Professional Documents
Culture Documents
REPORTER:
CORTEZ, REA ODESA
Many thousands of municipalities, probably the majority of counties, and all 50
states make serious efforts to promote their own economic development.
There are well over 15,000 organizations in the United States devoted to
promoting local and state economic development.
Most often, such planning efforts were directed toward the transportation
infrastructure — to increasing the accessibility of the city.
In a day when overland transportation costs per ton/mile were a large multiple of
what they are today, a significant reduction in those costs could give the
merchants in one city or town an overwhelming advantage over competitors in
other cities.
HISTORIC ROOTS
ERIE CANAL
Probably the best known example in the 19th century was the building of the Erie
Canal.
In the early 1820’s, a group of New York City merchants perceived that obtaining
good access to the Midwest would confer a tremendous economic advantage on
the city.
The way to do this in the prerailroad era was to build a canal connecting the
Hudson River to Lake Erie.
By 1830’s, a decade or so after its completion, the canal was carrying close to 1
million tons of freight per year, giving New York an enormous advantage over its
two main rivals of the time, Boston and Philadelphia.
HISTORIC ROOTS
The age of canal building ended abruptly with the coming of railroad technology, but the same
story of municipal competition was repeated.
In many cases, municipalities purchased railroad bonds to provide the capital to build a line that
would put them on the map commercially.
Example:
In the period after Civil War, a number of southern communities actively
promoted the development of the textile industry by offering various forms of
financial assistance to firms in New England, which was then the textile
manufacturing center of the United States.
PERSPECTIVES ON LOCAL ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT
To discuss the present situation in local economic development, it is necessary to
make clear two different perspectives.
For several decades, local economic development efforts were heavily shaped by
federal funding and federal legislation.
Thus there is a national perspective to be considered . There are also strong local
motivations, what is good for a particular municipality or state may or may not be
good for the nation as whole.
THE FEDERAL PRESENCE IN LOCAL ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT
STRUCTURAL UNEMPLOYMENT
It refers to a mismatch between the supply of labor and the demand of labor. The
mismatch may apply to skills.
Example:
• In the 1960’s, numerous former farmers and farm workers were unemployed because
the postwar mechanization of agriculture had forced them off the land, and they lacked
skills for doing other kinds of work. At the same time, the burgeoning computer
industry was experiencing shortages of programmers, system analysts, and technicians.
• In recent years manufacturing employment in U.S. has declined sharply while health
care has been a major growth area, so high unemployment rates among industrial
workers coexist with labor severe shortages of nurses.
Thus labor shortages may coexist with labor surpluses because of a mismatch
between skills of the labor force and the needs of employers.
After a few years, however, it became apparent, not all regions or all subgroups
were doing well economically.
Appalachia – the first region for which serious concern developed
Lying between the prosperous eastern seaboard and the then-thriving
industrial Midwest, the Appalachian region seemed to be in a permanent depression
of its own.
Beginning in 1961, Congress began legislation designed to address both the skills
and the geographical mismatch sides of the structural unemployment problem.
From the municipal viewpoint, the expenditure of local funds would be justified by two things:
1. the provision of jobs for local residents
2. the increase in property and other tax revenues from the new facility.
The federal contribution was presumably justified by the decrease in structural unemployment.
Substantial federal support for local economic development has also been available from the federal
government through:
• Community Development Block Grants (CDBG)
- community funds can be used for a wide variety of economic development purposes.
• Urban Development Action Grant (UDAG)
The federal role in local economic development efforts peaked during the Carter administration (1977-
1981) and then was scaled back during the Reagan (1981-1989) and the first Bush (1989-1993)
administrations.
Attempting to reshape the geographical pattern of business investment by means of government programs
is a decision to replace the judgment of the market with the judgement of government, and that is a
decision with which are uncomfortable.
- under presidents Reagan and the elder Bush, funding for EDA was cut back, and UDAG was ended
DOES PUBLIC INTERVENTION MAKE SENSE?
Whether such federal subsidies to local development make sense from the national
viewpoint has been the subject of considerable argument.
• Conservatives have generally opposed such programs, taking the view that it is the
proper role of the national government to provide conditions under which private
economic activity can flourish but that the marketplace itself should decide how
and where capital is invested.
Industrial Revenue Bond (IRB) Funding
- one favorite tool of economic developers that has persisted to the present time.
- municipalities are allowed to issue tax exempt bonds on behalf of firms building
or acquiring commercial or industrial facilities within borders.
- the firm benefits by the lower interest rates it has to pay because of the tax
exemption feature.
- Economic developers like this kind of financing because it is essentially costless
to the municipality.
President Clinton (1993-2001)
- the federal government might take a more active roll in the support of economic development
efforts for lagging areas.
The main thrust would be to offer tax breaks for investment in places that have experienced job
losses.
In the 1980’s when General Motors indicated that it was seeking a site to manufacture its Saturn
car, numerous governors and states representatives made pilgrimages to Detroit, and a keen
bidding war developed, with states offering sites, promises of major investments in roads, and
substantial tax abatements.
- GM chose a location near Columbia, Tennessee — offer advantages in terms of labor force,
transportation, and utility rates, but which did not offer as large a subsidy package as did many
other places.
In 1991, Colorado put together a $427 million package of subsidies, direct and indirect, to attract a
$1 billion United Airlines maintenance center to Denver.
- the bid was unsuccessful, UA went to St. Louis where the subsidy package was smaller but
hardly trivial at a figure of $300 million.
In the 1990’s, Mercedes-Benz opened an automobile assembly plant in Vance, Alabama, and
BMW opened one in Spartanburg, South Carolina.
- the estimated subsidy for Mercedes $250 million range, for BMW, at about
$150 million
- on a per job basis, the Mercedes subsidy was about $168,000 and the BMW
subsidy in the $65,000 range.
In the fall of 1995, Governor George Allen of Virginia and officials of the city of
Manassas announced a $165.7 million deal that would bring a $1.2 billion IBM-Toshiba
chip-manufacturing plant to Manassas.
- the state’s share of the package was about $48 million, of which $38.4 million was a direct
cash payment to the two companies if they met certain stated employment and capital investment
targets in years five through ten.
- the city’s share was somewhat over $117 million, where $96 million took the form of
reduced taxes on machinery
- the plant is estimated to employ about 1,200 at full development—making the subsidy costs
almost $140,000 per job.
- local officials estimated that for every job at IBM-Toshiba, two additional jobs would develop
as a result of the “multiplier effect”— would reduce the per job subsidy to about
$46,000.
For the state or locality that provides a big subsidy package in order to attract a new
industry, the net pay-off may be positive or negative.
On the positive side, there are incomes from new jobs and increased tax revenue
from the additional economic activity and property development.
On the other hand, economic growth promotes population growth—additional
expenses for schools, social services, handling the increased flow of traffic, and
the like.
Whether, after taking account of the cost of subsidization, the increased revenues
will be more than or less than the additional expenses will vary from case to case.
Whether or not a new firm will raise average wages in an area may also be
problematical.
Beyond using their own funds to attract firms, states will often pursue federal
investment within their boundaries.
That attempt might mean using influence and power that the state’s congressional
delegation has to push for having parts of a multibillion-dollar weapons system
made in their state.
It might mean pushing for the opening of a new federal facility built in their state
rather than somewhere else.
It might mean having the state’s congressional delegation do everything it can to
resist a decision to close a military base in the state.
Pursuit of federal funds for highway construction would be another example, for
accessibility is an important consideration when firms make location decisions.