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Soon after election to office in 1979, the new Conservative government embarked
on a radical reconstruction of the map of regional aid. The boundaries of the assisted
areas were cut back; previously covering some 43 per cent of the UK population, they
now accounted for only 25 per cent (Figure 5.4d). They focused sharply on the hardest-
hit industrial conurbations of Scotland and the north. Within these areas aid was to be
maintained, so that the difference between the remaining assisted areas and the rest
would henceforth be very sharp. Finally, however, the requirement to obtain an
industrial development certificate was lifted for all developments of under 50,000 square
feet (4,600 m2 ); that is, from the great majority of all factory-building projects. Thus
while regional policy still offered a reduced carrot, there was virtually no stick
whatsoever. All in all, the cost savings for the new policy were estimated to amount to
more than one-third of the £609 million budget provided for 1982–3. In place of regional
policy, the Thatcher governments offered urban policies that were highly targeted on the
most problematic parts of the inner cities, which had suffered dramatic losses in
employment as the result of structural economic changes in the second half of the
1970s and the first half of the 1980s – notably, the loss of manufacturing industry and of
port and other goods-handling functions. But since these policies represented a
continuation of a trend established by the previous Labour government from 1977
onwards – albeit with very different policy measures – they are better discussed in
Chapter 6.
To reach an overall verdict on the impact of policies is not easy. The most
weighty of the academic evaluations are far from being in agreement. Nevertheless,
some fairly definite conclusions can be drawn. The first is that over the post-Second
World War period in Britain, the basic economic geography has profoundly changed.
The pattern from the late 1970s onwards is best described, in Keeble’s words, as a
centre–periphery model. The big older conurbations were losing jobs, while peripheral,
largely rural regions were gaining them: the main beneficiaries were regions like East
Anglia, the South West, rural Wales, some of rural northern England, and the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland. Many factors played a part, but among them were equalization
of location potentials because of greatly improved road transportation, a labour force
perceived to be of higher quality (and lower militancy) and, simply, a better perceived
residential environment. In contrast, the image of the older conurbations is now a
profoundly negative one. As one perceptive 96 • Urban and regional planning journalist,
Ann Lapping, put it, ‘Any manufacturer consciously locating in London would have to be
nuts.’ The second point is paradoxical: it is that regional policies have had an effect, but
that sometimes it may have been unnecessary while at other times it was barely
enough. Basically, regional policy did not pay sufficient attention to the profound
emerging differences between the conurbations and the rural peripheries, whether in
the assisted areas or elsewhere. The result was almost certainly that aid went to areas
that might have flourished without it, while in the conurbations it could not offset the
massive decline in employment. The third point is that, overall, regional policies have
undoubtedly created jobs which would not have been located in the assisted areas at all
in their absence. Though the experts differ widely in their estimates of the extent of this
job creation, it is substantial and may have averaged some 40,000 jobs a year in the
late 1960s and perhaps 10,000 jobs a year in the more depressed 1970s, on Rhodes
and Moore’s estimates. Further, since these jobs resulted in lower unemployment
benefits and higher tax yields, the net cost to the Exchequer may have been negligible
or zero. However, there does remain a doubt as to whether the precise bundle of policy
instruments has been optimal. In particular, the emphasis on subsidies to capital
(through investment grants) may have been perverse when the main emphasis was on
providing new jobs and reducing unemployment. Nevertheless, it must be recognized
that over the period 1960–80 most of the recognized indices of regional performance,
including unemployment, earnings and income, were tending to converge as between
regions. However, in this entire process the problem regions were doing little better than
standing still. Though differences narrowed, they persisted, and though new jobs were
created, they barely made up for those being lost. Furthermore, this effect is concealed
by the conventional presentation in terms of traditional standard regions. From the
mid1970s onwards, the problem of the inner conurbation cities became increasingly
serious and thus, even when regional aid was available (as in Glasgow and Liverpool,
but not in Birmingham or London), it was quite insufficient to stem the job loss. Hence
the new emphasis – begun under Labour in the late 1970s, continued by Thatcher in the
1980s – on aid targeted to the inner cities, in the form of enterprise zones, urban
development corporations, the urban programme, city grant and the like. A verdict on
these policies must await Chapter 6.
Further reading
The standard works on regional policy in the 1960s and 1970s are Gerald
Manners, David Keeble, Brian Rodgers and Kenneth Warren, Regional Development in
Britain, 2nd edition (Chichester: Wiley, 1980), and David Keeble, Industrial Location and
Planning in the United Kingdom (London: Methuen, 1976). Gavin McCrone, Regional
Policy in Britain (London: Allen & Unwin, 1969), Harry W. Richardson, Elements of
Regional Economics (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969) and A.J. Brown, The Framework
of Regional Economics in the United Kingdom (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1972), are also useful. David H. McKay and Andrew M. Cox, The Politics of
Urban Change, chapter 6 (London: Croom Helm, 1979), provides a useful summary of
policy changes. Important evaluations are Barry Rhodes and John Moore, ‘Evaluating
the Effects of British Regional Economic Policy’, Economic Journal, 33 (1973), pp. 87–
110, and ibid., ‘Regional Economic Policy and the Movement of Firms to Development
Areas’, Economia, 43 (1976), pp. 17–31. A valuable summary is Christopher M. Law,
British Regional Development since World War I (London: Methuen, 1981). For the
period since 1980, see especially Paul Lawless and Frank Brown, Urban Growth and
Change in Britain: An Introduction (Harper & Row, 1986); Paul Lawless and Colin
Raban (eds) The Contemporary British City (New York: Harper & Row, 1986); John R.
Short and Andrew Kirby (eds) The Human Geography of Contemporary Britain
(Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1984); Ray Hudson and Allan Williams, The United Kingdom
(New York: Harper & Row, 1986); and Paul N. Balchin, Regional Policy in Britain: The
North–South Divide (London: Paul Chapman, 1989). For a recent summary, see Peter
Hall, ‘The Regional Dimension’, in Barry Cullingworth (ed.) British Planning: 50 Years of
Urban and Regional Policy (London: Athlone, 1999)
TERJEMAHAN :
Soon after election to office in 1979, the Segera setelah pemilihan jabatan pada
new Conservative government embarked tahun 1979, pemerintahan Konservatif
on a radical reconstruction of the map of yang baru memulai sebuah a rekonstruksi
regional aid. The boundaries of the
radikal peta bantuan daerah. Batas
assisted areas were cut back; previously
covering some 43 per cent of the UK wilayah terbantu dipotong; sebelumnya
population, they now accounted for only mencakup sekitar 43 persen populasi
25 per cent (Figure 5.4d). They focused Inggris, mereka sekarang hanya
sharply on the hardest-hit industrial menyumbang 25 persen (Gambar 5.4d).
conurbations of Scotland and the north. Mereka fokus tajam pada yang paling
Within these areas aid was to be terpukul industri conurbations Skotlandia
maintained, so that the difference
dan utara. Di dalam area bantuan ini
between the remaining assisted areas
and the rest would henceforth be very harus dipertahankan, sehingga
sharp. Finally, however, the requirement perbedaan antara sisa area terbantu dan
to obtain an industrial development sisanya akan Selanjutnya menjadi sangat
certificate was lifted for all developments tajam. Akhirnya, bagaimanapun,
of under 50,000 square feet (4,600 m2 ); persyaratan untuk mendapatkan
that is, from the great majority of all pengembangan industri sertifikat diangkat
factory-building projects. Thus while
untuk semua perkembangan di bawah
regional policy still offered a reduced
carrot, there was virtually no stick 50.000 kaki persegi (4.600 m2); Artinya,
whatsoever. All in all, the cost savings for dari sebagian besar proyek
the new policy were estimated to amount pembangunan pabrik. Jadi sementara
to more than one-third of the £609 million regional Kebijakan masih menawarkan
budget provided for 1982–3. In place of wortel yang berkurang, hampir tidak ada
regional policy, the Thatcher
tongkat apapun. Semua seutuhnya,
governments offered urban policies that
were highly targeted on the most penghematan biaya untuk kebijakan baru
problematic parts of the inner cities, tersebut diperkirakan berjumlah lebih dari
which had suffered dramatic losses in sepertiga anggaran £ 609 juta yang
employment as the result of structural disediakan untuk tahun 1982-3.
economic changes in the second half of
the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s –
notably, the loss of manufacturing
industry and of port and other goods-
handling functions. But since these
policies represented a continuation of a
trend established by the previous Labour
government from 1977 onwards – albeit
with very different policy measures – they
are better discussed in Chapter 6.
Summary
1. Batas wilayah terbantu dipotong; sebelumnya mencakup sekitar 43 persen
populasi Inggris, mereka sekarang hanya menyumbang 25 persen (Gambar
5.4d). Mereka fokus tajam pada yang paling terpukul industri conurbations
Skotlandia dan utara
2. persyaratan untuk mendapatkan pengembangan industri sertifikat diangkat
untuk semua perkembangan di bawah 50.000 kaki persegi (4.600 m2); Artinya,
dari sebagian besar proyek pembangunan pabrik. Jadi sementara regional
Kebijakan masih menawarkan wortel yang berkurang, hampir tidak ada tongkat
apapun. Semua seutuhnya, penghematan biaya untuk kebijakan baru tersebut
diperkirakan berjumlah lebih dari sepertiga anggaran £ 609 juta yang
disediakan untuk tahun 1982-3.
3. Dalam prakteknya, seperti yang akan kita lakukan lihat di Bab 7, dana tersebut
telah digunakan untuk membantu daerah pedesaan perifer di Indonesia petani
petani berpenghasilan rendah (seperti Irlandia, Spanyol dan Portugal, Yunani
dan, pada 1990-an, utara-timur Jerman, Dataran Tinggi Skotlandia dan, yang
terakhir, Cornwall) dan yang lebih tua kawasan industri yang membutuhkan
restrukturisasi (Inggris utara dan Skotlandia tengah, utara Prancis, wilayah
Ruhr dan Saxony di Jerman.
4. Tujuan 1 daerah, didefinisikan sebagai mereka yang memiliki pengangguran
secara signifikan di atas Uni Eropa rata-rata, menerima bantuan yang paling
murah hati; di Inggris mereka saat ini termasuk daerah sebagai beragam
seperti Cornwall, Merseyside dan South Yorkshire. Banyak daerah menurun
lainnya digolongkan sebagai Tujuan 2: mereka menerima tingkat dukungan
yang lebih rendah yang dirancang untuk membantu transisi mereka.
5. Semua ini pada gilirannya mencerminkan Fakta dasar bahwa pada tahun
1990an, manufaktur tidak lagi menjadi elemen yang sangat penting Inggris,
meskipun itu agak lebih signifikan dalam hal output atau nilai tambah;
Kuncinya adalah untuk mencapai kelancaran transisi ke dunia pasca industri.
6. pada tahun 1997 ini membentuk Badan-Badan Pembangunan Daerah (RDA)
baru untuk tahun 2008 masing-masing wilayah Inggris, dan pada tahun 2001
secara substansial meningkatkan kekuatan pengeluaran mereka dengan
membangun 'Pot Tunggal' yang mencakup berbagai aspek pembangunan
ekonomi dan regenerasi Pada saat yang sama, ia mengalihkan pengawasan
RDA dari Departemen Transportasi, Pemerintah Daerah dan Daerah ke
Departemen Perdagangan dan Industri.