like the analogy linking cheating to

Martial Law rule and charter-change maneuvers that was used in The Next

Trial for Democracy and her witty allegories just like the allegory of the

Caring President employed in the Quick, Peaceful and Just Resolution.

In terms of the power of relation, Aquino seriously takes this in

consideration. This can be reflected in the numerous times she mentioned

Ninoy when it comes to democracy restoration for Ninoy had been a model

and hero of this endeavor to restore democracy and fight for freedom. He
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had died because of his opposing ideologies with the Marcos administration.

Another concrete model of this circumstance is Marcos that in contrast with

Ninoy’s image’s application is applied to pertain to dictatorial reign and

suppressive rule. That is why she equates Estrada with Marcos. This may

create an effect that they are congruent and that Estrada’s administration

will just result to the same suppression and doom experienced by the

Philippines during the rule of Martial Law. Another link that she did was when

she compared President Estrada’s reign to hers, in terms of social

development and responsibility this is to show how the Estrada

administration undermined or less prioritize a vital element of society. All of

these are intelligently embedded in Aquino’s speeches.

Of course, Aquino in her persuasive speeches would want to rouse the

interest of the masses or the totality of the Filipino race. This rousing of

interest is prerequisite to meet the ends of her speech acts. Reading the

speeches, you can see that each of these speeches is serving a certain

interest.

With all these implications and artful results of her speech acts, what

do you think would be Aquino’s underlying end that she is trying to meet in

her rhetoric?

I have come up with the hypothesis that she would want to establish

an image of a preserver of democracy, that resembles with that of Ninoy’s

established image as democratic restoration personified. She would want to

make herself an emblem of democracy. These are the basis for my

hypothesis:
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I divided the ten speeches into three categories. First, there are the

speeches that call for action: The Next Trial of Democracy, Nurturing New

Leaders beyond Politics, Praying for Enlightenment, Between Right and

Wrong, Quick, Peaceful and Just Revolution, Towards a Responsible Society

and We Demand for Truth,We Call for Justice. The next cluster would be the

one that promotes goodwill: Building Homes, Building Lives. Last group would

be the celebration of the triumph of democracy, the speeches delivered

during award nights: For Ninoy and the People and People Power 2.

As you can see, there are three subdivisions of speeches these are

according to the would-be goals to be met by each speeches: which are

calling for action, promoting goodwill and exemplifying democracy

respectively. These speeches are delivered in different occasions despite the

fact that some came from the same cluster because they do have similar

goals to be meet. In spite of this variety in the occasion and goals of her

speeches, each have the similar underlying goal and that is to restore and

emanate the power of democracy.

You can see that these call for action speeches are directed toward

something. They are directed to eradicate the irresponsible and anomalous

rule that threatens democracy and people’s sovereignty. It can be a logical

reason why former President Aquino is that much agitated with the Estrada

administration because it tends to dilute the democracy that shed the lives of

many including his beloved husband and it tends to eradicate the hope that

democracy is endowing to the people.

With the promotion of goodwill, we can take a look back to the speech

that findings and even the speech itself say that the goodwill is for the
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preservation and application of democracy, the idea of people power to

alleviate poverty.

Meanwhile, in terms of the exemplification of the triumph of

democracy in the acceptance of award speeches, Aquino may be trying to

emanate the power of democracy, particularly the Philippine democracy, to

the international scene. Likewise, venues to honor the persons who did much

to restore democracy is a living inspiration to others to be part of this

democratic restoration and struggle by doing their little parts.

Furthermore, despite the speeches’ varied purposes they all dwell into

one single purpose: to always persuade people to be part of the advocacy in

restoring and exercising democracy. This might be the core foreground where

the Rhetoric of Cory Aquino stands. Also, this claim is evident in the way that

the three categories of rhetoric define the baseline, all for the pursuit of

democracy. Likewise, this can be found in the key or mood upheld by the

speeches of Aquino that are generally in a persuasive tone.

Subsequent to my first proof regarding my hypothesis, I would like to

support it by saying that Aquino employs different modes to establish this

image that I’m pertaining above. This is likewise reflected in her speeches.

She recounts the positive points during her administration. One

example is when she compared the Estrada administration to her. She

promotes image of being the embodiment of democracy through constant

reiteration of democracy and democracy restoration as if she was the living

concept and artifice of democracy (this is inherent with her speech, People

Power 2).
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Another thing is that when she digresses in her speech, Building

Homes,Building Lives. The goodwill speech that should be intended for the

organization slips off to promote goodwill about her and her charities. Like

this incidents, she cited much about her term during her speech, Nurturing

New Leaders beyond Politics, while she intends to discuss the effects of

globalization.

Probably, the strongest thing that could prove my hypothesis that

Aquino would want to make herself an emblem of democracy is her success

as a Filipino speaker.

Going back to the George Campbell’s rhetorical philosophies, it is

implied that the perfect combination to create a distinguishable excellence in

speaking is the incorporation of the argumentative and the pathetic. Through

this powerhouse combination, the speaker will be able to evict contention

and obtain the supreme qualification to persuade. With these two embedded

in one’s words and speech acts, he/she can bear down every obstacle and

bequeath him/her an irresistible power over his/her audience. From this, we

could equate this to the character of Cory Aquino.

From the plain housewife of a liberator she grew to become a liberator

herself. She was able to establish a lasting legacy that lives up until today

and emanates even in her children---the cory magic. Her persuasive powers

has surpassed trials of history just like the nine coup attempts during her

term and the rebuilding challenge from the aftermath of a dictatorial rule. As

for now, Cory Aquino has left but is now living a legacy that would forever

perpetuate through the Cory Magic lived by her rhetoric.

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Page

Anshen, F. & Sutherland, R. (1989). Language in Social Contexts. In

Dobrovolsky. Contemporary Linguistics. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Aquino, C. (2002). Inspiration and Images: Selected Speeches and Paintings.

Makati City: Benigno S. Aquino Jr. Foundation, Inc.

Grolier Encyclopedia of Knowledge. (1994). Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier Inc.

O’Grady,W. (1989). Specialization. In Dobrovolsky. Contemporary Linguistics.

New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Quezon III, M. (2002). 20 Speeches that Moved a Nation. Pasig City: Anvil
Publishing

Sanders, K. & Kaid, L. (1978). Political Communication Theory and Research:

An Overview 1976-1977. In Ruben. Communication Yearbook 2. USA:
ICA.

Thonssen, L. (1942). George Campbell. In Thonssen. Selected Readings in

Rhetoric and Public Speaking. New York: The H.W. Wilson Company

Van Dijk, T. (1998). Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul.

Walzer, A. (2003). George Campbell: Rhetoric in the Age of Enlightenment.

New York: State University of New York.

Toastmasters International. (n.d.). Handbook on Public Speaking.

ELECTRONIC REFERENCES

Bacani Jr., C., & Sicam, P. (2002). Essential Cory Aquino. Retrieved September
15, 2010, from Cory Aquino: http://www.coryaquino.ph/section.asp?
id=44

George Campbell biography. (n.d.). Retrieved September 28, 2010, from The
Ohio State University: http://people.cohums.ohio-
state.edu/Ulman1/Campbell/Campbell_bio.htm
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Political Parties. (n.d.). Retrieved September 30, 2010, from Wikipedia:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_Parties

THE NEXT TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY

Ecumencial Prayer Service for Clean and Honest Elections, Manila Cathedral
November 20, 1997

Paragraph 1: The aim of democracy is freedom — the freedom to think, to

speak, to act and to choose. But the essence of democracy is elections
— the right to vote. And, the right to have the President, the Vice-
President, the Congress and the local officials, who have garnered the
highest number of votes from the people. The choices of the people
and not dagdag-bawas operations.

Paragraph 2: We opposed martial law because it did away with our right to
change and elect the government of our choice.

Paragraph 3: We defeated self-serving Charter changes because certain

officials tried to do away with elections through term extension or by
entrenching a government in power so long, it would eventually do
away with elections.

Paragraph 4: Like martial law, like dictatorial charter-change maneuvers,

cheating also takes away our right to vote, and defeats our prerogative
to be governed by people we really chose.

Paragraph 5: Cheating is as bad as martial law and self-serving charter

changes. Cheating insults us and makes fools of us. It gives us a
government that pretends it is our own, making us wonder if we have
the moral right to fight it.

Paragraph 6: We are gathered here to fight a great danger to democracy. We

are here to fight cheating in the 1998 elections. We are here to make
sure that the next man who takes his oath as our next President will
not be laughing at us, because he did not really win the election; he
and his cohorts just bought it.
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Paragraph 7: Of course, it is very important to choose the right candidates in
the next elections. But it is infinitely more important to respect the
people's choice, whoever she or he may be. And that means clean
elections.

Paragraph 8: As we prepare for the elections of 1998, let us all pray together
and work together for clean elections. We must be ready to fight and
commit ourselves to stand long hours and watch long nights for the
safety of our ballots and the integrity of their count.

Paragraph 9: Almighty God, have mercy on us and bless us with Your love
and peace. Give us the intelligence, the fortitude, the patience and
the strength to acquit ourselves well in the next trial of our
democracy. And, most Loving Father, give us men and women of
conscience to govern us again.

Paragraph 10: God, save our country.

FOR NINOY AND THE PEOPLE

Ramon Magsaysay Awards, Manila
August 31, 1998

Paragraph 1: It is never too late to advance the cause of democracy by

honoring its struggles and celebrating its victories. For somewhere in
the world, there are always women and men who see what their jailers
cannot, through the bars or their prison: in the distant triumphs of
democracy — the hope of freedom.

Paragraph 2: There is never a wrong time to honor courage, conviction and

right, because these qualities are always in short supply yet ever in
infinite demand, wherever freedom is sought and democracy is
threatened.

Paragraph 3: Every tribute advances these causes, encourages these

qualities, and brings so much closer their victory and vindication.

Paragraph 4: I accept this award on behalf of those great individuals who first
glimpsed the potential of peace at a time when the conventional
wisdom prescribed force for the attainment of justice, and war for the
achievement of freedom.

Paragraph 5: I accept this award on behalf of that man, who having read
about this vision of the power of peace, dared to put it into practice in
the age of extremes in which he live — and in the face of the
annihilation he read in the eyes of his escorts.
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Paragraph 6: I accept this award on behalf of those people, who seeing with
their own eyes, on the tarmac of the Manila International Airport, how
violence answers peace and force reacts to fortitude, yet dared to
repeat the example of that man — first each person by himself, then
all together in the millions.

Paragraph 7: I accept this award on behalf of
who still dare to make the same fateful
despite its uneven record of success.
Berlin, there has been an East Timor,
Square.
those women and men today,
commitment to People Power,
For every EDSA, Prague and
a Rangoon and a Tienanmen

Paragraph 8: I accept the Ramon Magsaysay Award with humility in the light
of history's most earth-shaking yet peaceful events — Gandhi
gathering a handful of salt, that unknown Chinese blocking a column of
tanks with only a brief-case of office work in his hand, Nelson Mandela
putting 27 years of imprisonment behind him to lead all South Africans
— black and white, his jailers and their victims — to a greater country.

Paragraph 9: I accept this award on behalf of the man who perhaps most
deserved it, because he idolized and served President Ramon
Magsaysay and paid The Guy the ultimate tribute of imitation by giving
his life for his country.

Paragraph 10: I accept this award on behalf of the Filipino People who
followed in Ninoy's potentially fatal footsteps and proved what
Ninoy always believed about them: THE FILIPINO IS WORTH DYING
FOR.

Paragraph 11: I accept this award on behalf of the people of Burma who have
had a longer and bloodier road to freedom than we had travelled, but
who plod on regardless.

Paragraph 12: I accept this award, finally, for my five children, Ballsy, Pinky,
Noy-Noy, Viel and Kris, whose unquestioning support and
uncomplaining sacrifices, gave me the strength to complete what my
husband began and my people continued: the victory of People Power
for democracy.

Paragraph 13: I thank with all my heart Mrs. Luz Magsaysay and her family,
the trustees of the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation and all the
people who have been praying for me and with me. Maraming salamat
po!

BUILDING HOMES, BUILDING LIVES

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Wenceslao Village, San Roque Dau I, Lubao, Pampanga
December 16, 1999

Paragraph 1: Today, we, the trustees of the Sulung Pampanga Foundation are
happy to inaugurate fifty additional houses in Wenceslao Village. We
are truly proud to be able to contribute our humble share to the
rebuilding of this new community.

Paragraph 2: Supporting this very laudable initiative was an easy decision for
all of us in Sulung Pampanga Foundation. We are very impressed by
the holistic approach of community building implemented in this
project which has been designed not just to build houses but to
reconstruct the spiritual, psycho-emotional, social, physical,
environmental and economic make-up of displaced families.

Paragraph 3: We are in great admiration of the untiring work of the men and
women of the Social Action Center of Pampanga (SACOP) under the
leadership of His Grace, Archbishop Paciano Aniceto.

Paragraph 4: Of course, all of these would not have been possible without the
generous donation of the property of the de Mesa sisters, Diana, Ruby
and Erlinda.

But this success formula need not be exclusive to Pampanga. It is my hope

that successful initiatives like this can be replicated in other towns and cities
to address our nation's massive housing backlog and its attendant socio-
economic problems.

Paragraph 5: For our part, we of the Sulung Pampanga Foundation will study
ways and means to propagate this kind of project in the future.

Paragraph 6: Today, however, I would like to acknowledge the active and

selfless participation of the people of Sulung Pampanga Foundation.

Paragraph 7: Let me make special mention of Sulung Pampanga's President,

Mr. Menardo Jimenez, big boss of GMA-7 who called me up a few years
ago to express his desire to be involved in a major undertaking to
extend assistance to the victims of Mt. Pinatubo eruption. I in turn
contacted my good friend, the late Bren Guiao and it was on his
recommendation that we organized the Sulung Pampanga Foundation,
together with other concerned citizens, like Secretary Jose T. Pardo,
Antonio Cojuangco, Ping de Jesus, Chito Sobrepena representing
George Ty of Metrobank and my nephew Rapa Lopa.

Paragraph 8: I also would like to take this opportunity in behalf of Sulung

Pampanga, to thank our generous friends for supporting our program
in helping the victims of the Mount Pinatubo eruption. Among our
donors are: Alcatel, GMA Foundation, the Metrobank Foundation, Inc.,
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PLDT Foundation, Project Silungan Foundation, PAGCOR, SANYO
Philippines and SGS Far East Limited.

Paragraph 9: All of us – in civil society, in the business sector, in religious

congregations, as well as government leaders and workers in our
respective communities – have to pitch in to get things moving.

Paragraph 10: People Power gave US our finest hour in EDSA. With our
vibrant democracy restored, let us now use People Power to help our
less fortunate countrymen achieve a more dignified and progressive
life.

Paragraph 11: Thank you and good day.

NURTURING NEW LEADERS BEYOND POLITICS

First International Conference of Asian Political Parties, Manila Hotel
September 18, 2000

Paragraph 1: Ladies and Gentlemen: I have come here to extend my good

wishes to all of you who are participating in the First International
Conference of Asian Political Parties. I also welcome this opportunity
to share with you some thoughts on the issues facing us today in Asia
and in the rest of the world, and what organized groups such as
political parties can do about them.

Paragraph 2: This meeting of Asian political parties attended by their

representatives is happening at a time of crisis for the poor peoples on
this earth. This is not to say that the poor are not in perpetual crisis —
so needy are they of material resources and services, and so meager is
the response of governments. But they are even more at risk at this
time as the world grapples with the phenomenon of globalization.

Paragraph 3: The globalization of trade, of products and of services, has

made the products of industry available almost anywhere in the world.
But it hasn't made them any more accessible to the poor. As nations
—both rich and poor — succumb to the inevitability of globalization,
the poorer ones are left behind, with neither the means to purchase
the goods nor the expertise to compete with those who produce them.

Paragraph 4: And those who bite the bullet and enter the race for
globalization, come face to face with a whole new world, of advanced
technology they can hardly keep up with, of swift mergers and
acquisitions that render them defenseless, of automation that
displaces a lot of a their people from the work-place, and of
sophisticated international rules and regulations they can hardly cope
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with. It is a sad fact that globalization has rendered many nations and
governments economically, socially and politically vulnerable.

Paragraph 5: Globalization is a double-edged sword. It is both a boon and a

problem of our world today. If globalization is to work for everyone,
there is a need to balance its positive and negative sides.
Businessmen and governments must be sensitive to this, as well as;
the political parties that aspire for power.

Paragraph 6: The question that we must all grapple with is: How should we a
really address poverty? It is the age-old question that has stumped
mankind since time immemorial, but the answer is as elusive as the
other ideals of democracy, like good governance and the eradication of
corruption.

Paragraph 7: While there is no one answer to the question, this forum may
wish to focus on how the wisdom and actions of the many who have
tried and have succeeded in their own small way can be shared,
studied and replicated.

Paragraph 8: Political parties have a lot to do with the development of leaders

who will in turn lead our peoples out of poverty and hopelessness.

Paragraph 9: If political parties take seriously their roles in democratic

development, they will see to it that they develop genuine leaders
whom the rest of society, the youth especially, can respect, trust and
emulate.

Paragraph 10: Much depends on the kind of people we present to our

respective electorates to choose from, the values they ascribe to and
promote, the kind of lifestyles they live, their style of leadership and
whether or not they empathize with those who are poor and
underprivileged.

Paragraph 11: I am talking about men and women who inspire others by their
vision, their dedication to the noble causes, their active involvement in
the people's lives, and their willingness to take political risks in pursuit
of the people's agenda.

Paragraph 12: I have met a number of such men and women in and out of
politics and they have been the source of my hope for the democracy
that we have been trying to strengthen and make relevant to the
needs of the Filipino people.

Paragraph 11: The Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. Foundation which I established

after, the assassination of my husband, is currently in the process of
documenting the experiences of leaders with the plan to present them
to the youth as examples of selflessness and responsible citizenship.
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In our proposed work of developing new leaders, we seek to link up
with other foundations with whom we can share resources in order to
extend the range of our influence. One such collaboration of the
Aquino Foundation is with the Hanns Seidel Foundation of Germany.
Over the past six years, we have worked with the Hanns Seidel
Foundation on the development of cooperatives and the promotion of
human rights education in the Philippine National Police.

Paragraph 12: We will soon open the Aquino Center in Luisita, Tarlac, which
will house the Institute for People Power and Development.

Paragraph 13: We hope to continue this cooperation with Hanns Seidel

Foundation and other like-minded foundations and NGOs in our new
tack towards the development of young, credible, sincere and dynamic
Filipino leaders.

Paragraph 14: The task of developing new leaders is urgent and daunting.
Therefore, I invite the political parties to participate actively in it.

Paragraph 15: But I reiterate, genuine leaders cannot be developed solely in

the hothouse that is electoral politics. They must be nurtured in the
context of the larger society, its problems and challenges. In this, the
political parties will find no better partners than civil society — the
NGOs and people's organizations that are in touch with the burning
issues affecting the people, especially the many who are voiceless and
vulnerable.

Paragraph 16: Perhaps, by cooperating with civil society, political parties can
learn to consciously and attentively listen to the people and be more
responsive to their concerns.

Paragraph 17: Thank you for your kind attention and I hope that you will all
enjoy your stay in the Philippines. Mabuhay!

PRAYING FOR ENLIGHTENMENT

EDSA Shrine
October 17, 2000

Paragraph 1: This is not a subject I wish to tackle, this is not a job I want to
undertake. I wish more than anything to live in peace and quiet,
having all the honors I could wish for, enjoying the vacation from
politics I think I have deserved.

Paragraph 2: But how can I not be here, when you are here. How can I say
that, having led the people in the fight to bring back democracy, I
cannot be with them in protecting its life and defending its honor. And
so I must address the crisis of governance today.
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Paragraph 3: You know the charges that have been made. You know the
actors in this sordid drama. You know that motive can play only a
small part in the gravity and credibility of the charges that have been
laid at the feet of the President no less.

Paragraph 4: So much is clear: serious crimes have been committed, grave

charges have been aired. What we have here is a quarrel over the
sharing of the spoils. But some of the spoils are public funds and the
President has been implicated.

Paragraph 5: There was here also the familiar modus operandi of passing off
an attempted assassination as a chance encounter over a traffic
violation. There may be little sympathy for the likes of Chavit Singson
but we must recoil in horror at the brazen attempt to stop his mouth
with a bullet. Only an impartial and fearless investigation can tell from
how far up the order came. We thought such methods had passed
away with the dark days of the dictatorship. Now it seems they have
returned.

Paragraph 6: Over the past two years, we have listened to stories of

corruption and passed on jokes about it. Now we are shocked to learn
of the ultimate outrage that has been committed and at the lowest
insult offered to the honor of the Republic. No less than one of the
President's closest friends has leveled bribery charges against him in
the hundreds of millions.

Paragraph 7: The shameless efforts in the Senate and the House, to silence
rather than answer these charges have only made matters worse. For
now the stigma is spreading and the stain on the Presidency threatens
to cover Congress as well. We fear when it will touch the courts.

Paragraph 8: When that happens, the last argument for a upholding

democracy will have been defeated; and those freedoms for which we
fought, and that way of life for which the best of us gave their lives,
will be utterly defenseless against its age-old enemies on the a Right
and the Left.

Paragraph 9: We cannot allow things to come to such a pass, nor can we

allow the passion of the moment to obscure the right course of action
that we should take – today, tomorrow, and the day after until an early
resolution to the crisis of the Republic takes a place.

Paragraph 10: I join the Cardinal and the bishops and ministers of all the
Christian churches in urging everyone who loves his country to pray, to
ponder, and to seek enlightenment. I urge the President himself to join
us in seeking discernment through prayer. For the heaviest decision
lies with him: to spare our country from more of the troubles he has
brought down upon its head.
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Paragraph 11: What lies ahead is a period of unending turmoil, for these are
not charges that will just go away. Nor can these charges just be
swept under the carpet. The truth must be finally established for no
government can continue with such charges hanging over its head.

Paragraph 12: These charges strike at the very essence of government. They
call into question the very right of this government to exist. And if
they are not fully investigated and the appropriate action taken, they
will undermine the moral foundations of our society. For they will tell
the world that this country does not care about what is right or wrong,
what is legal or criminal. These charges, if left unanswered and
unpunished, will tell all that wish to live, work or invest here that they
do so at their own peril.

Paragraph 13: The investigation into the corruption charges made by the
President's friend has barely started, though not because the truth is
hard to get. Efforts to derail or delay the investigation, or suppress it
altogether, have only added to their credibility and disgraced the
Congress.

Paragraph 14: No one in his right mind can dispute their gravity; few people
of any honor can doubt their essential veracity. The best that can be
said is whether these I charges can be made to stick in a court of law
or a congressional impeachment of the President himself.

Paragraph 15: That will be a long and painful process, both for the President
but more so for the country. A country deemed without effective
leadership in the past two years will be seen to have a leadership just
one step away from jail.

Paragraph 16: Who will take this country seriously then? All foreign and local
investment has virtually come to a stop. The process of divestment is
well advanced. The peso has dropped 20 percent since the start of the
year, the Phisix over 50 percent in dollar terms. Investments have
dropped 20 percent in the past six months and foreign direct
investments over 80 percent in the same period. Who can believe that
this I country has a future at all, except those who are fooling
themselves or are making money illegally today.

Paragraph 17: In 1983, the assassination of a popular political leader turned a

moderately healthy economy into a very sick one in just a few months.
Growth dropped from 5 percent to negative 3, dipping even further
until the government was overturned.

Paragraph 18: This year bribery allegations delivered the coup de grace on
the last shred of integrity in the Office of the President. It threatens to
bring about the same economic consequences.
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Paragraph 19: The fear is that the righteous anger of discerning Filipinos, the
outright disgust of the moral authorities of our nation at such
corruption so close to the highest office of the land, will spark a
ceaseless round of protests that will write off the Philippine economy.
And yet that anger cannot be discouraged because this country cannot
live with the charges that have been made. They must be answered.

Paragraph 20: This anger, this disgust, this deepening doubt about the ability
of this government to govern morally and well, even as the region
descends into a crisis again, raises a legitimate concern. Along drawn-
out investigation into charges of the most serious legal violations,
alongside a bitter and protracted impeachment of the country's chief
law enforcer no less, will damage our economy beyond all hope of swift
repair. We may reach the point of no return in the economy or only of
a long and painful recovery back to zero.

Paragraph 21: No less than the life of our country is now at stake.

Paragraph 22: At this point, I ask everyone who can hear me or will read my
message, to join me in prayer.

Paragraph 23: Starting today, I will visit parishes and schools in Manila and
ask the people to join me in praying the rosary, in the church or in their
homes. We will join our prayers with those of other churches and other
faiths, all to the same end: that the Holy Spirit will enlighten us all, the
President included, on what course of action we and he must take that
will best serve the highest interests of our country.

Paragraph 24: We will do what we can to achieve a just resolution to the

crisis. He will do what he must. We pray with him that he does what is
right for his country.

Paragraph 25: There has been a call for his resignation before the
investigation into the bribery charges is complete. That call was
prompted by the gravity of the charges and by the shame in which he
has cast his office by the sordid company he keeps.

Paragraph 26: Alternatively, he might take a leave of absence during the

investigation of the charges. It is there in the Constitution, under
Article 7, Section 11. The President can inform the Senate President
and the Speaker of the House that he wishes to take a leave of
absence because he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of
his office under this cloud. The Vice President will assume his position
in an acting capacity. After he has obtained a full exoneration in an
investigation over which he had no control, he can take back the
Presidency.
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Paragraph 27: And finally there is the process which it is our hope to avoid,
without sacrificing the imperative of restoring moral government. This
is impeachment. From this process we expect the worst. It will be
long drawn-out; it will put the truth at the mercy of numbers; and it will
leave justice in the hands of those whose single overriding concern is
their reelection.

Paragraph 28: The process may yet surprise us by achieving a fair and just
result. But we think it will meet our worst expectations. The result will
be the discredit of yet another critical institution of democracy, so that,
stained throughout with scandal, democracy will be defenseless
thereafter against her enemies.

Paragraph 29: No one should think he knows everything; but no one should
doubt that God knows all. If we pray, He will share this knowledge with
us and show us the way to go.

Paragraph 30: I urge us all therefore to pray for enlightenment and

discernment. When the hour strikes, we shall all be clear in our minds
and ready in our hearts about the action we must take. When the
battle is joined, the standards should be clear and every man and
woman will know where they stand – with the forces of light or those of
darkness. We hope that when the time comes, we shall be on the
same side of brightness, both the President and us — committed to
only one cause: the peace, the stability, and the honor of our a nation
at whatever price to ourselves.

Paragraph 31: There are times that try men's souls and moments when love
of country calls for supreme self-sacrifice, even if it means resignation.

BETWEEN RIGHT AND WRONG

Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino KOMPIL II, Ateneo de Manila University
October 29, 2000

Paragraph 1: My friends and fellow Filipinos: More than sixteen years ago, on
January 8, 1984, many of us here today convened for the first time as
the Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino, or Kompil, on a matter of
utmost importance. We met to confront a dictatorship – and for that
dictatorship, our unity meant the beginning of its inevitable end.

Paragraph 2: Nang una po tayong magsama-sama sa Kompil, labing-anim na

taon na ang nakalipas, nagkaisa tayo upang harapin ang isang
diktadura – at doon nagsimula ang pagkabuwag ng rehimen ni Marcos.
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Paragraph 3: Today we are assembled once again, from all corners of the
archipelago, representing a broad spectrum of persuasions and
concerns.

Paragraph 4: Once again we are united as the conscience of our race. Differ
as we may in some of our views and ideas about change, there is no
one here who will not agree with the need for urgent and deep-seated
change.

Paragraph 5: Magkaiba man ang ating mga pinanggalingan at ang ating mga
pala-palagay, nagkakaisa tayo sa pangangailangan ng kagyat at
malalimang pagbabago sa ating pamahalaan.

Paragraph 6: And by this we mean a change at the very heart and core of
government. Or perhaps I should say "at its very head."

Paragraph 7: You and I would not be here were it not for the crisis to which
we have been brought – ironically enough, not simply by outside forces
nor by an act of God, but by our own President and his ill-chosen
friends.

Paragraph 8: We face, in fact, not one but three crises: a crisis of leadership,
a crisis in our economy, and perhaps most pernicious of all, a moral
crisis that leaves our people begging for someone to remind them of
the difference between right and wrong.

Paragraph 9: If we speak today in a louder voice than usual, it is because we

do not know if the person sitting in Malacañang can still hear his
people.

Paragraph 10: Naririnig kaya tayo ni Pangulong Erap, sa kabila ng mga

bulong at sulsol ng kaniyang mga kabarkada at alipores? Dinggin mo
kami, Ginoong Pangulo – kami ang iyang konsyensya.

Paragraph 11: Mr. President, we are the people. Please do not choose to see
us as your personal enemies – because this is not between you and
me, but between you and your people. Please do not choose to see us
as the destroyers of the nation – because we built the very edifice on
which your authority to govern rests.

Paragraph 12: Our people are in pain, because they feel betrayed by their
own leader. They have endured the worst that nature and the vagaries
of the global economy have had to offer. On top of all these problems
our people have had to deal with, the President has delivered us to the
brink of economic disaster.

Paragraph 13: Walang hihigit pa sa Pilipino sa pagkamatiisin. Handa tayang

dumanas ng anumang uri ng kahirapan, guminhawa lamang ang ating
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mga mahal sa buhay. Subalit may sakripisyong magiting, at may
parusa rin namang hindi makatuwiran.

Paragraph 14: Sa bawat sandali ay may nadadagdag sa bilang ng mga

negasyang nalulugi at mga mangagawang nawawalan ng trabaho,
mga pamilyang walang makain – sapagkat ayaw tanggapin at
panagutan ng ating Pangulo ang kaniyang pagkakamali.

Paragraph 15: For every day that he holds on to office, the peso drops in
value, more investments retreat, more factories and businesses shut
down, more workers lose their jobs, and more families go hungry.

Paragraph 16: If this keeps up, this President will have nothing more to
preside over but untold misery for everyone.

Paragraph 17: Mr. President, you have lost your people's confidence because
you seem to have lost any sense of accountability to them.

Paragraph 18: You have tried to misrepresent this struggle as a class war.
You may have been badly served by some who have led you to believe
that this situation is a trick being played upon you by the elite.

Paragraph 20: But this is hot a war between rich and poor. It is a fight
between right and wrong. There is a moral dimension to this crisis that
goes to the very core of who and what we are, and what we want our
children to be. This is not a question of numbers, but of values.

Paragraph 21: Hindi ito tunggalian ng mayaman laban sa mahirap, kundi ng

tama laban sa mali, ng kabutihan laban sa kasamaan.

Paragraph 22: We cannot allow evil and wrongdoing to go unpunished and

unrepented. Responsible citizenship brings with it not only a right but
also a duty to protest wrongdoing; and responsible government is also
duty-bound to listen.

Paragraph 23: The people have a right to hold their President to the highest
standards of personal conduct. The President, after all, is no ordinary
citizen. He governs by example, and both his virtues and vices are
magnified in the public eye. Wrong doing at the top gives the lowliest
civil servant an excuse to do the same, and corrupts the moral fabric of
society like an insidious virus.

Paragraph 24: As for ourselves, the best we can do for one another and for
the future is to unite in this struggle, and to expand and strengthen the
ground for our common cause. We must continue on the road to
peaceful change, and resist all efforts to divide us. All the power we
need is within ourselves.
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Paragraph 25: Nasa atin na pong lahat ang kapangyarihang magbunsod ng
mapayapa at makabuluhang pagbabago.

Paragraph 26: Let us cultivate faith in ourselves and in one another,

reminding ourselves that it is only in trusting each other that we can in
fact harness our collective strength.

Paragraph 27: Ipaalala natin muli sa isa't-isa na hindi ka nag-iisa, hindi ako
nag-iisa at sana magpakailanman hindi tayo nag-iisa.

Paragraph 28: The problem is not just President Estrada; it is what we want to
be as a people and as a nation after President Estrada.

Paragraph 29: This fight will not be won by any single strategy or by the
singular wisdom of any particular leader of the opposition. It will be
won, if at all, only by all of us having the necessary degree of
commitment to the cause and the courage to fight for it, come what
may.

Paragraph 30: In the meanwhile, once again I ask this of President Estrada:
On behalf of our suffering people, please find it in your heart to go with
grace and wisdom. All is not lost. Redemption can yet be had, if you
listen to your conscience, and admit your human failings. And then do
your people the finest service you can perform at this crucial moment
of our history.

Paragraph 31: Let our people remember you as having made the supreme
self-sacrifice of resignation.

QUICK, PEACEFUL AND JUST RESOLUTION

Prayer Rally, EDSA Shrine
November 4, 2000

Paragraph 1: This is not the first time that His Eminence, Jaime Cardinal Sin,
you and I have met at this shrine — a shrine to freedom and to God's
protection over His people.

Paragraph 2: I also know that it will not be the last — because, if we keep
faith with God and with one another — we will meet here again, in
thanksgiving, to mark the triumph of the good and the just.

Paragraph 3: Nagtipon-tipon tayo dita upang manalangin sa Panginaon —

ngunit hindi lamangpara sa ating mga sarili.
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Paragraph 4: We pray for peace, for courage, and for wisdom. We also pray
that Almighty God bestow these blessings not only on those assembled
here at EDSA — but more so on the man who caused all these
problems on our people.

Paragraph 5: Of course, I speak of President Joseph Ejercito Estrada — who

now needs all the humility, composure, courage, and since with faith in
God nothing is impossible, the WISDOM to help him make the most
momentous decision of his life.

Paragraph 6: We gather, not in anger, but in charity, not out of desperation

but because of hope. We are here to build, not destroy our nation —
and to save, rather than ruin, the Presidency.

Paragraph 7: Tayong mga nandito sa EDSA ay hindi naparito para guluhin o

sirain ang Panguluan, kundi upang ibalik ito sa landas ng katwiran.

Paragraph 8: You and I have embarked on a course of action that bears the
gravest consequences for all our countrymen. In the past three weeks,
we have asked the President — our elected leader — to step down
from office.

Paragraph 9: Today we pray that he will make the prudent choice, and that
he will find the charity in his heart to spare the nation the prolonged
and divisive agony of impeachment.

Paragraph 10: Five days ago, President Estrada went on national television to
announce that he was taking steps to correct some of the worst
instances of cronyism under his regime, and that he wanted a
reconciliatory dialogue between himself and his most prominent critics.

Paragraph 11: A laudable gesture, but again it was all too little, too late. In
fact it was painful admission of how badly his administration has
served the people.

Paragraph 12: Sadly it was a poor attempt to address the issues of the day,
while still side-stepping the most tangible concern of our people: his
unwillingness to come clean and tell the TRUTH.

Paragraph 13: Paano tayo maniniwala at magtitiwala sa isang Pangulong

hindi man lang makatugon sa mga napakalalang paratang sa kanyang
pagkatao? At sa halip na katotohanan, ang iniharap niya sa atin ay
ang panakot ng karahasan.

Paragraph 14: We deserved and always deserve the TRUTH. Instead, the
President chose to confront us, with a badly orchestrated, poorly
produced, ill-advised thinly veiled threat of force.
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Paragraph 15: We now ask our brothers and sisters in the Armed Forces and
the PNP to recognize that the right of citizens to peaceful protest is
enshrined in the Constitution. Be one with us, as you were in EDSA,
and protect your people from those who would use you, for their own
selfish ends.

Paragraph 16: Nananawagan kami sa ating mga kapatid sa militar at pulisya.

Ipagtanggol ninyo kami — tulad nang ginawa ninyo sa EDSA — sa mga
tunay na kaaway ng taumbayan.

Paragraph 17: Mr, President, you were not here with us at the EDSA
Revolution. Yet you now cloak yourself with the Constitution at EDSA
made possible, the very same Constitution which only last year, you
unsuccessfully, through the efforts of the same people gathered here,
tried to subvert.

Paragraph 18: I say, let that Constitution prevails above all else, and let him
have his day in court. This will take time, and the gravity of the
process should warrant that due diligence be given. But should our
economy and our government be held hostage by this arduous, though
necessary process?

Paragraph 19: The President must accept that the greatest threat to our
economy and to our national security today is his compromised and
ineffectual leadership.

Paragraph 20: Mr. President, our economy's recovery and our society's
healing can begin NOW, if you yield to selflessness and voluntarily
resign.

Paragraph 21: Mr. President, kayo ang pinagmulan ng ating paghihirap

ngayon, kayo ang nagkamali, kayo ang problema!

Paragraph 22: You must display your willingness to face the truth and the
consequences of your actions. We Filipinos are a forgiving people, you
can still repent — after yielding your job to someone who will do it
better.

Paragraph 23: Mr. President, take it from me: there is life after Malacañang.
History may treat you more kindly if you go PEACEFULLY and you go
NOW!

Paragraph 24: Ngayon ka na magbitiw, Mr. President. Even the best actor
knows when it's time to take his final bow!

Paragraph 25: Whatever happens, the task of nation-building will go on after

Erap. We must continue to seek new ways of people empowernent, of
lifting the Filipinos from material and moral poverty.
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Paragraph 26: We pray for those who would take over the reins of
government, that they may always hold themselves accountable to
God and to the people. Responsible citizenship and accountable
leadership go hand in hand in true nation-building.

Paragraph 27: May mga nagsasabing ang mga Pilipino daw ay hindi na
natuto. Sa pagtitipon natin muli dito sa EDSA, pinapatunayan natin sa
buong mundo — NATUTO NA TAYO. Hindi na natin ipagkakatiwala ang
pamumuno ng pamahalaan sa nagnanais lamang na yumaman mula
sa dugo 't pawis ng sambayanan. Hindi na tayo muling papayag na
nakawin ang kinabukasan ng ating bayan.

Paragraph 28: We pray to God that He grant us a quick, peaceful, and just
resolution to our current national crisis. We pray for strength and
vigilance to carry on our fight, and above all else that goodness and
justice will triumph; and once again, the best of Filipinos — and the
best in the Filipino — will prevail.

Paragraph 29: ALLOW ME NOW TO PAY TRIBUTE TO A MAN WHOSE SPIRITUAL

LEADERSHIP, COURAGE AND STRENGTH IN HIS MORAL CONVICTIONS
HAS CONSISTENTLY PAVED THE WAY FOR EACH ONE OF US TO
FOLLOW THE RIGHT PATH. IN A NATION OF MANY VOICES, HIS HAS
STOOD OUT BECAUSE HE HAS ALWAYS BEEN ABLE TO GALVANIZE HIS
FLOCK TO ACTION. WITHOUT HIM, THE DEMOCRACY BORNE OUT OF
THE EDSA PEOPLE POWER REVOLUTION WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN
POSSIBLE. AND BECAUSE OF HIM, WE PROUDLY ARE UNITED TODAY.
A MAN OF GOD, A MAN WE FILIPINOS CAN PROUDLY UPHOLD AS OUR
SYMBOL OF FREEDOM. LET US NOW RENDER OUR GRATITUDE WITH
THUNDEROUS APPLAUSE, AS WE THANK GOD FOR BLESSING US, WITH
A GREAT FILIPINO LIKE CARDINAL SIN.

Paragraph 30: Magtiwala tayo sa Maykapal, na mananaig ang kabutihan, at

muling bumangon ang sambayanang Pilipino.

Paragraph 31: Maraming salamat po, at mahuhay tayong lahat.

TOWARDS A RESPONSIBLE SOCIETY

Luncheon Dialogue with Business Associations, Hotel Intercontinental, Makati City
November 17, 2000

Paragraph 1: As we all know, our country is in a political crisis with acute

moral dimensions that threaten to destroy our democratic institutions.
Even as we speak, we hear that the administration's forces are being
mobilized to undermine the credibility, independence and integrity of
our legislature.
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Paragraph 2: In the Senate, there are rumors of brazen attempts to buy the
loyalty of our legislators who are tasked by the Constitution to sit in
judgement of the official and personal conduct of President Estrada in
impeachment proceedings.

Paragraph 3: The resolution of this crisis may be more protracted than we

had hoped, and the demands of sustained political action may
sometimes weigh on us. But we must remain steadfast on our chosen
course. We cannot let our guard down. Not now that we have made
headway in the House, and the impeachment trial will soon be
underway in the Senate. We must remain vigilant. Let our forces
watch every move of Malacañang and its henchmen, and expose every
attempt to subvert this sacred process.

Paragraph 4: At the same time, we need to mobilize our resources to help

those who will be most severely affected by this crisis – the poor.

Paragraph 5: Our economic advisers have told us that our people will begin to
feel the effects of the economic downturn at the beginning of next
year, when the market contracts with its concomitant effect on
production and employment. When this comes to pass, I am told, even
the informal sector – down to the fish-ball and balut vendor, will suffer.

Paragraph 6: Today, we heard fine examples of on-going initiatives and

impressive programs for the alleviation of poverty being undertaken by
the business community, in collaboration with church groups and civil
society organizations. I know there are many more laudable programs
and projects out there we haven't even heard about that are making
the lives of the poor more bearable.

Paragraph 7: However, the problem of poverty is so acute and widespread

that we can never say we have done enough.

Paragraph 8: The continuing armed conflict in Mindanao and the severe

economic downturn have exacerbated the plight of many Filipinos who
live from hand to mouth. What are the things that need to be done for
them? More to the point, what are WE prepared to do for them?

Paragraph 9: President Estrada' s defense in the face of the people's call for
his impeachment, resignation or ouster has been to blame the elite,
what he refers to as the well-heeled Makati crowd, for the current
economic and political crisis. And he has called on the poor, his masa,
to resist the machinations of the Makati Business Club and other
business groups to remove him from office. He has called us
troublemakers whose repeated calls for him to step down are, in his
mind, the reason for the slide in the economy.
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Paragraph 10: He has embarked on a dangerous exercise of pitting the poor
against the rich, of demonizing the middle class and making us the
scapegoats for his failures. So, what can we still do to make a
difference in the lives of poor Filipinos?

Paragraph 11: 1. I ask you who represent the country’s largest corporations
and business associations to put social development high on your
agenda of priorities. Through joint ventures among your foundations
and human development programs, you can together initiate projects
that would have a greater impact on the lives of the poor communities.

Paragraph 12: 2. I ask the business leaders and donor agencies to invest in
existing programs that have already shown good results in alleviating
poverty and improving lives, so they can be replicated to reach more
people, more quickly.

Paragraph 13: 3. I urge corporations to form foundations – legal ones with

clear objectives and not money-laundering fronts – to put in place
more formalized measurements for your corporate social investments
in the communities. The League of Corporate Foundations does a good
job of providing advice and running seminars on the different ways of
doing this.

Paragraph 14: 4. I ask colleges and universities to include social development

and responsibility in your school curricula, so that the youth we send
into the world have a strong sense of personal and corporate social
responsibility. Social responsibility should be a part of the training of
all of our young people, and even those who go back to school in mid-
career – be they doctors, teachers, engineers, or professional
managers.

Paragraph 15: 5. I realize that for this year, most of your company budgets
have already been earmarked or spent. In next year's budgets, add
one more social development project to the number you have
originally planned. There are many NGOs needing funds whose
projects could use your immediate support. The Association of
Foundations has a directory of NGOs that you can consult for possible
partners. The Church too, through Caritas and the National Secretariat
for Social Action has a variety of projects looking for additional
resources.

Paragraph 16: 6. Besides your monetary resources, your companies have

staff with skills and expertise that could be harnessed in setting up
projects for and with the poor. Encourage them to volunteer their time
and talent to work with the dispossessed. The League of Corporate
Foundations, the Association of Foundations, the Caucus of
Development NGO Networks (or Code-NGO), and the Philippine
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Association for Volunteer Efforts can help match your corporate
volunteers with projects that need professional help.

Paragraph 17: 7. Finally I call on the media, some of whose owners are
present here, to give the work of social development and the value of
social responsibility more space and prominence in your newspapers
and broadcast programs. The people must know that there are
individuals and institutions with resources that are responding to their
needs by reaching out to the underprivileged in very significant ways.

Paragraph 18: When I was President, I learned that government neither had
the budget nor the expertise to accomplish the task of social
development by itself. We needed the advice of experts in the private
sector, especially the foundations and the NGOs on the ground, on how
to intervene in a sustainable way, in the lives of the needy.

Paragraph 19: I realized early on that I could only ignore the private social
development sector at my own risk. Unfortunately, President Estrada
has chosen to regard this progressive community with suspicion if not
contempt, and has publicized his own "pro-poor" programs using the
conventional and disempowering dole-out system.

Paragraph 20: I call on everyone here to be united in our endeavor to help

our less-fortunate brethren. If it is to blunt the pain of the present
crisis among the most vulnerable in our society, social development
work must be a collective effort. Let us organize people power among
the rich and poor so that together we can do more, and extend our
resources and our reach. As we are one in calling for a change in the
national leadership, we must also act as one in creating a responsible,
caring and sharing society.

Paragraph 21: The task is urgent. The poor cannot wait. May I therefore ask
that we have a follow-up meeting, say three (or six) months from now,
to report on the initiatives that have been undertaken to move forward
the agenda that we have drawn up today.

Paragraph 22: I pray that by then, we will have resolved the political crisis
and the solutions to our economic crisis will be well underway.
However, our responsibilities to our people will not end. Our post-
Estrada scenario must be an improvement over our post-Marcos
behavior. We must never again let our guard down. We must never
again leave governance for government alone to pursue.

Paragraph 23: We were given the gift of a swift and peaceful revolution in
1986. But just 14 years later, we are working and praying for a second
chance to institute lasting and meaningful changes in our country and
society. While we pray that history will deal kindly with us again, let us
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gird ourselves for the difficult days ahead, with the welfare of the most
vulnerable of our people topmost in our minds and hearts.

Paragraph 24: Thank you for your attention and good day.

WE DEMAND THE TRUTH, WE CALL FOR

CHANGE
Malate Church Plaza, Manila
December 7, 2000

Paragraph 1: Minamahal kong mga Kababayan: Today we meet again in

prayer – as we did at the EDSA Shrine Last November 4.

Paragraph 2: We have prayed in large gatherings such as this one, as well as

in smaller groups in churches and in schools.

Paragraph 3: We have asked God for the strength and the wisdom to bear our
trials with courage and grace — and He has not failed us. We have
asked Him to bless our fight for truth and justice with the protection of
His holy peace — and He has not failed us. We have asked Him to
bring this noble struggle to a just resolution – and I believe that, again,
the Good Lord will not fail us.

Paragraph 4: Mahigit isang buwan na po tayong taimtim na nagdarasal at

dumudulog sa Diyos upang mapanatili niya ang katatagan at
kapayapaan ng ating laban para sa katotohanan at katarungan.
Nakinig naman siya sa ating mga panalangin: naririto pa rin tayo –
matatag, mapayapa, at buo pa rin ang pagtitiwala sa Maykapal. Batid
nating hindi niya tayo pababayaan.

Paragraph 5: We continue to have much to pray for. Not too far from where
we now stand, history will be made. The President will stand on an
impeachment trial in the Senate for high crimes against his own
people.

Paragraph 6: It seems great enough a victory for the forces of good in our
society to have brought things to this momentous pass. Without your
support — without God's grace, without the courage of the
Congressmen and without the single-mindedness of civil society — we
would not have been able to bring the nation's most powerful man
before the bar of justice.

Paragraph 7: Once again, the Filipinos who continue to fight for truth and
justice are the heroes of this story. And the good senators of our
Republic can be heroes, too – by keeping true to their solemn oath to
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"do impartial justice" and let the truth in this case speak for itself, and
speak loudest of all.

Paragraph 8: But once again let us remind ourselves — and let us remind the
accused — that there is a kinder, fairer, and more expedient solution to
this crisis strangling our country and our people today. As I have
declared early on there is a quicker end to this torturous process which
any reasonable man in the President's position should be humble
enough and merciful enough to contemplate.

Paragraph 9: That is the option of resignation, which — despite what the

President's propagandists would have us believe — is a perfectly
constitutional and perfectly civilized option. It goes beyond simply
what the President has done wrong to what he can yet do right, as his
final act of service to the nation.

Paragraph 10: Mr. President, we are committed to upholding and protecting

the Constitution.

Paragraph 11: We have already risked our lives for it on many occasions and
we will continue to do so whenever it is threatened.

Paragraph 12: You of all people should know this by now.

Paragraph 13: Nakakalimutan yata ni Pangulong Estrada na kasama rin natin

siyang nag-rally laban sa Cha-Cha noong Bise pa lamang siya at kung
hindi tayo nag-rally noon, saan kaya siya ngayon.

Paragraph 14: Nakakalimutan din yata ni Pangulong Estrada na pinadama

natin sa kanya ang ating oposisyon noon binalak din niyang
pakialaman ang ilang probisyon ng saligang batas.

Paragraph 15: The coming impeachment trial should be much less about
acquittal than about innocence, much less about legality than it is
about morality.

Paragraph 16: A caring President – a President who cares about his people
more than he cares about himself – would not have put his nation
through this agonizing and potentially divisive crisis. A truthful
President would not have allowed confusion to spread and our
economy to spin out of control – while he and his lawyers made up
their minds about how to explain his extravagance, his venality, and
his incompetence to his own people.

Paragraph 17: Instead of admitting the error of his ways, President Estrada
has chosen to shift the blame for this worsening crisis on those of us
who have found the courage to stand up to his abuses.
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Paragraph 18: Nakakagulo lamang daw ang mga demonstrasyon. Tayo pa
raw ang may kasalanan, tayo pa raw ang may kagagawan sa krisis na
ito. Hindi daw tayo makapaghintay na madinig ang panig ng pangulo
sa darating na paglilitis sa Senado. Kung tumahimik na lamang daw
sana tayo, wala na sanang problema.

Paragraph 19: Ang problema ay kung nanahimik tayo maaring hanggang

ngayon tuloy pa rin ang ligaya sa Malacanang.

Paragraph 20: Mr. President, hindi makapaghihintay at hindi makapagtitimpi

ang hustisya ng bayan.

Paragraph 21: Matapos ang exposé ni Gov. Singson, umasa ang taong bayan
na agad-agad ninyong sasagutin ang mga matitinding paratang sa
inyo. Ngunit mula noon hanggang ngayon wala pa ring kayong
malinaw na kasagutan sa mga paratang na tunay na nakababagabag.
Dahil pinili ninyong manahimik, hindi po ninyo masisi ang taong bayan
kung tuluyan silang magduda na mayroon kayong tinatago at maaring
may katotohanan ang mga paratang sa inyo.

Paragraph 22: Since the serious accusations of Gov. Singson against the
President came out we have sought and prayed that the truth be
known immediately. For choosing to remain silent on the charges
hurled against you, Mr. President, you as a consequence have brought
this crisis upon yourself. Since you decided to deprive us access to the
truth, you cannot blame us if we choose to exercise our constitutional
right to peacefully assemble to question your sincerity and credibility.

Paragraph 23: In conscience, we cannot remain silent. We do not want our

children and our grandchildren to grow up in a society that allows
misdeeds to go unnoticed and unpunished — especially if they involve
the President.

Paragraph 24: Today and in the days ahead, we, your people will continue to
seek and pray for the truth to come out and for you to have a deeper
discernment on the grave implications of your continued stay in office.

Paragraph 25: We will demand accountability from you — both in the streets
and in the Senate, for these two venues are part of one and the same
society that this President must answer to for his gross misdeeds.

Paragraph 26: Even as we expect our senators to act on our behalf in search
of the honest truth, we must remain vigilant and courageous. We must
make certain that justice and democracy will never be thwarted —
neither by force, by fear, nor by subterfuge.
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Paragraph 27: We call on every witness with facts to contribute to the
prosecution of this case to come forward and to speak the truth, in
God's name and the people's name.

Paragraph 28: We call on all our senators to uphold the truth above all else.

Paragraph 29: And we call on every Filipino to bear living witness to our faith
in democracy, to turn this crisis into a continuing crusade for better
governance and better citizenship.

Paragraph 30: Mga kababayan, muli po tayong manalangin sa Panginoon na

nawa'y mabigyan niya tayo ng wastong gabay sa 'ating pagkilos, na
mulatin niya ang ating mga halal na pinuno sa kanilang mga
pananagutan, at ihatid niya ang ating bayan sa kapayapaan at
katiwasayan.

PEOPLE POWER 2
Parangal ng Ateneo, Tanglaw ng Bayan, Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City
February 20, 2001

Paragraph 1: Once more, those on whom I rely so much for unerring guidance
and unstinting support present His Eminence, Jaime Cardinal Sin and
me with great unprecedented honors.

Paragraph 2: The Cardinal and I accept with gratitude and humility the
“Tanglaw ng Bayan” award from the community of the Society of
Jesus. We accept the award o behalf of the Filipino people to whom for
the most part, these honors belong. Yes, because you, the Filipino
people did it again.

Paragraph 3: It was we who called, that’s true; but you, the Filipino people
answered so that our cry was not lost in the wilderness.

Paragraph 4: Fifteen years after the bloodlessly booting out a president, who
turned into a dictator, the Filipino people ousted a popularly elected
president who succumbed to insatiable greed.
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Paragraph 5: We call this people power, and see it as the activation of the
sovereign clause of a democratic constitution, which says that
sovereignty resides in the people and all power comes from them.

Paragraph 6: Once in a while, in compelling circumstances, the people feel

like taking back this power. It happens when the institutions of
democracy fail to deliver democratic government or when the law
defeats rather than achieves its proper aim justice.

Paragraph 7: There has been criticism abroad of people power. The reason
may be that we regard democratic constitutions differently from the
West. For example, we take them seriously.

Paragraph 8: Take the constitutional preamble that famously begins: “We,

the people…”

Paragraph 9: As far as we are concerned these words are a sovereign

affirmation of power by the people, rather than as an act of abdication
by them of any further responsibility for their own political fate.

Paragraph 10: For us, those words, “We, the people…” are constant reminder
to our public officials as to where in politics things begin, and where
they might end up again if they don’t watch out: in the hands of the
people.

Paragraph 11: Joseph Ejercito Estrada came into the presidency with the
largest electoral mandate ever. Yet it was the very same people power
which ousted him that allowed him to take power in the fist place.

Paragraph 12: In 1997, the year before the presidential election, there were
attempts to change the constitution so that President Ramos could run
for re-election. Remember the anti Cha-cha rally at the Luneta on
September 21, 1997? The Cardinal and I and you, the Filipino people
were there to deliver a single message: No one is indispensable and
there will be no exception to the single term rule.

Paragraph 13: Joining us in that protest action was then Vice-President Joseph
Estrada, the strongest contender for the presidency, and the person
most likely to benefit from people power in defense of the
Constitution. As you can see, and as he has learned, people power is a
two-edged sword.

Paragraph 14: When Mr. Estrada won, we wished him well and prayed that he
would use his vast popularity to implement much needed social
reforms. Unfortunately, his brand of governance saddened me and
most of us.

Paragraph 15: In October last year, Governor
closest friends exposed his connections to
President Estrada to resign or take a
investigation. He said he preferred to be
he was.
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Chavit Singson, one of his
illegal gambling. I called for
leave of absence pending
impeached instead. And so

Paragraph 16: The process of removing a bad president before his time went
surprisingly fast. Yet, the cards were stacked in the President’s favor
by a Senate largely in his pocket. It took three years after Ninoy’s
assassination to oust a tyrant. We wondered how long it would take to
remove a popular, but dishonest president.

Paragraph 17: But knowledge indeed empowers. The impeachment trial of

President Estrada was covered live by television and radio and avidly
followed by the people for five to six hours a day, five days a week.

Paragraph 18: It was like taking a course in political science, with a major in
political responsibility. Let me say that the people graduated with top
honors. They threw out the President when his allies in the Senate
voted to suppress the evidence.

Paragraph 19: As if on a given signal, an outraged citizenry in the middle of

the night converged at the Shrine of Our Lady of EDSA. They went to
show their anger at the treachery of the eleven senators. They went to
show their conviction of the President’s guilt. Above all, they came to
pray together for a just resolution of the crisis of government.

Paragraph 20: What they wanted to do was bring the matter up to God, even
as they were already resolved to take action if they did not get a clear
answer from Him. In their grim determination and iron resolve, God
had already spoken: action by people power again.

Paragraph 21: To be sure, the allies of the President also helped. One of
them, taunted the people by saying that they would tire of it all and go
home in five days. He was right. On the fifth day, the people started
going home after witnessing the swearing in of the new President,
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

Paragraph 21: Critics of the event called it “mob rule”, a “ virtual coup
d’etat”, “undemocratic” and “unconstitutional”.

Paragraph 22: Was it mob rule? Did we preempt the Constitution? We gave
the Constitution every chance to work; we gave the President every
chance to defend himself.

Paragraph 23: In a constitution providing for ways to remove him before the
end of his term: by resignation, by leave of absence, and by
impeachment. The first two depend on his sense of propriety and do
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not work when he has none. The third depends on the integrity of the
legislature.

Paragraph 24: Not surprisingly, the President himself recommended his own
impeachment. But when he was impeached he did everything to
undermine the impeachment process by blocking the evidence.

Paragraph 25: What then were to the people to do?

Paragraph 26: To sit back and wait for the next elections made nonsense of
the constitutional provision for the removal of a president guilty of
impeachable offenses. The only recourse was to enforce the
impeachment in the streets after its failure in the Senate. That is what
the people did.

Paragraph 27: Critics in the West say we would have waited. But time is too
precious to waste, and no one should mock a constitution by using an
impeachment to hide his guilt rather than show his innocence.

Paragraph 28: Some critics have called it Rich People’s Power because it
ousted a man who pretended to care for the poor. I think there were
more rich people with the President than showed up against him at
EDSA. And there were more poor people at EDSA than the president
could hire to rally in his defense.

Paragraph 29: One advocate of people power described it as “a mysterious

and unpredictable outpouring of collective energy” that manifest itself
when we most need it. This is too much mysticism for my taste.

Paragraph 30: I have more common place view of people power. It is just the
voice of decency in the mouths of the brave. It is the predictable
manifestation of simple moral indignation when brazen injustice takes
place right before its face. It happened when the dictatorship
assassinated my husband, Ninoy Aquino, in broad daylight, under the
noses of the international press, and inside a circle of more than a
thousand soldiers.

Paragraph 31: National indignation broke anew when the President’s allies in
the Senate assassinated the truth inside the second envelope before
millions of Filipinos watching the impeachment trial on TV.

Paragraph 32: Our neighbors ask this question: With two political revolutions
in just 15 years, is the Philippine democracy sustainable?

Paragraph 33: My answer is: more than ever because we had those two
revolutions in just 15 years. The first of those revolutions restored
democracy and banished dictatorship for good; the second restored
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good government. For how long will determine whether there will be a
third.

Paragraph 34: This question is more interesting: How much of the success of
People Power 2 is owed to the new information technologies, like cell
phones, the Internet and text messaging?

Paragraph 35: These things definitely helped. But I prefer to attribute our
high rate of success in direct popular political action to three factors: a
genuine if imperfect democracy allowing a free exchange of
information, a vibrant civil society, and — but this is just as opinion
shared by millions — God.

Paragraph 36: In the last people, like in the first, we worked like everything
depended entirely on us, and prayed like everything depended solely
on God.

Paragraph 37: As usual our people and the good Lord came across as though
everything depended entirely on just one of them. Now, how can
something like that be stopped?

Paragraph 38: However, I cannot stop there.

Paragraph 39: For if the Filipino people are like a powder keg, whence comes
the spark that sets them off? It comes from God. And it is made up of
two parts.

Paragraph 40: The first is a lightly worn but very deep-rooted sense of
Christian morality.

Paragraph 41: The second is the purest example of a Christian man in the
person of the great Cardinal.

Paragraph 42: He is and has been God’s precious gift to our nation. Our
Joshua, our Commander-in-chief, in the unending war for the soul of a
Christian nation.

Paragraph 43: I pray to God to keep him with us for much, much longer, tired
though he be; for we have so far yet to go in the uncharted territory of
the future.

Paragraph 44: Many, many thanks, your Eminence!

Paragraph 45: God bless Your Eminence and God bless us all!
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This section is not really part of the research/analytical paper that is instructed and called for in
this subject, Spcm101-Rhetoric. Nevertheless, I would like to continue anyway. 

For the people who made my life worthwhile and helped me become what I am
today, this page is for you. This is not in the form of Plato’s flattery. Read it the Sheridan
way. 

To the UPLB Com Arts Society (my co-execoms, my batchmates and everyone in
the society), this academic struggle is for you guys and for the pursuit of our academic
elevation goal. Also, thank you to Pol, Ninang Z and Ate Andy for training me with graphic
designing. Kudos also to my soc classmates in Z (Eliz, Jat, Michiko, Zaza and Ecka)- we
made it this far!

To UP Oroquieta, thank you for the love, laughs, care and inspiration. And for
reminding me of a sweet home to come back after I surpassed this semester.

To Sigma Delta Pi Sorority, thank you for understanding and worthwhile

sisterhood. XOXO

To State Varsity Christian Fellowship, I owe you a lot for supplying me strength, for
introducing Him to me, for teaching me to enjoy stress and for reminding His wonderful
blessings in the worst times.

To my Mom and little bro, Marius Yves “Tiger”, thank you so much for encouraging
me to believe in myself and for giving me inspiration to do better in school and in life.
Dad, this paper would have been better if you’re here, reading it. You’re always alive in
my heart 

To my CNY Dormmates and dearest Puyat buddies-Krisha and Kambs Janelle,

thanks for staying late up night with me; special mention to Janine Rose Nacario, Angela
Mariel Milan and Gladys Quiatchon for the laptops and USB that you lend me. This paper
would not be possible without you guys. I would like to acknowledge Boston Café-One
Caldi and Coffee Twist-Original & Hazelnut flavors for powering me up during sleepless
nights.

To the person whose pictures inspired me to stay late up night, hope we could be
closer than just wallpaper-user. (chos )

To my SPCM101mates and BACA08 family, I believe we can do this and we’ll be

graduating together. Thank you for sharing the struggle, pain and efforts. I hope your
papers did great as well as mine’s. Great thanks to Sariaya Municipal Library for the ever
reliable materials for requirements!
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To my mentors in the academe especially to Sir Randwin Mercado for supplying
me knowledge about writing academic papers in COMA192 and to the one who gave me
the RARA, Ma’am Sarifah Artificio for introducing me to the wonderful world of Rhetoric,
for inspiring me to strive in my academics and for giving us our regular dose of mottos to
live by.

To LORD, this is not me writing this academic paper, it is us. All of these are to
glorify Your name, Thank you for all the blessings (in form of those aforementioned
individuals, knowledge and materials).

This academic means a lot to me. It did not only entail of words to become
embodiment of the Carte Blanche but also brought me to the growth that I never imagine
to exist in the midst of the hell week and struggle semester. As The Purpose Driven Life
said “It is never too late to start growing.” Believe. Grow. Do an extra mile to be excellent
and do not entertain negative thoughts. 